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Vice President of the United States
Vice President of the United States
from Wikipedia

Vice President of the United States
Incumbent
JD Vance
since January 20, 2025
Style
Status
Member of
ResidenceNumber One Observatory Circle
SeatWashington, D.C.
AppointerElectoral College, or, if vacant, President of the United States via congressional confirmation
Term lengthFour years, no term limit
Constituting instrumentConstitution of the United States
FormationMarch 4, 1789
(236 years ago)
 (1789-03-04)[1][2][3]
First holderJohn Adams[4]
SuccessionFirst[5]
Unofficial namesVPOTUS,[6] VP, Veep[7]
Salary$284,600 per annum
Websitewhitehouse.gov

The vice president of the United States (VPOTUS, or informally, veep[7]) is the second-highest ranking office in the executive branch[8][9] of the U.S. federal government, after the president of the United States, and ranks first in the presidential line of succession. The vice president is also an officer in the legislative branch, as the president of the Senate. In this capacity, the vice president is empowered to preside over the United States Senate, but may not vote except to cast a tie-breaking vote.[10] The vice president is elected at the same time as the president to a four-year term of office by the people of the United States through the Electoral College, but the electoral votes are cast separately for these two offices.[10] Following the passage in 1967 of the Twenty-fifth Amendment to the US Constitution, a vacancy in the office of vice president may be filled by presidential nomination and confirmation by a majority vote in both houses of Congress. This was based on the Tyler Precedent set in 1841 when John Tyler became the first vice president to take over for a deceased president following the death of William Henry Harrison.

The modern vice presidency is a position of significant power and is widely seen as an integral part of a president's administration. The presidential candidate selects the candidate for the vice presidency as their running mate in the lead-up to the presidential election. While the exact nature of the role varies in each administration, since the vice president's service in office is by election, the president cannot dismiss the vice president, and the personal working-relationship with the president varies, most modern vice presidents serve as a key presidential advisor, governing partner, and representative of the president. The vice president is also a statutory member of the United States Cabinet and United States National Security Council[10] and thus plays a significant role in executive government and national security matters. As the vice president's role within the executive branch has expanded, the legislative branch role has contracted; for example, vice presidents now preside over the Senate only infrequently.[11]

The role of the vice presidency has changed dramatically since the office was created during the 1787 Constitutional Convention. Originally something of an afterthought, the vice presidency was considered an insignificant office for much of the nation's history, especially after the Twelfth Amendment meant that vice presidents were no longer the runners-up in the presidential election. The vice president's role began steadily growing in importance during the 1930s, with the Office of the Vice President being created in the executive branch in 1939, and has since grown much further. Due to its increase in power and prestige, the vice presidency is now often considered to be a stepping stone to the presidency. Since the 1970s, the vice president has been afforded an official residence at Number One Observatory Circle.[12]

The Constitution does not expressly assign the vice presidency to a branch of the government, causing a dispute among scholars about which branch the office belongs to (the executive, the legislative, both, or neither).[11][13] The modern view of the vice president as an officer of the executive branch—one isolated almost entirely from the legislative branch—is due in large part to the assignment of executive authority to the vice president by either the president or Congress.[11][14] Nevertheless, many vice presidents have previously served in Congress, and are often tasked with helping to advance an administration's legislative priorities. John Adams was the country's first ever vice president. JD Vance is the 50th and current vice president since January 20, 2025.

History and development

[edit]

Constitutional Convention

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No mention of an office of vice president was made at the 1787 Constitutional Convention until near the end, when an eleven-member committee on "Leftover Business" proposed a method of electing the chief executive (president).[15] Delegates had previously considered the selection of the Senate's presiding officer, deciding that "the Senate shall choose its own President", and had agreed that this official would be designated the executive's immediate successor. They had also considered the mode of election of the executive but had not reached consensus. This all changed on September 4, when the committee recommended that the nation's chief executive be elected by an Electoral College, with each state having a number of presidential electors equal to the sum of that state's allocation of representatives and senators.[11][16]

Recognizing that loyalty to one's individual state outweighed loyalty to the new federation, the Constitution's framers assumed individual electors would be inclined to choose a candidate from their own state (a so-called "favorite son" candidate) over one from another state. So they created the office of vice president and required the electors to vote for two candidates, at least one of whom must be from outside the elector's state, believing that the second vote would be cast for a candidate of national character.[16][17] Additionally, to guard against the possibility that electors might strategically waste their second votes, it was specified that the first runner-up would become vice president.[16]

The resultant method of electing the president and vice president, spelled out in Article II, Section 1, Clause 3, allocated to each state a number of electors equal to the combined total of its Senate and House of Representatives membership. Each elector was allowed to vote for two people for president (rather than for both president and vice president), but could not differentiate between their first and second choice for the presidency. The person receiving the greatest number of votes (provided it was an absolute majority of the whole number of electors) would be president, while the individual who received the next largest number of votes became vice president. If there were a tie for first or for second place, or if no one won a majority of votes, the president and vice president would be selected by means of contingent elections protocols stated in the clause.[18][19]

Early vice presidents and Twelfth Amendment

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John Adams, the first vice president of the United States

The first two vice presidents, John Adams and Thomas Jefferson, both of whom gained the office by virtue of being runners-up in presidential contests, presided regularly over Senate proceedings and did much to shape the role of Senate president.[20][21] Several 19th-century vice presidents—such as George Dallas, Levi Morton, and Garret Hobart—followed their example and led effectively, while others were rarely present.[20]

The emergence of political parties and nationally coordinated election campaigns during the 1790s (which the Constitution's framers had not contemplated) quickly frustrated the election plan in the original Constitution. In the election of 1796, Federalist candidate John Adams won the presidency, but his bitter rival, Democratic-Republican candidate Thomas Jefferson, came second and thus won the vice presidency. As a result, the president and vice president were from opposing parties; and Jefferson used the vice presidency to frustrate the president's policies. Then, four years later, in the election of 1800, Jefferson and fellow Democratic-Republican Aaron Burr each received 73 electoral votes. In the contingent election that followed, Jefferson finally won the presidency on the 36th ballot, leaving Burr the vice presidency. Afterward, the system was overhauled through the Twelfth Amendment in time to be used in the 1804 election.[22]

19th and early 20th centuries

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For much of its existence, the office of vice president was seen as little more than a minor position. John Adams, the first vice president, was the first of many frustrated by the "complete insignificance" of the office. To his wife Abigail Adams he wrote, "My country has in its wisdom contrived for me the most insignificant office that ever the invention of man ... or his imagination contrived or his imagination conceived; and as I can do neither good nor evil, I must be borne away by others and met the common fate."[23] Thomas R. Marshall, who served as vice president from 1913 to 1921 under President Woodrow Wilson, lamented: "Once there were two brothers. One ran away to sea; the other was elected Vice President of the United States. And nothing was heard of either of them again."[24] His successor, Calvin Coolidge, was so obscure that Major League Baseball sent him free passes that misspelled his name, and a fire marshal failed to recognize him when Coolidge's Washington residence was evacuated.[25] John Nance Garner, who served as vice president from 1933 to 1941 under President Franklin D. Roosevelt, claimed that the vice presidency "isn't worth a pitcher of warm piss".[26] Harry Truman, who also served as vice president under Franklin Roosevelt, said the office was as "useful as a cow's fifth teat".[27] Walter Bagehot remarked in The English Constitution that "[t]he framers of the Constitution expected that the vice-president would be elected by the Electoral College as the second wisest man in the country. The vice-presidentship being a sinecure, a second-rate man agreeable to the wire-pullers is always smuggled in. The chance of succession to the presidentship is too distant to be thought of."[28]

When the Whig Party asked Daniel Webster to run for the vice presidency on Zachary Taylor's ticket, he replied "I do not propose to be buried until I am really dead and in my coffin."[29] This was the second time Webster declined the office, which William Henry Harrison had first offered to him. Ironically, both the presidents making the offer to Webster died in office, meaning the three-time candidate would have become president had he accepted either. Since presidents rarely die in office, however, the better preparation for the presidency was considered to be the office of Secretary of State, in which Webster served under Harrison, Tyler, and later, Taylor's successor, Fillmore.

In the first hundred years of the United States' existence no fewer than seven proposals to abolish the office of vice president were advanced.[30] The first such constitutional amendment was presented by Samuel W. Dana in 1800; it was defeated by a vote of 27 to 85 in the United States House of Representatives.[30] The second, introduced by United States Senator James Hillhouse in 1808, was also defeated.[30] During the late 1860s and 1870s, five additional amendments were proposed.[30] One advocate, James Mitchell Ashley, opined that the office of vice president was "superfluous" and dangerous.[30]

Garret Hobart, the first vice president under William McKinley, was one of the very few vice presidents at this time who played an important role in the administration. A close confidant and adviser of the president, Hobart was called "Assistant President".[31] However, until 1919, vice presidents were not included in meetings of the President's Cabinet. This precedent was broken by Woodrow Wilson when he asked Thomas R. Marshall to preside over Cabinet meetings while Wilson was in France negotiating the Treaty of Versailles.[32] President Warren G. Harding also invited Calvin Coolidge to meetings. The next vice president, Charles G. Dawes, did not seek to attend Cabinet meetings under President Coolidge, declaring that "the precedent might prove injurious to the country."[33] Vice President Charles Curtis regularly attended Cabinet meetings on the invitation of President Herbert Hoover.[34]

Emergence of the modern vice presidency

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Though prominent as a Missouri Senator, Harry S. Truman had been vice president only three months when he became president; he was never informed of Franklin Roosevelt's war or postwar policies while serving as vice president. This led to several statutory reforms concerning the office.

In 1933, Franklin D. Roosevelt raised the stature of the office by renewing the practice of inviting the vice president to cabinet meetings, which every president since has maintained. Roosevelt's first vice president, John Nance Garner, broke with him over the "court-packing" issue early in his second term, and became Roosevelt's leading critic. At the start of that term, on January 20, 1937, Garner had been the first vice president to be sworn into office on the Capitol steps in the same ceremony with the president, a tradition that continues. Prior to that time, vice presidents were traditionally inaugurated at a separate ceremony in the Senate chamber. Gerald Ford and Nelson Rockefeller, who were each appointed to the office under the terms of the 25th Amendment, were inaugurated in the House and Senate chambers respectively.

At the 1940 Democratic National Convention, Roosevelt selected his own running mate, Henry Wallace, instead of leaving the nomination to the convention, when he wanted Garner replaced.[35] He then gave Wallace major responsibilities during World War II. However, after numerous policy disputes between Wallace and other Roosevelt Administration and Democratic Party officials, he was denied re-nomination at the 1944 Democratic National Convention. Harry Truman was selected instead. During his 82-day vice presidency, Truman was never informed about any war or post-war plans, including the Manhattan Project.[36] Truman had no visible role in the Roosevelt administration outside of his congressional responsibilities and met with the president only a few times during his tenure as vice president.[37] Roosevelt died on April 12, 1945, and Truman succeeded to the presidency (the state of Roosevelt's health had also been kept from Truman). At the time he said, "I felt like the moon, the stars and all the planets fell on me."[38] Determined that no future vice president should be so uninformed upon unexpectedly becoming president, Truman made the vice president a member of the National Security Council, a participant in Cabinet meetings and a recipient of regular security briefings in 1949.[36]

The stature of the vice presidency grew again while Richard Nixon was in office (1953–1961). He attracted the attention of the media and the Republican Party, when Dwight Eisenhower authorized him to preside at Cabinet meetings in his absence and to assume temporary control of the executive branch, which he did after Eisenhower suffered a heart attack on September 24, 1955, ileitis in June 1956, and a stroke in November 1957. Nixon was also visible on the world stage during his time in office.[36]

Until 1961, vice presidents had their offices on Capitol Hill, a formal office in the Capitol itself and a working office in the Russell Senate Office Building. Lyndon B. Johnson was the first vice president to also be given an office in the White House complex, in the Old Executive Office Building. The former Navy Secretary's office in the OEOB has since been designated the "Ceremonial Office of the Vice President" and is today used for formal events and press interviews. President Jimmy Carter was the first president to give his vice president, Walter Mondale, an office in the West Wing of the White House, which all vice presidents have since retained. Because of their function as president of the Senate, vice presidents still maintain offices and staff members on Capitol Hill. This change came about because Carter held the view that the office of the vice presidency had historically been a wasted asset and wished to have his vice president involved in the decision-making process. Carter pointedly considered, according to Joel Goldstein, the way Roosevelt treated Truman as "immoral".[39]

Another factor behind the rise in prestige of the vice presidency was the expanded use of presidential preference primaries for choosing party nominees during the 20th century. By adopting primary voting, the field of candidates for vice president was expanded by both the increased quantity and quality of presidential candidates successful in some primaries, yet who ultimately failed to capture the presidential nomination at the convention.[35]

At the start of the 21st century, Dick Cheney (2001–2009) held much power within the administration, and frequently made policy decisions on his own, without the knowledge of the president.[40] This rapid growth led to Matthew Yglesias and Bruce Ackerman calling for the abolition of the vice presidency[41][42] while both of 2008's vice presidential candidates, Sarah Palin and Joe Biden, said they would reduce the role to simply being an adviser to the president.[43]

Constitutional roles

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Although delegates to the constitutional convention approved establishing the office, with both its executive and senatorial functions, not many understood the office, and so they gave the vice president few duties and little power.[20] Only a few states had an analogous position. Among those that did, New York's constitution provided that "the lieutenant-governor shall, by virtue of his office, be president of the Senate, and, upon an equal division, have a casting voice in their decisions, but not vote on any other occasion".[44] As a result, the vice presidency originally had authority in only a few areas, although constitutional amendments have added or clarified some matters.

President of the Senate

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Article I, Section 3, Clause 4 confers upon the vice president the title "President of the Senate", authorizing the vice president to preside over Senate meetings. In this capacity, the vice president is responsible for maintaining order and decorum, recognizing members to speak, and interpreting the Senate's rules, practices, and precedent. With this position also comes the authority to cast a tie-breaking vote.[20] In practice, the number of times vice presidents have exercised this right has varied greatly. Kamala Harris holds the record at 33 votes, followed by John C. Calhoun who had previously held the record at 31 votes; John Adams ranks third with 29.[45][46] Twelve vice presidents did not cast any tie-breaking votes.

As the framers of the Constitution anticipated that the vice president would not always be available to fulfill this responsibility, the Constitution provides that the Senate may elect a president pro tempore (or "president for a time") in order to maintain the proper ordering of the legislative process. In practice, since the early 20th century, neither the president of the Senate nor the pro tempore regularly presides; instead, the president pro tempore usually delegates the task to other Senate members.[47] Rule XIX, which governs debate, does not authorize the vice president to participate in debate, and grants only to members of the Senate (and, upon appropriate notice, former presidents of the United States) the privilege of addressing the Senate, without granting a similar privilege to the sitting vice president. Thus, Time magazine wrote in 1925, during the tenure of Charles G. Dawes, "once in four years the vice president can make a little speech, and then he is done. For four years he then has to sit in the seat of the silent, attending to speeches ponderous or otherwise, of deliberation or humor."[48]

Presiding over impeachment trials

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In their capacity as president of the Senate, the vice president may preside over most impeachment trials of federal officers, although the Constitution does not specifically require it. However, whenever the president of the United States is on trial, the Constitution requires that the chief justice of the United States must preside. This stipulation was designed to avoid the possible conflict of interest in having the vice president preside over the trial for the removal of the one official standing between them and the presidency.[49] In contrast, the Constitution is silent about which federal official would preside were the vice president on trial by the Senate.[13][50] No vice president has ever been impeached, thus leaving it unclear whether an impeached vice president could, as president of the Senate, preside at their own impeachment trial.

