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Assianism
View on WikipediaAssianism | |
|---|---|
| Уацдин | |
| Type | Ethnic religion |
| Classification | Iranian, Caucasian neopagan |
| Scripture | Nart saga |
| Theology | Polytheistic |
| Polity | Ossetia |
Assianism (Ossetian: Уацдин, romanized: Wacdin)[a], sometimes called Uatsdin is a polytheistic, ethnic and folk religion derived from the traditional narratives of the Ossetians, modern descendants of the Alans of the Scythian tribes, believed to be a continuation of the ancient Scythian religion.[3] It started to be properly reorganized in a conscious way during the 1980s, as an ethnic religion among the Ossetians.[4]
The religion has been incorporated by some organisations, chiefly in North Ossetia–Alania within Russia, but is also present in South Ossetia,[5] and in Ukraine.[6] The Nart sagas are central to the religion, and exponents of the movement have drawn theological exegeses from them.[7]
Etymology and definition
[edit]
The revival of Ossetian folk religion as an organised religious movement was initially accorded the formal name Ætsæg Din (Æцæг Дин, "True Faith") in the 1980s[4] by a group of nationalist intellectuals who in the early 1990s constituted the sacerdotal Styr Nykhas ("Great Council").[9] Ætsæg, meaning "truthful", is the name of the foundational kinship in the Nart sagas, while din corresponds to the Avestan daena, meaning divine "understanding" or "conscience", and today "religion".[9] Fearing that the concept of Ætsæg Din carried implications of universal truth that might offend Christians and Muslims, the Ossetian linguist Tamerlan Kambolov coined the alternative term Uatsdin (Уацдин) in 2010, which has become the most common name for the religion in Ossetian.[9] Daurbek Makeyev, the most known exponent of the movement, has preferred to name it Æss Din (Æсс Дин), meaning the "religion of the Æss", "As" or "Os", an alternative ancient name of the Alans, preserved in the Russian and Georgian name "Ossetians", and root from which the ancient Greeks likely drew the term "Asia".[1] Khetag Morgoyev, the leader of the religious organisation Ætsæg Din, also uses the simple name Iron Din (Ирон Дин, "Ossetian Faith") while rejecting the name Uatsdin, in which, according to his opinion, he sees no sense.[2] In his Russian-language writings Makeyev has used the Russian variation of Æss Din, Assianstvo (Ассианство), i.e. "Assianism".[10]
Ruslan Kurchiev, president of the Styr Nykhas in 2019, prefers to define Assianism as a "culture" rather than a "religion", claiming that what it champions are rituals and values which are encapsulated in the Ossetian tradition.[11] Similarly, representatives of the Dzuary Lægtæ ("Holy Men"), the council of the priests of the Ossetian sanctuaries, define Assianism, by citing the folklorist and ethnographer Soslan Temirkhanov, as "[...] a worldview [...] that arouses that holy spark that raises a person, illuminates and warms his soul, makes him strive for good and light, gives him courage and strength to fearlessly fight evil and vice, inspires him to self-sacrifice for the good of others". According to them, this Ossetian worldview is "not some form of perception abstracted from material, productive activity, but on the contrary, it is interwoven and reflects all aspects of being, at the same time being the very basis of being, an ontological principle, which we can phenomenologically characterise as pantheism", a worldview characterised by "intertwining, interconnection, interdependence" which favours a natural "logical-conceptual type of thinking and discursive thinking".[12] Khetag Morgoyev defines the religion in similar terms, while emphasising its similarity to other Indo-European traditions, and especially its "almost identicity" to Indo-Iranian traditions.[2]
According to the scholar Richard Foltz, despite claims to antiquity, from a scholarly point of view the movement "can be comfortably analysed within the framework of new religious movements".[13] The adherents of Assianism object to the use of the term "Paganism" to refer to their religion, such term having strong derogatory connotations in Ossetian language and being still used by Christians and Muslims to ridicule traditional Ossetian beliefs and practices.[14]
History
[edit]
From the ancient Scythians to the modern Ossetians
[edit]The Scythians were a large group of Iranian (linguistically Eastern Iranian) nomadic tribes who populated the Eurasian Steppe during the first millennium BCE, from Eastern Europe to western China. Their name "Scythians" comes from Greek, Σκύθοι Skuthoi, meaning the "archers", a skill for which they were known and feared. They left a rich cultural legacy, particularly in the form of gold jewellery, frequently found in the "kurgan" burials associated with them. They practised the ancient Iranian religion.[15]
A group of Scythian tribes, the Sarmatians, known as the Alans (i.e. "Aryans", through a common internal consonant shift, i.e. "Iranians"[16]) from the first century onwards, migrated into Europe. Allied with the Germanic Goths, the Alans penetrated west into France, Italy, Spain, and other territories under the Roman Empire. The Romans tried to manage the threat by hiring them as mercenaries in the cavalry, or, particularly in France, by buying them off as landed gentry. Many toponyms in France, such as Alainville, Alaincourt, Alençon, and others, testify that they were territorial possessions of Alan families. Alan equestrian culture formed the basis of Medieval chivalry, and in general Alan culture had a significant role—though rarely recognised—in the development of Western European culture.[17]
While most of the Scythians assimilated into other ethnic groups by the Middle Ages, the Alans of the Caucasus maintained a distinct identity and continued to dominate the area, so that the Byzantine Empire recognised them as an independent allied kingdom. Through their relations with the Byzantines and missionaries from Georgia in the south, the Alan aristocracy adopted Eastern Orthodox Christianity during the tenth century. This, however, had little effect on the general Alan population, so that the thirteenth-century Flemish traveller William of Rubruck reported that "they knew nothing (of Christianity) apart from the name of Christ". The Ossetians are the sole modern population culturally and linguistically descending from the Alans, and they have preserved beliefs and rituals likely dating back to Scythian religion, even through waves of partial syncretisation with Christianity.[18]
After the conquests of the Mongol Empire in the Caucasus during the mid-thirteenth century, contacts between the Alans and Eastern Orthodox religious authorities ceased completely, and their superficial Christianisation was stopped. There is evidence that between the fourteenth and the seventeenth century, shrines which were apparently built in honour of Christian saints were converted to indigenous Pagan use.[19] The Russian Empire's expansion in the Caucasus by the end of the eighteenth century brought with itself Russian Orthodox missionaries who sought to "re-Christianise" the Ossetians. Their efforts had had limited success by the time when they were completely obliterated by the Russian Revolution of 1917, which introduced the peoples of the Caucasus into the rapid processes of industrialisation, modernisation and urbanisation of the Soviet Union.[19]
Between the traditional and the new religion
[edit]
The Ossetian people are today split between two states: North Ossetia–Alania, a constituent federal republic within Russia, and the neighbouring only partially recognised state of South Ossetia. The incipient collapse of the Soviet Union in the 1980s triggered projects of identity-building among many of its constituent nations. In Ossetia, as in other nations, this involved the recovery of an "authentic national religion" harking back to pre-Christian times. Ossetian nationalism also played a role, powered by ethnic conflicts for lands and resources with neighbouring peoples in North Ossetia, and for independence in South Ossetia, a territory historically part of Georgia, whose status as an independent entity is a matter of international controversy (cf. the 2008 Russo-Georgian War).[20]
According to Victor Shnirelman, in the Ossetian case certain traditions had survived with unbroken continuity and were revived in rural areas. This contrasts, and interacts, with an urban and more intellectual movement which elaborated a systematic revived religion associated with ethnic nationalism and with the opposition to both Russian and Georgian Orthodox Christianity, perceived as foreign, and to Islam, professed by the neighbouring Turkic and Caucasian ethnic groups and by a small minority of Ossetians.[21] According to the scholar Sergey Shtyrkov, intellectual projects for the elaboration of an "ethnic religion" for the Ossetians date back to the early twentieth century, and it was with the Soviet atheist anti-religious "furious fight against Ossetian Paganism" in the 1950s that the idea appealed once again to Ossetian intellectuals. According to him it was Soviet anti-religious activism that drove ancient local practices from the sphere of "ethnic tradition" into the sphere of "religion" in the minds of the Ossetian people.[22]
The scholar Richard Foltz reconstructs the development of Ossetian religion through seven phases: 1. An original Scythian Paganism; 2. a first wave of Christianisation under Byzantine and Georgian influence from the tenth to the thirteenth century; 3. a "re-Paganization" during the fourteenth and fifteenth century following the Mongol invasions and the disruption of the contacts with the Byzantines; 4. a partial re-Christianisation during the sixteenth and seventeenth century conducted by Georgian missionaries; 5. a further re-Christianisation conducted by Russian missionaries beginning in the late eighteenth century; 6. enforced state atheism during the Soviet Union from 1921 to 1991; and 7. a resurgence of "traditional Ossetian religion" since the 1980s–1990s. According to Foltz, the narrative of the contemporary promoters of Scythian Neopaganism is that the religiosity of the Ossetians maintained a strong underlying continuity while absorbing and adapting superficial influences from Christianity, and to a lesser extent from Islam and neighbouring Caucasian traditions, superficial influences which may be easily stripped away to reveal its essential, distinct "Iranian character".[23]
Since the fall of the Soviet Union, Ossetian politicians have been outspokenly supportive of Scythian Assianism.[24] During the 1990s, after the clashes between Ossetians and Georgians in 1991–1992, a field beside a sacred grove 30 kilometres to the west of North Ossetia–Alania's capital Vladikavkaz, where the Ossetian hero Khetag was said to have taken refuge from his enemies, was dedicated by the government as a holy site. Since 1994, sacrifices are held at the site with the participation of government officials and community leaders, with activities supervised by the sacerdotal Great Council (Styr Nykhas). The ceremony is dedicated to the most important deity, Uastyrdzhi, said to have saved Khetag from his pursuers.[25] Government participation is also seen at the ceremonies organised at the Rekom Temple in Tsey, Alagirsky District, North Ossetia–Alania.[24]
Writings
[edit]The Nart sagas are regarded as the "holy writings" of Assianism, from which some exegetes of the movement, such as Daurbek Makeyev, have drawn theological doctrines.[7] The scholar Richard Foltz defines the Narts a "typical Indo-European heroic epic".[26] According to Makeyev, who according to Foltz takes an essentialist perspective, "the framework [i.e., the rituals that actualise the content of the books] is changeable" and yet "the meaning is eternal", and "the ultimate divine reality is light", reflecting a theme shared by all Iranian religions.[26] According to the scholar Sergey Shtyrkov, the Assian exegetes have created "their own dogma and theological system", through etymology and comparison with other Indo-Iranian traditions.[27] Foltz finds this effort to elaborate theological doctrines from traditional texts comparable to similar efforts found in Germanic Heathenry and modern Hellenism.[24] Apart from the Narts, there are two other traditional texts, both in poetic and in prosaic forms, the Daredzant and the Tsartsiat.[28] The artist and architect Slava Dzhanaïty has published many books on the Ossetian folk religion, emphasising its philosophical aspects in contrast to the more practical leaning of Makeyev's writings.[29]
Theology and cosmology
[edit]
The Dzuary Lægtæ and Khetag Morgoyev define Assian theo-cosmology as a pantheism and non-dualism.[31] Assianism contemplates the worship of a supreme God, Xwytsau (Хуыцау), who is the creator of the universe and of all beings,[32] and is the universe itself, or the universe is "the body of God", comprising both the immanent material world of living and the transcendent spiritual world of God, where the dead make return.[2] It has "no tangible, personal qualities, nor extension in space and time",[33] and it is pure light.[2] The transcendent spiritual dimension of God is the "World of Light" (Рухс Дун, Rukhs Dun) or "True World" (Æцæг Дун, Ætsæg Dun), while the immanent material dimension of life is the "Illusory World" (Мæнг Дун, Mæng Dun).[2] The supreme God may be called upon by a multiplicity of epithets, including simply "Styr Xwytsau" (Стыр Хуыцау), meaning "Great God", but also "Duneskænæg" (Дунескæнæг), "Creator of the Universe", "Meskænæg Xwytsau" (Мескаенаег Хуыцау) and "Xwytsauty Xwytsau" (Хуыцаутты Хуыцау), meaning "God of the Gods".[34] Assian theology affirms that God is within every creature, is "the head of everything", and in humans it manifests as reason, measure and righteousness (bar).[34]
God and its triune manifestations
[edit]Lesser gods, including the most important of them, Uastyrdzhi,[35] are worshipped as intermediaries of Xwytsau.[36] Defined as "forces" and "spirits", they are the "ideas" through which the supreme God governs the universe.[37] In another definition, they are God's "immanent manifestations", elements of the single whole, endowed with form and functions.[38]
The supreme God unfolds in triads. The fundamental triad is that of God–matter–spirit:[39][40]
- Xwytsau / Xuitsau (Хуыцау, "Heaven") — is the supreme God of the universe, the source of it and of the highest wisdom attainable by humans, creator and patron of worlds, without either image or form, ineffable and omnipresent;
- Iuag (Иуаг) or Iuæg (Иуæг) — is the substance-matter of everything, both uncreated and created worlds;
- Ud (Уд) — is the universal self, that is attained by an individual soul when it identifies with Mon (Мон), the universal mind-spirit, i.e. God's manifestation; ultimately, Mon and Ud are the same, and they are Xwytsau's manifestations.
