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Vice President of the United States
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| Vice President of the United States | |
|---|---|
since January 20, 2025 | |
| Style |
|
| Status |
|
| Member of | |
| Residence | Number One Observatory Circle |
| Seat | Washington, D.C. |
| Appointer | Electoral College, or, if vacant, President of the United States via congressional confirmation |
| Term length | Four years, no term limit |
| Constituting instrument | Constitution of the United States |
| Formation | March 4, 1789[1][2][3] |
| First holder | John Adams[4] |
| Succession | First[5] |
| Unofficial names | VPOTUS,[6] VP, Veep[7] |
| Salary | $284,600 per annum |
| Website | whitehouse.gov |
The vice president of the United States (VPOTUS, or informally, veep[7]) is the second-highest ranking office in the executive branch[8][9] of the U.S. federal government, after the president of the United States, and ranks first in the presidential line of succession. The vice president is also an officer in the legislative branch, as the president of the Senate. In this capacity, the vice president is empowered to preside over the United States Senate, but may not vote except to cast a tie-breaking vote.[10] The vice president is elected at the same time as the president to a four-year term of office by the people of the United States through the Electoral College, but the electoral votes are cast separately for these two offices.[10] Following the passage in 1967 of the Twenty-fifth Amendment to the US Constitution, a vacancy in the office of vice president may be filled by presidential nomination and confirmation by a majority vote in both houses of Congress. This was based on the Tyler Precedent set in 1841 when John Tyler became the first vice president to take over for a deceased president following the death of William Henry Harrison.
The modern vice presidency is a position of significant power and is widely seen as an integral part of a president's administration. The presidential candidate selects the candidate for the vice presidency as their running mate in the lead-up to the presidential election. While the exact nature of the role varies in each administration, since the vice president's service in office is by election, the president cannot dismiss the vice president, and the personal working-relationship with the president varies, most modern vice presidents serve as a key presidential advisor, governing partner, and representative of the president. The vice president is also a statutory member of the United States Cabinet and United States National Security Council[10] and thus plays a significant role in executive government and national security matters. As the vice president's role within the executive branch has expanded, the legislative branch role has contracted; for example, vice presidents now preside over the Senate only infrequently.[11]
The role of the vice presidency has changed dramatically since the office was created during the 1787 Constitutional Convention. Originally something of an afterthought, the vice presidency was considered an insignificant office for much of the nation's history, especially after the Twelfth Amendment meant that vice presidents were no longer the runners-up in the presidential election. The vice president's role began steadily growing in importance during the 1930s, with the Office of the Vice President being created in the executive branch in 1939, and has since grown much further. Due to its increase in power and prestige, the vice presidency is now often considered to be a stepping stone to the presidency. Since the 1970s, the vice president has been afforded an official residence at Number One Observatory Circle.[12]
The Constitution does not expressly assign the vice presidency to a branch of the government, causing a dispute among scholars about which branch the office belongs to (the executive, the legislative, both, or neither).[11][13] The modern view of the vice president as an officer of the executive branch—one isolated almost entirely from the legislative branch—is due in large part to the assignment of executive authority to the vice president by either the president or Congress.[11][14] Nevertheless, many vice presidents have previously served in Congress, and are often tasked with helping to advance an administration's legislative priorities. John Adams was the country's first ever vice president. JD Vance is the 50th and current vice president since January 20, 2025.
History and development
[edit]Constitutional Convention
[edit]No mention of an office of vice president was made at the 1787 Constitutional Convention until near the end, when an eleven-member committee on "Leftover Business" proposed a method of electing the chief executive (president).[15] Delegates had previously considered the selection of the Senate's presiding officer, deciding that "the Senate shall choose its own President", and had agreed that this official would be designated the executive's immediate successor. They had also considered the mode of election of the executive but had not reached consensus. This all changed on September 4, when the committee recommended that the nation's chief executive be elected by an Electoral College, with each state having a number of presidential electors equal to the sum of that state's allocation of representatives and senators.[11][16]
Recognizing that loyalty to one's individual state outweighed loyalty to the new federation, the Constitution's framers assumed individual electors would be inclined to choose a candidate from their own state (a so-called "favorite son" candidate) over one from another state. So they created the office of vice president and required the electors to vote for two candidates, at least one of whom must be from outside the elector's state, believing that the second vote would be cast for a candidate of national character.[16][17] Additionally, to guard against the possibility that electors might strategically waste their second votes, it was specified that the first runner-up would become vice president.[16]
The resultant method of electing the president and vice president, spelled out in Article II, Section 1, Clause 3, allocated to each state a number of electors equal to the combined total of its Senate and House of Representatives membership. Each elector was allowed to vote for two people for president (rather than for both president and vice president), but could not differentiate between their first and second choice for the presidency. The person receiving the greatest number of votes (provided it was an absolute majority of the whole number of electors) would be president, while the individual who received the next largest number of votes became vice president. If there were a tie for first or for second place, or if no one won a majority of votes, the president and vice president would be selected by means of contingent elections protocols stated in the clause.[18][19]
Early vice presidents and Twelfth Amendment
[edit]
The first two vice presidents, John Adams and Thomas Jefferson, both of whom gained the office by virtue of being runners-up in presidential contests, presided regularly over Senate proceedings and did much to shape the role of Senate president.[20][21] Several 19th-century vice presidents—such as George Dallas, Levi Morton, and Garret Hobart—followed their example and led effectively, while others were rarely present.[20]
The emergence of political parties and nationally coordinated election campaigns during the 1790s (which the Constitution's framers had not contemplated) quickly frustrated the election plan in the original Constitution. In the election of 1796, Federalist candidate John Adams won the presidency, but his bitter rival, Democratic-Republican candidate Thomas Jefferson, came second and thus won the vice presidency. As a result, the president and vice president were from opposing parties; and Jefferson used the vice presidency to frustrate the president's policies. Then, four years later, in the election of 1800, Jefferson and fellow Democratic-Republican Aaron Burr each received 73 electoral votes. In the contingent election that followed, Jefferson finally won the presidency on the 36th ballot, leaving Burr the vice presidency. Afterward, the system was overhauled through the Twelfth Amendment in time to be used in the 1804 election.[22]
19th and early 20th centuries
[edit]For much of its existence, the office of vice president was seen as little more than a minor position. John Adams, the first vice president, was the first of many frustrated by the "complete insignificance" of the office. To his wife Abigail Adams he wrote, "My country has in its wisdom contrived for me the most insignificant office that ever the invention of man ... or his imagination contrived or his imagination conceived; and as I can do neither good nor evil, I must be borne away by others and met the common fate."[23] Thomas R. Marshall, who served as vice president from 1913 to 1921 under President Woodrow Wilson, lamented: "Once there were two brothers. One ran away to sea; the other was elected Vice President of the United States. And nothing was heard of either of them again."[24] His successor, Calvin Coolidge, was so obscure that Major League Baseball sent him free passes that misspelled his name, and a fire marshal failed to recognize him when Coolidge's Washington residence was evacuated.[25] John Nance Garner, who served as vice president from 1933 to 1941 under President Franklin D. Roosevelt, claimed that the vice presidency "isn't worth a pitcher of warm piss".[26] Harry Truman, who also served as vice president under Franklin Roosevelt, said the office was as "useful as a cow's fifth teat".[27] Walter Bagehot remarked in The English Constitution that "[t]he framers of the Constitution expected that the vice-president would be elected by the Electoral College as the second wisest man in the country. The vice-presidentship being a sinecure, a second-rate man agreeable to the wire-pullers is always smuggled in. The chance of succession to the presidentship is too distant to be thought of."[28]
When the Whig Party asked Daniel Webster to run for the vice presidency on Zachary Taylor's ticket, he replied "I do not propose to be buried until I am really dead and in my coffin."[29] This was the second time Webster declined the office, which William Henry Harrison had first offered to him. Ironically, both the presidents making the offer to Webster died in office, meaning the three-time candidate would have become president had he accepted either. Since presidents rarely die in office, however, the better preparation for the presidency was considered to be the office of Secretary of State, in which Webster served under Harrison, Tyler, and later, Taylor's successor, Fillmore.