Presiding over electoral vote counts

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The Twelfth Amendment provides that the vice president, in their capacity as the president of the Senate, receives the Electoral College votes, and then, in the presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, opens the sealed votes.[18] The votes are then counted by Congress during a joint session, in accordance with the additional procedures prescribed by the Electoral Count Act and amended by Electoral Count Reform and Presidential Transition Improvement Act.[51] The former specifies that the president of the Senate presides over the joint session,[52] and the latter clarifies the solely ministerial role the president of the Senate serves in the process.[53] The next such joint session is expected to next take place following the 2028 presidential election, on January 6, 2029 (unless Congress sets a different date by law).[19]

In this capacity, four vice presidents have been able to announce their own election to the presidency: John Adams in 1797, Thomas Jefferson in 1801, Martin Van Buren in 1837 and George H. W. Bush in 1989.[20] Conversely, four vice presidents have needed to announce their opponent's election to the presidency: John C. Breckinridge in 1861,[54] Richard Nixon in 1961,[55] Al Gore in 2001,[56] and Kamala Harris in 2025.[57] In 1969, Vice President Hubert Humphrey would have done so as well, following his 1968 loss to Richard Nixon; however, on the date of the congressional joint session, Humphrey was in Norway attending the funeral of Trygve Lie, the first elected Secretary-General of the United Nations. The president pro tempore, Richard Russell, presided in his absence.[55] On February 8, 1933, Vice President Charles Curtis announced the election victory of his successor, House Speaker John Nance Garner, while Garner was seated next to him on the House dais.[58] Similarly, Walter Mondale, in 1981, Dan Quayle, in 1993, and Mike Pence, in 2021, each had to announce their successor's election victory, following their re-election losses.

Successor to the U.S. president

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An illustration:Tyler stands on his porch in Virginia, approached by a man with an envelope. Caption reads "Tyler receiving the news of Harrison's death."
1888 illustration of John Tyler receiving the news of President William Henry Harrison's death from Chief Clerk of the State Department Fletcher Webster

Article II, Section 1, Clause 6 stipulates that the vice president takes over the "powers and duties" of the presidency in the event of a president's removal, death, resignation, or inability.[59] Even so, it did not clearly state whether the vice president became president or simply acted as president in a case of succession. Debate records from the 1787 Constitutional Convention, along with various participants' later writings on the subject, show that the framers of the Constitution intended that the vice president would temporarily exercise the powers and duties of the office in the event of a president's death, disability or removal, but not actually become the president of the United States in their own right.[60][61]

This understanding was first tested in 1841, following the death of President William Henry Harrison, only 31 days into his term. Harrison's vice president, John Tyler, asserted that under the Constitution, he had succeeded to the presidency, not just to its powers and duties. He had himself sworn in as president and assumed full presidential powers, refusing to acknowledge documents referring to him as "Acting President".[62] Although some in Congress denounced Tyler's claim as a violation of the Constitution,[59] he adhered to his position. His view ultimately prevailed as both the Senate and House voted to acknowledge him as president.[63] The Tyler Precedent that a vice president assumes the full title and role of president upon the death, resignation, or removal from office (via impeachment conviction) of their predecessor was codified through the Twenty-fifth Amendment in 1967.[64][65] Altogether, nine vice presidents have succeeded to the presidency intra-term. In addition to Tyler, they are Millard Fillmore, Andrew Johnson, Chester A. Arthur, Theodore Roosevelt, Calvin Coolidge, Harry S. Truman, Lyndon B. Johnson, and Gerald Ford. Four of them—Roosevelt, Coolidge, Truman, and Lyndon B. Johnson—were later elected to full terms of their own.[60]

Four sitting vice presidents have been elected president: John Adams in 1796, Thomas Jefferson in 1800, Martin Van Buren in 1836, and George H. W. Bush in 1988. Likewise, two former vice presidents have won the presidency, Richard Nixon in 1968 and Joe Biden in 2020. Also, five incumbent vice presidents lost a presidential election: Breckinridge in 1860, Nixon in 1960, Humphrey in 1968, Gore in 2000, and Harris in 2024. Additionally, former vice president Walter Mondale lost in 1984.[66] In total, 15 vice presidents have become president.[67]

Acting president

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Sections 3 and 4 of the Twenty-fifth Amendment provide for situations where the president is temporarily or permanently unable to lead, such as if the president has a surgical procedure, becomes seriously ill or injured, or is otherwise unable to discharge the powers or duties of the presidency. Section 3 deals with self-declared incapacity, and Section 4 addresses incapacity declared by the joint action of the vice president and of a majority of the Cabinet.[68] While Section 4 has never been invoked, Section 3 has been invoked on four occasions by three presidents, first in 1985. When invoked on November 19, 2021, Kamala Harris became the first woman in U.S. history to have presidential powers and duties.[69]

Sections 3 and 4 were added because there was ambiguity in the Article II succession clause regarding a disabled president, including what constituted an "inability", who determined the existence of an inability, and if a vice president became president for the rest of the presidential term in the case of an inability or became merely "acting president". During the 19th century and first half of the 20th century, several presidents experienced periods of severe illness, physical disability or injury, some lasting for weeks or months. During these times, even though the nation needed effective presidential leadership, no vice president wanted to seem like a usurper, and so power was never transferred. After President Dwight D. Eisenhower openly addressed his health issues and made it a point to enter into an agreement with Vice President Richard Nixon that provided for Nixon to act on his behalf if Eisenhower became unable to provide effective presidential leadership (Nixon did informally assume some of the president's duties for several weeks on each of three occasions when Eisenhower was ill), discussions began in Congress about clearing up the Constitution's ambiguity on the subject.[59][68]

Modern roles

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The present-day power of the office flows primarily from formal and informal delegations of authority from the president and Congress.[13] These delegations can vary in significance; for example, the vice president is a statutory member of both the National Security Council and the board of regents of the Smithsonian Institution.[10] The extent of the roles and functions of the vice president depend on the specific relationship between the president and the vice president, but often include tasks such as drafter and spokesperson for the administration's policies, adviser to the president, and being a symbol of American concern or support. The influence of the vice president in these roles depends almost entirely on the characteristics of the particular administration.[70]

Presidential advisor

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Vice President JD Vance and President Donald Trump, 2025.

Most recent vice presidents have been viewed as important presidential advisors. Walter Mondale, unlike his immediate predecessors, did not want specific responsibilities to be delegated to him. Mondale believed, as he wrote President-elect Jimmy Carter a memo following the 1976 election, that his most important role would be as a "general adviser" to the president.[39][71] Al Gore was an important adviser to President Bill Clinton on matters of foreign policy and the environment. Dick Cheney was widely regarded as one of President George W. Bush's closest confidants. Joe Biden asked President Barack Obama to let him always be the "last person in the room" when a big decision was made; later, as president himself, Biden adopted this model with his own vice president, Kamala Harris.[72][73]

Governing partner

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Recent vice presidents have been delegated authority by presidents to handle significant issue areas independently. Joe Biden (who has held the office of President and Vice President of the United States) has observed that the presidency is "too big anymore for any one man or woman".[74] Dick Cheney was considered to hold a tremendous amount of power and frequently made policy decisions on his own, without the knowledge of the president.[40] Biden was assigned by Barack Obama to oversee Iraq policy; Obama was said to have said, "Joe, you do Iraq."[75] In February 2020, Donald Trump appointed Mike Pence to lead his response to COVID-19.[76] In March 2021, President Biden put Kamala Harris in charge of addressing the influx of migrants at the U.S.–Mexico border.[77]

Congressional liaison

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The vice president is often an important liaison between the administration and Congress, especially in situations where the president has not previously served in Congress or served only briefly. Vice presidents are often selected as running mates in part due to their legislative relationships, notably including Richard Nixon, Lyndon Johnson, Walter Mondale, Dick Cheney, Joe Biden, and Mike Pence among others. In recent years, Dick Cheney held weekly meetings in the Vice President's Room at the United States Capitol, Joe Biden played a key role in bipartisan budget negotiations, and Mike Pence often met with House and Senate Republicans. Kamala Harris presided over a 50–50 split Senate during the 117th Congress, which provided her with a key role in passing legislation.

Representative at events

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Under the American system of government the president is both head of state and head of government,[78] and the ceremonial duties of the former position are often delegated to the vice president. The vice president will on occasion represent the president and the U.S. government at state funerals abroad, or at various events in the United States. This often is the most visible role of the vice president. The vice president may also meet with other heads of state at times when the administration wishes to demonstrate concern or support but cannot send the president personally.

National Security Council member

[edit]

Since 1949, the vice president has legally been a member of the National Security Council. Harry Truman, having not been told about any war or post-war plans during his vice presidency (notably the Manhattan Project), recognized that upon assuming the presidency a vice president needed to be already informed on such issues. Modern vice presidents have also been included in the president's daily intelligence briefings[72] and frequently participate in meetings in the Situation Room with the president.

Selection process

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Eligibility

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To be constitutionally eligible to serve as the nation's vice president, a person must, according to the Twelfth Amendment, meet the eligibility requirements to become president (which are stated in Article II, Section 1, Clause 5). Thus, to serve as vice president, an individual must:

A person who meets the above qualifications is still disqualified from holding the office of vice president under the following conditions:

  • Under Article I, Section 3, Clause 7, upon conviction in impeachment cases, the Senate has the option of disqualifying convicted individuals from holding federal office, including that of vice president;
  • Under the Twelfth Amendment to the United States Constitution, "no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be eligible to that of Vice President of the United States".[79]
  • Under Section 3 of the Fourteenth Amendment, no person who has sworn an oath to support the Constitution, who has later "engaged in insurrection or rebellion" against the United States, or given aid and comfort to the nation's enemies can serve in a state or federal office—including as vice president. This disqualification, originally aimed at former supporters of the Confederacy, may be removed by a two-thirds vote of each house of the Congress.[80]

Nomination

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Geraldine Ferraro speaks following her selection as the party's vice presidential nominee.

The vice presidential candidates of the major national political parties are formally selected by each party's quadrennial nominating convention, following the selection of the party's presidential candidate. The official process is identical to the one by which the presidential candidates are chosen, with delegates placing the names of candidates into nomination, followed by a ballot in which candidates must receive a majority to secure the party's nomination.

In modern practice, the presidential nominee has considerable influence on the decision, and since the mid-20th century it became customary for that person to select a preferred running mate, who is then nominated and accepted by the convention. Prior to Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1940, only two presidents—Andrew Jackson in 1832 and Abraham Lincoln in 1864—had done so.[81] In recent years, with the presidential nomination usually being a foregone conclusion as the result of the primary process, the selection of a vice presidential candidate is often announced prior to the actual balloting for the presidential candidate, and sometimes before the beginning of the convention itself. The most recent presidential nominee not to name a vice presidential choice, leaving the matter up to the convention, was Democrat Adlai Stevenson in 1956. The convention chose Tennessee Senator Estes Kefauver over Massachusetts Senator (and later president) John F. Kennedy. At the tumultuous 1972 Democratic convention, presidential nominee George McGovern selected Missouri Senator Thomas Eagleton as his running mate, but numerous other candidates were either nominated from the floor or received votes during the balloting. Eagleton nevertheless received a majority of the votes and the nomination, though he later resigned from the ticket, resulting in Sargent Shriver from Maryland becoming McGovern's final running mate; both lost to the Nixon–Agnew ticket by a wide margin, carrying only Massachusetts and the District of Columbia.

During times in a presidential election cycle before the identity of the presidential nominee is clear, including cases where the presidential nomination is still in doubt as the convention approaches, campaigns for the two positions may become intertwined. In 1976, Ronald Reagan, who was trailing President Gerald Ford in the presidential delegate count, announced prior to the Republican National Convention that, if nominated, he would select Pennsylvania Senator Richard Schweiker as his running mate. Reagan was the first presidential aspirant to announce his selection for vice president before the beginning of the convention. Reagan's supporters then unsuccessfully sought to amend the convention rules so that Gerald Ford would be required to name his vice presidential running mate in advance as well. This move backfired to a degree, as Schweiker's relatively liberal voting record alienated many of the more conservative delegates who were considering a challenge to party delegate selection rules to improve Reagan's chances. In the end, Ford narrowly won the presidential nomination and Reagan's selection of Schweiker became moot.

In the 2008 Democratic presidential primaries, which pitted Hillary Clinton against Barack Obama, Clinton suggested a Clinton–Obama ticket with Obama in the vice president slot, which she said would be "unstoppable" against the presumptive Republican nominee. Obama rejected the offer outright, saying, "I want everybody to be absolutely clear. I'm not running for vice president. I'm running for president of the United States of America," adding, "With all due respect. I won twice as many states as Senator Clinton. I've won more of the popular vote than Senator Clinton. I have more delegates than Senator Clinton. So, I don't know how somebody who's in second place is offering vice presidency to the person who's in first place." Obama said the nomination process would have to be a choice between himself and Clinton, saying "I don't want anybody here thinking that 'Somehow, maybe I can get both'", by nominating Clinton and assuming he would be her running mate.[82][83] Some suggested that it was a ploy by the Clinton campaign to denigrate Obama as less qualified for the presidency.[84][failed verification] Later, when Obama became the presumptive Democratic presidential nominee, former president Jimmy Carter cautioned against Clinton being picked as the vice presidential nominee on the ticket, saying "I think it would be the worst mistake that could be made. That would just accumulate the negative aspects of both candidates", citing opinion polls showing 50% of US voters with a negative view of Hillary Clinton.[85]

Vice President George H. W. Bush with President Ronald Reagan in 1981.
Vice President Dan Quayle with President George H. W. Bush in 1989.