On the plane of the phenomenon, God's universal mind-spirit further manifests as the triad of:[39][40]
- Uas (Уас = "Truth", "Good Word") or Ard (Ард = "Right", "Law") — the order of God, which produces well-being in reality;
- Uastyrdzhi (Уастырджи) — the good-spell incarnated in humanity, who are bearers of divine reason, enlightened consciousnesses, awareness of God; in other words, Uastyrdzhi is the archetype of the perfected man, follower of the order of God, and is the mediator of all other deities;
- Duagi (дуаги; pl. дауджытæ / дауджита → daudzhytæ / daudzhita) or duag (дуаг) and barduag (бардуаг) — gods, deities, forces which continuously mould the world alternating forms according to the order of God; the most important among them are the arvon daudzhita (арвон дауджита), the seven deities of the seven planets.
Another distinction is established between the three cosmological states of:[39][40]
- Zedy (зэды, pl. задтæ → zadtæ) or zhad (жад) — tutelary forces, generative deities, which accompany the birth and development of beings according to the order of God;
- Uayugi (уайуги, pl. уайгуытæ / уайгуыта → uayguytæ / uayguyta) or uayug (уайуг) — destructive forces which violate the order of God and distance from light; in humankind they are the cause of passions, fears, pride and nervous diseases;
- Dalimon (далимон) — the lowest possible state of mind when it identifies with brute matter, chaos; its meaning is "lower (dali) spirit (mon)" and is also a category comprising all terrestrial unclear entities, contrasted with ualimon (уалимон), "upper (uali) spirit (mon)", which comprises all celestial clear entities.[41]
In the theology of Khetag Morgoyev, barduag is a general concept comprehending the zhad and the dzuar (дзуар), with the former representing the deities as transcendent ideas and the latter their immanent extension. The term dzuar is indeed used polysemantically for both a given deity and its shrine(s).[38] The activity of the barduag is called minzhvar (минжвар), a concept difficult to be translated which means "making connections", "arranging things in the right way".[38] The most important of them are the cycles of nature and of the cycles of human economy, which coalesce and interconnect in the time–space continuum, constituting the calendar of the year.[38] Each thing has its zhad, there are zhads of the kins/families, of villages, of natural environments; each phenomenon, event and point of time–space contains a zhad.[38]
The seven planetary deities and other deities
[edit]
Like other ancient Iranian religions, the ancient Scythian religion contemplated seven deities (арвон дауджита, arvon daudzhita) as most important among the others, each of which associated to a planet and to certain natural phenomena,[40][42] living beings and plants.[35] The total number of daudzhita recorded in traditional Ossetian texts is about ninety.[35] Uastyrdzhi is the chief among them, as he can access directly the supreme Xwytsau, and all the other deities are introduced by him.[35] They are believed to either favour or punish people, and therefore sacrifices (of bulls, rams, and sometimes goats) are offered to them.[35]
Herodotus attested the seven Scythian gods as: Papaios (corresponding to Zeus), the sky god; Tabiti (Hestia), the hearth goddess (today called Safa, and symbolically associated to the sacred chain of the hearth of the house[35]); Api (Gaia), the earth goddess; Oitosyros (Apollo), the sun god; Argimpasa (Aphrodite), the fertility goddess; and "Herakles" and "Ares" for whom Herodotus did not provide the Scythian name. In ancient Ossetian, the seven days of the week were still named after the seven deities,[42] and, in the conservative Digor dialect of Ossetian, Monday is still Avdisar, "Head of the Seven".[43] According to Foltz, "Ares" was probably Mithra, and the modern Uastyrdzhi; he was widely worshipped through altars in the form of a sword planted in a pile of stones or brushwood. The cult of the sword continued among the Alans as late as the first century CE. Herodotus also mentioned an eighth deity worshipped among the Royal Scythians, Thagimasidas, the water god, equated with Poseidon.[42]
The modern Ossetians have preserved the sevenfold-eightfold structure, though the deities have changed as have their names, which in some cases are adaptations of the names of Christian saints: Uastyrdzhi (whose name derives from "Saint George"), the god of contracts and war (the Iranian Mithra), but also general archetype of men and of disadvantaged people;[35] Uatsilla ("Saint Elijah"), the thunder god; Uatstutyr ("Saint Theodore"), the protector of wolves; Fælværa (maybe the conflation of "Florus and Laurus"), the protector of livestock; Kurdalægon, the blacksmith god (the Iranian Kaveh, Kawa); Donbettyr, the water god; Mikaelgabyrta (conflation of "Michael and Gabriel"), the fertility and underworld god; and Æfsati, the god of the hunt.[44]
Ethics
[edit]According to Assian doctrines, human nature is the same as the nature of all being. Humankind is a microcosm within a macrocosm, or broader context, and the same is true for all other beings. The universe is kept in harmony by Uas or Ard, the order of God, the foundation of divine reason, measure, and righteousness (bar). The deities (daudzhita or ualimon) form the world according to this universal law, while demons (uayguyta or dalimon) are those entities which act disrupting the good contexts of the deities, and are the causes of illness and death.[45][40] Every entity is governed "by it itself" within its own sphere of responsibility; God and its order are not seen as an external force of coercion.[38]
These positive and negative forces also influence humanity's consciousness: A person may take the side of either deities or demons, and this choice will shape this person's life and action. If a person is able to subdue passions, not putting exclusively egoistic material motives in their actions, they become open to the Uas, or its receptacle (уасдан, uasdan; good-spell receptacle), a wise noble who perceives the order of God and higher spirits and receives their energy, acting like them by producing good, truth and beauty. On the contrary, if a person's actions are driven by egoistic material ends, Dalimon and demons own that person, who then becomes a source of evil, lies and ugliness.[40] In the words of Khetag Morgoyev, humankind is endowed with the free will to choose between good and evil, deities and demons.[38]
Practices
[edit]Myths and rites
[edit]
By citing V. I. Dobrenkov, the Dzuary Lægtæ emphasise the semantic unity of myth and ritual within the practice of the cult, the first being "a system of verbal symbols" and the second being "a system of symbols as objects and actions".[47] There is much variation of myths and rites throughout Ossetia, though underlaid by the same semantics, testifying the vitality of the tradition.[47] According to Shtyrkov, the modern Assian movement tries "to create a unified ritual system, every tiny element of which has a theological motivation".[48] There have been efforts in the second half of the 2010s for the creation of a unified Ossetian religious calendar.[49]
The Ossetian calendar has many days dedicated to ceremonies, some of which are performed within the household and others at outdoor sacred spaces.[50] Household ceremonies are centred around the hearth chain (safa, which functions as a symbol of the hearth goddess Safa, representing the world tree[51]) which upholds a cauldron, over a fire (the holy element in Indo-Iranian religions).[50] There are sixty fixed celebrations throughout the year,[50] the most important of which is the Week of Uastyrdzhi beginning the last Tuesday of November.[52] Holidays are linked to the days of the week, the phases of the moon, and the solstices; for example, the Ossetian New Years is celebrated on the second Thursday of January.[49] The Day of Uastyrdzhi, together with those of Uatstutyr and Uatsilla, form the complex of the solar holidays, with the three deities representing the three interconnected phases of the Sun and the corresponding manifestations in nature and in the economic activities of mankind; Uastyrdzhi is the Winter Sun which dies and then rises again, Uatstutyr is the Spring Sun which becomes more and more powerful towards Summer, while Uatsilla is the Summer Sun in its full splendor, whose power then fades in Autumn towards the new Uastyrdzhi.[53]
Ritual ceremonies consist in holding a feast (фынг, fyng or кувд, kuvyn) in honour of a particular deity. The ceremony is led by a "holy man" (dzuary læg), who invokes the deity through the offering of a "toast", kuyvd (куывд), which also means "prayer", towards the sky. Beer is the substance usually offered in libation, though it may be substituted by any type of strong liquor. During the ceremony other toasts are made to the other deities, and ceremonial cakes made from cheese (ualibakh) are consumed along with meat from an animal sacrificed for the ritual.[50] Only herbivorous animals like bulls, rams, goats or lambs, are acceptable as sacrifice, and fish are accepted too.[54] Much like ancient Scythians, as attested by Herodotus, the Ossetians do not sacrifice omnivorous animals like pigs, and chickens.[55] Beer and other alcoholic beverages are also generously consumed for each toast, echoing the ancient Scythian custom.[46] Such ceremonies may be accompanied by a circular dance called simd. A distinctive version of the simd has one circle of dancers standing on the shoulders of another circle of dancers. The Narts tell that the simd was invented by the hero Soslan.[56] A system of divination using sticks, already attested in Herodotus' accounts of Scythian customs, is still practised today.[43]
The scheme of the prayer displays the process of creation of the world: Starting with the invocation of the supreme God, the supreme source, then it tells about the beginning and manifestation of things; graphically, it is compared to a mandala, a point from which the forces of the world depart in circle.[57] The same scheme is also represented by the ceremonial cake, constituted by three circular layers with a hole in the middle, representing the three levels of reality: sky, Sun and water/earth.[57] The three-legged ceremonial table itself represents the threefold model of reality, while its round surface — like the round surface of the ceremonial cake — represents the Sun and the infiniteness of God.[58] On the table is also laid down the meat of sacrificed animals with an equilateral cross (dzuar, the same term for the manifested state of a deity) carved on the forehead, which represents the point of origination and manifestation of divinity like the hole at the centre of the ceremonial cake.[59] For a particular deity worshipped during the feast, another ceremonial cake, different from the main one, is prepared and laid down on the ceremonial table. This cake is constituted by three triangular pies arranged to form a nine-pointed star if looked from above.[57]
Shrines and temples
[edit]Ossetian deities are associated with natural phenomena, and communal ceremonies are usually held at natural shrines or sanctuaries called kuvandon (кувандон, literally "place of prayer"), which are often provided with a temple built in wood or stone.[63] Sanctuaries may be in groves, forests, on hills, in fields, in caves, and in any place where it is believed there being a "strong energy field".[35] The journalist Alan Mamiev observed that "Ossetians pray in nature" and "every family has its own shrine on their land".[64] Slava Dzhanaïty, who projected the reconstruction the Rekom Temple, an important Ossetian shrine in Tsey, Alagirsky District, North Ossetia–Alania, destroyed by an accidental fire in 1995,[65] observed that:[64]
Gratefully appreciating the works of nature, the ancient sage did not build gigantic structures that stand out and argue with the environment created by the world's best architect mother nature, just as he did not try to restrict the presence of the Spirit within fixed boundaries. [...] the shrine is both the building itself and the land that surrounds it; the whole is in complete harmony with nature. Therefore, the shrine should not rise above nature or make it ugly; Ossetian shrines are constructed only of local natural materials, and the architectural lines are designed to mimic the surrounding natural features.