In the first hundred years of the United States' existence no fewer than seven proposals to abolish the office of vice president were advanced.[30] The first such constitutional amendment was presented by Samuel W. Dana in 1800; it was defeated by a vote of 27 to 85 in the United States House of Representatives.[30] The second, introduced by United States Senator James Hillhouse in 1808, was also defeated.[30] During the late 1860s and 1870s, five additional amendments were proposed.[30] One advocate, James Mitchell Ashley, opined that the office of vice president was "superfluous" and dangerous.[30]
Garret Hobart, the first vice president under William McKinley, was one of the very few vice presidents at this time who played an important role in the administration. A close confidant and adviser of the president, Hobart was called "Assistant President".[31] However, until 1919, vice presidents were not included in meetings of the President's Cabinet. This precedent was broken by Woodrow Wilson when he asked Thomas R. Marshall to preside over Cabinet meetings while Wilson was in France negotiating the Treaty of Versailles.[32] President Warren G. Harding also invited Calvin Coolidge to meetings. The next vice president, Charles G. Dawes, did not seek to attend Cabinet meetings under President Coolidge, declaring that "the precedent might prove injurious to the country."[33] Vice President Charles Curtis regularly attended Cabinet meetings on the invitation of President Herbert Hoover.[34]
Emergence of the modern vice presidency
[edit]
In 1933, Franklin D. Roosevelt raised the stature of the office by renewing the practice of inviting the vice president to cabinet meetings, which every president since has maintained. Roosevelt's first vice president, John Nance Garner, broke with him over the "court-packing" issue early in his second term, and became Roosevelt's leading critic. At the start of that term, on January 20, 1937, Garner had been the first vice president to be sworn into office on the Capitol steps in the same ceremony with the president, a tradition that continues. Prior to that time, vice presidents were traditionally inaugurated at a separate ceremony in the Senate chamber. Gerald Ford and Nelson Rockefeller, who were each appointed to the office under the terms of the 25th Amendment, were inaugurated in the House and Senate chambers respectively.
At the 1940 Democratic National Convention, Roosevelt selected his own running mate, Henry Wallace, instead of leaving the nomination to the convention, when he wanted Garner replaced.[35] He then gave Wallace major responsibilities during World War II. However, after numerous policy disputes between Wallace and other Roosevelt Administration and Democratic Party officials, he was denied re-nomination at the 1944 Democratic National Convention. Harry Truman was selected instead. During his 82-day vice presidency, Truman was never informed about any war or post-war plans, including the Manhattan Project.[36] Truman had no visible role in the Roosevelt administration outside of his congressional responsibilities and met with the president only a few times during his tenure as vice president.[37] Roosevelt died on April 12, 1945, and Truman succeeded to the presidency (the state of Roosevelt's health had also been kept from Truman). At the time he said, "I felt like the moon, the stars and all the planets fell on me."[38] Determined that no future vice president should be so uninformed upon unexpectedly becoming president, Truman made the vice president a member of the National Security Council, a participant in Cabinet meetings and a recipient of regular security briefings in 1949.[36]
The stature of the vice presidency grew again while Richard Nixon was in office (1953–1961). He attracted the attention of the media and the Republican Party, when Dwight Eisenhower authorized him to preside at Cabinet meetings in his absence and to assume temporary control of the executive branch, which he did after Eisenhower suffered a heart attack on September 24, 1955, ileitis in June 1956, and a stroke in November 1957. Nixon was also visible on the world stage during his time in office.[36]
Until 1961, vice presidents had their offices on Capitol Hill, a formal office in the Capitol itself and a working office in the Russell Senate Office Building. Lyndon B. Johnson was the first vice president to also be given an office in the White House complex, in the Old Executive Office Building. The former Navy Secretary's office in the OEOB has since been designated the "Ceremonial Office of the Vice President" and is today used for formal events and press interviews. President Jimmy Carter was the first president to give his vice president, Walter Mondale, an office in the West Wing of the White House, which all vice presidents have since retained. Because of their function as president of the Senate, vice presidents still maintain offices and staff members on Capitol Hill. This change came about because Carter held the view that the office of the vice presidency had historically been a wasted asset and wished to have his vice president involved in the decision-making process. Carter pointedly considered, according to Joel Goldstein, the way Roosevelt treated Truman as "immoral".[39]
Another factor behind the rise in prestige of the vice presidency was the expanded use of presidential preference primaries for choosing party nominees during the 20th century. By adopting primary voting, the field of candidates for vice president was expanded by both the increased quantity and quality of presidential candidates successful in some primaries, yet who ultimately failed to capture the presidential nomination at the convention.[35]
At the start of the 21st century, Dick Cheney (2001–2009) held much power within the administration, and frequently made policy decisions on his own, without the knowledge of the president.[40] This rapid growth led to Matthew Yglesias and Bruce Ackerman calling for the abolition of the vice presidency[41][42] while both of 2008's vice presidential candidates, Sarah Palin and Joe Biden, said they would reduce the role to simply being an adviser to the president.[43]
Constitutional roles
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Although delegates to the constitutional convention approved establishing the office, with both its executive and senatorial functions, not many understood the office, and so they gave the vice president few duties and little power.[20] Only a few states had an analogous position. Among those that did, New York's constitution provided that "the lieutenant-governor shall, by virtue of his office, be president of the Senate, and, upon an equal division, have a casting voice in their decisions, but not vote on any other occasion".[44] As a result, the vice presidency originally had authority in only a few areas, although constitutional amendments have added or clarified some matters.
President of the Senate
[edit]Article I, Section 3, Clause 4 confers upon the vice president the title "President of the Senate", authorizing the vice president to preside over Senate meetings. In this capacity, the vice president is responsible for maintaining order and decorum, recognizing members to speak, and interpreting the Senate's rules, practices, and precedent. With this position also comes the authority to cast a tie-breaking vote.[20] In practice, the number of times vice presidents have exercised this right has varied greatly. Kamala Harris holds the record at 33 votes, followed by John C. Calhoun who had previously held the record at 31 votes; John Adams ranks third with 29.[45][46] Twelve vice presidents did not cast any tie-breaking votes.