Selection criteria

[edit]

Though the vice president does not need to have any political experience, most major-party vice presidential nominees are current or former United States senators or representatives, with the occasional nominee being a current or former governor, a high-ranking former military officer (active military officers being prohibited under US law from holding political office), or a holder of a major position within the Executive branch. In addition, the vice presidential nominee has always been an official resident of a different state than the presidential nominee. While nothing in the Constitution prohibits a presidential candidate and his or her running mate being from the same state, the "inhabitant clause" of the Twelfth Amendment does mandate that every presidential elector must cast a ballot for at least one candidate who is not from their own state. Prior to the 2000 election, both George W. Bush and Dick Cheney lived in and voted in Texas. To avoid creating a potential problem for Texas's electors, Cheney changed his residency back to Wyoming prior to the campaign.[79]

Often, the presidential nominee will name a vice presidential candidate who will bring geographic or ideological balance to the ticket or appeal to a particular constituency. The vice presidential candidate might also be chosen on the basis of traits the presidential candidate is perceived to lack, or on the basis of name recognition. To foster party unity, popular runners-up in the presidential nomination process are commonly considered. While this selection process may enhance the chances of success for a national ticket, in the past it often resulted in the vice presidential nominee representing regions, constituencies, or ideologies at odds with those of the presidential candidate. As a result, vice presidents were often excluded from the policy-making process of the new administration. Many times their relationships with the president and his staff were aloof, non-existent, or even adversarial.[citation needed]

Historically, the vice presidential nominee was usually a second-tier politician, chosen either to appease the party's minority faction, satisfy party bosses, or to secure a key state.[86] Factors playing a role in the selection included: geographic and ideological balance, widening a presidential candidate's appeal to voters from outside their regional base or wing of the party. Candidates from electoral-vote rich swing states were usually preferred. A 2016 study, which examined vice-presidential candidates over the period 1884–2012, found that vice presidential candidates increased their tickets’ performance in their home states by 2.67 percentage points on average.[87]

Election

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Map of the United States showing the number of electoral votes allocated following the 2020 United States census to each state and the District of Columbia for the 2024 and 2028 presidential elections. 270 electoral votes are required for a majority out of 538 votes possible.

The vice president is elected indirectly by the voters of each state and the District of Columbia through the Electoral College, a body of electors formed every four years for the sole purpose of electing the president and vice president to concurrent four-year terms. Each state is entitled to a number of electors equal to the size of its total delegation in both houses of Congress. Additionally, the Twenty-third Amendment provides that the District of Columbia is entitled to the number it would have if it were a state, but in no case more than that of the least populous state.[88] Currently, all states and D.C. select their electors based on a popular election held on Election Day.[19] In all but two states, the party whose presidential–vice presidential ticket receives a plurality of popular votes in the state has its entire slate of elector nominees chosen as the state's electors.[89] Maine and Nebraska deviate from this winner-take-all practice, awarding two electors to the statewide winner and one to the winner in each congressional district.[90][91]

On the first Monday after the second Wednesday in December, about six weeks after the election, the electors convene in their respective states (and in Washington D.C.) to vote for president and, on a separate ballot, for vice president. The certified results are opened and counted during a joint session of Congress, held in the first week of January. A candidate who receives an absolute majority of electoral votes for vice president (currently 270 of 538) is declared the winner. If no candidate has a majority, the Senate must meet to elect a vice president using a contingent election procedure in which senators, casting votes individually, choose between the two candidates who received the most electoral votes for vice president. For a candidate to win the contingent election, they must receive votes from an absolute majority of senators (currently 51 of 100).[19][92]

There has been only one vice presidential contingent election since the process was created by the Twelfth Amendment. It occurred on February 8, 1837, after no candidate received a majority of the electoral votes cast for vice president in the 1836 election. By a 33–17 vote, Richard M. Johnson (Martin Van Buren's running mate) was elected the nation's ninth vice president over Francis Granger (William Henry Harrison's and Daniel Webster's running mate).[93]

Tenure

[edit]

Inauguration

[edit]
Four vice presidents: (from left) outgoing president Lyndon B. Johnson (the 37th vice president), incoming president Richard Nixon (36th), (Everett Dirksen administering oath), incoming vice president Spiro Agnew (39th), and outgoing vice president Hubert Humphrey (38th), January 20, 1969

Pursuant to the Twentieth Amendment, the vice president's term of office begins at noon on January 20, as does the president's.[94] The first presidential and vice presidential terms to begin on this date, known as Inauguration Day, were the second terms of President Franklin D. Roosevelt and Vice President John Nance Garner in 1937.[95] Previously, Inauguration Day was on March 4. As a result of the date change, both men's first terms (1933–1937) were short of four years by 43 days.[96]

Also in 1937, the vice president's swearing-in ceremony was held on the Inaugural platform on the Capitol's east front immediately before the president's swearing in. Up until then, most vice presidents took the oath of office in the Senate chamber, prior to the president's swearing-in ceremony.[97] Although the Constitution contains the specific wording of the presidential oath, it contains only a general requirement, in Article VI, that the vice president and other government officers shall take an oath or affirmation to support the Constitution. The current form, which has been used since 1884 reads:

I, (first name last name), do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will support and defend the Constitution of the United States against all enemies, foreign and domestic; that I will bear true faith and allegiance to the same; that I take this obligation freely, without any mental reservation or purpose of evasion; and that I will well and faithfully discharge the duties of the office on which I am about to enter. So help me God.[98]

Term of office

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The term of office for both the vice president and the president is four years. While the Twenty-Second Amendment sets a limit on the number of times an individual can be elected to the presidency (two),[99] there is no such limitation on the office of vice president, meaning an eligible person could hold the office as long as voters continued to vote for electors who in turn would reelect the person to the office; one could even serve under different presidents. This has happened twice: George Clinton (1805–1812) served under both Thomas Jefferson and James Madison; and John C. Calhoun (1825–1832) served under John Quincy Adams and Andrew Jackson.[20] Additionally, neither the Constitution's eligibility provisions nor the Twenty-second Amendment's presidential term limit explicitly disqualify a twice-elected president from serving as vice president, though it is arguably prohibited by the last sentence of the Twelfth Amendment: "But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be eligible to that of Vice-President of the United States."[100] As of the 2020 election cycle, however, no former president has tested the amendment's legal restrictions or meaning by running for the vice presidency.[101][102]

Impeachment

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Article II, Section 4 of the Constitution allows for the removal of federal officials, including the vice president, from office for "treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors". No vice president has ever been impeached.

Vacancies

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Two women are flanked by two men in suits, standing in a room of the White House.
(Left to right) President Richard Nixon, First Lady Pat Nixon, Betty Ford and Representative Gerald Ford after President Nixon nominated Ford to be vice president, October 13, 1973

Prior to the ratification of the Twenty-fifth Amendment in 1967, no constitutional provision existed for filling an intra-term vacancy in the vice presidency.

As a result, when such a vacancy occurred, the office was left vacant until filled through the next ensuing election and inauguration. Between 1812 and 1965, the vice presidency was vacant on sixteen occasions, as a result of seven deaths, one resignation, and eight cases of the vice president succeeding to the presidency. With the vacancy that followed the succession of Lyndon B. Johnson in 1963, the nation had been without a vice president for a cumulative total of 37 years.[103][104]

Section 2 of the Twenty-fifth Amendment provides that "whenever there is a vacancy in the office of the Vice President, the President shall nominate a Vice President who shall take office upon confirmation by a majority vote of both Houses of Congress."[5] This procedure has been implemented twice since the amendment came into force: the first instance occurred in 1973 following the October 10 resignation of Spiro Agnew, when Gerald Ford was nominated by President Richard Nixon and confirmed by Congress. The second occurred ten months later on August 9, 1974, on Ford's accession to the presidency upon Nixon's resignation, when Nelson Rockefeller was nominated by President Ford and confirmed by Congress.[59][104]

Had it not been for this new constitutional mechanism, the vice presidency would have remained vacant after Agnew's resignation; the speaker of the House, Carl Albert, would have become Acting President had Nixon resigned in this scenario, under the terms of the Presidential Succession Act of 1947.[105]

Vice presidential vacancies[20][60]
No. Period of vacancy Cause of vacancy Length Vacancy filled by
1 April 20, 1812
  March 4, 1813
Death of George Clinton 318 days Election of 1812
2 November 23, 1814
  March 4, 1817
Death of Elbridge Gerry 2 years, 101 days Election of 1816
3 December 28, 1832
  March 4, 1833
Resignation of John C. Calhoun 66 days Election of 1832
4 April 4, 1841
  March 4, 1845
Accession of John Tyler as president 3 years, 334 days   Election of 1844
5 July 9, 1850
  March 4, 1853
Accession of Millard Fillmore as president 2 years, 238 days Election of 1852
6 April 18, 1853
  March 4, 1857
Death of William R. King 3 years, 320 days Election of 1856
7 April 15, 1865
  March 4, 1869
Accession of Andrew Johnson as president 3 years, 323 days Election of 1868
8 November 22, 1875
  March 4, 1877
Death of Henry Wilson 1 year, 102 days Election of 1876
9 September 19, 1881
  March 4, 1885
Accession of Chester A. Arthur as president 3 years, 166 days Election of 1884
10 November 25, 1885
  March 4, 1889
Death of Thomas A. Hendricks 3 years, 99 days Election of 1888
11 November 21, 1899
  March 4, 1901
Death of Garret Hobart 1 year, 103 days Election of 1900
12 September 14, 1901
  March 4, 1905
Accession of Theodore Roosevelt as president 3 years, 171 days Election of 1904
13 October 30, 1912
  March 4, 1913
Death of James S. Sherman 125 days Election of 1912
14 August 2, 1923
  March 4, 1925
Accession of Calvin Coolidge as president 1 year, 214 days Election of 1924
15 April 12, 1945
  January 20, 1949
Accession of Harry S. Truman as president 3 years, 283 days Election of 1948
16 November 22, 1963
  January 20, 1965
Accession of Lyndon B. Johnson as president 1 year, 59 days Election of 1964
17 October 10, 1973
  December 6, 1973
Resignation of Spiro Agnew 57 days Confirmation of successor
18 August 9, 1974
  December 19, 1974
Accession of Gerald Ford as president 132 days Confirmation of successor

Office and status

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Salary

[edit]

The vice president's salary in 2019 was $235,100.[106] For 2024, the vice president's salary is $284,600,[107] however, due to a pay freeze in effect since 2019, the actual portion of that salary that is payable remains $235,100.[108] The salary was set by the 1989 Government Salary Reform Act, which also provides an automatic cost of living adjustment for federal employees. The vice president does not automatically receive a pension based on that office, but instead receives the same pension as other members of Congress based on their position as president of the Senate.[109] The vice president must serve a minimum of two years to qualify for a pension.[110]

Residence

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Number One Observatory Circle, Washington D.C., the official residence of the vice president

The home of the vice president was designated in 1974, when Congress established Number One Observatory Circle as the official temporary residence of the vice president of the United States. In 1966, Congress, concerned about safety and security, and mindful of the increasing responsibilities of the office, allotted money ($75,000) to fund construction of a residence for the vice president, but implementation stalled. After eight years, the decision was revised, and One Observatory Circle was then designated for the vice president.[111] Up until the change, vice presidents lived in homes, apartments, or hotels, and were compensated more like cabinet members and members of Congress, receiving only a housing allowance.

The three-story Queen Anne style mansion was built in 1893 on the grounds of the U.S. Naval Observatory in Washington, D.C. to serve as residence for the superintendent of the Observatory. In 1923, the residence was reassigned to be the home of the Chief of Naval Operations (CNO), which it was until it was turned over to the office of the vice president fifty years later.

Travel and transportation

[edit]
Air Force Two, the official vice presidential aircraft, carrying the vice president

The primary means of long-distance air travel for the vice president is one of two identical Boeing airplanes, which are extensively modified Boeing 757 airliners and are referred to as Air Force Two, while the vice president is on board. Any U.S. Air Force aircraft the vice president is aboard is referred to as "Air Force Two" for the duration of the flight. In-country trips are typically handled with just one of the two planes, while overseas trips are handled with both, one primary and one backup.

For short-distance air travel, the vice president has access to a fleet of U.S. Marine Corps helicopters of varying models including Marine Two when the vice president is aboard any particular one in the fleet. Flights are typically handled with as many as five helicopters all flying together and frequently swapping positions as to disguise which helicopter the vice president is actually aboard to any would-be threats.

Staff

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The vice president is supported by personnel in the Office of the Vice President of the United States. The office was created in the Reorganization Act of 1939, which included an "office of the Vice President" under the Executive Office of the President. Salary for the staff is provided by both legislative and executive branch appropriations, in light of the vice president's roles in each branch.

Protection

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Vice President Kamala Harris, surrounded by members of her family and Secret Service

The U.S. Secret Service is in charge with protecting the vice president and the second family. As part of their protection, vice presidents, second spouses, their children and other immediate family members, and other prominent persons and locations are assigned Secret Service codenames. The use of such names was originally due to security purposes and safety reasons.

Office spaces

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In the modern era, the vice president makes use of at least five different office spaces. These include an office in the West Wing, a ceremonial office in the Eisenhower Executive Office Building near where most of the vice president's staff works, the Vice President's Room on the Senate side of the United States Capitol for meetings with members of Congress, an office in the Dirksen Senate Office Building, and an office at the vice president's residence.

Post–vice presidency

[edit]

Since 1977, former presidents and former vice presidents who are elected or re-elected to the Senate are entitled to the largely honorific position of Deputy President pro tempore. To date, the only former vice president to have held this title is Hubert Humphrey. Also, under the terms of an 1886 Senate resolution, all former vice presidents are entitled to a portrait bust in the Senate wing of the United States Capitol, commemorating their service as presidents of the Senate. Dick Cheney is the most recently serving vice president in the collection.[112]

Unlike former presidents, whose pension is fixed at the same rate, regardless of their time in office, former vice presidents receive their retirement income based on their role as president of the Senate.[113] Additionally, since 2008, each former vice president and their immediate family is entitled (under the Former Vice President Protection Act of 2008) to Secret Service protection for up to six months after leaving office, and again temporarily at any time thereafter if warranted.[114]

Timeline

[edit]

Graphical timeline listing the vice presidents of the United States:

JD VanceKamala HarrisMike PenceJoe BidenDick CheneyAl GoreDan QuayleGeorge H. W. BushWalter MondaleNelson RockefellerGerald FordSpiro AgnewHubert HumphreyLyndon B. JohnsonRichard NixonAlben W. BarkleyHarry S. TrumanHenry A. WallaceJohn N. GarnerCharles CurtisCharles G. DawesCalvin CoolidgeThomas R. MarshallJames S. ShermanCharles W. FairbanksTheodore RooseveltGarret HobartAdlai Stevenson ILevi P. MortonThomas A. HendricksChester A. ArthurWilliam A. WheelerHenry WilsonSchuyler ColfaxAndrew JohnsonHannibal HamlinJohn C. BreckinridgeWilliam R. KingMillard FillmoreGeorge M. DallasJohn TylerRichard M. JohnsonMartin Van BurenJohn C. CalhounDaniel D. TompkinsElbridge GerryGeorge Clinton (vice president)Aaron BurrThomas JeffersonJohn Adams

References

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Further reading

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
The Vice President of the is an elected who serves a four-year term jointly with the President, selected through the as specified in Article II, Section 1 of the U.S. Constitution. The office holder's primary constitutional duties include presiding over the as its president, casting deciding votes in cases of ties, and succeeding to the presidency upon the death, resignation, removal, or incapacity of the President, as outlined in Article II and the Twenty-Fifth Amendment. Originally conceived as a legislative counterweight with minimal executive involvement, the vice presidency evolved incrementally from an often-marginalized position—derided by early occupants like as "the most insignificant office"—into a substantive advisory and policy-implementation role, particularly from the onward under arrangements like those between President and Vice President . Additional responsibilities, such as foreign travel, ceremonial duties, and delegated executive tasks, fall at the sitting President's discretion, reflecting the office's adaptability rather than fixed statutory expansion. Of the 49 individuals who have served as since 1789, fifteen have ascended to the presidency, with nine securing through election following their vice presidential tenure and six via automatic succession due to presidential vacancy. This path underscores the position's potential as a presidential , though success remains rare and contingent on political circumstances, as evidenced by the varied influence wielded by incumbents from , who assumed office amid controversy over his title, to modern Vice Presidents engaged in and legislative liaison. 's residence at and its distinct seal and flag symbolize its formal stature within the federal government.