Ruslan Kuchiev, the president of the Styr Nykhas in 2019, said:[64]
It is these sacred places that give us our energy. [...] You have to be part of nature, that's what our ancestors thought. You have to live in harmony with the things that surround you.
There are many shrines in Ossetia; the Alagir region alone has about three hundred of them.[35] In the village of Gaiat, in the region of Digoria of western Ossetia there is a temple dedicated to the cosmological seven deities.[66] These shrines are places where to make oaths, contracts, weddings, and where to identify violators of the divine law, the Ard.[35] Within the private household, the most sacred area is the khadzar (хждзар); it is the kuvandon of the house, where the hearth and the chain of the goddess Safa are located.[51] The sacred chain of Safa is also present at many public kuvandon.[35] Such chain symbolises the world tree which connects the three realms of sky, Sun and water/earth.[58]
Symbolism
[edit]
The most important symbol in Assianism, according to the Dzuary Lægtæ, is the Uatsamongzh (Уацамонгж) or Uatsamonga (Уацамонга), a bowl, goblet or cup mentioned in the Ossetian Nart epics whose name means "indicating (amongzh) truth (uats)" or "revelator of divinity". It is a symbol of truth representing the inverted vault of the sky, which can saturate the worthy ones (the hero of the Nart epics) with unearthly knowledge. The origins of this symbol go back to the earliest Indo-Europeans and it is also present in later Celtic and Germanic cultures. In medieval Western European legends, the magic chalice took the Christianised form of the Holy Grail.[67] Another important symbol within the religion is the horse, another ancient Indo-European symbol, which is associated in Ossetian culture with funeral rites, with both celestial and terrestrial forces, and which appears as the steed of deities in many visions.[68]
The "Three Tears of God" (Trislezi Boga), a symbol representing Assian theology and three most important Ossetian shrines, was first "perceived" and drawn by the architect and painter Slava Dzhanaïty, and has become the most common symbol of the faith, "seen everywhere throughout North and South Ossetia on t-shirts, car stickers, and advertisements".[8] Within the three "tears" of Dzhanaïty's symbol there are three equilateral crosses; "cross" is said dzuar in Ossetian, the same term for the manifestation of divinity.[59] The three most important Ossetian shrines that the symbol represents are the Rekom Temple, the Mykalygabyrtæ Temple to the southeast of Rekom, and the Tarandzhelos Temple located south of Mount Kazbek in Georgia.[69]
Relations with other philosophies and religions
[edit]
With Eurasianism
[edit]In 2009, at the Center for Conservative Research of Moscow State University, a conference was held about the role of Ossetians in Russian history led by the Eurasianist philosopher Aleksandr Dugin. Among participants there was Daurbek Makeyev, the head of the Atsætæ religious organisation of Assianism. On that occasion, Dugin praised the revitalisation of Ossetian culture for it having preserved a pristine Indo-European heritage. He discussed the importance of Scythian culture in the development of broader Eurasia, recognising that Scythian culture had an enormous impact on the development of Finno-Ugric, Turkic and Slavic cultures, and despite this European scholars have paid little attention to it so far. Makeyev declared that the Atsætæ organisation was founded for fostering traditional Ossetian religion, but also to share the heritage of Assianism with other peoples, because "what was preserved in Ossetia is not [merely] Ossetian, but is a worldwide heritage".[70] Russian Assian resources present the religion as a universal truth "addressed to the whole world".[40]
With Christianity
[edit]This section may be unbalanced towards certain viewpoints. (May 2024) |
Scythian Assian leaders, notably Daurbek Makeyev, have articulated strong positions against Christianity, criticising it for its alien origins, its Jewish origins, and criticising the corruption of the Russian Orthodox Church. In 2002 and 2007 works he states that the Christian religion breaks the connection of a nation with its own spirit, thus dooming this nation to degeneration and death:[71]
2002: A person who abandoned his people's God and adopted the alien faith (ideology) from Moses' followers brings damnation not only upon himself and his descendants but upon his whole people and all their lands and possessions. [...] If the people forget their [religious] tradition, it will lose its significance to God and be doomed to extinction.
2007: Moses understood perfectly that to betray some people's God means to break off their roots, to bring about universal debauchery, to loosen traditional values and thereby weaken their ethnic identity and make that people perish. He considered a betrayal of somebody's God as the ultimate crime — as a crime against the Nation.
At the same time, Makeyev criticises Christianity for its anti-environmentalist essence, which stems from a theology which separates God from nature, and the sacred from the profane. In a 2019 speech he affirmed:[26]
Unlike in Christianity which separates God from his Creation, we take a collective approach where everything is interconnected. [...] They think that only the specific plot of land on which a shrine sits is holy. [...] They go to Rekom [Ossetia's most important popular shrine] and they treat it as if it were a church, separate from the surrounding area. No one would throw garbage at Rekom itself, but they don't realize that there is no division between sacred and non-sacred land; every place has its resident deity, who will be offended if anyone violates its sanctity.
The Dzuary Lægtæ articulate a historical critique of Christianisation: For them, Orthodox Christianity is an "alien religion" that "seeks to captivate and corrupt the souls of the conquered", and in Ossetia it was spread by foreigners and by the tsarist autocracy through coercion, by police measures and by luring children and the poor with gifts, a process which led to the disintegration of families and to the ruin of farms. According to them, Islam spread among the Ossetians as an alternative to avoid forced Christianisation.[72] The Russian Orthodox Church is for them a "socio-cultural and cultural-political problem" in Ossetia, as it has "neither knowledge of the peculiarities of Ossetia, nor interest in its culture, nor concern for its future".[73]
The movement of Scythian Assianism has attracted strong hostility and complaints from Christian and Islamic authorities. The Russian Orthodox archbishop Leonid in Moscow sought to silence Makeyev by trying to ban his books as "extremist literature", calling on his personal contacts when he was a general in the Federal Security Service. The Russian Orthodox Church has also been trying to have the Rekom Temple destroyed and a church built in its place, but without success so far.[74]
Demography and institutions
[edit]
The movement of Scythian Assianism is present in both North Ossetia–Alania and South Ossetia, though it is more widespread in the former.[5] Some categories particularly well represented among the believers are the military, hunters, and sportsmen, attracted by the heroic ethics of the Narts, but also intellectuals and artists.[11] According to Shtyrkov, the movement "occupies a visible place in the social landscape of the republic".[75] Scythian Assianism is also popular in Russia and Ukraine among Cossacks, especially those who claim a Scythian identity to distinguish themselves from Slavs. Some of them identify within the category of Rodnovery, the general "Slavic Native Faith".[76] According to Foltz, the movement has become so widespread among the Ossetians that its success is "unrivalled" among all Neopagan religious movements.[74] According to the 2012 Arena Atlas complement to the 2010 census of Russia, 29.4% of the population of North Ossetia (comprising Ossetians as well as ethnic Russians) were adherents of the Ossetian Pagan religion.[77] Authorities of the religion itself claim that a large majority of over 55% of the ethnic Ossetians are adherents of the religion.[78]
On 18 May 2014, the "Forum of Ossetian Kins–National Forum 'Alania'" was held with the participation of 1,500 delegates of Ossetian traditional kins from both North Ossetia and South Ossetia. Among the issues considered at the forum, the kins drafted a document entitled On Amendments and Additions to the Constitution of the Republic of North Ossetia–Alania in which they proposed, "in order to preserve and develop the culture of the Ossetian people", the constitutional recognition of the Ossetian worldview and religion as "the most important part" of Ossetian culture, the recognition of the Ossetian mountainous regions as "the material basis of the spiritual enlightenment of the Ossetian and other Indo-European (Aryan) peoples from ancient times to the present [...] The sacred center of the Ossetian people, of general Aryan significance", and the adoption of a framework for the standardisation of the Ossetian language as a state language.[79]
Russia
[edit]- Council of Priests for Ancient Sanctuaries—Dzuary Lægtæ (Совет служителей древних святилищ "Дзуары Лæгтæ") — a informal council for the coordination of the Ossetian clergy formed between 2014 and 2016 in Vladikavkaz, North Ossetia–Alania, on the initiative of the public organisation of the Ossetian kins Yudzinad (Иудзинад);[80]
- Atsætæ—Mozdoksky District's Community of the As (Районная моздокская община Ассов "Ацæтæ") — an organisation registered in 2009 in the city of Mozdok, North Ossetia–Alania, under leadership of Daurbek Makeyev;[81]
- Ætsæg Din (Æцæг Дин) — an organisation registered in Vladikavkaz in 2009 and related to the Atsætæ community;[81]
- Community of the Temple of Mairam of the High Tower (Цъæззиу Уалæмæсыг Майрæмы дзуары къорд) — in the Kurtat Gorge, Vladikavkaz;[81]
- Styr Nykhas ("Great Council") — established in 1993 in North Ossetia–Alania;[82]
- All-Russian Movement of the Scythians (Всероссийское движение скифов).[83]
South Ossetia
[edit]Ukraine
[edit]- North Caucasian Scythian Regional Fire[6]
See also
[edit]Citations
[edit]References
[edit]- ^ a b Foltz 2019, pp. 325–326.
- ^ a b c d e f Shizhensky 2018a, p. 128.
- ^ Foltz 2019, passim.
- ^ a b Foltz 2019, p. 321.
- ^ a b Foltz 2019, p. 318.
- ^ a b Lesiv 2013, pp. 167–169.
- ^ a b Shtyrkov 2011, p. 240; Foltz 2019, p. 328.
- ^ a b Foltz 2019, pp. 328–330.
- ^ a b c Foltz 2019, p. 325.
- ^ Makeyev 2007.
- ^ a b Foltz 2019, p. 330.
- ^ Shizhensky 2018b, p. 135.
- ^ Foltz 2020, p. 40.
- ^ Foltz 2020, p. 42, note 2.
- ^ Foltz 2019, pp. 314–315.
- ^ Foltz 2019, p. 315, note 1.
- ^ Foltz 2019, p. 315.
- ^ Foltz 2019, p. 316.
- ^ a b Foltz 2019, pp. 316–317.
- ^ Foltz 2019, p. 317.