As the framers of the Constitution anticipated that the vice president would not always be available to fulfill this responsibility, the Constitution provides that the Senate may elect a president pro tempore (or "president for a time") in order to maintain the proper ordering of the legislative process. In practice, since the early 20th century, neither the president of the Senate nor the pro tempore regularly presides; instead, the president pro tempore usually delegates the task to other Senate members.[47] Rule XIX, which governs debate, does not authorize the vice president to participate in debate, and grants only to members of the Senate (and, upon appropriate notice, former presidents of the United States) the privilege of addressing the Senate, without granting a similar privilege to the sitting vice president. Thus, Time magazine wrote in 1925, during the tenure of Charles G. Dawes, "once in four years the vice president can make a little speech, and then he is done. For four years he then has to sit in the seat of the silent, attending to speeches ponderous or otherwise, of deliberation or humor."[48]
Presiding over impeachment trials
[edit]In their capacity as president of the Senate, the vice president may preside over most impeachment trials of federal officers, although the Constitution does not specifically require it. However, whenever the president of the United States is on trial, the Constitution requires that the chief justice of the United States must preside. This stipulation was designed to avoid the possible conflict of interest in having the vice president preside over the trial for the removal of the one official standing between them and the presidency.[49] In contrast, the Constitution is silent about which federal official would preside were the vice president on trial by the Senate.[13][50] No vice president has ever been impeached, thus leaving it unclear whether an impeached vice president could, as president of the Senate, preside at their own impeachment trial.
Presiding over electoral vote counts
[edit]The Twelfth Amendment provides that the vice president, in their capacity as the president of the Senate, receives the Electoral College votes, and then, in the presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, opens the sealed votes.[18] The votes are then counted by Congress during a joint session, in accordance with the additional procedures prescribed by the Electoral Count Act and amended by Electoral Count Reform and Presidential Transition Improvement Act.[51] The former specifies that the president of the Senate presides over the joint session,[52] and the latter clarifies the solely ministerial role the president of the Senate serves in the process.[53] The next such joint session is expected to next take place following the 2028 presidential election, on January 6, 2029 (unless Congress sets a different date by law).[19]
In this capacity, four vice presidents have been able to announce their own election to the presidency: John Adams in 1797, Thomas Jefferson in 1801, Martin Van Buren in 1837 and George H. W. Bush in 1989.[20] Conversely, four vice presidents have needed to announce their opponent's election to the presidency: John C. Breckinridge in 1861,[54] Richard Nixon in 1961,[55] Al Gore in 2001,[56] and Kamala Harris in 2025.[57] In 1969, Vice President Hubert Humphrey would have done so as well, following his 1968 loss to Richard Nixon; however, on the date of the congressional joint session, Humphrey was in Norway attending the funeral of Trygve Lie, the first elected Secretary-General of the United Nations. The president pro tempore, Richard Russell, presided in his absence.[55] On February 8, 1933, Vice President Charles Curtis announced the election victory of his successor, House Speaker John Nance Garner, while Garner was seated next to him on the House dais.[58] Similarly, Walter Mondale, in 1981, Dan Quayle, in 1993, and Mike Pence, in 2021, each had to announce their successor's election victory, following their re-election losses.
Successor to the U.S. president
[edit]
Article II, Section 1, Clause 6 stipulates that the vice president takes over the "powers and duties" of the presidency in the event of a president's removal, death, resignation, or inability.[59] Even so, it did not clearly state whether the vice president became president or simply acted as president in a case of succession. Debate records from the 1787 Constitutional Convention, along with various participants' later writings on the subject, show that the framers of the Constitution intended that the vice president would temporarily exercise the powers and duties of the office in the event of a president's death, disability or removal, but not actually become the president of the United States in their own right.[60][61]
This understanding was first tested in 1841, following the death of President William Henry Harrison, only 31 days into his term. Harrison's vice president, John Tyler, asserted that under the Constitution, he had succeeded to the presidency, not just to its powers and duties. He had himself sworn in as president and assumed full presidential powers, refusing to acknowledge documents referring to him as "Acting President".[62] Although some in Congress denounced Tyler's claim as a violation of the Constitution,[59] he adhered to his position. His view ultimately prevailed as both the Senate and House voted to acknowledge him as president.[63] The Tyler Precedent that a vice president assumes the full title and role of president upon the death, resignation, or removal from office (via impeachment conviction) of their predecessor was codified through the Twenty-fifth Amendment in 1967.[64][65] Altogether, nine vice presidents have succeeded to the presidency intra-term. In addition to Tyler, they are Millard Fillmore, Andrew Johnson, Chester A. Arthur, Theodore Roosevelt, Calvin Coolidge, Harry S. Truman, Lyndon B. Johnson, and Gerald Ford. Four of them—Roosevelt, Coolidge, Truman, and Lyndon B. Johnson—were later elected to full terms of their own.[60]
Four sitting vice presidents have been elected president: John Adams in 1796, Thomas Jefferson in 1800, Martin Van Buren in 1836, and George H. W. Bush in 1988. Likewise, two former vice presidents have won the presidency, Richard Nixon in 1968 and Joe Biden in 2020. Also, five incumbent vice presidents lost a presidential election: Breckinridge in 1860, Nixon in 1960, Humphrey in 1968, Gore in 2000, and Harris in 2024. Additionally, former vice president Walter Mondale lost in 1984.[66] In total, 15 vice presidents have become president.[67]
Acting president
[edit]Sections 3 and 4 of the Twenty-fifth Amendment provide for situations where the president is temporarily or permanently unable to lead, such as if the president has a surgical procedure, becomes seriously ill or injured, or is otherwise unable to discharge the powers or duties of the presidency. Section 3 deals with self-declared incapacity, and Section 4 addresses incapacity declared by the joint action of the vice president and of a majority of the Cabinet.[68] While Section 4 has never been invoked, Section 3 has been invoked on four occasions by three presidents, first in 1985. When invoked on November 19, 2021, Kamala Harris became the first woman in U.S. history to have presidential powers and duties.[69]
Sections 3 and 4 were added because there was ambiguity in the Article II succession clause regarding a disabled president, including what constituted an "inability", who determined the existence of an inability, and if a vice president became president for the rest of the presidential term in the case of an inability or became merely "acting president". During the 19th century and first half of the 20th century, several presidents experienced periods of severe illness, physical disability or injury, some lasting for weeks or months. During these times, even though the nation needed effective presidential leadership, no vice president wanted to seem like a usurper, and so power was never transferred. After President Dwight D. Eisenhower openly addressed his health issues and made it a point to enter into an agreement with Vice President Richard Nixon that provided for Nixon to act on his behalf if Eisenhower became unable to provide effective presidential leadership (Nixon did informally assume some of the president's duties for several weeks on each of three occasions when Eisenhower was ill), discussions began in Congress about clearing up the Constitution's ambiguity on the subject.[59][68]
Modern roles
[edit]The present-day power of the office flows primarily from formal and informal delegations of authority from the president and Congress.[13] These delegations can vary in significance; for example, the vice president is a statutory member of both the National Security Council and the board of regents of the Smithsonian Institution.[10] The extent of the roles and functions of the vice president depend on the specific relationship between the president and the vice president, but often include tasks such as drafter and spokesperson for the administration's policies, adviser to the president, and being a symbol of American concern or support. The influence of the vice president in these roles depends almost entirely on the characteristics of the particular administration.[70]
Presidential advisor
[edit]
Most recent vice presidents have been viewed as important presidential advisors. Walter Mondale, unlike his immediate predecessors, did not want specific responsibilities to be delegated to him. Mondale believed, as he wrote President-elect Jimmy Carter a memo following the 1976 election, that his most important role would be as a "general adviser" to the president.[39][71] Al Gore was an important adviser to President Bill Clinton on matters of foreign policy and the environment. Dick Cheney was widely regarded as one of President George W. Bush's closest confidants. Joe Biden asked President Barack Obama to let him always be the "last person in the room" when a big decision was made; later, as president himself, Biden adopted this model with his own vice president, Kamala Harris.[72][73]
Governing partner
[edit]Recent vice presidents have been delegated authority by presidents to handle significant issue areas independently. Joe Biden (who has held the office of President and Vice President of the United States) has observed that the presidency is "too big anymore for any one man or woman".[74] Dick Cheney was considered to hold a tremendous amount of power and frequently made policy decisions on his own, without the knowledge of the president.[40] Biden was assigned by Barack Obama to oversee Iraq policy; Obama was said to have said, "Joe, you do Iraq."[75] In February 2020, Donald Trump appointed Mike Pence to lead his response to COVID-19.[76] In March 2021, President Biden put Kamala Harris in charge of addressing the influx of migrants at the U.S.–Mexico border.[77]
Congressional liaison
[edit]The vice president is often an important liaison between the administration and Congress, especially in situations where the president has not previously served in Congress or served only briefly. Vice presidents are often selected as running mates in part due to their legislative relationships, notably including Richard Nixon, Lyndon Johnson, Walter Mondale, Dick Cheney, Joe Biden, and Mike Pence among others. In recent years, Dick Cheney held weekly meetings in the Vice President's Room at the United States Capitol, Joe Biden played a key role in bipartisan budget negotiations, and Mike Pence often met with House and Senate Republicans. Kamala Harris presided over a 50–50 split Senate during the 117th Congress, which provided her with a key role in passing legislation.