Historical Evolution

Constitutional Origins at the Founding

The office of the originated during the Constitutional Convention of in , where delegates sought to establish a balanced executive branch distinct from the weak presidency under the . The framers, drawing on state constitutions and British precedents, envisioned the primarily as a standby successor to the President and a presiding officer in the to maintain impartiality without granting legislative members that role. This dual function addressed concerns over executive continuity amid high mortality risks from disease and travel, while avoiding the potential for Senate self-selection of its leader, which could entrench factionalism. Article II, Section 1, Clause 3 of the , as reported by the Committee of Detail on September 4, 1787, specified that the President and would be elected indirectly via an : each elector casts two votes for President without distinction, the candidate with the absolute majority becoming President, and the runner-up serving as ; ties would be resolved by the for the Vice Presidency or the for the Presidency. James Madison's notes from that day's debates record apprehension that limiting selection to the top five candidates might favor regional favorites over national figures, but the provision passed with amendments favoring broader electoral choice to prioritize merit over intrigue. The clause also mandated that no elector vote for two candidates from the same state, aiming to foster geographic diversity and prevent intra-state cabals from dominating the executive. The 's role, formalized in Article I, Section 3, positioned them as ex officio president with a tie-breaking vote but no initiating power, a design rooted in the Convention's draft to insulate legislative proceedings from executive influence while ensuring deadlock resolution. Succession was implied in Article II, Section 1, Clause 6: upon presidential removal, death, resignation, or inability, the Vice President assumes the office, reflecting pragmatic realism about human frailty rather than elaborate contingency planning. , in published in 1788, defended this framework as superior to direct popular or legislative election, arguing it harnessed elite electors to select the "second-best" candidate as Vice President, thereby minimizing passion-driven choices and bolstering republican stability. Convention records indicate the Vice Presidency elicited scant debate compared to the presidency, emerging as a committee compromise rather than a foundational , with delegates prioritizing executive energy over vice-presidential elaboration.

Early Challenges and the Twelfth Amendment

The original constitutional mechanism for electing the president and vice president, established in Article II, Section 1, required each elector in the to cast votes for two persons without designating their intended offices; the candidate receiving the most votes became president, and the runner-up became . This approach, designed under the assumption of consensus among elites rather than organized parties, quickly proved problematic as political factions emerged in the , fostering adversarial relationships between the executive and his deputy. The election of 1796 exemplified these tensions: Federalist John Adams received 71 electoral votes to become president, while his Democratic-Republican rival Thomas Jefferson garnered 68 votes, securing the vice presidency despite their opposing ideological commitments and personal animosities. Adams later described the vice presidency as "the most insignificant office that ever the invention of man contrived or his imagination conceived," reflecting the inherent friction of serving under a political opponent with limited duties beyond presiding over the Senate. This arrangement not only undermined executive cohesion but also exposed vulnerabilities to factional maneuvering, as electors' undifferentiated votes encouraged strategic voting to influence outcomes without clear accountability. The crisis peaked in the election of 1800, when Democratic-Republican candidates Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr each received 73 electoral votes, creating a tie that threw the decision to the House of Representatives. Despite their intended ticket arrangement, Burr's refusal to concede the presidency—fueled by ambition and poor coordination among electors—required 36 ballots over six days in February 1801 to elect Jefferson, with Federalist Alexander Hamilton's interventions proving decisive against Burr, whom he deemed more dangerous. This deadlock highlighted the system's failure to accommodate party tickets, risking paralysis and intrigue, as electors from the same faction could inadvertently or deliberately undermine their preferred presidential candidate. In response, proposed the Twelfth Amendment on December 9, 1803, mandating separate ballots for president and to align with emerging partisan practices and prevent future ties or cross-party vice presidents. Ratified by the necessary states on June 15, 1804, the amendment reformed the process, ensuring the would be the of the president rather than a potential rival, though it retained contingencies for contingent elections in cases of deadlocks. This change addressed the causal flaws in the original design—namely, its incompatibility with polarized voting—but did not eliminate all risks, as subsequent elections demonstrated persistent potential for disputes.

19th-Century Ceremonial Dominance

During the , the vice presidency functioned primarily as a ceremonial office, with its core duties revolving around procedural oversight of the rather than substantive policymaking or executive influence. The designates the vice president as , tasked with maintaining order, recognizing speakers, and interpreting rules, but without a deliberative vote except to break ties. This role, while constitutionally mandated, was often performed irregularly, as vice presidents frequently delegated day-to-day presiding to the , especially during prolonged absences for travel, health issues, or state obligations. Engagement levels varied among incumbents, but the position's ceremonial character persisted across administrations. John C. Calhoun (1825–1832) exemplified rarer active involvement, presiding frequently and leveraging tie-breaking votes to advance nullification doctrines and tariff policies, yet even he resigned amid conflicts with President Andrew Jackson. In contrast, Daniel D. Tompkins (1817–1825) exemplified disengagement, plagued by financial scandals and alcoholism; he rarely attended sessions, once presiding while intoxicated, and focused on New York state affairs and debt resolution. Similarly, William R. King (1853) took the oath in Cuba due to illness and died after 45 days in office without substantive Senate participation. The office's limited scope extended to other ceremonial functions, such as opening electoral certificates and counting votes, performed quadrennially with minimal discretion. Vice presidents exerted negligible influence on presidential cabinets or legislation outside ties—only 35 such votes were cast from to 1900, often on routine matters—and many pursued independent political ambitions or retired to private life upon term's end. This marginality was compounded by structural factors: the Twelfth Amendment's aligned tickets by party, reducing adversarial dynamics but not elevating the vice president's advisory role, leaving incumbents as legislative ornaments rather than executive partners. High vacancy rates—through or resignation—further underscored the position's precarious, standby nature, with seven vice presidents dying in office between 1812 and 1899.

20th-Century Expansion Toward Partnership

During the early decades of the 20th century, the vice presidency remained largely ceremonial, with incumbents like John Nance Garner under Franklin D. Roosevelt (1933–1941) primarily leveraging their Senate ties to advance administration priorities, such as New Deal legislation. Garner cast 16 tie-breaking votes in the Senate, aiding passage of key bills like the Securities Exchange Act of 1934. Henry A. Wallace (1941–1945) similarly focused on legislative liaison but was marginalized in policy due to ideological differences with FDR, who excluded him from major wartime decisions. The sudden ascension of Harry S. Truman to the presidency on April 12, 1945, following Roosevelt's death, underscored the office's informational gaps, as Truman later reported receiving no prior briefings on atomic bomb developments or Soviet relations. Post-World War II, the role began expanding under Dwight D. Eisenhower (1953–1961), who elevated Richard Nixon beyond constitutional duties by including him in cabinet meetings, National Security Council sessions, and foreign policy initiatives. Nixon undertook 57 overseas trips representing the U.S., including goodwill missions to Asia and Latin America, and mediated internal administration tensions, such as those involving Senator Joseph McCarthy. Eisenhower explicitly enlarged the vice president's responsibilities, stating in 1953 that Nixon's duties would be "greatly enlarged," marking a shift toward executive partnership driven by Cold War demands for broader diplomatic engagement. This trend accelerated in subsequent administrations, with granting (1965–1969) substantive advisory roles on domestic policy, including the programs and the , though Humphrey's influence waned amid controversies. under (1969–1973) handled ceremonial tasks and partisan attacks on media critics but lacked deep policy integration until his 1973 resignation. Gerald Ford's brief vice presidency (1973–1974), the first under the 25th Amendment ratified in 1967, involved continuity planning but limited partnership due to Watergate. The most transformative expansion occurred under (1977–1981), who, at Walter Mondale's insistence, restructured the office into a genuine executive partnership. Mondale received a office on January 20, 1977—the first for a vice president—along with a dedicated staff of 17 and daily access to the president, briefings, and policy formulation on issues like energy and . Mondale attended all cabinet and National Security Council meetings, represented Carter in 86 foreign trips, and contributed to negotiations such as the in 1978, establishing a model where the vice president functions as a "full partner" rather than a standby successor. This institutional shift, influenced by prior ascensions like Truman's and the 25th Amendment's clarification of incapacity procedures, reflected pragmatic adaptations to modern governance complexities, though influence remained contingent on presidential trust.

Post-1945 Institutionalization and Contemporary Practice

Following , the vice presidency transitioned from a primarily legislative role centered on presiding over the to a more substantive executive function, with vice presidents increasingly serving as advisors and representatives for the president. This shift accelerated under , who delegated ceremonial duties and foreign travel to , marking the first extensive use of the vice president in international diplomacy, including trips to Asia and between 1953 and 1961. The Twenty-fifth Amendment, ratified on February 10, 1967, further institutionalized the office by clarifying succession procedures and mechanisms for presidential disability, addressing ambiguities exposed by events like the on November 22, 1963. A pivotal development occurred under with Walter Mondale's tenure from 1977 to 1981, when Mondale negotiated a formal advisory role prior to acceptance, gaining an office in of the , daily intelligence briefings, and weekly private lunches with the president. These arrangements established precedents for vice presidential integration into executive decision-making, expanding the office's staff from a handful to over 20 full-time personnel by the late 1970s and formalizing policy assignments. In 1974, became the first vice president to reside at , institutionalizing the vice presidential residence and enhancing the office's autonomy with dedicated security and support. Contemporary practice reflects this executive orientation, with vice presidents managing specific portfolios such as , domestic initiatives, or legislative advocacy, often traveling as to represent the administration. For instance, under from 2001 to 2009 wielded significant influence over and , participating in cabinet meetings and chairing task forces. Under from 2025, J.D. Vance has focused on immigration enforcement, including border visits in early 2025, and partisan messaging amid congressional negotiations like the October 2025 government funding debates. The office now operates with an annual budget exceeding $4 million for staff and operations, underscoring its evolution into a key institutional component of the executive branch.

Formal Constitutional Duties

Presidency of the Senate and Procedural Oversight

The of the holds the constitutional office of , as specified in Article I, Section 3, Clause 4 of the , which states: "The of the shall be , but shall have no Vote, unless they be equally divided." This role positions the as the formal presiding officer, responsible for convening sessions, enforcing decorum, and directing procedural flow in accordance with standing rules and precedents. Unlike the Speaker of the House, the lacks authority to participate in debate, introduce , or wield agenda-setting power, limiting influence to procedural enforcement. In practice, the Vice President rarely exercises day-to-day presiding duties, delegating them to the —typically the senator with longest continuous service from the majority party—or to junior senators on a rotating basis, a custom dating to the early . From the Senate's founding in until the mid-20th century, Vice Presidents often presided more frequently, with , the first Vice President, attending and presiding over approximately two-thirds of sessions during his tenure from to 1797 to interpret rules and maintain order amid partisan tensions. Modern Vice Presidents preside personally only during ceremonial events, such as joint sessions for the address, the opening of a new , or the administration of oaths to new senators, averaging fewer than 40 hours per year in recent decades. This delegation reflects the Senate's evolution toward internal self-management and the Vice President's growing focus on executive advisory roles since the 1930s. Procedural oversight encompasses calling the Senate to order, recognizing members for speeches or motions, stating questions before votes, announcing results, and ruling on points of order or parliamentary inquiries. These functions are bounded by Senate Rule XIX, which prohibits the presiding officer from engaging in debate, and Rule XX, which allows appeals from rulings, enabling a simple majority to overrule the Vice President and thereby preserving the chamber's deliberative autonomy. Historical instances of active oversight include Vice President Aaron Burr's 1804 efforts to streamline rules by eliminating the motion to recommit, aimed at curbing filibuster-like tactics, though such interventions have become rare as the Senate prioritizes for efficiency over formal rulings. The Vice President's procedural neutrality is further underscored by precedents barring partisan advocacy from the chair, ensuring that oversight serves institutional continuity rather than executive influence.

Tie-Breaking Votes in the Senate

The casts a tie-breaking vote in the U.S. only when the chamber is equally divided, pursuant to Article I, Section 3, Clause 4 of the , which states that the "shall have no Vote, unless they be equally divided." This mechanism ensures decisions can proceed without deadlock, with the 's vote aligning with the president's party and often determining outcomes on nominations, appropriations, and amid narrow majorities. Ties arise primarily from even-numbered membership (100 senators) combined with strict partisan divisions, a pattern intensified since the late as margins have frequently hovered near 50-50. John Adams delivered the inaugural tie-breaking vote on July 18, 1789, approving a measure to set senators' compensation at $6 per diem. From 1789 through December 2023, vice presidents recorded 301 such votes, with additional instances in 2025 elevating the cumulative total beyond 300. Early vice presidents like Adams and John C. Calhoun cast votes frequently during eras of factional balance, but modern examples reflect procedural reliance on vice presidential intervention for party-line outcomes. Kamala Harris set the single-term record with 33 tie-breaking votes from 2021 to 2025, exceeding Calhoun's 31 from 1825 to 1832 and Adams's 29 from 1789 to 1797; her 32nd vote on December 5, 2023, confirmed the chair amid banking sector concerns following regional bank failures. Harris's tally underscored the Democrats' 50-50 in the 117th and subsequent slim majorities, enabling passage of initiatives like the American Rescue Plan Act of 2021, which provided $1.9 trillion in relief. In the 119th Congress (2025–2027), J.D. Vance cast at least five tie-breaking votes by July 2025, including one on July 1 to advance the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, a reconciliation package enacting tax reductions and spending adjustments totaling billions in fiscal impact. Earlier, on January 24, 2025, Vance broke a tie to confirm Pete Hegseth as Secretary of Defense. These instances highlight the Vice President's amplified legislative influence in evenly divided Senates, where defection by even one majority-party senator triggers the need for intervention.
Vice PresidentTie-Breaking VotesTenure
332021–2025
311825–1832
291789–1797
Such votes have shaped policy across administrations, from Adams's early precedents on federal structure to contemporary decisions on judicial confirmations and fiscal measures, though their partisan nature invites criticism of executive overreach into legislative prerogatives.