- ^ Shnirelman 2002, pp. 202–207: "Since the turn of the 1980s, a growth of Neo-Paganism has been observed in the Middle Volga region, in North Ossetia-Alaniia, and in Abkhazia. Pagan traditions had never disappeared there completely and, in contrast to the Slavic and Baltic regions, there was no need to invent too much by reference to books, as almost all the resources were intact there. Thus, in these regions, interest in Paganism developed in two different environments: firstly, in the countryside with its unbroken continuity of traditional folk beliefs, and secondly, in the urbanized areas where local, highly secularized intellectuals began to construct a new synthetic religion in order to overcome a crisis of identity. In the latter case, this was a manifestation of local ethnic nationalism resisting Russian Orthodoxy as a "religion of exploiters". [...] Contemporary Neo-Paganism is constituted by two different branches—one of a "bookish" approach which is artificially cultivated by urbanized intellectuals who have lost their links with folk tradition, and the other, more authentic, is of a rural movement based on a continuity rooted in the remote past. The first dominates among the Russians, Ukrainians, Belorussians, Lithuanians, Latvians, and Armenians and can be defined as an "invention of tradition", after Eric Hobsbawm (1983). A more complex pattern can be observed among the ethnic groups of the Middle Volga River region as well as among the Ossetians and Abkhazians, where both tendencies are interacting with one another."
- ^ Shtyrkov 2011, pp. 239–240.
- ^ Foltz 2019, pp. 320–321.
- ^ a b c Foltz 2019, p. 328.
- ^ Shnirelman 2002, pp. 204–205; Foltz 2019, p. 328.
- ^ a b c Foltz 2019, p. 327.
- ^ Shtyrkov 2011, pp. 240–241.
- ^ Shizhensky 2018b, p. 140.
- ^ Foltz 2019, p. 329.
- ^ Foltz 2020, pp. 43–44.
- ^ Shizhensky 2018a, p. 128; Shizhensky 2018b, p. 135.
- ^ Foltz 2019, p. 322.
- ^ Shizhensky 2018b, p. 141.
- ^ a b Schmitz 2015, pp. 1–2; Shizhensky 2018a, p. 130.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k Shizhensky 2018b, p. 142.
- ^ Schmitz 2015, pp. 1–2.
- ^ Shizhensky 2018b, pp. 141–142.
- ^ a b c d e f g Shizhensky 2018a, p. 130.
- ^ a b c Shizhensky 2018a, pp. 130–131; Shizhensky 2018b, pp. 141–142.
- ^ a b c d e f g "Основные положения традиционной осетинской веры" [Basic provisions of the traditional Ossetian faith]. wacdin.com. Ассианство / Уацдин (Assianism / True Faith). Archived from the original on 26 April 2017.
- ^ Shizhensky 2018a, pp. 130–131.
- ^ a b c Foltz 2019, pp. 318–320.
- ^ a b Foltz 2020, p. 42.
- ^ Foltz 2019, pp. 320–323.
- ^ Shizhensky 2018a, pp. 130–131; Shizhensky 2018b, p. 142.
- ^ a b Foltz 2020, p. 41.
- ^ a b Shizhensky 2018b, p. 136.
- ^ Shtyrkov 2011, p. 241.
- ^ a b Shizhensky 2018b, p. 143.
- ^ a b c d Foltz 2019, p. 323.
- ^ a b Shizhensky 2018a, p. 133; Shizhensky 2018b, p. 142.
- ^ Shizhensky 2018a, p. 131; Shizhensky 2018b, p. 143.
- ^ Shizhensky 2018a, p. 131.
- ^ Shizhensky 2018a, p. 133; Foltz 2020, p. 47.
- ^ Foltz 2020, p. 41, 47.
- ^ Foltz 2019, p. 324.
- ^ a b c Shizhensky 2018a, p. 132.
- ^ a b Shizhensky 2018a, pp. 132–133.
- ^ a b Shizhensky 2018a, p. 133.
- ^ Foltz 2020, p. 45.
- ^ Foltz 2020, p. 38.
- ^ Foltz 2020, p. 47.
- ^ Shizhensky 2018a, p. 131; Shizhensky 2018b, p. 142; Foltz 2019, pp. 323–326.
- ^ a b c Foltz 2019, p. 326.
- ^ Foltz 2019, pp. 328–329.
- ^ Foltz 2019, p. 320; Foltz 2020, p. 42.
- ^ Shizhensky 2018b, pp. 143–144.
- ^ Shizhensky 2018b, pp. 142, 144.
- ^ Foltz 2020, p. 44.
- ^ "Александр Дугин: Осетинский народ сделал возможным возвращение России на имперскую орбиту" [Alexander Dugin: The Ossetian people made it possible for Russia to return to the imperial orbit]. iratta.com. 7 October 2009. Archived from the original on 26 April 2017.
- ^ Shtyrkov 2011, p. 240.
- ^ Shizhensky 2018b, p. 137.
- ^ Shizhensky 2018b, p. 145.
- ^ a b Foltz 2019, p. 331.
- ^ Shtyrkov 2011, p. 239.
- ^ McKay 2009, pp. 275–276.
- ^ "Арена: Атлас религий и национальностей" [Arena: Atlas of Religions and Nationalities] (PDF). Среда (Sreda). 2012. See also the results' main interactive mapping and the static mappings: "Religions in Russia by federal subject" (Map). Ogonek. 34 (5243). 27 August 2012. Archived from the original on 21 April 2017. The Sreda Arena Atlas was realised in cooperation with the All-Russia Population Census 2010 (Всероссийской переписи населения 2010), the Russian Ministry of Justice (Минюста РФ), the Public Opinion Foundation (Фонда Общественного Мнения) and presented among others by the Analytical Department of the Synodal Information Department of the Russian Orthodox Church. See: "Проект АРЕНА: Атлас религий и национальностей" [Project ARENA: Atlas of religions and nationalities]. Russian Journal. 10 December 2012.
- ^ Shizhensky 2018b, p. 138.
- ^ Shizhensky 2018b, p. 134.
- ^ Popov 2016, Иранские народные религии / Iranian indigenous religions; Shizhensky 2018b, pp. 134, 138–140.
- ^ a b c Popov 2016, Иранские народные религии / Iranian indigenous religions.
- ^ Shnirelman 2002, pp. 204–205.
- ^ Bourdeaux & Filatov 2006, p. 202.
- ^ "ПРОГРАММА ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОЙ ПАРТИИ «Иры Фарн»". ugo-osetia.ru. Retrieved 4 September 2024.
Sources
[edit]- Bourdeaux, Michael; Filatov, Sergey, eds. (2006). Современная религиозная жизнь России. Опыт систематического описания [Contemporary religious life of Russia. Systematic description of experiences] (in Russian). Vol. 4. Moscow: Keston Institute; Logos. ISBN 5987040574.
- Foltz, Richard (2019). "Scythian Neo-Paganism in the Caucasus: The Ossetian Uatsdin as a 'Nature Religion'". Journal for the Study of Religion, Nature, and Culture. 13 (3): 314–332. doi:10.1558/jsrnc.39114. S2CID 213692638.
- Foltz, Richard (2020). "The Rekom Shrine in North Ossetia-Alania and its Annual Ceremony". Iran and the Caucasus. 24 (1). Brill: 38–52. doi:10.1163/1573384X-20200104. ISSN 1609-8498. S2CID 216345025.
- Foltz, Richard (2021). The Ossetes: Modern-Day Scythians of the Caucasus. London: Bloomsbury. ISBN 9780755618453.
- Lesiv, Mariya (2013). The Return of Ancestral Gods: Modern Ukrainian Paganism as an Alternative Vision for a Nation. McGill-Queen's Studies in the History of Religion. Vol. 2. McGill-Queen's Press - MQUP. ISBN 978-0773589667.
- Makeyev, Daurbek B. (2007). "Ассианство и мировая культура" [Assianism and world culture]. Религиозное мировоззрение в Нартском эпосе [Religious worldview in the Nart epic] (in Russian). Vladikavkaz.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) - McKay, George (2009). Subcultures and New Religious Movements in Russia and East-Central Europe. Peter Lang. ISBN 978-3039119219.
- Popov, Igor (2016). Справочник и новости всех религиозных течений и объединений в России [The Reference Book on All Religious Branches and Communities in Russia] (in Russian).
- Schmitz, Timo (2015). "Etseg Din – Caucasian paganism from Ossetia" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 22 March 2020.
- Shnirelman, Victor A. (2002). "'Christians! Go home': A Revival of Neo-Paganism between the Baltic Sea and Transcaucasia (An Overview)". Journal of Contemporary Religion. 17 (2): 197–211. doi:10.1080/13537900220125181. S2CID 51303383.
- Shizhensky, Roman V. (2018a). "Интервью с Х. Моргоевым" [Interview with H. Morgoyev]. Colloquium Heptaplomeres (in Russian). V. Nizhny Novgorod: Minin University: 128–133. ISSN 2312-1696.
- Shizhensky, Roman V. (2018b). "Официальный ответ совета служителей святилищ Осетии на запрос Р. В. Шиженского" [The official response of the Council of Ministers of the Sanctuaries of Ossetia to the request of R. V. Shizhensky]. Colloquium Heptaplomeres (in Russian). V. Nizhny Novgorod: Minin University: 134–145. ISSN 2312-1696.
- Shtyrkov, Sergey (2011). "Religious nationalism in contemporary Russia: the case of the Ossetian ethnic religious project" (PDF). In Alapuro, Risto (ed.). Understanding Russianness. Routledge. pp. 232–244. Archived from the original on 2018-02-20. Retrieved 2020-04-29.
{{cite encyclopedia}}: CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link) - Shtyrkov, Sergey (2016). "'The Fight between Ases and Devas Runs through Our Whole Existence': The Conspirological Imaginary of North Ossetian Intellectuals and the Search for Meaning in National History" (PDF). Forum for Anthropology and Culture (12). Saint Petersburg: Kunstkamera, European University at Saint Petersburg: 230–252. Archived from the original (PDF) on 30 March 2021.
Notes
[edit]- ^ The religion is known as "Assianism" among its Russian-speaking adherents ("Assianism" means the religion of the "As" or "Oss"—an ancient name of the Alans, from which the Greeks possibly drew the name of "Asia", which is preserved in the Russian and Georgian-derived name "Ossetians"), and as Uatsdin (Уацдин), Ætsæg Din (Æцæг Дин; both meaning "True Faith"), Æss Din (Æсс Дин, Ossetian-language rendering of "Assianism"),[1] or simply Iron Din (Ирон Дин, "Ossetian Faith")[2] by Ossetians in their own language.