Representative at events
[edit]Under the American system of government the president is both head of state and head of government,[78] and the ceremonial duties of the former position are often delegated to the vice president. The vice president will on occasion represent the president and the U.S. government at state funerals abroad, or at various events in the United States. This often is the most visible role of the vice president. The vice president may also meet with other heads of state at times when the administration wishes to demonstrate concern or support but cannot send the president personally.
National Security Council member
[edit]Since 1949, the vice president has legally been a member of the National Security Council. Harry Truman, having not been told about any war or post-war plans during his vice presidency (notably the Manhattan Project), recognized that upon assuming the presidency a vice president needed to be already informed on such issues. Modern vice presidents have also been included in the president's daily intelligence briefings[72] and frequently participate in meetings in the Situation Room with the president.
Selection process
[edit]Eligibility
[edit]To be constitutionally eligible to serve as the nation's vice president, a person must, according to the Twelfth Amendment, meet the eligibility requirements to become president (which are stated in Article II, Section 1, Clause 5). Thus, to serve as vice president, an individual must:
- be a natural-born U.S. citizen;
- be at least 35 years old;
- be a resident in the U.S. for at least 14 years.[79]
A person who meets the above qualifications is still disqualified from holding the office of vice president under the following conditions:
- Under Article I, Section 3, Clause 7, upon conviction in impeachment cases, the Senate has the option of disqualifying convicted individuals from holding federal office, including that of vice president;
- Under the Twelfth Amendment to the United States Constitution, "no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be eligible to that of Vice President of the United States".[79]
- Under Section 3 of the Fourteenth Amendment, no person who has sworn an oath to support the Constitution, who has later "engaged in insurrection or rebellion" against the United States, or given aid and comfort to the nation's enemies can serve in a state or federal office—including as vice president. This disqualification, originally aimed at former supporters of the Confederacy, may be removed by a two-thirds vote of each house of the Congress.[80]
Nomination
[edit]
The vice presidential candidates of the major national political parties are formally selected by each party's quadrennial nominating convention, following the selection of the party's presidential candidate. The official process is identical to the one by which the presidential candidates are chosen, with delegates placing the names of candidates into nomination, followed by a ballot in which candidates must receive a majority to secure the party's nomination.
In modern practice, the presidential nominee has considerable influence on the decision, and since the mid-20th century it became customary for that person to select a preferred running mate, who is then nominated and accepted by the convention. Prior to Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1940, only two presidents—Andrew Jackson in 1832 and Abraham Lincoln in 1864—had done so.[81] In recent years, with the presidential nomination usually being a foregone conclusion as the result of the primary process, the selection of a vice presidential candidate is often announced prior to the actual balloting for the presidential candidate, and sometimes before the beginning of the convention itself. The most recent presidential nominee not to name a vice presidential choice, leaving the matter up to the convention, was Democrat Adlai Stevenson in 1956. The convention chose Tennessee Senator Estes Kefauver over Massachusetts Senator (and later president) John F. Kennedy. At the tumultuous 1972 Democratic convention, presidential nominee George McGovern selected Missouri Senator Thomas Eagleton as his running mate, but numerous other candidates were either nominated from the floor or received votes during the balloting. Eagleton nevertheless received a majority of the votes and the nomination, though he later resigned from the ticket, resulting in Sargent Shriver from Maryland becoming McGovern's final running mate; both lost to the Nixon–Agnew ticket by a wide margin, carrying only Massachusetts and the District of Columbia.
During times in a presidential election cycle before the identity of the presidential nominee is clear, including cases where the presidential nomination is still in doubt as the convention approaches, campaigns for the two positions may become intertwined. In 1976, Ronald Reagan, who was trailing President Gerald Ford in the presidential delegate count, announced prior to the Republican National Convention that, if nominated, he would select Pennsylvania Senator Richard Schweiker as his running mate. Reagan was the first presidential aspirant to announce his selection for vice president before the beginning of the convention. Reagan's supporters then unsuccessfully sought to amend the convention rules so that Gerald Ford would be required to name his vice presidential running mate in advance as well. This move backfired to a degree, as Schweiker's relatively liberal voting record alienated many of the more conservative delegates who were considering a challenge to party delegate selection rules to improve Reagan's chances. In the end, Ford narrowly won the presidential nomination and Reagan's selection of Schweiker became moot.