Presiding Over Impeachment Trials

The Vice President of the , in their capacity as President of the under Article I, Section 3 of the , presides over impeachment trials for federal officials other than the President. This role involves maintaining order, ruling on procedural matters, and announcing votes, though the as a body retains ultimate authority and may overrule the presiding officer on evidentiary or other questions by majority vote. For trials of the President, the of the presides instead, as explicitly provided in the same constitutional clause, to avoid conflicts arising from the Vice President's potential succession to the presidency. Historically, vice presidents have presided over select impeachment trials, particularly in the early republic when their Senate involvement was more routine. Vice President oversaw the 1799 trial of Senator , the first impeachment by the House, though the Senate ultimately dismissed the case on grounds that members of Congress were not civil officers subject to impeachment. Similarly, Vice President presided over the 1805 trial of Justice , charged with partisan bias in judicial conduct; Burr enforced strict procedural rules, including oaths for senators, and the Senate acquitted Chase on all articles by margins of four to eighteen votes. These instances demonstrated the vice president's ability to impartially manage high-stakes proceedings amid political divisions. In later periods, vice presidents have occasionally fulfilled this duty amid diminished overall Senate attendance. Vice President George H.W. Bush presided over portions of the 1986 trial of federal judge , convicted on charges and removed by a 9-0 vote. However, as the vice presidency evolved into a more executive-focused position, presiding over impeachment trials became rare; most such proceedings for judges or cabinet officers—totaling 21 convictions out of 22 trials since 1789—have been handled by the or a designated senator. No vice president has presided over their own impeachment trial, which would likely fall to the to avoid self-judgment.

Certification of Electoral Votes

The of the United States, acting as , holds the constitutional duty to preside over the of for certifying the results by counting electoral votes. Article II, Section 1, Clause 3 of the mandates that "The shall, in the Presence of the and , open all the Certificates, and the Votes shall then be counted," with certificates transmitted from state governors attesting to electors' choices. The Twelfth Amendment separates the electoral ballots for President and but preserves this counting mechanism, requiring electors to cast distinct votes while ensuring the joint session verifies the totals. This role underscores the Vice President's position as a procedural overseer rather than a decisive arbiter, with the assigning no discretionary power to reject or unilaterally resolve disputed votes. The certification occurs during a convened at 1:00 p.m. on January 6 of the year following the , unless postponed by law. The opens the sealed envelopes containing state certificates, after which tellers appointed from each chamber—typically one from the and one from the —read and tabulate the votes aloud. A candidate requires 270 of electoral votes for victory; absent a majority, the chooses the President from the top three candidates by state delegation vote, while the selects the from the top two. Objections to a state's certificate may be raised in writing by at least one Senator and one Representative, prompting a two-hour per objection before separate votes in each chamber, where a simple majority sustains it. Prior to reforms, the 1887 governed disputes ambiguously, allowing potential exploitation, as seen in efforts to challenge results based on claims of without evidence meeting congressional thresholds. The , enacted as part of an , clarified the 's ministerial role—explicitly denying unilateral authority to determine vote validity—and raised the objection threshold to one-fifth of each chamber's members present, aiming to prevent frivolous delays while preserving debate on substantiated issues. This addressed ambiguities exploited in 2020, when outgoing President asserted the could discard state certificates, a claim rejected by constitutional scholars, federal courts, and himself as exceeding the office's scope. Historically, the process has tested Vice Presidents certifying losses, including in 1961 tallying John F. Kennedy's 303-219 win amid razor-thin state margins; in 2001 confirming George W. Bush's 271-266 edge post-Florida recount; and Pence in 2021 validating Joe Biden's 306-232 total despite six failed objections tied to unsubstantiated and a Capitol breach that delayed proceedings by hours. These instances affirm the role's ceremonial finality, reliant on congressional consensus rather than executive override, ensuring electoral outcomes reflect certified state results unless overridden by supermajorities. The 2024 certification under the reformed law proceeded without sustained objections, concluding on , 2025.

Succession to the Presidency

The U.S. originally provided in Article II, Section 1, Clause 6 that in the event of the President's removal from office, death, resignation, or inability to discharge the powers and duties of the office, those powers and duties would devolve upon the , though the text left ambiguity as to whether the assumed the full office of or merely acted as President temporarily. This provision established the as first in the line of succession to the . John set the precedent for full succession in 1841 upon President William Henry Harrison's from after just 31 days in office, assuming the title and powers of President without congressional challenge, despite initial uncertainty and opposition from Harrison's cabinet. Eight Vice Presidents have since succeeded to the presidency due to a President's : (1850, after ), (1865, after ), (1881, after ), (1901, after ), (1923, after ), (1945, after ), and (1963, after ). Gerald R. Ford became the ninth in 1974 following Richard Nixon's resignation amid the , marking the first such succession without a President's . The Twenty-fifth Amendment, ratified on February 10, 1967, clarified succession by explicitly stating in Section 1 that the Vice President becomes President upon the President's removal, death, or resignation, resolving prior interpretive debates. Section 2 addressed vice presidential vacancies—previously occurring 16 times before 1967, often leaving the Speaker of the next in line—by empowering the President to nominate a replacement confirmed by majority vote in both houses of . This mechanism was first invoked when Ford, as President, nominated on August 20, 1974, following Spiro Agnew's 1973 resignation; Rockefeller was confirmed on December 19, 1974. No further vacancies have occurred since, averting gaps in the succession line. Succession events have historically arisen from natural causes, illness, , or , with no instances of removal via leading to it. Of the nine successions, five resulted in the new President winning a full term: Tyler (lost renomination), (lost nomination), Johnson (not renominated), (not renominated), but Roosevelt, Coolidge, Truman, and Johnson (LBJ) each secured election. The process underscores the Vice President's role as a contingency mechanism, tested unevenly across U.S. history but stabilized by constitutional .

Acting as President During Incapacity

The Twenty-fifth Amendment, ratified on February 10, 1967, establishes procedures for the to discharge the powers and duties of the President during periods of incapacity without requiring permanent succession to the presidency. Under Section 3, the President may voluntarily transmit a written declaration to the of the and the Speaker of the stating an inability to discharge those powers and duties, upon which the immediately assumes the role of . The President retains the office but the , as , exercises executive authority until the President transmits a subsequent declaration of recovery, which takes effect unless the and a majority of either the principal officers of the executive departments (Cabinet) or another body designated by transmit their own declaration of the President's continued inability within four days, prompting congressional resolution within 48 hours or up to 21 days if is not in session. Section 4 provides an involuntary mechanism, allowing the , acting with a of the principal executive officers or such other body as may designate by law, to transmit a written declaration to congressional leaders asserting the President's inability to discharge powers and duties, thereby designating the as . The President may contest this by sending a recovery declaration, but the and supporting officers can reaffirm the , leading to a four-day window for to assemble and decide by a two-thirds vote in both houses whether the President regains powers or the continues as for up to four years. This section has never been invoked, despite discussions following events such as the 1981 on President Reagan and concerns over presidential in other administrations. Section 3 has been invoked three times, each for brief medical procedures under anesthesia where the President anticipated temporary incapacity. On July 13, 1985, President Reagan transferred power to Vice President George H. W. Bush during a colonoscopy, with Bush serving as Acting President from 11:00 a.m. to 7:00 p.m. Eastern Time, marking the first use of the amendment. President George W. Bush invoked it twice: on June 29, 2002, for a colonoscopy, during which Vice President Dick Cheney acted from 7:09 a.m. to 9:24 a.m. Eastern Time; and on July 21, 2007, for another procedure under sedation, with Cheney acting from 7:16 a.m. to 9:45 a.m. Eastern Time. Prior to the amendment's ratification, presidential incapacities—such as President Eisenhower's 1955 heart attack and 1957 stroke—were managed informally through private understandings or letters delegating authority to the Vice President, but without the formal "Acting President" designation or constitutional safeguards. These limited invocations underscore the amendment's role in ensuring continuity during foreseeable, short-term impairments rather than contentious or prolonged disputes.

Informal Roles and Practical Functions

Advisor and Policy Influencer

The role of the vice president as a advisor to the president developed incrementally during the , evolving from marginal involvement to a position of substantial executive influence in many administrations. Early vice presidents, such as and , primarily attended sessions and offered limited counsel, often finding the office inconsequential beyond constitutional mandates. This shifted post-World War II, as presidents increasingly sought vice presidential input on executive matters amid expanding government responsibilities, with the office relocating toward operations by the 1950s. A defining modernization occurred under , who served from January 20, 1977, to January 20, 1981, during Jimmy Carter's presidency. In a December 1976 memorandum, Mondale proposed functioning as a senior advisor with direct access to policy deliberations, leading to his assignment of a office—the first for a —and regular attendance at cabinet and meetings. Mondale advised on domestic issues like and , including the treaties, troubleshooting executive functions and representing Carter in congressional lobbying, which set a precedent for future vice presidents to engage deeply in agenda-setting rather than mere ceremonial duties. Subsequent vice presidents built on this framework, with influence varying by personal rapport and presidential delegation. Richard Cheney, vice president from January 20, 2001, to January 20, 2009, under , exerted exceptional sway, chairing energy task forces, shaping post-9/11 counterterrorism strategies—including the authorization on October 10, 2002—and advocating to expand presidential authority. Cheney's staff coordinated interagency policy, amassing data and sidelining dissent, which analysts described as unprecedented, though critics attributed decisions like enhanced interrogation policies to his dominance. In contrast, others like (1989–1993) had narrower roles, focusing on specific initiatives such as space policy without broad advisory latitude. The extent of policy influence remains contingent on the president's trust and the vice president's expertise, rather than formal authority, enabling targeted leadership in areas like Al Gore's National Performance Review (1993–2001), which recommended 384 government reinvention actions, or Joe Biden's cancer moonshot initiative (2016). Vice presidents often mediate interagency disputes or advance legislative priorities, but overreach risks marginalization, as seen in varying post-Carter dynamics where advisory input proved most effective when aligned with presidential priorities.

Legislative and Partisan Liaison

The Vice President frequently functions as a legislative intermediary between the executive branch and Congress, drawing on their Senate presidency to facilitate communication, build coalitions, and advance the president's agenda, though this role expanded significantly after the 1970s reforms under Walter Mondale, who gained regular access to cabinet meetings and policy formulation. Prior to these changes, vice presidents like Richard Nixon under Dwight D. Eisenhower occasionally coordinated legislative efforts, such as Nixon's involvement in civil rights and labor policy pushes during the 1950s, but their influence remained limited without formal institutional support. In practice, vice presidents with congressional backgrounds—such as 18 of the last 25, including JD Vance's prior Senate service from 2023 to 2025—leverage personal networks to lobby senators on key bills, often focusing on close votes or stalled nominations. This liaison extends to partisan dimensions, where the vice president promotes party unity, fundraises for co-partisan candidates, and campaigns nationwide to bolster the administration's political base and midterm prospects, activities enabled by exemptions from certain restrictions on federal employees. For instance, under exerted substantial influence on energy and defense legislation through direct engagement and task force leadership, helping secure passage of the despite internal party divisions. Similarly, rallied Republican senators on in 2017, using his tie-breaking authority and behind-the-scenes advocacy to navigate procedural hurdles. In the contemporary context, Vice President JD Vance has actively negotiated with Senate Republicans to expedite President Trump's judicial and cabinet nominees, reassuring holdouts on committee advancements as of early 2025, reflecting a hands-on approach informed by his recent legislative experience. Such efforts underscore the vice president's utility in a narrowly divided , where partisan loyalty and procedural familiarity can tip outcomes, though success depends on the president's priorities and the vice president's rapport with lawmakers rather than inherent authority. This role, while informal, has grown amid increasing legislative gridlock, with vice presidents often chairing commissions or leading outreach on issues like or to preempt opposition.

Ceremonial and Public Representation

The Vice President performs ceremonial functions substituting for the President at official events, including swearing in appointed officials and participating in national commemorations. For instance, administered oaths to new commissioners of the President's Advisory Commission on and Pacific Islanders on January 27, 2020. These duties extend to reenactments of oaths for newly elected senators and their constituents, a tradition maintained into the . A key aspect of ceremonial representation involves attendance at state funerals, where the Vice President conveys the administration's condolences and may deliver eulogies. Vice President spoke at the U.S. Capitol service for former President on December 3, 2018. Similarly, Vice President delivered a eulogy during the lying in state ceremony for former President on January 7, 2025, with multiple vice presidents, including Harris and former Vice Presidents , , and , attending the subsequent funeral service on January 9, 2025. In public representation, the Vice President acts as an emissary at events the President cannot attend, such as sites of , to affirm federal engagement and support. This role includes making speeches and appearances to promote administration initiatives, often traveling domestically or internationally to embody presidential priorities without the Chief Executive's direct involvement. Such activities underscore the Vice President's function as a visible extension of executive authority in non-policy contexts.

Diplomatic and International Engagements

The Vice President frequently represents the abroad, undertaking official visits to foreign capitals, attending international summits, and engaging with to advance presidential priorities and U.S. interests. This function emerged as a delegated responsibility rather than a constitutional duty, gaining prominence after as presidents sought to leverage the office for expanded diplomatic outreach without personal travel. Early examples include Vice President Nixon's extensive journeys under President , such as a 1953 goodwill tour spanning 38,000 miles across 68 days to meet leaders in over a dozen countries, aimed at countering Soviet influence during the . Subsequent vice presidents have conducted hundreds of such missions, often focusing on alliance-building, crisis response, or . , as under , completed 11 trips to 33 countries, covering more than 120,000 miles and emphasizing and anti-communist solidarity in and . , serving under , visited 57 countries over eight years, including high-stakes engagements in and the to reinforce security partnerships. , under , made 17 foreign trips in her first three-and-a-half years, such as her 2021 visit to —the first by a U.S. since the country's 1975 reunification—to bolster ties amid competition with . The scope of these engagements varies by administration, reflecting the president's confidence in the vice president and strategic needs; less active vice presidents, like some in the , rarely traveled internationally, while modern ones often handle routine to free the president for domestic focus. J.D. Vance, vice president under since January 2025, has pursued a mix of bilateral meetings and multilateral forums, including a February 2025 European tour for security discussions, an April visit to for trade and defense talks, and an October trip to to assess Gaza ceasefire progress. These activities typically involve protocol-limited interactions, such as state dinners or joint statements, underscoring the vice president's secondary yet substantive role in projecting U.S. coherence.

Selection and Electoral Process

Eligibility Criteria Under the Constitution

The eligibility criteria for the Vice President of the are not enumerated separately in the but are derived from those applicable to the President, as specified in Article II, Section 1, Clause 5. This provision states: "No Person except a natural born Citizen, or a Citizen of the , at the time of the Adoption of this , shall be eligible to the Office of President; neither shall any Person be eligible to that Office who shall not have attained to the Age of thirty five Years, and been fourteen Years a Resident within the ." The residency requirement refers to physical presence within the , though interpretations have allowed for temporary absences abroad without disqualifying a candidate. The Twelfth Amendment, ratified in 1804, explicitly extends these presidential qualifications to the vice presidency: "But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be eligible to that of Vice-President of the ." This linkage ensures that the Vice President, as the constitutional successor to the under Article II, Section 1, Clause 6, possesses the same fundamental attributes required for the higher office, preventing scenarios where an unqualified individual could assume presidential powers. No additional constitutional restrictions, such as prior office-holding experience or exclusion based on prior presidential service, apply to the vice presidency beyond these criteria. The "natural born Citizen" clause has been subject to debate regarding its precise scope, particularly whether it encompasses individuals born abroad to U.S. citizen parents, but the constitutional text itself imposes no further clarification or statutory overlay for eligibility purposes. Historical practice confirms that all vice presidents have met these thresholds, with the youngest elected at age 36 (John Breckinridge in 1856) and all being natural-born citizens by birth within U.S. territory or to citizen parents. The clause grandfathering citizens at the time of the Constitution's 1788 adoption is obsolete, as no such individuals remain eligible today.