External links
[edit]- Atsætæ — Ossetian website
Assianism
View on GrokipediaDefinition and Etymology
Core Principles and Terminology
Assianism, known natively as Uatsdin (Уацдин), translates to "true faith" or "holy faith" and represents the organized revival of Ossetian indigenous spirituality rooted in ancestral traditions.[3] Alternative terms include Ætsæg Din (Æцæг Дин, "true faith") and Æss Din (Æсс Дин, "faith of the As"), referencing the ancient ethnonym "As" for the Alans, forebears of the Ossetians.[6] Adherents reject the label "paganism" due to its pejorative implications in Ossetian cultural context, preferring designations emphasizing ethnic continuity and authenticity. The term "Assianism" itself derives from Russian Assianstvo (Ассианство), denoting the religion of the "As" people.[7] Core principles center on a pantheistic ontology where the divine essence permeates all creation, with the supreme deity Xucau (also Xwytsau or Xucaw) embodying the sky, universal animation, and creative force as the "head of everything."[8] [9] In human experience, this divinity manifests as reason, measure, and conscience, underscoring a non-dual unity between the sacred and profane.[9] The faith's doctrinal foundation draws from the Nart epic, a corpus of mythological sagas, and the unwritten ethical code æg’dau, emphasizing honor, communal reciprocity, and harmony with nature as pillars of moral conduct.[2] Ritual practice prioritizes veneration of deities tied to natural forces, particularly thunder and war gods like Uastyrdzhi, through sacrifices and festivals that reinforce ethnic identity and ancestral reverence.[10] Theological symbolism includes the "Three Tears of God," representing a trinitarian structure: Xuytsau (heaven), Iuagh (matter/substance), and Ud (vital force or word), illustrating interconnected cosmic principles.[11] This framework integrates polytheistic elements within a monistic worldview, distinguishing Assianism as a nature-oriented ethnic religion focused on existential balance rather than dogmatic orthodoxy.[3]Historical Development
Ancient Scythian and Alan Origins
The Scythians, an assemblage of Iranian-speaking nomadic tribes inhabiting the Pontic-Caspian steppe from roughly the 8th to 3rd centuries BCE, maintained a polytheistic religion emphasizing celestial powers, warfare, and equine symbolism, which forms the foundational stratum for Assianism through linguistic and mythic continuity with later Alan traditions.[12] Primary attestation derives from Herodotus' Histories (circa 440 BCE), who delineates a core pantheon of seven deities: Papaios (sky father, akin to Zeus), Api (earth mother), Goitosyros (divination and light), Argimpasa (fertility and mediation), Thagimasadas (rivers and herds), and martial figures equated with Heracles and Ares, with Hestia representing the hearth and fire.[13] Ritual practices encompassed animal sacrifices—predominantly horses—cannabis-induced fumigation for prophetic trances, and kurgan burials adorned with gold plaques depicting griffins, stags, and solar motifs, indicative of shamanistic intermediaries and animistic reverence for nature's potency.[13] Successor Sarmatian groups, including proto-Alanic confederations active from the 3rd century BCE, perpetuated these elements amid migrations eastward and southward, blending sky worship with localized steppe cults; archaeological yields from Don River sites yield comparable weaponry deposits and horse gear consecrated to war gods.[12] The Alans, identifiable as a cohesive Iranian nomadic entity by the 1st century CE, advanced into the North Caucasus by the 2nd–4th centuries CE, where classical observers like Ammianus Marcellinus (circa 390 CE) documented their veneration of iron swords thrust into mounds as proxies for tutelary deities, echoing Scythian martial aniconism and oath rituals.[3] This praxis, rooted in Indo-Iranian fire and weapon cults, underscores a causal lineage from Scytho-Sarmatian nomadism to Alan sedentary adaptations in Caucasian foothills, preserving thunder-warrior archetypes amid interactions with neighboring Colchians and Caucasians.[14] Ossetians, as direct ethnolinguistic heirs to the Alans via the Digor and Iron dialects of Eastern Iranian, encode these origins in the Nart sagas—an epic corpus of oral lore compiled from the 19th century onward but tracing to pre-Christian strata—featuring divine heroes like the thunder-wielder Uastyrdzhi, whose attributes align with Herodotan Scythian storm and equestrian patrons, and Æfsati, a fire divinity evincing archaic Indo-Iranian hearth veneration.[10] While Alan polities faced Byzantine and Georgian Christian proselytism from the 6th century CE, intensifying in the 10th–13th centuries with episcopal establishments, pagan substrates endured in syncretic folklore, sanctuary rites, and purity taboos, furnishing the empirical substrate for Assianism's doctrinal reconstruction.[12] Scholarly consensus, informed by comparative philology and comparative mythology, affirms this diachronic thread, though neopagan formulations selectively amplify mythic motifs over attenuated ritual discontinuities imposed by monotheistic overlays.[14]Medieval Persistence and Christian Syncretism
The Alans, ancestors of the modern Ossetians, encountered Christianity as early as the 6th century through contacts noted in Georgian sources, but this initial wave of conversion proved ephemeral and did not supplant entrenched pagan traditions.[15] A more sustained effort began in the 10th century under Byzantine and Georgian influences, with missionaries introducing Orthodox Christianity to Alan elites in the North Caucasus.[16] However, widespread resistance persisted among the general population, limiting deep penetration; many communities maintained polytheistic rituals and veneration of ancestral deities into the medieval era.[17] Syncretism characterized the religious landscape as pagan elements integrated with Christian practices, forming a hybrid folk tradition. Pre-Christian gods were often equated with Orthodox saints to facilitate acceptance; notably, the warrior-thunder deity Uastyrdzhi became conflated with Saint George, whose feast on November 23 incorporated horse sacrifices and oaths sworn on swords—remnants of Alan warrior cults.[18] Sacred groves and springs, known as dzuar, served dual roles as sites for both pagan offerings and Christian prayers, preserving animistic reverence for nature spirits alongside icons of saints.[19] This blending extended to rituals, where animal sacrifices to deities like the tutelary spirits of clans coexisted with baptism and Eucharist, reflecting a pragmatic adaptation rather than outright abandonment of indigenous cosmology.[20] Medieval Georgian chronicles document Alan participation in Orthodox liturgy while retaining festivals honoring solar and chthonic forces, indicative of superficial Christian overlay on persistent Scythian-derived beliefs.[21] Such syncretism ensured cultural continuity, with pagan motifs enduring in epic poetry like the Nart sagas, which narrated divine interventions akin to those in pre-Christian lore.[19] By the 13th century, Mongol invasions further disrupted formal Christian structures, allowing folk paganism to reassert dominance in remote valleys.[15]Soviet Era Suppression and Post-Soviet Revival
During the Soviet era, Assianism faced systematic suppression as part of the Bolshevik regime's broader anti-religious campaigns launched after the 1917 Revolution, which targeted all spiritual practices as ideological threats.[22] Ossetian folk rituals, central to the faith, were condemned as superstition, with sacred groves and shrines demolished—exemplified by the 1981 destruction of ritual sites in North Ossetia ordered by Soviet envoy Vladimir Odintsov—and public observances prohibited, forcing adherents to conduct ceremonies in secrecy or reframe them as innocuous ethnic customs to avoid persecution.[23] This repression, intensified under Stalin's policies of the 1930s, nearly eradicated organized practice, though subterranean transmission persisted through family lore and the Nart epic.[24] The loosening of controls during Mikhail Gorbachev's perestroika reforms in 1985 enabled initial reconstruction of ritual spaces and tentative public expressions, signaling the faith's shift from clandestine survival to organized resurgence.[23] By the late 1980s, amid the Soviet Union's partial unraveling, Ossetian intellectuals formalized Assianism as Ætsæg Din ("True Faith"), drawing on Scythian-Alanic roots to foster ethnic identity amid rising nationalism.[7] Post-1991 dissolution of the USSR accelerated the revival, particularly in North Ossetia–Alania, where groups integrated Uatsdin into cultural institutions, emphasizing pantheistic cosmology and deities like Uastyrdzhi.[24] Rituals resumed openly, including animal sacrifices (sheep, goats, or bulls) at forest groves and structured toasts honoring the supreme triune god and warrior spirits, often syncretized with Orthodox elements like equating Uastyrdzhi with St. George.[23] This resurgence, peaking in the 1990s amid post-Soviet economic and spiritual disarray, attracted adherents disillusioned with Christianity and Islam, with estimates of several thousand practitioners by the early 2000s, though exact numbers remain unverified due to its ethnic, non-proselytizing nature.[23] In South Ossetia, parallel nationalist efforts post-1990s conflicts further embedded the faith in independence movements.[24]Theological Framework
Supreme Deity and Triune Aspects
In Assianism, the supreme deity is Xwytsau (Ossetian: Хуыцау), regarded as the creator of the universe and all beings, embodying the highest wisdom and serving as the source of existence.[7] Xwytsau is conceptualized as transcendent yet immanent, with the universe itself forming the body of this deity, reflecting a pantheistic worldview where divine essence permeates all matter and phenomena.[9] This supreme god may be invoked through attributes such as "Styr Xwytsau" (Great God), emphasizing its omnipotence and patronage over creation.[25] The theology posits Xwytsau unfolding in triune manifestations, forming a fundamental triad of heaven, matter, and spirit.[9] These aspects are Xwytsau representing heaven or pure divinity, Iuæg (Иуаг) symbolizing substance and material form, and Ærmæg (Æрмæг) denoting spirit or ethereal essence.[7] This trinity, often depicted as the "Three Tears of God," underscores the non-dual unity of the divine, where distinctions between creator and creation dissolve into holistic oneness.[11] Practitioners view these aspects as interdependent, with Xwytsau as the unifying head manifesting reason, measure, and conscience in human cognition.[9] This triadic structure aligns with broader Indo-Iranian influences in Ossetian lore, distinguishing Assianism from strict monotheism by integrating polytheistic elements within a supreme framework, though modern formulations emphasize pantheistic monism over hierarchical polytheism.[26] Source accounts, often compiled from ethnographic revivals post-Soviet era, highlight interpretive variations, with some equating Xwytsau to cognates like Persian Khuda, reflecting ancient Scythian-Alanic roots.[26]Pantheon of Deities and Spirits
In Assianism, the pantheon is hierarchical, with a supreme creator deity, Xucau (also rendered as Khuytsau or Hutsau), at its apex, embodying the universal animating force and manifesting pantheistically within all creation as reason, measure, and right action in humans.[3] This monistic-pantheistic theology posits Xucau as the "head of everything," from whom lesser deities (daudzhita or ualimon) derive, shaping the world according to cosmic law, while antagonistic spirits (uayguyta or dalimon) disrupt it.[7] The pantheon draws from ancient Scythian and Alan roots, syncretized with Christian figures during medieval Christianization, and reconstructed in modern Uatsdin practices emphasizing ethnic continuity.[21] Prominent among the lesser deities is Uastyrdzhi, patron of men, warriors, travelers, and oaths, often depicted as a mounted figure with a staff or sword, syncretized with Saint George and linked to the Iranian Mithra as a guarantor of contracts and protector against peril.[3] Uacilla (or Uatsilla in some dialects), revered as the holy mother and patroness of women and fertility, complements Uastyrdzhi in a gendered duality, with rituals invoking her for family protection and childbirth; she equates to the Virgin Mary in syncretic lore.[21] Uatsilla, sometimes distinguished as a male thunder god associated with rain, lightning, and harvest abundance, receives goat sacrifices during the Vachiloba festival on July 20, reflecting pre-Christian weather cults tied to Elijah.[21] Other key figures include Kurdalægon, the heavenly blacksmith forging divine artifacts and patron of smiths; Æfsati, god of forests, wildlife, and hunting; and Safa, deity of the hearth central to household rites.[3] The pantheon extends to seven planetary deities inherited from Scythian traditions, each governing celestial and natural domains akin to ancient Iranian heptads, though specifics vary in folklore.[3] Spirits encompass nature entities like Donbettyr (waters), Tutyr (wolves and pastoral flocks), and Fælværa (livestock guardian), alongside ancestral numina invoked at shrines such as those for Saubarag (thieves' patron) or Parniji Dzuari (murderers' intercessor), preserved in rural North Ossetian sites until the early 20th century.[21] Demons and disruptive spirits oppose the divine order, countered through rituals emphasizing harmony with Xucau's immanent law, without formalized dualism. Modern Assian practitioners, numbering tens of thousands in North Ossetia-Alania as of 2010 surveys, venerate these through oaths, sacrifices, and festivals, viewing the pantheon as embodiments of cosmic balance rather than anthropomorphic personalities.[3]Cosmology, Pantheism, and Ethical System