In the 2008 Democratic presidential primaries, which pitted Hillary Clinton against Barack Obama, Clinton suggested a Clinton–Obama ticket with Obama in the vice president slot, which she said would be "unstoppable" against the presumptive Republican nominee. Obama rejected the offer outright, saying, "I want everybody to be absolutely clear. I'm not running for vice president. I'm running for president of the United States of America," adding, "With all due respect. I won twice as many states as Senator Clinton. I've won more of the popular vote than Senator Clinton. I have more delegates than Senator Clinton. So, I don't know how somebody who's in second place is offering vice presidency to the person who's in first place." Obama said the nomination process would have to be a choice between himself and Clinton, saying "I don't want anybody here thinking that 'Somehow, maybe I can get both'", by nominating Clinton and assuming he would be her running mate.[82][83] Some suggested that it was a ploy by the Clinton campaign to denigrate Obama as less qualified for the presidency.[84][failed verification] Later, when Obama became the presumptive Democratic presidential nominee, former president Jimmy Carter cautioned against Clinton being picked as the vice presidential nominee on the ticket, saying "I think it would be the worst mistake that could be made. That would just accumulate the negative aspects of both candidates", citing opinion polls showing 50% of US voters with a negative view of Hillary Clinton.[85]
Selection criteria
[edit]Though the vice president does not need to have any political experience, most major-party vice presidential nominees are current or former United States senators or representatives, with the occasional nominee being a current or former governor, a high-ranking former military officer (active military officers being prohibited under US law from holding political office), or a holder of a major position within the Executive branch. In addition, the vice presidential nominee has always been an official resident of a different state than the presidential nominee. While nothing in the Constitution prohibits a presidential candidate and his or her running mate being from the same state, the "inhabitant clause" of the Twelfth Amendment does mandate that every presidential elector must cast a ballot for at least one candidate who is not from their own state. Prior to the 2000 election, both George W. Bush and Dick Cheney lived in and voted in Texas. To avoid creating a potential problem for Texas's electors, Cheney changed his residency back to Wyoming prior to the campaign.[79]
Often, the presidential nominee will name a vice presidential candidate who will bring geographic or ideological balance to the ticket or appeal to a particular constituency. The vice presidential candidate might also be chosen on the basis of traits the presidential candidate is perceived to lack, or on the basis of name recognition. To foster party unity, popular runners-up in the presidential nomination process are commonly considered. While this selection process may enhance the chances of success for a national ticket, in the past it often resulted in the vice presidential nominee representing regions, constituencies, or ideologies at odds with those of the presidential candidate. As a result, vice presidents were often excluded from the policy-making process of the new administration. Many times their relationships with the president and his staff were aloof, non-existent, or even adversarial.[citation needed]
Historically, the vice presidential nominee was usually a second-tier politician, chosen either to appease the party's minority faction, satisfy party bosses, or to secure a key state.[86] Factors playing a role in the selection included: geographic and ideological balance, widening a presidential candidate's appeal to voters from outside their regional base or wing of the party. Candidates from electoral-vote rich swing states were usually preferred. A 2016 study, which examined vice-presidential candidates over the period 1884–2012, found that vice presidential candidates increased their tickets’ performance in their home states by 2.67 percentage points on average.[87]
Election
[edit]
The vice president is elected indirectly by the voters of each state and the District of Columbia through the Electoral College, a body of electors formed every four years for the sole purpose of electing the president and vice president to concurrent four-year terms. Each state is entitled to a number of electors equal to the size of its total delegation in both houses of Congress. Additionally, the Twenty-third Amendment provides that the District of Columbia is entitled to the number it would have if it were a state, but in no case more than that of the least populous state.[88] Currently, all states and D.C. select their electors based on a popular election held on Election Day.[19] In all but two states, the party whose presidential–vice presidential ticket receives a plurality of popular votes in the state has its entire slate of elector nominees chosen as the state's electors.[89] Maine and Nebraska deviate from this winner-take-all practice, awarding two electors to the statewide winner and one to the winner in each congressional district.[90][91]
On the first Monday after the second Wednesday in December, about six weeks after the election, the electors convene in their respective states (and in Washington D.C.) to vote for president and, on a separate ballot, for vice president. The certified results are opened and counted during a joint session of Congress, held in the first week of January. A candidate who receives an absolute majority of electoral votes for vice president (currently 270 of 538) is declared the winner. If no candidate has a majority, the Senate must meet to elect a vice president using a contingent election procedure in which senators, casting votes individually, choose between the two candidates who received the most electoral votes for vice president. For a candidate to win the contingent election, they must receive votes from an absolute majority of senators (currently 51 of 100).[19][92]
There has been only one vice presidential contingent election since the process was created by the Twelfth Amendment. It occurred on February 8, 1837, after no candidate received a majority of the electoral votes cast for vice president in the 1836 election. By a 33–17 vote, Richard M. Johnson (Martin Van Buren's running mate) was elected the nation's ninth vice president over Francis Granger (William Henry Harrison's and Daniel Webster's running mate).[93]
Tenure
[edit]Inauguration
[edit]
Pursuant to the Twentieth Amendment, the vice president's term of office begins at noon on January 20, as does the president's.[94] The first presidential and vice presidential terms to begin on this date, known as Inauguration Day, were the second terms of President Franklin D. Roosevelt and Vice President John Nance Garner in 1937.[95] Previously, Inauguration Day was on March 4. As a result of the date change, both men's first terms (1933–1937) were short of four years by 43 days.[96]
Also in 1937, the vice president's swearing-in ceremony was held on the Inaugural platform on the Capitol's east front immediately before the president's swearing in. Up until then, most vice presidents took the oath of office in the Senate chamber, prior to the president's swearing-in ceremony.[97] Although the Constitution contains the specific wording of the presidential oath, it contains only a general requirement, in Article VI, that the vice president and other government officers shall take an oath or affirmation to support the Constitution. The current form, which has been used since 1884 reads:
I, (first name last name), do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will support and defend the Constitution of the United States against all enemies, foreign and domestic; that I will bear true faith and allegiance to the same; that I take this obligation freely, without any mental reservation or purpose of evasion; and that I will well and faithfully discharge the duties of the office on which I am about to enter. So help me God.[98]
Term of office
[edit]The term of office for both the vice president and the president is four years. While the Twenty-Second Amendment sets a limit on the number of times an individual can be elected to the presidency (two),[99] there is no such limitation on the office of vice president, meaning an eligible person could hold the office as long as voters continued to vote for electors who in turn would reelect the person to the office; one could even serve under different presidents. This has happened twice: George Clinton (1805–1812) served under both Thomas Jefferson and James Madison; and John C. Calhoun (1825–1832) served under John Quincy Adams and Andrew Jackson.[20] Additionally, neither the Constitution's eligibility provisions nor the Twenty-second Amendment's presidential term limit explicitly disqualify a twice-elected president from serving as vice president, though it is arguably prohibited by the last sentence of the Twelfth Amendment: "But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be eligible to that of Vice-President of the United States."[100] As of the 2020 election cycle, however, no former president has tested the amendment's legal restrictions or meaning by running for the vice presidency.[101][102]
Impeachment
[edit]Article II, Section 4 of the Constitution allows for the removal of federal officials, including the vice president, from office for "treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors". No vice president has ever been impeached.
Vacancies
[edit]
Prior to the ratification of the Twenty-fifth Amendment in 1967, no constitutional provision existed for filling an intra-term vacancy in the vice presidency.