Party Nomination and Candidate Selection

The nomination of vice presidential candidates occurs through the internal processes of the major , primarily the Democratic and Republican parties, following the selection of their presidential nominees. In the modern era, the presidential nominee unilaterally selects a , who is then formally nominated by a roll-call vote at the party's . This practice evolved from earlier conventions where vice presidential nominees were sometimes chosen by party delegates to balance factions, but since the mid-20th century, the presidential candidate's choice has dominated due to the centralization of power in the nominee. Selection typically begins with extensive by the presidential campaign, involving legal, financial, and personal background checks conducted by lawyers, investigators, and political advisors, often starting months before the convention. The process emphasizes identifying candidates free of scandals that could derail the ticket, with reviews covering tax returns, medical records, and past statements; for instance, in , both major campaigns employed teams to scrutinize potential picks for electability and loyalty. Once chosen, the vice presidential nominee is announced publicly, often in or early , prior to or during the convention to generate momentum. At the , delegates from states and territories, allocated based on primary and results, confirm the selection through a formal vote, which is usually unanimous to project party unity. For Republicans, party rules under the allow the presidential nominee to submit the vice presidential name for approval, while Democrats follow similar convention procedures outlined in their , requiring a vote but deferring to the nominee's preference. This ratification step, while ceremonial in practice, ensures procedural legitimacy under party bylaws. Historical exceptions, such as the 1972 Democratic convention where delegates briefly debated alternatives, underscore that while rare, challenges can arise if the nominee's choice faces significant intra-party opposition.

Criteria for Vice Presidential Picks

Presidential nominees select vice presidential running mates primarily to complement their own profile, mitigate electoral vulnerabilities, and ensure administrative compatibility, though quantitative analyses of elections since indicate that such choices exert minimal influence on national vote margins, typically shifting outcomes by less than 1 percentage point. The core rationale derives from the VP's dual role in campaigning and potential succession, prompting candidates to prioritize traits that broaden appeal without introducing liabilities, such as scandals or ideological that could alienate swing voters. Historical precedents underscore a pragmatic calculus: from to , nine vice presidents ascended to the presidency due to presidential death, resignation, or removal, reinforcing the imperative for competence in and . A longstanding criterion is ticket balancing across geographic, ideological, and regional lines to forge national coalitions, particularly in an era of where state-level loyalties persist. In the 19th and early 20th centuries, nominees routinely paired Northern candidates with Southern counterparts to secure electoral votes in the ; for example, () selected () in 1860 for regional complementarity, while later () chose () in for Midwestern balance. This strategy evolved post-New Deal but retained utility, as evidenced by John F. Kennedy's 1960 nomination of () to offset Kennedy's Northeastern profile and consolidate Democratic strength in the South, which delivered key states like Texas in the . Ideological balancing similarly addresses intraparty divisions, with nominees selecting running mates to appease factions—such as Barry Goldwater's 1964 pairing with to signal establishment credentials amid Goldwater's conservative insurgency, though it failed to avert landslide defeat. Demographic representation has emerged as a criterion since the mid-20th century, targeting underrepresented groups to mobilize turnout, though evidence of electoral gains remains anecdotal and contested by aggregate vote data. Walter Mondale's 1984 selection of , the first woman on a major-party national ticket, aimed to energize female voters amid gaps exceeding 10 points in polls, yet the ticket lost 49 states. More recently, Joe Biden's 2020 choice of emphasized racial and diversity to consolidate urban and minority coalitions, aligning with Democratic commitments to identity-based , but post-election analyses attributed victory margins to broader anti-incumbent sentiment rather than the VP pick. Such selections reflect party incentives in primary systems favoring base activation, yet they risk backlash if perceived as , as seen in empirical reviews showing no consistent demographic premium in swing states. Beyond electoral optics, nominees evaluate potential VPs for administrative viability, including loyalty to avert cabinet intrigue, legislative experience for presidencies, and readiness for crisis leadership. Richard Nixon's 1968 selection of prioritized ideological alignment and anti-establishment appeal to suburban voters, but Agnew's 1973 resignation amid charges highlighted vetting failures. prowess and media savvy also factor in, with governors or senators often preferred for their executive records—evident in George H. W. Bush's 1980 pairing with , where Bush's expertise complemented Reagan's domestic focus. Ultimately, the process favors risk aversion: candidates conduct exhaustive background checks via party operatives and legal teams to disqualify those prone to gaffes, as a flawed pick can amplify opponent attacks, per campaign post-mortems from 1960 onward.

Mechanics of Election and Contingencies

The Vice President of the is elected as part of a joint ticket with the President through the system established in Article II, Section 1 of the and modified by the Twelfth Amendment, ratified in 1804. Under this process, each state appoints a number of electors equal to its total congressional representation, totaling 538 electors nationwide, with a candidate requiring 270 votes for election. Electors, chosen by methods determined by state legislatures, convene in mid-December following the popular vote on the first after the first Monday in and cast separate ballots for President and , though in practice they vote for the pre-selected party nominees to reflect the ticket. The Twelfth Amendment mandates that electors vote for a President and Vice President from different states to prevent regional dominance. Electoral votes are transmitted to the , who opens and counts them before a of on , as reformed by the Electoral Count Reform Act of 2022 to clarify procedures and limit objections. If a majority is achieved, the President-elect and -elect are certified, with the Vice President assuming office upon on January 20. The original constitutional design under Article II allowed electors to vote for two persons without distinction, with the runner-up becoming Vice President, but this led to the tied 1800 election between and , prompting the amendment's adoption to require distinct votes. In contingencies where no candidate receives a majority of electoral votes, the Twelfth Amendment triggers a : the selects the President from the top three electoral vote recipients, with each state delegation casting one vote, while the chooses the from the top two, voting individually. This process must conclude before inauguration day, or succession provisions apply. If a presidential or vice presidential nominee dies or becomes incapacitated before electors vote, the nominating party may select a replacement per its rules, as no explicit constitutional mechanism exists, though historical practice supports this to avoid vacancies. Post-electoral vote but pre-inauguration, the Twentieth Amendment, Section 3, addresses failures: if the President-elect dies or fails to qualify, the Vice President-elect becomes President; if the Vice President-elect also fails to qualify, designates an acting President, currently the Speaker of the under the of 1947, until a qualified officer assumes the role. A tie in electoral votes, yielding 269 each, would similarly invoke , with procedural rules potentially influencing outcomes based on congressional composition at the time. These mechanisms ensure continuity, though they have never resulted in a Vice President selected solely by the in modern history.

Tenure and Office Administration

Inauguration and Oath of Office

The vice president-elect formally assumes the duties of the office at noon on of the year following the , marking the simultaneous commencement of both the presidential and vice presidential terms as established by Section 1 of the Twentieth Amendment to the Constitution. This timing ensures continuity in executive leadership, with the prior terms expiring precisely at that hour regardless of the ceremony's schedule. As part of the joint proceedings on the West Front platform of the , the -elect recites the immediately before the president-elect, a sequence observed in modern ceremonies to symbolize the orderly assumption of executive authority. The oath, distinct from the president's and prescribed by federal statute in 5 U.S.C. § 3331 for executive and judicial officers, requires the vice president to pledge: "I, [name], do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will support and defend the against all enemies, foreign and domestic; that I will bear true faith and allegiance to the same; that I take this obligation freely, without any mental reservation or purpose of evasion; and that I will well and faithfully discharge the duties of the office on which I am about to enter. ." This formulation, rooted in Article VI of the Constitution's requirement for federal officers to support the Constitution, emphasizes defense against threats and faithful execution without the president's oath's explicit focus on preserving, protecting, and defending the document to the best of one's ability. The oath is administered publicly by a designated official, typically a of the other than the who officiates the president's swearing-in, though the imposes no specific requirement on the administrator beyond the act preceding entry into office. This ceremonial order and setting, attended by members of , the , and the public, facilitate the peaceful while fulfilling the constitutional mandate under Article II, Section 1, Clause 8, that executive officers swear or affirm prior to exercising authority. In practice, the vice president's oath has remained consistent since its statutory codification in , with minor variations only in the optional affirmation or of divine assistance.

Term Length and Renewal Limits

The Vice President serves a term of four years, concurrent with that of the President, as established by Article II, Section 1 of the Constitution. This synchronized term ensures alignment in the executive branch's electoral cycle, with both offices filled through the process outlined in the same constitutional provision. The term commences at noon on January 20 following the election, per the Twentieth Amendment. No constitutional provision imposes term limits on service as Vice President. Individuals may theoretically serve multiple terms, including non-consecutive ones, provided they are selected as the on a winning presidential ticket each time. Historically, several vice presidents have served two full terms, such as (1789–1797), (1825–1832), and (1933–1941), but none has exceeded two due to political and practical constraints rather than legal barriers. The Twenty-second Amendment, ratified in 1951, limits election to the presidency to two terms but does not directly restrict vice presidential tenure. It indirectly influences vice presidential service by prohibiting anyone elected president twice from further presidential election, potentially complicating a two-term president's eligibility for vice presidential nomination if ascension to the presidency is anticipated; however, legal scholars debate whether such a figure could serve as vice president without violating the amendment's intent, as it explicitly addresses presidential elections rather than the vice presidency. No court has tested this scenario, and practical political norms have deterred attempts.

Impeachment, Removal, and Resignation

The of the is subject to under Article II, Section 4 of the U.S. Constitution, which states that the President, , and all civil officers shall be removed from office upon for and conviction of , , or other . The holds the sole power to impeach by majority vote, after which the conducts a presided over by the if the President is impeached, or by the or otherwise, requiring a two-thirds vote for conviction and removal. No has ever been impeached by the or removed by the through this process. The President lacks unilateral authority to remove the Vice President, as the office is elective and independent under the constitutional framework, with removal confined to the mechanism. Attempts to impeach Vice Presidents, such as a 2021 House resolution against alleging misconduct in Afghanistan policy oversight, have not advanced beyond introduction. Resignation by the Vice President is not explicitly detailed in the Constitution but has occurred twice, creating a vacancy in the office. John C. Calhoun resigned on December 28, 1832, amid irreconcilable policy differences with President over nullification and tariffs, allowing him to assume a U.S. seat from ; the vice presidency remained vacant until the next election. Spiro Agnew resigned on October 10, 1973, facing federal charges of , , and related to kickbacks during his Maryland governorship; he entered a nolo contendere plea to one count, avoiding on more serious accusations, which facilitated his departure amid broader Watergate-era scrutiny. Prior to the 25th Amendment's ratification in 1967, resignations or other vacancies left the office empty until a successor election, as with Calhoun's case. Following ratification, Section 2 empowers the President to nominate a replacement, subject to majority confirmation by both houses of Congress, a process invoked after Agnew's resignation when Gerald Ford was appointed and confirmed within weeks. This mechanism ensures continuity without reliance on impeachment for voluntary departures.

Vacancies and Temporary Replacements

Prior to the ratification of the Twenty-fifth Amendment on February 10, 1967, the U.S. Constitution contained no provision for filling a vacancy in the vice presidency, resulting in the office remaining vacant until the next . Such vacancies occurred 16 times between 1789 and 1967, totaling more than 37 years, primarily due to the deaths of seven vice presidents or the succession of eight vice presidents to the following the death, resignation, or removal of the president. In the absence of a vice president, the Senate's presiding duties fall to the , elected by the Senate typically from the longest-serving members of the majority party to maintain continuity and institutional knowledge. The presides over sessions, enforces rules, and manages debate, but lacks the vice president's constitutional authority to cast a tie-breaking vote under Article I, Section 3, Clause 4, potentially leaving tied votes unresolved. Section 2 of the Twenty-fifth Amendment established a process to address mid-term vacancies: "Whenever there is a vacancy in the office of the , the President shall nominate a who shall take office upon confirmation by a vote of both Houses of ." This mechanism ensures continuity in the line of presidential succession without requiring a full election. The provision has been invoked twice. Following Vice President Spiro Agnew's resignation on October 10, 1973, amid a federal investigation into and charges to which he pleaded no contest, President nominated House Minority Leader on October 12, 1973. The Senate confirmed Ford on November 27, 1973, by a 92–3 vote, and the House on December 6, 1973, by 387–35; Ford was sworn in the same day. Subsequently, after Nixon's resignation on August 9, 1974, Ford ascended to the presidency, creating another vacancy. Ford nominated former New York Governor Nelson Rockefeller on August 20, 1974. The Senate confirmed Rockefeller on December 10, 1974, by 90–7, and the House on December 19, 1974, by 287–128; he was sworn in immediately after. No further vacancies have occurred since, and during the confirmation periods, Senate presiding functions continued under the president pro tempore with no interim vice presidential authority. A vice presidential vacancy alters the presidential succession order under the of 1947, positioning the Speaker of the House immediately after the president, followed by the of the , cabinet secretaries, and others, to prevent prolonged gaps in executive leadership.

Compensation, Residences, and Support Staff

The receives an annual of $235,100, set by federal statute under 3 U.S.C. § 104 and unchanged since a 2001 adjustment due to subsequent congressional freezes on executive pay raises. This compensation level aligns with that of cabinet department heads but excludes additional executive perks like a non-taxable expense allowance, which the forgoes unlike the President. Historical salary increases occurred sporadically through ; it stood at $5,000 annually from 1789, rising to $75,000 by 1909 and $100,000 by 1949 to reflect economic changes and inflation. The official residence, Number One Observatory Circle, is a 9,150-square-foot Georgian Revival mansion on the grounds of the United States Naval Observatory in northwest Washington, D.C., designated for vice presidential use in 1974 under an executive order by President Gerald Ford. Every Vice President from Walter Mondale onward has resided there with their family, utilizing its 33 rooms—including state dining facilities, a library, and private quarters—along with 6 acres of secured grounds for both official entertaining and personal activities. Prior to 1974, no dedicated federal residence existed, forcing Vice Presidents such as John Adams and Spiro Agnew to rely on leased hotels, private homes, or temporary White House arrangements, often at personal expense. The residence receives an annual operations budget of approximately $321,000, covering maintenance, utilities, and a small support staff for household functions. The Office of the Vice President maintains a staff of 20 to 30 full-time personnel, funded by an annual of $4 million to $6 million drawn from the Executive Office of the President appropriations, primarily for policy advising, scheduling, communications, and administrative support. This team, led by a , operates from in the White House complex and assists with legislative liaison, travel coordination, and public engagement, distinct from but complementary to the larger White House staff. Residence-specific support includes a and maintenance crew, separate from the policy , ensuring operational continuity across administrations.