Assianism's cosmology is monistic, positing the universe as an unfolding of the supreme deity Xwytsau (also rendered Xucau or Hуыцау), the ineffable creator who manifests as the entirety of existence through a triadic structure comprising divine essence (Xwytsau), matter (Iuag or Iwag), and spirit (Ud or Mon).[7][9] This framework envisions cosmic order (Zedy) as governed by harmonious forces aligned with Xwytsau, contrasted against degenerative influences (Uayugi) and primordial chaos (Dalimon), with celestial bodies linked to a core pantheon of seven deities (arvon daujita) representing planetary influences.[7] Central to this worldview is a non-dualistic pantheism, wherein Xwytsau permeates all entities as an immanent force, equating the universe with "the body of God" and blurring distinctions between creator and creation; the material realm (Mæng Dun) serves as the illusory domain of manifestation, while the transcendent spiritual realm (Rukhs Dun) represents return to pure light post-death.[9][7] Divinity expresses through triadic unfoldings, such as Uas (truth and order), Uastyrdzhi (the perfected human archetype), and subordinate deities, emphasizing interconnectedness where every being embodies reason, measure, and righteousness as facets of the divine.[9] Proponents like Daurbek Makeyev articulate this as humans functioning as microcosms mirroring the macrocosmic whole, rejecting dualistic separations of sacred and profane prevalent in Abrahamic traditions.[7] The ethical system derives directly from this pantheistic cosmology, viewing human nature as homologous to universal being and obliging alignment with Uas through free will; individuals must elect harmony with deity-aligned forces—yielding truth, beauty, and goodness—or demoniac paths producing falsehood, ugliness, and evil.[7][9] Virtue entails subduing egoistic impulses to embody divine reason (bar), fostering self-governance within one's sphere of responsibility rather than submission to external coercion, as each entity operates autonomously under Xwytsau's overarching order.[9] This approach, as elaborated by theologians such as Khetag Morgoyev, prioritizes intrinsic measure and conscience as divine imprints, promoting ethical conduct as natural congruence with cosmic pantheistic unity over imposed moral codes.[7]Sacred Writings and Oral Traditions
Key Texts and Modern Compilations
The Nart sagas constitute the primary sacred corpus of Assianism, comprising an epic cycle of tales about the Narts—semi-divine heroes embodying Ossetian cultural archetypes and cosmological principles—transmitted orally for centuries and systematically collected starting in the 19th century by ethnographers such as Vsevolod Miller and Georges Dumézil.[7] These narratives, numbering over 100 variants across Ossetian dialects, encode doctrines on pantheism, the triune supreme deity, and ethical norms, serving as the basis for doctrinal exegesis in the faith's revival.[27] Modern adherents regard them as holy writings, from which theological interpretations of non-dualistic pantheism and ancestral veneration are derived, distinguishing Assianism from purely reconstructive neopagan movements by grounding practices in indigenous folklore rather than external reconstructions.[9] Supplementary traditional texts include the Daredzant and Tsartsiat, poetic and prosaic compilations of myths and incantations preserved in Ossetian oral literature, which elaborate on rituals, deities, and moral precepts akin to those in the Nart cycle.[7] These works, documented in ethnographic records from the late 19th and early 20th centuries, reinforce the faith's emphasis on harmony with nature and heroic ethos but lack the canonical status of the sagas. In the post-Soviet era, modern compilations have systematized these traditions for contemporary Uatsdin practice. Daurbek Makeyev, leader of the Atsætæ organization since the 1990s, has authored interpretive works extracting theo-cosmological frameworks from the Nart sagas, including pantheistic unity and the Æss (As/Os) as primordial essence, published in Ossetian periodicals and organizational texts to guide rituals and ethics.[7] Similarly, Dzuaræ Lægtæ and Khetag Morgoyev contributed doctrinal outlines framing Assianism's non-dualistic worldview, compiled in the 2000s for temple use and festivals, prioritizing empirical folklore over speculative innovations.[27] The unwritten ethical code Æg’dæuættæ, distilled from saga motifs, forms a core component in these efforts, emphasizing reciprocity, honor, and ancestral continuity without formalized scripture.[2] Such compilations, often self-published or disseminated via Ossetian cultural associations, reflect the faith's reliance on vernacular sources amid limited institutional archives.Role of Myths in Doctrine
In Assianism, myths constitute the foundational narrative framework of the doctrine, serving as the primary vehicle for articulating cosmology, divine hierarchies, and ethical imperatives derived from ancestral traditions. The Nart epics, a corpus of heroic sagas featuring semi-divine warriors known as the Narts, form the doctrinal core, embedding principles of pantheistic unity, heroic virtue, and harmony with natural forces. These myths portray the supreme deity Xuw as the transcendent source of creation, with subordinate gods and spirits manifesting through cycles of birth, conflict, and renewal, thereby illustrating causal interconnections between human actions and cosmic order.[2][27] The role of myths extends beyond mere storytelling to prescriptive guidance, as the Nart tales encode an unwritten ethical code, Æg'dæuællæg, emphasizing reciprocity, courage, and reverence for sacred groves and mountains as loci of divine presence. For instance, narratives of Nart exploits against chaos embody the doctrine's causal realism, where individual valor sustains communal prosperity and averts existential threats, reinforcing pantheistic beliefs that divinity permeates all entities. This mythic structure underpins rituals and moral reasoning, with interpretations varying by clan elders to adapt ancient precedents to contemporary challenges, preserving doctrinal vitality without rigid canonization.[2] Doctrinal authority in Assianism privileges mythic transmission over institutional dogma, drawing from oral lineages that survived Christian syncretism and Soviet suppression, as evidenced by 20th-century compilations that systematized fragmented tales into cohesive theological narratives. Critics within Ossetian scholarship note potential neopagan reconstructions in modern retellings, yet empirical continuity is affirmed through persistent motifs in folklore, such as the triadic aspects of Xuw (creator, sustainer, destroyer), which myths depict as archetypal forces governing fate and fertility. Thus, myths function as living doctrine, fostering meta-awareness of cultural resilience against external impositions while grounding ethics in observable natural and historical patterns.[10][2]Practices and Rituals
Daily and Seasonal Rites
Daily rites in Assianism integrate devotion into routine activities, particularly meals, where the dining table serves as a focal point for worship. Participants offer toasts in a strict sequence, commencing with the supreme deity, followed by Uastyrdzhi, the chief protector god, and proceeding to other entities based on context.[23] These invocations accompany feasting and libations, embedding spiritual practice within communal eating, even in contemporary urban environments like apartment dining halls.[23] Seasonal rites emphasize communal feasts (fyng or kuvyn) honoring specific deities, led by a holy man (dzuary læg), often involving animal sacrifices such as rams or bulls, whose blood is collected and meat distributed for consumption.[28] Nog Bon, observed January 12–14 and linked to the winter solstice, features dawn fires to dispel misfortunes and prayers for extended daylight, alongside the preparation of artkhuron pie symbolizing the sun.[29] The Uastyrdzhiyy k'uyri, or Uastyrdzhi week, spans seven days of men-only evening feasts, each hosted in different homes, with sacrifices of large bulls (up to 600 kg) or rams, nine obligatory toasts including to Uastyrdzhi and family well-being, and concluding songs praising the deity.[28][30] Other seasonal observances include Kardaghassan on the first Sunday in June, a herb festival with sacrifices and pies for harvest prosperity, and Daudzjiti Bon the following Sunday, dedicated to spirit offerings via three ritual pies and beer for communal welfare.[29] These practices align with lunar phases, solstices, and agricultural cycles, reinforcing ethnic identity through structured ritual.[23]Sacred Sites, Shrines, and Temples
In Assianism, sacred sites consist primarily of modest shrines known as dzuars, often situated in natural landscapes such as mountain valleys, forests, or highland areas in North Ossetia-Alania and South Ossetia, rather than elaborate temples. These sites serve as focal points for rituals, oaths, weddings, and invocations of divine law (Ard), with devotees offering sacrifices like beer, bread, or animal libations to deities.[31][32] The dzuar of Uastyrdzhi, the chief patron deity of men, travelers, and warriors, exemplifies this tradition, with numerous such shrines scattered across Ossetian territories. One prominent example is the Tkhost dzuar in North Ossetia, a stone-enclosed sanctuary dedicated to Uastyrdzhi where annual rituals and prayers occur, reflecting the deity's syncretic role akin to Saint George in local folklore.[31] Similarly, the Rekom Shrine in the Tsey Valley hosts major communal gatherings, including the annual dzuarbon festival on September 22, drawing participants for collective worship and reinforcement of ethnic identity in the post-Soviet revival.[33] Monuments to Uastyrdzhi, such as the equestrian statue in Alagirsky District, function as modern sacred markers, erected to honor the deity and integrate ancient veneration with contemporary commemoration, particularly emphasizing his role as guarantor of oaths and protector against peril.[34] Other dzuars, like those for hunt-related spirits or Barastyr (patron of women), are similarly humble, prioritizing experiential communion with nature over architectural grandeur, as per the pantheistic elements of Ossetian cosmology.[35] These sites underscore Assianism's emphasis on localized, community-driven piety amid the Caucasus's rugged terrain.Festivals and Communal Ceremonies
Assianism observes a calendar of approximately sixty fixed festivals aligned with lunar phases, solstices, weekly cycles, and agricultural milestones, reflecting its roots in Ossetian folk traditions.[36] These events emphasize communal participation, often centered at sacred shrines known as dzuar, where participants engage in rituals to honor deities, ensure prosperity, and reinforce ethical oaths. Animal sacrifices, such as rams or bulls, feasting, and invocations form core elements, with gatherings fostering social cohesion among practitioners.[3] The paramount festival is the Week of Uastyrdzhi (Uastyrdzhiyy k'uyri), beginning on the last Tuesday of November and extending over seven days, dedicated to Uastyrdzhi, the chief patron of males, travelers, and oaths. This rite concludes the harvest season, involving processions to dzuar sites, libations of beer or wine, sacrificial offerings, and collective prayers for protection and justice; men abstain from certain labors, and communal oaths are renewed to bind the community.[30] The festival, also termed Dzhiorguba in some contexts, draws large crowds to evaluate the year's yields and petition divine favor for the coming cycle.[37] In mid-June, the Rekomy Bærægbon ceremony convenes at the Rekom shrine in North Ossetia's Alagirsky District, a key site for Uastyrdzhi veneration, attracting thousands for rituals blending invocation, horseback processions, and offerings to invoke the deity's aid in warfare, travel, and fertility. Participants, often including warriors and families, perform structured rites under priestly guidance, with emphasis on purity and communal harmony; the event underscores Assianism's martial ethos while incorporating syncretic nods to Saint George, reflecting historical overlays with Orthodox practices.[36] The Ossetian New Year, Nog Bon, falls on the second Thursday following the winter solstice—typically January 12–14 by the Julian calendar—marking renewal through hearth rituals, divination for abundance, and feasts with symbolic foods like wheat porridge to appease household spirits and major deities. Communal aspects include village assemblies for storytelling, dances, and minor sacrifices, aimed at securing bountiful pastures and averting misfortune; this festival retains pre-Christian solar alignments despite Christian influences.[29] Other ceremonies, such as those tied to solstices or deity-specific days (e.g., for hunting gods), involve smaller groups at natural shrines, featuring bonfires, chants, and blood oaths to enforce moral codes like honor and reciprocity. These rites, preserved through oral transmission and revived post-Soviet, prioritize experiential piety over doctrinal rigidity, with attendance varying from intimate family observances to regional convocations of hundreds.[5]Symbolism and Iconography