As a result, when such a vacancy occurred, the office was left vacant until filled through the next ensuing election and inauguration. Between 1812 and 1965, the vice presidency was vacant on sixteen occasions, as a result of seven deaths, one resignation, and eight cases of the vice president succeeding to the presidency. With the vacancy that followed the succession of Lyndon B. Johnson in 1963, the nation had been without a vice president for a cumulative total of 37 years.[103][104]
Section 2 of the Twenty-fifth Amendment provides that "whenever there is a vacancy in the office of the Vice President, the President shall nominate a Vice President who shall take office upon confirmation by a majority vote of both Houses of Congress."[5] This procedure has been implemented twice since the amendment came into force: the first instance occurred in 1973 following the October 10 resignation of Spiro Agnew, when Gerald Ford was nominated by President Richard Nixon and confirmed by Congress. The second occurred ten months later on August 9, 1974, on Ford's accession to the presidency upon Nixon's resignation, when Nelson Rockefeller was nominated by President Ford and confirmed by Congress.[59][104]
Had it not been for this new constitutional mechanism, the vice presidency would have remained vacant after Agnew's resignation; the speaker of the House, Carl Albert, would have become Acting President had Nixon resigned in this scenario, under the terms of the Presidential Succession Act of 1947.[105]
| No. | Period of vacancy | Cause of vacancy | Length | Vacancy filled by |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | April 20, 1812 – March 4, 1813 |
Death of George Clinton | 318 days | Election of 1812 |
| 2 | November 23, 1814 – March 4, 1817 |
Death of Elbridge Gerry | 2 years, 101 days | Election of 1816 |
| 3 | December 28, 1832 – March 4, 1833 |
Resignation of John C. Calhoun | 66 days | Election of 1832 |
| 4 | April 4, 1841 – March 4, 1845 |
Accession of John Tyler as president | 3 years, 334 days | Election of 1844 |
| 5 | July 9, 1850 – March 4, 1853 |
Accession of Millard Fillmore as president | 2 years, 238 days | Election of 1852 |
| 6 | April 18, 1853 – March 4, 1857 |
Death of William R. King | 3 years, 320 days | Election of 1856 |
| 7 | April 15, 1865 – March 4, 1869 |
Accession of Andrew Johnson as president | 3 years, 323 days | Election of 1868 |
| 8 | November 22, 1875 – March 4, 1877 |
Death of Henry Wilson | 1 year, 102 days | Election of 1876 |
| 9 | September 19, 1881 – March 4, 1885 |
Accession of Chester A. Arthur as president | 3 years, 166 days | Election of 1884 |
| 10 | November 25, 1885 – March 4, 1889 |
Death of Thomas A. Hendricks | 3 years, 99 days | Election of 1888 |
| 11 | November 21, 1899 – March 4, 1901 |
Death of Garret Hobart | 1 year, 103 days | Election of 1900 |
| 12 | September 14, 1901 – March 4, 1905 |
Accession of Theodore Roosevelt as president | 3 years, 171 days | Election of 1904 |
| 13 | October 30, 1912 – March 4, 1913 |
Death of James S. Sherman | 125 days | Election of 1912 |
| 14 | August 2, 1923 – March 4, 1925 |
Accession of Calvin Coolidge as president | 1 year, 214 days | Election of 1924 |
| 15 | April 12, 1945 – January 20, 1949 |
Accession of Harry S. Truman as president | 3 years, 283 days | Election of 1948 |
| 16 | November 22, 1963 – January 20, 1965 |
Accession of Lyndon B. Johnson as president | 1 year, 59 days | Election of 1964 |
| 17 | October 10, 1973 – December 6, 1973 |
Resignation of Spiro Agnew | 57 days | Confirmation of successor |
| 18 | August 9, 1974 – December 19, 1974 |
Accession of Gerald Ford as president | 132 days | Confirmation of successor |
Office and status
[edit]Salary
[edit]The vice president's salary in 2019 was $235,100.[106] For 2024, the vice president's salary is $284,600,[107] however, due to a pay freeze in effect since 2019, the actual portion of that salary that is payable remains $235,100.[108] The salary was set by the 1989 Government Salary Reform Act, which also provides an automatic cost of living adjustment for federal employees. The vice president does not automatically receive a pension based on that office, but instead receives the same pension as other members of Congress based on their position as president of the Senate.[109] The vice president must serve a minimum of two years to qualify for a pension.[110]
Residence
[edit]
The home of the vice president was designated in 1974, when Congress established Number One Observatory Circle as the official temporary residence of the vice president of the United States. In 1966, Congress, concerned about safety and security, and mindful of the increasing responsibilities of the office, allotted money ($75,000) to fund construction of a residence for the vice president, but implementation stalled. After eight years, the decision was revised, and One Observatory Circle was then designated for the vice president.[111] Up until the change, vice presidents lived in homes, apartments, or hotels, and were compensated more like cabinet members and members of Congress, receiving only a housing allowance.
The three-story Queen Anne style mansion was built in 1893 on the grounds of the U.S. Naval Observatory in Washington, D.C. to serve as residence for the superintendent of the Observatory. In 1923, the residence was reassigned to be the home of the Chief of Naval Operations (CNO), which it was until it was turned over to the office of the vice president fifty years later.
Travel and transportation
[edit]
The primary means of long-distance air travel for the vice president is one of two identical Boeing airplanes, which are extensively modified Boeing 757 airliners and are referred to as Air Force Two, while the vice president is on board. Any U.S. Air Force aircraft the vice president is aboard is referred to as "Air Force Two" for the duration of the flight. In-country trips are typically handled with just one of the two planes, while overseas trips are handled with both, one primary and one backup.
For short-distance air travel, the vice president has access to a fleet of U.S. Marine Corps helicopters of varying models including Marine Two when the vice president is aboard any particular one in the fleet. Flights are typically handled with as many as five helicopters all flying together and frequently swapping positions as to disguise which helicopter the vice president is actually aboard to any would-be threats.
Staff
[edit]The vice president is supported by personnel in the Office of the Vice President of the United States. The office was created in the Reorganization Act of 1939, which included an "office of the Vice President" under the Executive Office of the President. Salary for the staff is provided by both legislative and executive branch appropriations, in light of the vice president's roles in each branch.
Protection
[edit]
The U.S. Secret Service is in charge with protecting the vice president and the second family. As part of their protection, vice presidents, second spouses, their children and other immediate family members, and other prominent persons and locations are assigned Secret Service codenames. The use of such names was originally due to security purposes and safety reasons.
Office spaces
[edit]In the modern era, the vice president makes use of at least five different office spaces. These include an office in the West Wing, a ceremonial office in the Eisenhower Executive Office Building near where most of the vice president's staff works, the Vice President's Room on the Senate side of the United States Capitol for meetings with members of Congress, an office in the Dirksen Senate Office Building, and an office at the vice president's residence.
Post–vice presidency
[edit]Since 1977, former presidents and former vice presidents who are elected or re-elected to the Senate are entitled to the largely honorific position of Deputy President pro tempore. To date, the only former vice president to have held this title is Hubert Humphrey. Also, under the terms of an 1886 Senate resolution, all former vice presidents are entitled to a portrait bust in the Senate wing of the United States Capitol, commemorating their service as presidents of the Senate. Dick Cheney is the most recently serving vice president in the collection.[112]
Unlike former presidents, whose pension is fixed at the same rate, regardless of their time in office, former vice presidents receive their retirement income based on their role as president of the Senate.[113] Additionally, since 2008, each former vice president and their immediate family is entitled (under the Former Vice President Protection Act of 2008) to Secret Service protection for up to six months after leaving office, and again temporarily at any time thereafter if warranted.[114]
Timeline
[edit]Graphical timeline listing the vice presidents of the United States:

References
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- ^ Stratton, Allegra; Nasaw, Daniel (March 11, 2008). "Obama scoffs at Clinton's vice-presidential hint". The Guardian. London. Archived from the original on November 22, 2016. Retrieved November 21, 2016.
- ^ "Obama rejects being Clinton's No. 2". CNN. March 11, 2008. Archived from the original on November 22, 2016. Retrieved November 21, 2016.