Security, Travel, and Operational Resources

The Vice President of the United States receives mandatory protection from the , including a personal protective detail for the Vice President and immediate family members. This protection extends to the official residence at , where the Secret Service Uniformed Division maintains security. By statute, the Secret Service is authorized to safeguard the Vice President against threats, with operations intensified following the , 2001, attacks to address elevated risks previously considered lower than those for the President. Former vice presidents are entitled to Secret Service protection for six months after leaving office. For travel, the Vice President utilizes military aircraft designated as Air Force Two when aboard, primarily the Boeing C-32A, a modified commercial 757 equipped with secure communications systems, a conference room, stateroom, and capacity for approximately 32 passengers in addition to staff and security. Ground transportation occurs via armored motorcades organized by the Secret Service, comprising multiple vehicles for escort, counter-assault teams, and route clearance to mitigate threats during domestic and international movements. These assets ensure operational continuity, with advance teams securing venues and coordinating with local law enforcement. Operational resources for the Vice President's office include integration with the Executive Office of the President for administrative support, though specific allocations fall under broader federal budgeting without a standalone for the Vice President's direct operational expenditures beyond security and transport. Protection and travel logistics draw from Secret Service and Department of Defense funding, enabling the Vice President to fulfill ceremonial, diplomatic, and advisory roles without interruption.

Critiques, Controversies, and Reform Debates

Historical Views of Irrelevance and the "Harpies of the Constitution"

The vice presidency has long been criticized for its limited constitutional duties, primarily consisting of presiding over the Senate and casting tie-breaking votes, alongside serving as a successor to the president in cases of death, resignation, or removal. This design, rooted in the framers' intent to create a standby officer without independent executive power, led early occupants to view the role as superfluous beyond its senatorial function. John Adams, the first vice president from 1789 to 1797, articulated profound dissatisfaction with the office in a December 19, 1793, letter to his wife Abigail, describing it as "the most insignificant Office that ever the Invention of Man contrived or his Imagination conceived." Adams cast 29 tie-breaking votes in the Senate during his tenure, more than any other vice president to that point, yet found the position isolating and devoid of substantive influence, often absent from the capital while duties required minimal engagement. His frustration stemmed from the office's lack of advisory role to the president and its separation from executive decision-making, exacerbating perceptions of irrelevance. Subsequent vice presidents echoed these sentiments amid the original election system's flaws, where the runner-up became vice president, fostering antagonism rather than harmony. , serving under from 1913 to 1921, quipped that the office rendered its holder as obscure as a brother who "ran away to sea," underscoring its obscurity: "Once there were two brothers. One ran away to sea; the other was elected vice president of the United States. And nothing was heard of either of them again." , vice president under from 1933 to 1941, dismissed it as "the spare tire on the automobile of government" and, in a 1948 interview, deemed it "almost wholly unimportant," famously vulgarizing its worth as not equivalent to "a pitcher of warm spit." These critiques highlighted the vice president's standby nature, likened by some commentators to "harpies of the "—mythical scavengers hovering morbidly for presidential demise, as eight vice presidents ascended via death before the 25th Amendment formalized succession in . The office's vacancy for nearly one-fifth of U.S. history until further underscored its perceived dispensability, prompting debates on its utility beyond crisis contingency. Such views persisted, with figures like (1817–1825) exemplifying neglect through chronic absence and financial mismanagement, reinforcing the role's image as a powerless .

Expansion of Influence: Benefits Versus Risks to Separation of Powers

The expansion of the vice president's influence, particularly in , accelerated during the mid-20th century, transitioning the office from a primarily legislative role—presiding over the and casting tie-breaking votes under Article I, Section 3 of the —to a key advisory and operational position within the executive branch. This shift began notably under , with vice presidents like (1941–1945) taking on administrative duties, but crystallized under and (1977–1981), who formalized the vice president's integration into operations, including a dedicated office, daily intelligence briefings, and delegated policy portfolios. Subsequent vice presidents, such as (2001–2009), exemplified this by exerting substantial influence over and legislative strategy, often shaping executive actions without direct constitutional authority beyond succession. This evolution responded to the growing complexity of the modern presidency, enabling delegation of tasks like foreign travel and domestic initiatives, as seen with Al Gore's (1993–2001) oversight of and technology reinvention. Proponents argue that this expansion benefits governance by augmenting executive efficiency without requiring structural constitutional amendments, allowing presidents to leverage the vice president's expertise and political networks for specialized roles. For instance, (1953–1961) conducted goodwill missions abroad, freeing for core duties, while (1969–1973) and (1973–1974) handled congressional liaison amid partisan gridlock. Empirically, this has facilitated continuity in policy execution; data from the Miller Center's presidential archives show post-1977 vice presidents managing an average of 20–30% of a president's domestic and foreign agenda items, reducing bottlenecks in . From a causal standpoint, the vice president's subordinate yet proximate position enables rapid response to presidential needs, enhancing adaptability in crises—such as Lyndon B. Johnson's pre-presidency (1961–1963) space program advocacy—while preparing successors through hands-on experience, potentially mitigating disruptions upon ascension, as evidenced by eight vice presidents assuming the presidency due to death or resignation between 1841 and 1963. However, this growth poses risks to the doctrine, as the vice president's dual constitutional placement—executive officer under Article II yet president—creates inherent tensions that informal expansions exacerbate. The framers, including , viewed the vice president's role as a compromise but criticized it for deviating from strict branch separation, potentially allowing executive influence over legislative proceedings via tie votes, which occurred 299 times through 2023, often on partisan measures. Cheney's extensive involvement in drafting post-9/11 policies, including intelligence reforms, blurred lines by merging executive policy-making with legislative advocacy, raising concerns of unaccountable power concentration since the vice president lacks an independent electoral mandate and faces removal only via , which has never targeted a sitting vice president for overreach. Critics, including constitutional scholars like Joel Goldstein, contend this "executivization" undermines checks and balances by enabling presidents to circumvent scrutiny through a surrogate, as when vice presidents lobby for executive-favoring bills, potentially eroding legislative independence without corresponding accountability mechanisms. Causal risks include precedent for future vice presidents to prioritize executive agendas over deliberative functions, fostering branch aggrandizement akin to historical executive expansions during wartime, though remains mixed, with no verified instances of systemic legislative capture attributable solely to vice presidential influence.

Empirical Record on Succession, Effectiveness, and the "Curse"

Nine vice presidents have ascended to the presidency upon the death or resignation of the president: on April 4, 1841, following William Henry Harrison's ; on July 9, 1850, after ; on April 15, 1865, after ; on September 19, 1881, after ; on September 14, 1901, after ; on August 2, 1923, after ; on April 12, 1945, after ; on November 22, 1963, after ; and on August 9, 1974, after Richard Nixon's . Of these, five—Roosevelt, , Truman, , and Ford—were nominated by their party for a full term, with Roosevelt, Truman, and winning election, while and Ford succeeded in their bids for election but under varying circumstances of incumbency. Empirical assessments of vice presidential effectiveness remain limited, with scholarly analyses often focusing on qualitative expansions of role rather than quantifiable metrics. Studies indicate that vice presidential candidates exert minimal influence on presidential election outcomes, typically shifting voter preferences by less than 1-2 percentage points in key states, insufficient to alter results in close contests. In office, modern vice presidents since have gained substantive policy portfolios, such as foreign affairs assignments under , enhancing operational effectiveness but without standardized measures of impact on legislative or executive success. Historical data shows vice presidents presiding over the cast tie-breaking votes in approximately 10-15% of divided decisions in recent sessions, influencing outcomes on issues like budget reconciliation but rarely pivotal to major legislation. The "curse" of the vice presidency refers to the empirical pattern where incumbent vice presidents seeking election to the presidency have historically low success rates, with only two— in 1836 and in 1988—achieving victory out of numerous attempts since the office's inception. This yields a success rate under 10% for sitting vice presidents running, contrasted with higher rates for former vice presidents like or , who won after leaving office. Analysts attribute this not to superstition but to factors including voter fatigue with the administration, the vice president's association with unpopular policies, and challenges in demonstrating independent leadership, as evidenced by failures of in 1968 and in 2000 despite strong electoral showings. Neither nor secured re-election, underscoring persistent hurdles even for rare victors.

Proposals for Structural Reforms or Abolition

Throughout American history, the vice presidency has prompted proposals for structural overhaul or outright elimination, often stemming from its perceived marginal role and risks in succession. In the late 18th and 19th centuries, at least seven constitutional amendments were introduced in to abolish the office, reflecting early critiques of its redundancy beyond Senate presidency and potential elevation to the . During debates over the Twelfth Amendment in 1803–1804, Federalist senator explicitly proposed eliminating the vice presidency altogether, arguing it duplicated functions and complicated elections, though the measure ultimately reformed electoral procedures instead by requiring separate ballots for president and . These efforts failed amid concerns that abolition would destabilize presidential succession without a clear alternative, such as designating the Speaker of the House. In the 20th century, reform discussions intensified after high vacancy rates—occurring 16 times before 1967—exposed gaps in continuity, leading to the Twenty-fifth Amendment's ratification in 1967, which formalized vice presidential replacement via presidential nomination and congressional confirmation rather than abolition. Scholarly critiques persisted; historian Arthur Schlesinger Jr. advocated in the early 1970s for a constitutional amendment to eliminate the office, contending it imposed an unneeded subordinate with little substantive duty beyond awaiting presidential incapacity or death. A 1974 analysis in The Atlantic echoed this, proposing abolition and a revised succession line—potentially prioritizing cabinet officers or congressional leaders—to avoid selecting vice presidents primarily as presidential heirs rather than qualified executives. Contemporary proposals have blended abolition with targeted reforms. In 2008, Yale law professor urged abolishing the vice presidency in op-eds, warning that ticket-balancing incentives produced underqualified successors, as exemplified by historical pairings like and ; he suggested replacing it with a appointive "deputy president" confirmed by Congress for executive duties. Other ideas include decoupling vice presidential nomination from presidential tickets to enable independent elections or popular mandates, addressing nomination flaws where vice presidents serve as ideological balancers rather than co-governors. In 2024, former President proposed modifying the Twenty-fifth Amendment to facilitate vice presidential removal without full cabinet and congressional invocation, aiming to enhance flexibility in addressing perceived inadequacies mid-term. Despite these, no major abolition or reform has advanced, as empirical evidence of frequent succession needs—eight presidents elevated via vice presidents before 1967—underscores the office's utility in maintaining governance continuity.

Post-Vice Presidency Outcomes

Former vice presidents frequently pursue the , though empirical success rates remain low. Of the 49 individuals who have served as since 1789, only four were elected president after completing a full vice presidential term without prior succession to the presidency: in 1796 after serving from 1789 to 1797 under ; in 1800 after 1797 to 1801 under Adams; in 1836 after 1833 to 1837 under ; and in 1988 after 1981 to 1989 under . Many others, such as after serving 1953–1961 under , attempted presidential runs but initially failed before later succeeding through alternative paths or after additional political experience. Those not ascending to the presidency often return to prior professions or enter private sector roles emphasizing their experience. Common trajectories include legal practice, authorship of memoirs, corporate consulting, public speaking, and advocacy. For instance, (vice president 1857–1861 under ) resumed law practice in before joining the Confederacy as a general in 1861. (1989–1993 under Bush) founded a strategic in 1993 and authored books on . (1933–1941 under ) managed business interests and practiced law in post-office. Henry Wallace (1941–1945 under Roosevelt) edited publications, farmed, and ran for president on the Party ticket in 1948. Some re-enter elective office, as did by winning a U.S. Senate seat in 1970 after serving as vice president 1965–1969 under . Others leverage visibility for non-profits or think tanks, such as Al Gore's environmental advocacy following 1993–2001 under , which earned him the . Legal constraints on former vice presidents are minimal and align with those for other high officials, centered on constitutional eligibility for future offices rather than outright prohibitions. The Twenty-second Amendment limits any individual to election as president no more than twice, with service as not counting toward this cap unless the succeeds to the and serves more than two years of the remainder of the term, in which case only one additional election is permitted. For example, a succeeding early in a term could theoretically serve nearly 10 years total (remainder plus two full terms) but could not be elected a third time. The Twelfth Amendment reinforces that candidates must meet the same eligibility as presidential ones under Article II (age 35, natural-born citizen, 14-year U.S. residency), indirectly constraining former from other nations or ineligible for . Beyond term limits, no unique statutory bans prevent former vice presidents from seeking other federal, state, or private roles, though federal laws impose temporary restrictions: a one-year cooling-off period bars contacting their former employing agencies on specific matters, and a two-year ban applies to senior officials on certain representational activities. These derive from broader post-government employment rules under 18 U.S.C. § 207, applicable to executive branch officials, rather than VP-specific edicts. Former vice presidents retain no formal or duties post-term, transitioning to private with pensions equivalent to congressional members (approximately $250,000 annually as of 2024 for recent service) and limited Secret Service protection for six months after leaving .

Pursuit of the Presidency and Success Rates

Of the 49 individuals who have served as vice president, 29 sought a major-party nomination for president at some point following their vice-presidential service. Of those, 10 were ultimately elected to the presidency, yielding a success rate of approximately 34 percent among pursuers, though this figure includes cases where vice presidents ascended to the presidency mid-term via succession before seeking full election. Early successes were concentrated in the nation's founding decades: John Adams, vice president from 1789 to 1797, won the 1796 election against Thomas Jefferson; Jefferson himself, vice president from 1797 to 1801, secured the presidency in 1800; and Martin Van Buren, vice president under Andrew Jackson from 1833 to 1837, prevailed in 1836. These outcomes reflected the era's fluid party alignments and lack of term limits, but no vice president was elected president between Van Buren and the mid-20th century without first ascending via presidential death or resignation. Pursuit rates increased markedly in the modern era (post-1933), with 15 of 18 vice presidents seeking nomination, yet only 5 securing election: Richard Nixon (after serving 1953–1961, elected 1968 following a 1960 loss), George H.W. Bush (1981–1989, elected 1988 as sitting vice president), and Joe Biden (2009–2017, elected 2020), alongside Harry Truman and Lyndon B. Johnson, who each succeeded to the presidency mid-term (1945 and 1963, respectively) before winning full terms in 1948 and 1964. This yields a modern success rate of roughly 33 percent among runners, though non-incumbent vice presidents faced steeper odds, with only Biden achieving election without prior presidential experience or incumbency advantage. Notable failures include Hubert Humphrey (vice president 1965–1969), who won the 1968 Democratic nomination but lost the general election to Nixon by 0.7 percent of the popular vote; Walter Mondale (1977–1981), defeated in a 1984 landslide by Ronald Reagan (49 states carried); and Al Gore (1993–2001), who won the popular vote but lost the 2000 Electoral College after a Supreme Court-decided Florida recount.
Vice PresidentTermPursuit Year(s)Outcome
1953–19611960, 1968Lost 1960; won 1968
1965–19691968Won nomination; lost general
1977–19811984Won nomination; lost general
1981–19891988Won election
1989–19932000Failed nomination
1993–20012000Won nomination; lost general
2001–2009NoneDid not pursue
2009–20171988, 2008, 2020Failed 1988/2008 nominations; won 2020
Factors contributing to low success include voter fatigue with the prior administration, internal party divisions, and the vice president's secondary visibility, as evidenced by consistent narrow margins or landslides in losses. Earlier 19th-century attempts, such as John C. Breckinridge's run as a Southern Democrat (garnering 18 percent of the vote amid sectional crisis), similarly faltered due to fractured coalitions. Overall, while the vice presidency positions incumbents for future bids, empirical outcomes underscore its role as a frequent but unreliable stepping stone, with success hinging more on exogenous events like presidential succession than inherent office prestige.