Primary Symbols and Their Meanings
The primary symbol of Assianism is the "Three Tears of God" (Ossetian: Ævvæjty tri tæræm or Tri slezi Boga), depicted as a triple taijitu-like form with three crosses, representing the theological trinity of heaven (Xuytsau), matter or substance (Iuag), and fire (Ud).[11] This emblem draws from Ossetian Nart sagas, symbolizing the sites where God wept for the death of the hero Batradz, thereby consecrating three sacred shrines associated with mourning and divine essence.[3] The symbol was first articulated in modern form by Ossetian artist and cultural figure Slava Dzhanaïty, who described it as "perceived" through spiritual insight rather than invented, emerging in the context of the late 20th-century revival of Uatsdin around 1989.[3] It appears on personal items, vehicles, and public spaces in North and South Ossetia, serving as a marker of ethnic identity and faith.[3] Fire holds central symbolic importance in Assianism, embodied in the hearth (safa), which represents purity, divine presence, and ancestral continuity, with rituals invoking the ancient Scythian goddess Tabiti.[3] The eternal flame or Uatsamonga, often a ritual goblet or bowl for libations, underscores fire's role as a mediator between the human and divine realms, maintained in household and communal rites to ensure harmony and protection. The sword, rooted in Scythian traditions documented by Herodotus in the 5th century BCE, symbolizes martial valor and is planted in stone at shrines dedicated to Uastyrdzhi, the patron deity of warriors and oaths, linking ancient practices to contemporary veneration.[3] These elements collectively emphasize Assianism's pantheistic cosmology, where symbols integrate natural forces, mythic narratives, and ethical imperatives without dogmatic exclusivity.Artistic and Cultural Representations
Artistic representations in Assianism draw from Ossetian mythological narratives, emphasizing deities, Nart heroes, and symbolic motifs derived from Scythian-Alanic heritage. These depictions manifest in modern symbols, paintings, and monumental sculptures that reinforce cultural identity and religious continuity.[3] A central iconographic element is the Uatsdin symbol, known as the "Three Tears of God," designed by Ossetian artist Slava Dzhanaïty. This emblem, resembling a triple taijitu augmented with three crosses, symbolizes the theological triad of Xuytsau (heaven), Iuag (matter), and Ud (animating force), and is ubiquitous on vehicles, apparel, and architecture throughout North and South Ossetia. Dzhanaïty's broader oeuvre includes paintings of folkloric scenes from the Nart sagas and depictions of ancient Alan and Scythian battles, which are widely reproduced and serve as emblematic expressions of Uatsdin's heroic ethos.[3] Public monuments further embody these representations, particularly sculptures honoring key deities. Prominent examples include roadside statues of Uastyrdzhi, the patron of males, travelers, and warriors, often portrayed as a mounted figure with a beard on a white or three-legged horse, such as the 28-ton bronze sculpture in Kussu and the rock carving in Alagir district where the deity emerges from stone. Similarly, statues of Æfsati, the god of wildlife and hunting, are erected in mountainous gorges like Tsey, depicting him as protector of hunters and natural realms. These works, blending reconstructionist revival with local sculptural traditions, underscore Assianism's integration into Ossetian public space.[3][38][39]Relations with Other Belief Systems
Interactions with Christianity
The ancient Alans, ancestors of the Ossetians, underwent nominal Christianization between 921 and 925 under the influence of Georgian missionaries and Abkhaz King Giorgi II, with Byzantine support from Patriarch Nicholas the Mystic, though this had limited penetration among the general population.[21] Early efforts are attributed to figures like Apostle Andrew and St. Nino, while Vakhtang Gorgasali established an episcopal see for Ossetians in the 5th century; however, pagan practices persisted robustly, with 13th-century observers like William of Rubruck noting that most knew only the "name of Christ."[21][3] Syncretism emerged prominently, blending pagan deities with Christian saints: Uastyrdzhi, the Ossetian thunder god and patron of men and warriors, merged with St. George, while Uatsilla equated with St. Elijah, incorporating rituals like the Vachiloba goat sacrifice on July 20, where the skin is raised on a pole, as described by 18th-century chronicler Vakhushti Bagrationi.[21][20][40] Shrines known as dzuars served dual purposes, hosting prayers (kuvdi) and sacrifices alongside Christian veneration, with pagan traditions influencing even Ossetian clergy until the late 19th century.[21][20] This mixture persisted through Russian Orthodox missionary "re-Christianization" efforts in the late 18th century, which achieved superficial adherence before Bolshevik suppression from 1920 to 1991 curtailed all overt religiosity.[3][40] In the post-Soviet era, Uatsdin's revival from the late 1980s emphasized ethnic purity over nominal Orthodoxy, formalized by the Styr Nykhas council in the early 1990s and supported by North Ossetia-Alania's 1994 dedication of a state holy site for ceremonies including animal sacrifices.[3] Assianists critique Christianity as a foreign ideology eroding indigenous ties to nature and ancestry, with figures like Daurbek Makeyev arguing it fosters a profane separation from the sacred world.[3] Conversely, the Russian Orthodox Church, via leaders like Archbishop Leonid Gorbachev, condemns Uatsdin as a modern neopagan invention promoting separatism, attempting to classify its texts as "extremist literature" and proposing churches on pagan sites like Rekom, though such efforts have failed.[3][41] Tensions manifest in public disputes, such as the July 2019 fining of traditionalist Roman Gabaraev for criticizing an Orthodox procession on social media, prompting Orthodox backlash framing Uatsdin as anti-Russian.[41] State authorities under figures like Head Vyacheslav Bitarov navigate this by promoting Orthodox milestones, like the planned 2020 celebration of 1,100 years of Alan Christianity funded by Moscow, while tolerating ethnic rituals to balance identities.[41] Surveys indicate 40-70% of Ossetians identify as Orthodox, yet practices remain syncretic, with no consensus on a singular ethnic faith.[40]Alignment with Eurasianism and Traditionalism
Assianism's revival intersects ideologically with neo-Eurasianism, a movement led by Alexander Dugin that posits Eurasia as a distinct civilizational space rooted in telluric, multi-ethnic traditions opposing Western liberalism. Dugin frequently invokes Scythian nomads—direct cultural forebears of the Ossetians—as exemplars of Eurasia's primordial, anti-individualistic ethos, describing them in his writings as embodying a steppe spirituality that predates and transcends modern national boundaries.[42] This framing positions Assianism, with its Scythian-Alanic pantheon and rituals honoring deities like Uastyrdzhi (patron of men and warriors), as a living artifact of Eurasian authenticity, preserved amid Christianization and Soviet atheism.[43] Dugin's geopolitical advocacy further underscores this compatibility; during the 2008 Russo-Georgian War, he condemned actions against South Ossetia as an assault on Eurasian sovereignty, urging integration of Caucasian peoples into a Russian-led multipolar order that valorizes indigenous spiritualities over universalist ideologies.[44] While not formally integrating Assianism into Eurasianist doctrine, Dugin's praise for Ossetian cultural revitalization—explicitly noting its Indo-Iranian roots—suggests an endorsement of Uatsdin as a bulwark against globalist homogenization, aligning with his vision of confessional pluralism under traditional hierarchies.[26] In relation to Traditionalism, Assianism resonates through the Uatsdin movement's "traditionalist" faction, established in the late 20th century to systematize folk practices drawn from Nart sagas and pre-Christian cosmology into a cohesive doctrine emphasizing cosmic harmony, ancestral veneration, and rejection of modernity's materialist excesses.[2] This mirrors the Traditionalist School's (e.g., René Guénon, Julius Evola) critique of secular progress as degenerative, advocating reversion to archaic metaphysical orders; Dugin, himself influenced by Traditionalism, extends this to Eurasian contexts where ethnic paganisms like Assianism exemplify unadulterated primordial wisdom. However, Assianism's ethnic exclusivity and polytheistic focus diverge from perennialist universalism, prioritizing Ossetian endogamy and local shrines over transcendent unity, though Russian neopagan circles occasionally promote it as Indo-European patrimony compatible with broader anti-modernist revivals.[7]Comparisons to Other Ethnic Pagan Revivals
Assianism exhibits parallels with other ethnic pagan revivals, such as Slavic Native Faith (Rodnovery) and Baltic Romuva, in its emphasis on reconstructing pre-Christian cosmologies to bolster ethnic identity against perceived cultural erosion from Christianity and globalization. These movements emerged in the late 20th century amid post-communist transitions, drawing from folklore, epics, and archaeological remnants to assert continuity with ancestral worldviews centered on polytheistic deities, nature veneration, and communal rituals. In all cases, revivalists prioritize indigenous narratives over universalist spiritualities, often framing their faiths as antidotes to monotheistic dominance, with practices including seasonal festivals, ancestor veneration, and symbolic iconography tied to specific landscapes.[45][2] A key similarity lies in the nationalist underpinnings: Assianism, like Rodnovery, positions itself as a bulwark for ethnic survival, with Ossetian adherents invoking the Nart sagas—oral epics preserved through Caucasian isolation—as living scripture analogous to Slavic mythological compilations used in Rodnovery. Both have institutionalized through cultural congresses; for instance, Ossetian revival efforts received support from the Congress of the Ossetian People starting in the 1990s, mirroring Rodnovery's organization via associations in Russia and Ukraine that promote Slavic heritage. However, Rodnovery spans a broader Slavic diaspora with greater doctrinal diversity, including esoteric and monistic variants influenced by 19th-century romanticism, whereas Assianism remains more uniformly folk-oriented, integrating syncretic elements like the Uastyrdzhi cult (equated with Saint George) that persist in rural practices. This syncretism reflects Assianism's partial continuity from Alan-Scythian traditions, contrasting Rodnovery's heavier reliance on 19th-century ethnographic reconstructions amid Slavic Christianization by the 10th century.[45][46] In comparison to Baltic Romuva, Assianism shares a regional post-Soviet revival context but differs in historical rupture: Romuva reconstructs Prussian-Lithuanian beliefs from medieval chronicles and 19th-century folklore after forcible Christianization in the 14th century, emphasizing fire rituals and dievturi (nature gods) in a more formalized priesthood structure established in 1995. Assianism, by contrast, benefits from less interrupted transmission in the Caucasus mountains, where pagan motifs endured in epic poetry and saint veneration, leading to claims of organic persistence rather than invention—though both face critiques for romanticizing fragmented sources. Romuva's environmentalism and anti-colonial rhetoric align with Assianism's territorial sacred sites, yet Romuva has achieved partial legal recognition in Lithuania by 2021, while Assianism operates informally within North Ossetia's 29% self-identification rate for traditional faith as of 2012 surveys.[45][2] Relative to Germanic Heathenry (Ásatrú), Assianism is more insular and ethnicity-bound, lacking the global diffusion and eclectic adaptations seen in Heathen groups, which reconstruct Norse Eddas for diverse practitioners including non-Scandinavians since the 1970s Icelandic founding. Heathenry often incorporates rune magic and blots (sacrificial rites) from saga literature, paralleling Assianism's hearth-based offerings, but features greater theological pluralism, from folkish exclusivity to universalist inclusivity, whereas Assianism restricts participation to Ossetians, viewing it as an inherent cultural endowment. Both contend with accusations of ahistorical fabrication, yet Assianism's embeddedness in ongoing folk customs—such as Dziæuærædzæg ("Day of the Thunder God") celebrations—provides a stronger empirical basis for continuity claims compared to Heathenry's textual purism.[45]Criticisms and Debates
Claims of Historical Continuity vs. Reconstruction