- ^ "Trump throws 2008 Obama ad in Clinton's face". Politico. June 10, 2016. Archived from the original on November 22, 2016. Retrieved November 21, 2016.{
- ^ Freedland, Jonathan (June 4, 2008). "US elections: Jimmy Carter tells Barack Obama not to pick Hillary Clinton as running mate". The Guardian. London. Archived from the original on November 16, 2016. Retrieved November 21, 2016.
- ^ Horwitz, Tony (July 2012). "The Vice Presidents That History Forgot". Smithsonian. Retrieved December 10, 2021.
- ^ Heersink, Boris; Peterson, Brenton (2016). "Measuring the Vice-Presidential Home State Advantage With Synthetic Controls". American Politics Research. 44 (4): 734–763. doi:10.1177/1532673X16642567. ISSN 1556-5068.
- ^ "Twenty-third Amendment". Annenberg Classroom. Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: The Annenberg Public Policy Center. March 29, 1961. Archived from the original on July 31, 2018. Retrieved July 30, 2018.
- ^ "About the Electors". U.S. Electoral College. Washington, D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration. Archived from the original on July 21, 2018. Retrieved August 2, 2018.
- ^ "Maine & Nebraska". fairvote.com. Takoma Park, Maryland: FairVote. Archived from the original on August 2, 2018. Retrieved August 1, 2018.
- ^ "Split Electoral Votes in Maine and Nebraska". 270towin.com. Archived from the original on August 2, 2018. Retrieved August 1, 2018.
- ^ "What is the Electoral College?". U.S. Electoral College. Washington, D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration. Archived from the original on December 12, 2019. Retrieved August 2, 2018.
- ^ Bomboy, Scott (December 19, 2016). "The one election where Faithless Electors made a difference". Constitution Daily. Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: National Constitution Center. Archived from the original on February 14, 2021. Retrieved July 30, 2018.
- ^ Larson, Edward J.; Shesol, Jeff. "The Twentieth Amendment". The Interactive Constitution. Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: The National Constitution Center. Archived from the original on August 28, 2019. Retrieved June 15, 2018.
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- ^ "Commencement of the Terms of Office: Twentieth Amendment" (PDF). Constitution of the United States of America: Analysis and Interpretation. Washington, D.C.: United States Government Printing Office, Library of Congress. pp. 2297–98. Archived (PDF) from the original on July 25, 2018. Retrieved July 24, 2018.
- ^ "Vice President's Swearing-in Ceremony". inaugural.senate.gov. Washington, D.C.: Joint Congressional Committee on Inaugural Ceremonies. Archived from the original on September 18, 2018. Retrieved July 30, 2018.
- ^ "Oath of Office". senate.gov. Washington, D.C.: Secretary of the Senate. Archived from the original on July 28, 2018. Retrieved July 30, 2018.
- ^ "Twenty-second Amendment". Annenberg Classroom. Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: The Annenberg Public Policy Center. Archived from the original on August 2, 2018. Retrieved July 30, 2018.
- ^ "The Constitution—Full Text". The National Constitution Center. Archived from the original on September 5, 2020. Retrieved September 8, 2020.
- ^ Baker, Peter (October 20, 2006). "VP Bill? Depends on Meaning of 'Elected'". The Washington Post. Archived from the original on July 19, 2018. Retrieved February 25, 2018.
- ^ Peabody, Bruce G.; Gant, Scott E. (1999). "The Twice and Future President: Constitutional Interstices and the Twenty-Second Amendment" (PDF). Minnesota Law Review. 83. Minneapolis, Minnesota: 565. Archived (PDF) from the original on January 29, 2018. Retrieved July 16, 2018.
- ^ Feerick, John D. (1964). "The Vice-Presidency and the Problems of Presidential Succession and Inability". Fordham Law Review. 31 (3). Fordham University School of Law: 457–498. Archived from the original on October 1, 2019. Retrieved October 1, 2019.
- ^ a b "Succession: Presidential and Vice Presidential Fast Facts". CNN. September 26, 2016. Archived from the original on January 16, 2017. Retrieved January 15, 2017.
- ^ Gup, Ted (November 28, 1982). "Speaker Albert Was Ready to Be President". The Washington Post. Archived from the original on July 28, 2018. Retrieved July 24, 2018.
- ^ Groppe, Maureen (February 14, 2019). "Vice President Pence's pay bump is not as big as Republicans wanted". USA Today. Archived from the original on April 15, 2019. Retrieved April 15, 2019.
- ^ "Executive Order - Adjustment of Certain Rates of Pay" (PDF). OPM. December 21, 2023. Schedule 6. Archived (PDF) from the original on January 15, 2024.
- ^ Ahuja, Kiran A. (December 21, 2023). "Continued Pay Freeze for Certain Senior Political Officials" (PDF). OPM. Archived (PDF) from the original on January 15, 2024.
- ^ Purcell, Patrick J. (January 21, 2005). "Retirement Benefits for Members of Congress" (PDF). Washington, D.C.: Congressional Research Service, The Library of Congress. Archived from the original (PDF) on January 3, 2018. Retrieved February 16, 2018.
- ^ Yoffe, Emily (January 3, 2001). "A Presidential Salary FAQ". Slate. Archived from the original on September 14, 2009. Retrieved August 9, 2009.
- ^ Groppe, Maureen (November 24, 2017). "Where does the vice president live? Few people know, but new book will show you". USA TODAY. Archived from the original on November 21, 2018. Retrieved November 21, 2018.
- ^ "Senate Vice Presidential Bust Collection". senate.gov. Washington, D.C.: Secretary of the Senate. Archived from the original on March 18, 2021. Retrieved May 5, 2021.
- ^ Adamczyk, Alicia (January 20, 2017). "Here's How Much Money Obama and Biden Will Get From Their Pensions". Money.com. Archived from the original on March 12, 2022. Retrieved August 3, 2018.
- ^ "H.R.5938—Former Vice President Protection Act of 2008, 110th Congress (2007–2008)". congress.gov. Washington, D.C.: Library of Congress. September 26, 2008. Archived from the original on January 9, 2021. Retrieved August 3, 2018.
Further reading
[edit]- Brower, Kate A. (2018). First in Line: Presidents, Vice Presidents, and the Pursuit of Power. New York: Harper. ISBN 978-0062668943.
- Cohen, Jared (2019). Accidental Presidents: Eight Men Who Changed America (Hardcover ed.). New York: Simon & Schuster. pp. 1–48. ISBN 978-1501109829.
- Goldstein, Joel K. (1982). The Modern American Vice Presidency. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. ISBN 0-691-02208-9.
- Hatch, Louis C. (2012). Shoup, Earl L. (ed.). A History of the Vice-Presidency of the United States. Whitefish, MT: Literary Licensing. ISBN 978-1258442262.
- Kamarck, Elaine C. (2020). Picking the Vice President. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution Press. ISBN 9780815738756. OCLC 1164502534. EBook, 37 pp.
- Tally, Steve (1992). Bland Ambition: From Adams to Quayle—the Cranks, Criminals, Tax Cheats, and Golfers Who Made It to Vice President. Harcourt. ISBN 0-15-613140-4.
- Vexler, Robert I. (1975). The Vice-Presidents and Cabinet Members: Biographies Arranged Chronologically by Administration. Vol. I. Dobbs Ferry, NY: Oceana Publications. ISBN 0379120895.