Notable Achievements and Failures in Later Roles

Several former vice presidents ascended to the presidency after completing their terms, marking a primary achievement in post-vice presidential careers. , vice president from 1789 to 1797, was elected president in 1796, serving one term focused on avoiding foreign entanglements. , vice president under Adams from 1797 to 1801, won the presidency in 1800 and pursued policies like the . , after serving under from 1833 to 1837, was elected president in 1836 but lost re-election amid economic downturn. , vice president from 1953 to 1961, returned to win the presidency in 1968 following a 1960 loss, implementing with the and opening relations with before resigning in 1974 amid Watergate. , vice president from 1981 to 1989, succeeded as president in 1988, overseeing the end of the and the victory in 1991. Beyond the presidency, some vice presidents garnered international recognition for post-office endeavors. , vice president from 1993 to 2001, after losing the 2000 presidential election, produced the documentary in 2006 and shared the in 2007 with the for efforts to disseminate information on man-made . , vice president from 1965 to 1969, returned to the U.S. Senate in 1970, winning re-election in 1976, and served as Deputy until his death from cancer on January 13, 1978. Failures in later roles often involved electoral defeats or legal troubles. , vice president from 1801 to 1805, after leaving office, orchestrated the , attempting to form a new nation in western territories or , leading to his arrest and treason trial in 1807; though acquitted, the episode ended his political viability. , who resigned as vice president on October 10, 1973, amid bribery investigations, pleaded no contest to a charge on October 30, 1974, receiving a $10,000 fine and three years' probation, after which he entered international business consulting but remained politically marginalized. Many others, such as in 1984 and in 2000, failed in presidential bids, sharing blame for prior administration shortcomings despite personal merits.

Chronology of Vice Presidents

1789–1860: Early Republic and Antebellum Period

John Adams served as the first Vice President from April 21, 1789, to March 4, 1797, under President George Washington, primarily presiding over the Senate and casting 29 tie-breaking votes, more than any other Vice President to date. His role highlighted the office's constitutional duties as President of the Senate under Article I, Section 3, with limited influence beyond legislative procedure. Adams viewed the position as subordinate and expressed frustration at its insignificance, noting it confined him to a ceremonial legislative role without executive input. Thomas Jefferson succeeded Adams as Vice President from March 4, 1797, to March 4, , under President , following the 1796 election where the runner-up became Vice President under the original constitutional system. Jefferson focused on Senate protocol, authoring A Manual of Parliamentary Practice in to guide proceedings, which remained influential for over a century. Partisan tensions arose as Jefferson, a Democratic-Republican, opposed Federalist policies, including the , but his Vice Presidential duties barred direct executive involvement. The 1800 election tied between Jefferson and Aaron Burr, both Democratic-Republicans, with 73 electoral votes each; the House of Representatives selected Jefferson as President on February 17, 1801, leaving Burr as Vice President from March 4, 1801, to March 4, 1805. Burr's term was marred by intrigue, culminating in his fatal duel with Alexander Hamilton on July 11, 1804, after Hamilton opposed Burr's gubernatorial bid; Burr faced treason charges in 1807 for alleged schemes to detach western territories but was acquitted. George Clinton replaced Burr, serving from March 4, 1805, until his death on April 20, 1812, under Presidents Jefferson and Madison, with limited notable actions beyond Senate presidency. Elbridge Gerry held the office briefly from March 4, 1813, to November 23, 1814, under Madison, dying in office and originating the term "" from redistricting controversies predating his Vice Presidency. served from March 4, 1817, to March 4, 1825, under Monroe, managing financial strains from wartime service but achieving little prominence in the role. , Vice President from March 4, 1825, to December 28, 1832, under J.Q. Adams and Jackson, resigned amid the , opposing Jackson's tariff policies and becoming the first to voluntarily leave the office. Martin Van Buren served from March 4, 1833, to March 4, 1837, under Jackson, leveraging party loyalty to later win the presidency. followed from March 4, 1837, to March 4, 1841, under Van Buren, uniquely elected by the after a state delegation tie in the 1836 electoral vote. John Tyler's brief tenure from March 4 to April 4, 1841, under Harrison ended with Harrison's death from , prompting Tyler to assume full presidential powers on April 6, 1841, establishing succession precedent despite cabinet resistance. No Vice President served from 1841 to 1845. held the position from March 4, 1845, to March 4, 1849, under Polk, casting key tie votes on the Walker Tariff and . served from March 4, 1849, to July 9, 1850, under Taylor, succeeding upon Taylor's death and leaving the office vacant until 1853. served only from March 4 to April 18, 1853, under Pierce, dying of shortly after . , the youngest at age 36, served from March 4, 1857, to March 4, 1861, under Buchanan, presiding over debates amid rising sectional tensions leading to the Civil War. Throughout this period, five Vice Presidents died in office (, Gerry, , and others implied in vacancies), two resigned or succeeded early, underscoring the office's precarious nature and infrequency of influence beyond Senate ties or rare ascensions. The 12th Amendment, ratified in 1804, reformed elections to pair presidential and vice-presidential candidates on tickets, addressing 1800's flaws.

1861–1944: Civil War Through World War II

During the period spanning the Civil War to the onset of full U.S. involvement in , the vice presidency remained largely ceremonial, with its holders primarily presiding over the and casting occasional tie-breaking votes, though four vice presidents— in 1865, in 1881, in 1901, and in 1923—ascended to the following the or natural of the incumbent, underscoring the office's contingency role amid high presidential mortality rates from and . Frequent vacancies occurred due to vice presidential deaths in office, including in 1875, in 1885, Garret A. Hobart in 1899, and in 1912, leaving the executive branch without a designated successor for extended periods until the Twentieth Amendment and later reforms. These gaps, combined with the lack of defined duties beyond Senate leadership, reinforced perceptions of the vice presidency as a position of minimal influence, often filled by figures selected for electoral balance rather than policy acumen.
Vice PresidentPresident Served UnderTermNotable Aspects
March 4, 1861 – March 4, 1865Reluctantly left for vice presidency; supported radical Republican policies like but was replaced on 1864 ticket for national unity.
March 4, 1865 – April 15, 1865 chosen for Union ticket balance; ascended to presidency after Lincoln's on April 14, 1865; no vice president appointed during his term.
March 4, 1869 – March 4, 1873Presided over during Reconstruction; implicated but not prosecuted in railroad bribery scandal involving stock shares for favors.
Henry WilsonMarch 4, 1873 – November 22, 1875Anti-slavery advocate; died of stroke in chamber; vacancy persisted until 1877.
William A. WheelerRutherford B. HayesMarch 4, 1877 – March 4, 1881Low-profile tenure focused on duties; cast few tie votes.
Chester A. ArthurJames A. GarfieldMarch 4, 1881 – September 19, 1881New York machine politician; ascended after Garfield's by Charles Guiteau on July 2, 1881; no vice president under his presidency.
Thomas A. HendricksGrover ClevelandMarch 4, 1885 – November 25, 1885Died of stroke; vacancy lasted remainder of term.
Levi P. MortonBenjamin HarrisonMarch 4, 1889 – March 4, 1893Banker with limited policy role; supported tariff legislation.
Adlai E. Stevenson IGrover ClevelandMarch 4, 1893 – March 4, 1897Cast tie-breaking votes on silver purchase repeal; criticized for perceived favoritism to railroads.
Garret A. HobartWilliam McKinleyMarch 4, 1897 – November 21, 1899Advised on Spanish-American War; died of heart attack; vacancy until 1901.
William McKinleyMarch 4, 1901 – September 14, 1901Progressive reformer; ascended after McKinley's by Leon Czolgosz; no vice president in first term.
Charles W. FairbanksMarch 4, 1905 – March 4, 1909Senate-focused; later unsuccessful 1916 presidential candidate.
James S. ShermanWilliam Howard TaftMarch 4, 1909 – October 30, 1912Died of kidney disease during campaign; vacancy to 1913.
Thomas R. MarshallWoodrow WilsonMarch 4, 1913 – March 4, 1921Presided during World War I; declined expanded powers amid Wilson's 1919 stroke; known for quip on needing "a good five-cent cigar."
Warren G. HardingMarch 4, 1921 – August 2, 1923Sworn in as president at 2:47 a.m. on August 3, 1923, by father after Harding's death; no vice president initially in his term.
Charles G. DawesMarch 4, 1925 – March 4, 1929Nobel Peace Prize winner for Dawes Plan on German reparations; clashed with Coolidge over patronage.
Charles CurtisHerbert HooverMarch 4, 1929 – March 4, 1933First Native American VP (Kaw tribe); broke ties on Depression-era measures.
John Nance GarnerFranklin D. RooseveltMarch 4, 1933 – January 20, 1941Assisted New Deal passage as House Speaker before; opposed FDR's third term and court-packing; refused renomination in 1940.
Henry A. WallaceFranklin D. RooseveltJanuary 20, 1941 – January 20, 1945Agricultural expert; engaged in wartime diplomacy and procurement; dropped from 1944 ticket for perceived radicalism.
Notable shifts included increased vice presidential involvement in legislation during the , with Garner leveraging prior congressional experience to expedite bills, though tensions arose over executive overreach. Marshall's tenure exemplified restraint, as he rejected calls to assume acting powers during Wilson's incapacity, adhering strictly to constitutional limits despite rumors of presidential death in 1919. Wallace's global travels for supply coordination marked an early expansion beyond domestic roles, but his ideological divergence from party regulars prompted replacement by in 1944. Scandals like Colfax's tainted the office's reputation, yet successions often elevated unexpected figures, with signing the Pendleton Civil Service Act in 1883 to curb patronage despite his machine ties, and Coolidge stabilizing post-scandal governance.

1945–Present: Modern and Contemporary Incumbents

Harry S. Truman served as the 33rd vice president from January 20 to April 12, 1945, under President Franklin D. Roosevelt, before ascending to the presidency upon Roosevelt's death, leaving the office vacant until the 1949 inauguration. Alben W. Barkley held the position from 1949 to 1953 under Truman, primarily presiding over the Senate and casting 35 tie-breaking votes, a record at the time for his term. Richard Nixon, vice president from 1953 to 1961 under Dwight D. Eisenhower, expanded the role through active involvement in foreign policy, including goodwill tours to 58 countries and participation in national security decisions, though his influence was limited by Eisenhower's centralized style. Lyndon B. Johnson served from 1961 to 1963 under , succeeding to the presidency on November 22, 1963, after Kennedy's , with the vice presidency vacant until 1965; the 25th Amendment, ratified in 1967, later addressed such gaps by enabling presidential appointment of successors with congressional approval. , from 1965 to 1969 under Johnson, focused on domestic policy advocacy, including the , but faced criticism for limited autonomy amid Johnson's dominance. , from 1969 to October 10, 1973, under Nixon, resigned amid a involving bribes accepted as Maryland county executive, marking the first such resignation and triggering the 25th Amendment's use for Ford's appointment on December 6, 1973. Gerald Ford, vice president from December 6, 1973, to August 9, 1974, ascended to the presidency upon Nixon's over Watergate, leaving the office vacant until Nelson Rockefeller's appointment and on December 19, 1974, under Ford. Rockefeller served until 1977, emphasizing commissions on population growth and domestic policy but with constrained influence due to Ford's transition challenges. , from 1977 to 1981 under , institutionalized the vice presidency by establishing an office in , attending all Cabinet meetings, and advising on key legislation like efforts, setting a precedent for substantive policy roles. George H. W. Bush, vice president from 1981 to 1989 under , managed crisis responses including the Iran-Contra affair oversight and chaired task forces on , later succeeding to the in 1989. , from 1989 to 1993 under Bush, cast 13 tie-breaking votes and led the Council, though public gaffes, such as misspelling "," drew media scrutiny despite substantive work on competitiveness policy. , serving 1993 to 2001 under , presided over a divided , cast 4 tie votes, and spearheaded initiatives like the National Performance Review for government efficiency and environmental advocacy, narrowly losing the 2000 after Clinton's term.
Vice PresidentTerm Start–EndPresident ServedPartyKey Events/Notes
Harry S. TrumanJan 20, 1945 – Apr 12, 1945DemocraticSucceeded to presidency; office vacant post-ascension.
Alben W. BarkleyJan 20, 1949 – Jan 20, 1953DemocraticRecord tie-breakers (35).
Richard NixonJan 20, 1953 – Jan 20, 1961RepublicanForeign policy envoy; two terms.
Lyndon B. JohnsonJan 20, 1961 – Nov 22, 1963DemocraticSucceeded to presidency; office vacant.
Hubert HumphreyJan 20, 1965 – Jan 20, 1969DemocraticDomestic policy focus.
Spiro AgnewJan 20, 1969 – Oct 10, 1973RepublicanResigned over corruption charges.
Gerald FordDec 6, 1973 – Aug 9, 1974RepublicanAppointed; succeeded to presidency.
Nelson RockefellerDec 19, 1974 – Jan 20, 1977RepublicanAppointed; policy commissions.
Walter MondaleJan 20, 1977 – Jan 20, 1981Democratic office established.
George H. W. BushJan 20, 1981 – Jan 20, 1989Republican; later president.
Dan QuayleJan 20, 1989 – Jan 20, 1993RepublicanSpace Council chair.
Al GoreJan 20, 1993 – Jan 20, 2001DemocraticReinventing Government; 2000 election loss.
Dick CheneyJan 20, 2001 – Jan 20, 2009RepublicanInfluential in ; briefly acted as president (2002, 2007).
Joe BidenJan 20, 2009 – Jan 20, 2017Democratic lead; later president.
Mike PenceJan 20, 2017 – Jan 20, 2021Republican task force; 2021 electoral certification.
Kamala HarrisJan 20, 2021 – Jan 20, 2025DemocraticFirst female VP; record tie-breakers (33).
JD VanceJan 20, 2025 – presentRepublicanCurrent incumbent; focus on domestic policy.
Dick Cheney, from 2001 to 2009 under , wielded exceptional influence over vice-presidential powers, shaping post-9/11 policies including enhanced executive authority and briefly acting as president on June 29, 2002, and July 21, 2007, under the 25th during Bush's medical procedures. , 2009 to 2017 under , handled foreign relations such as oversight and withdrawal consultations, later winning the presidency in 2020. , 2017 to 2021 under Trump, chaired the Coronavirus Task Force and presided over the January 6, 2021, electoral vote certification amid controversy, refusing state alternate elector challenges despite pressure. , from 2021 to 2025 under Biden, cast a record 33 tie-breaking votes, primarily on nominations and spending bills, and led efforts on voting rights and border policy, though the latter drew criticism for limited on-site visits. JD Vance assumed office on January 20, 2025, under Trump's second term, emphasizing and liaison roles. This era featured three successions to the presidency (Truman, Johnson, Ford), two resignations/appointments under the 25th (Agnew/Ford, Nixon/Rockefeller), and a shift toward policy influencers like Mondale, Cheney, and Biden, contrasting earlier ceremonial limits, with vice presidents casting over 300 tie votes total since 1945 amid partisan gridlock.

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