Scholars such as Victor Shnirelman have noted that in the case of Ossetian folk religion, certain pre-Christian traditions persisted with unbroken continuity in rural areas, particularly through syncretic practices where deities like Uastyrdzhi were venerated under the guise of Saint George, resisting full Christianization during the medieval period and Soviet-era suppression.[45] This continuity is evidenced by ongoing rituals at mountaintop shrines, such as animal sacrifices and communal prayers, documented ethnographically as holdovers from Alan and Scythian-era customs predating the 10th-century Byzantine missions.[3] Proponents of Assianism, including revivalist leaders like Daurbek Makeyev, claim that Uatsdin ("True Faith") represents a direct revival of these ancestral practices rather than invention, drawing on the Nart epic sagas and oral folklore preserved across centuries, with formal organization emerging in the late 1980s via groups like Styr Nykhas to codify what they describe as an enduring ethnic worldview.[3] Richard Foltz argues that historical re-paganization after Mongol invasions (14th-15th centuries) and persistent Iranian religious elements support a "strong underlying continuity" in popular religiosity, making outright reconstruction less plausible than adaptation of surviving folk elements.[24] Critics, however, contend that modern Assianism constitutes a partial reconstruction, as the structured pantheon, standardized rituals, and nationalist framing were largely assembled post-1991 from scholarly reconstructions of ancient sources, including archaeological and linguistic evidence of Scythian-Alan beliefs, rather than purely transmitted traditions.[3] Shnirelman highlights its role as a nation-building tool amid post-Soviet identity politics, where neo-pagan elements serve to assert Ossetian autochthony against perceived external influences, potentially exaggerating pre-Christian purity while downplaying Islamic and Christian integrations in historical practice.[45] This debate reflects broader tensions in ethnic revivals, where empirical survival of rituals coexists with ideologically driven systematization, as seen in the 2010 North Ossetian census reporting 29% adherence to "Uatsdin," often blending folk customs with revived symbolism.[47]Political Instrumentalization and Nationalism
Assianism has been invoked by Ossetian nationalists to bolster ethnic identity amid post-Soviet ethnic conflicts and autonomy struggles, particularly in North Ossetia–Alania, where revival efforts gained traction following the 1992 Prigorodny District conflict with Ingush forces over disputed territories, framing pre-Christian traditions as a bulwark against assimilation and inter-ethnic violence.[48] Proponents, including intellectuals like Dmitry Makeyev, have reconstructed Assianism as an ancient Indo-European faith rooted in the Nart epic, positioning it against Orthodox Christianity as a foreign imposition to reinforce communal solidarity and cultural distinctiveness.[48] In South Ossetia, Assianism's warrior-patron deity Uastyrdzhi has symbolized resistance during independence campaigns against Georgia, with rituals and folklore appeals evoking Alan-Scythian heritage to unify Ossetians across the divide and legitimize self-determination narratives separate from Georgian Orthodox dominance.[2] The Uatsdin movement, formalized in the 1990s, politicizes these elements by promoting Ossetian language and customs as integral to a monotheistic "national religion," with surveys indicating 48% of respondents in North Ossetia viewing it as a factor cementing ethnic cohesion against federal Russian policies and globalization.[2][49] Critics, including linguist V.I. Abaev, argue this remythologization constructs myths for ethno-protectionism rather than authentic revival, escalating intra-Ossetian debates and tensions with Orthodox institutions while serving politicians in leveraging folklore for nationalist mobilization post-1991 Soviet dissolution.[2] Despite limited adherents—estimated under 1% practicing exclusively—its symbolic role persists in fostering trans-Caucasus Ossetian unity, though academic analyses highlight Soviet-era atheist influences in popularizing ethnic paganism as anti-Orthodox ideology from the 1950s onward.[48]Critiques from Orthodox Christianity and Secular Views
Orthodox Christian leaders in North Ossetia-Alania have characterized Assianism, or Uatsdin, as a modern invention rather than a continuous ancient tradition, dismissing assertions of its Aryan or pre-Christian roots as unsubstantiated. In November 2019, Archbishop Feofan of Stavropol and Nevinnomyssk (then overseeing the region) described the ethnic Ossetian religion as fabricated and its proponents' criticisms of Orthodoxy as manifestations of separatism aimed at severing ties with the broader Russian spiritual heritage.[41] This perspective aligns with broader Orthodox efforts to portray Ossetian culture as inherently intertwined with Christianity, viewing Assianist rituals—such as sacrifices to Uastyrdzhi—as incompatible with Christian doctrine and potentially idolatrous.[5] Tensions escalated publicly in July 2019 when Ossetian traditionalist Roman Gabaraev posted on Facebook urging Orthodox clergy to "get out of Ossetia with your icons," prompting an open letter from Orthodox figures decrying such rhetoric as hostile and anti-Christian aggression that threatens social cohesion.[41] Orthodox advocates argue that Assianism undermines the historical Christianization of the Alans, Ossetians' ancestors, who adopted Orthodoxy by the 10th century, and warn that its promotion erodes the church's role in fostering national unity amid post-Soviet identity struggles.[5] These critiques frame Assianism not as ethnic preservation but as a rejection of Russia's canonical Orthodox framework, potentially fueling ethnic exclusivity over ecumenical ties. Secular scholars and analysts often critique Assianism as a reconstructed neo-pagan movement intertwined with ethnic nationalism, lacking verifiable continuity with pre-Christian practices due to centuries of Christian dominance and Soviet suppression of folklore. Researchers note that while Assianists draw on Nart epics and folk customs, their systematization into a monotheistic "true faith" reflects 20th-century revivalism influenced by Eurasianist ideology rather than unbroken transmission, with leaders like Daurbek Makeev employing New Age concepts such as transpersonal psychology to legitimize rituals.[5] This reconstruction is seen as politically instrumentalized, particularly in North Ossetia-Alania, where it competes with Orthodoxy for cultural authority, sometimes portraying Christianity as an imperialist import despite archaeological evidence of Alan Christian sites dating to the early medieval period.[41] Critics from secular perspectives highlight risks of Assianism's alignment with authoritarian nationalism, as its emphasis on blood-and-soil purity echoes broader post-Soviet ethno-religious revivals that prioritize mythic ancestry over empirical history, potentially exacerbating interfaith tensions in multi-ethnic regions like the Caucasus. For instance, academic analyses describe Assianist narratives as remythologizing national identity through selective folklore, ignoring how Soviet-era secularization fragmented any purported pagan substratum, rendering claims of authenticity speculative rather than evidence-based.[5] Such views underscore Assianism's role in identity politics, where its growth—estimated at a few thousand adherents by the 2010s—serves more as resistance to perceived Russian cultural hegemony than a purely spiritual revival.[41]Contemporary Presence and Institutions
Adherents in North Ossetia-Alania
Assianism, known locally as Uatsdin or Ætsæg Din, maintains a significant presence among ethnic Ossetians in the Republic of North Ossetia–Alania, where it constitutes the primary ethnic religion. According to surveys, approximately 29% of the republic's population, which numbers around 700,000 inhabitants, identifies with this faith.[2][50] The movement emerged from folk traditions preserved alongside Christianity, with revival efforts formalized in the late 20th century by nationalist intellectuals through groups like the Styr Nykhas cultural council.[3] Adherents engage in rituals at natural shrines and constructed temples, such as the Rekom Temple in Alagirsky District and the Tkhost Temple, which serve as focal points for communal ceremonies honoring deities like Uastyrdzhi, the patron of men and travelers.[51][31] These sites host annual gatherings, including the largest public celebrations in the republic, attracting thousands for sacrifices, prayers, and festivals tied to the agricultural and heroic cycles of Ossetian mythology.[3] Village-level kuvandons, or small temples, further embed practices in daily life, emphasizing ancestor veneration and natural phenomena. The faith operates through loosely structured public associations, with at least 29 national organizations registered in the republic supporting cultural and religious activities as of early 2000s data from the Ministry of Justice.[2] A formal entity was registered in Vladikavkaz in 2009, promoting Assianism amid tensions with the dominant Orthodox Church, which views traditionalist revivals as competition for influence in Ossetian society.[41] This rivalry manifests in disputes over sacred sites and public primacy, yet Uatsdin adherents assert continuity with pre-Christian Alan heritage, resisting full assimilation into Abrahamic traditions.[50]Status in South Ossetia
In South Ossetia, Assianism, referred to locally as Uatsdin or Æss Din ("True Faith"), manifests primarily as unstructured folk practices intertwined with Eastern Orthodox Christianity, the dominant religion among the ethnic Ossetian population of approximately 53,000 as of 2015. These traditions involve rituals at sacred sites known as dzuars—natural shrines in gorges and meadows dedicated to deities like Uastyrdzhi (the patron of men and warriors)—where offerings such as ritual toasts (kuvdy) and animal sacrifices occur, often syncretized with Christian prayers and feasts. Unlike organized forms elsewhere, Assianism here operates in a "grey, unregulated zone" without state endorsement or dedicated clergy training, reflecting its status as cultural heritage rather than a distinct faith.[52] Revival efforts emphasize restoring neglected dzuars, spurred by ethnic identity reinforcement during conflicts with Georgia in the 1990s and post-2008 independence. Guardians called dzuarlagi, a role revived in the 1990s, maintain these sites through community labor and donations, preserving practices like ancestor veneration and seasonal festivals tied to the Nart epic sagas. Notable projects include the sanctuary complex in Tsorbis gorge, initiated around 2019 by local activist Dzambolat Tedeev, which blends pre-Christian altars with Orthodox icons to foster communal harmony amid tensions with the Orthodox Church over site control. No formal Assianist institutions, temples, or registered organizations exist in the republic, distinguishing it from North Ossetia-Alania, where such entities emerged earlier.[52] The absence of non-Christian religious infrastructure underscores Assianism's marginal organized presence; South Ossetia lacks mosques, pagan temples, or alternative faith buildings, with all spiritual life channeled through approximately 20 Orthodox parishes under the direct oversight of the Russian Orthodox Church since 2010. While folklore and dzuar rituals endure—evident in annual gatherings drawing hundreds for kuvdy and hearthside invocations—adherents often self-identify as Orthodox for administrative ease, complicating estimates of commitment. This folk persistence, rooted in pre-Christian Iranian-Scythian substrates, faces critiques as a politicized ethnic marker rather than authentic revival, yet it sustains cultural continuity in a post-Soviet context of limited resources and geopolitical isolation.[52][53]Diaspora Communities, Including Ukraine
Assianist practices among ethnic Ossetians extend to small diaspora communities scattered beyond the Caucasus region, including in Turkey, Syria, Belgium, France, Sweden, and the United States, where emigrants from North Ossetia–Alania and South Ossetia maintain cultural and familial ties.[54] These groups, often numbering in the hundreds per location, preserve folk traditions linked to ancient Alan and Scythian heritage, such as veneration of deities like Uastyrdzhi, through private rituals and festivals, though formal temples or organizations are absent due to assimilation and small population sizes.[7] In Ukraine, Assianism manifests both among the modest ethnic Ossetian population and through adoption by Cossack subgroups claiming Scythian ancestry to assert a distinct identity separate from Slavic roots.[7] Ethnic Ossetians in Ukraine, descendants of migrations and Soviet-era relocations, number in the low thousands and occasionally integrate Assianist elements into family customs, reflecting the religion's emphasis on ancestral continuity.[55] More notably, certain Cossack communities in Ukraine have embraced Scythian Assianism as a reconstructed pagan faith, drawing on archaeological and mythological links to ancient Iranian nomads who inhabited the Pontic steppe, thereby framing it as a "native" pre-Christian tradition predating Slavic influences.[3] This variant aligns with broader Rodnovery movements but prioritizes Ossetian-Scythian pantheon figures like the thunder god and warrior saints, practiced in informal gatherings rather than centralized institutions.[7] Such adoption underscores Assianism's appeal as an ethnic revival tool amid post-Soviet identity quests, though it remains marginal compared to dominant Orthodox Christianity.References
- https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Assianism_symbol.svg