- Vexler, Robert I. (1975). The Vice-Presidents and Cabinet Members: Biographies Arranged Chronologically by Administration. Vol. II. Dobbs Ferry, NY: Oceana Publications. ISBN 0379120909.
- Waldrup, Carole C. (2006). Vice Presidents: Biographies of the 45 Men Who Have Held the Second Highest Office in the United States. Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Company. ISBN 978-0786426119.
- Witcover, Jules (2014). The American Vice Presidency: From Irrelevance to Power. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Books. ISBN 978-1588344717.
External links
[edit]- White House website for Vice President Kamala Harris
- Vice-President Elect Chester Arthur on Expectations of VP Shapell Manuscript Foundation
- A New Nation Votes: American Election Returns 1787–1825
- Documentary about the 1996 election and Vice Presidents throughout history, Running Mate, 1996-10-01, The Walter J. Brown Media Archives & Peabody Awards Collection at the University of Georgia, American Archive of Public Broadcasting
Vice President of the United States
View on GrokipediaHistorical Evolution
Constitutional Origins at the Founding
The office of the Vice President originated during the Constitutional Convention of 1787 in Philadelphia, where delegates sought to establish a balanced executive branch distinct from the weak presidency under the Articles of Confederation. The framers, drawing on state constitutions and British precedents, envisioned the Vice President primarily as a standby successor to the President and a presiding officer in the Senate to maintain impartiality without granting legislative members that role. This dual function addressed concerns over executive continuity amid high mortality risks from disease and travel, while avoiding the potential for Senate self-selection of its leader, which could entrench factionalism.[6][14] Article II, Section 1, Clause 3 of the Constitution, as reported by the Committee of Detail on September 4, 1787, specified that the President and Vice President would be elected indirectly via an electoral college: each elector casts two votes for President without distinction, the candidate with the absolute majority becoming President, and the runner-up serving as Vice President; ties would be resolved by the Senate for the Vice Presidency or the House for the Presidency.[1][15] James Madison's notes from that day's debates record apprehension that limiting selection to the top five candidates might favor regional favorites over national figures, but the provision passed with amendments favoring broader electoral choice to prioritize merit over intrigue.[15] The clause also mandated that no elector vote for two candidates from the same state, aiming to foster geographic diversity and prevent intra-state cabals from dominating the executive.[1] The Vice President's Senate role, formalized in Article I, Section 3, positioned them as ex officio president with a tie-breaking vote but no initiating power, a design rooted in the Convention's September 7 draft to insulate legislative proceedings from executive influence while ensuring deadlock resolution.[16] Succession was implied in Article II, Section 1, Clause 6: upon presidential removal, death, resignation, or inability, the Vice President assumes the office, reflecting pragmatic realism about human frailty rather than elaborate contingency planning.[1] Alexander Hamilton, in Federalist No. 68 published in 1788, defended this framework as superior to direct popular or legislative election, arguing it harnessed elite electors to select the "second-best" candidate as Vice President, thereby minimizing passion-driven choices and bolstering republican stability.[17] Convention records indicate the Vice Presidency elicited scant debate compared to the presidency, emerging as a committee compromise rather than a foundational innovation, with delegates prioritizing executive energy over vice-presidential elaboration.[18]Early Challenges and the Twelfth Amendment
The original constitutional mechanism for electing the president and vice president, established in Article II, Section 1, required each elector in the Electoral College to cast votes for two persons without designating their intended offices; the candidate receiving the most votes became president, and the runner-up became vice president.[19] This approach, designed under the assumption of consensus among elites rather than organized parties, quickly proved problematic as political factions emerged in the 1790s, fostering adversarial relationships between the executive and his deputy.[20] The election of 1796 exemplified these tensions: Federalist John Adams received 71 electoral votes to become president, while his Democratic-Republican rival Thomas Jefferson garnered 68 votes, securing the vice presidency despite their opposing ideological commitments and personal animosities.[21] [22] Adams later described the vice presidency as "the most insignificant office that ever the invention of man contrived or his imagination conceived," reflecting the inherent friction of serving under a political opponent with limited duties beyond presiding over the Senate.[23] This arrangement not only undermined executive cohesion but also exposed vulnerabilities to factional maneuvering, as electors' undifferentiated votes encouraged strategic voting to influence outcomes without clear accountability. The crisis peaked in the election of 1800, when Democratic-Republican candidates Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr each received 73 electoral votes, creating a tie that threw the decision to the House of Representatives.[24] [25] Despite their intended ticket arrangement, Burr's refusal to concede the presidency—fueled by ambition and poor coordination among electors—required 36 ballots over six days in February 1801 to elect Jefferson, with Federalist Alexander Hamilton's interventions proving decisive against Burr, whom he deemed more dangerous.[26] [27] This deadlock highlighted the system's failure to accommodate party tickets, risking paralysis and intrigue, as electors from the same faction could inadvertently or deliberately undermine their preferred presidential candidate. In response, Congress proposed the Twelfth Amendment on December 9, 1803, mandating separate ballots for president and vice president to align with emerging partisan practices and prevent future ties or cross-party vice presidents.[28] Ratified by the necessary states on June 15, 1804, the amendment reformed the Electoral College process, ensuring the vice president would be the running mate of the president rather than a potential rival, though it retained contingencies for contingent elections in cases of Electoral College deadlocks.[29] [30] This change addressed the causal flaws in the original design—namely, its incompatibility with polarized voting—but did not eliminate all risks, as subsequent elections demonstrated persistent potential for disputes.[31]19th-Century Ceremonial Dominance
During the 19th century, the vice presidency functioned primarily as a ceremonial office, with its core duties revolving around procedural oversight of the U.S. Senate rather than substantive policymaking or executive influence. The Constitution designates the vice president as president of the Senate, tasked with maintaining order, recognizing speakers, and interpreting rules, but without a deliberative vote except to break ties.[7][6] This role, while constitutionally mandated, was often performed irregularly, as vice presidents frequently delegated day-to-day presiding to the president pro tempore, especially during prolonged absences for travel, health issues, or state obligations.[32] Engagement levels varied among incumbents, but the position's ceremonial character persisted across administrations. John C. Calhoun (1825–1832) exemplified rarer active involvement, presiding frequently and leveraging tie-breaking votes to advance nullification doctrines and tariff policies, yet even he resigned amid conflicts with President Andrew Jackson.[6] In contrast, Daniel D. Tompkins (1817–1825) exemplified disengagement, plagued by financial scandals and alcoholism; he rarely attended sessions, once presiding while intoxicated, and focused on New York state affairs and debt resolution.[33] Similarly, William R. King (1853) took the oath in Cuba due to illness and died after 45 days in office without substantive Senate participation.[34] The office's limited scope extended to other ceremonial functions, such as opening electoral certificates and counting votes, performed quadrennially with minimal discretion. Vice presidents exerted negligible influence on presidential cabinets or legislation outside Senate ties—only 35 such votes were cast from 1801 to 1900, often on routine matters—and many pursued independent political ambitions or retired to private life upon term's end.[35] This marginality was compounded by structural factors: the Twelfth Amendment's 1804 ratification aligned tickets by party, reducing adversarial dynamics but not elevating the vice president's advisory role, leaving incumbents as legislative ornaments rather than executive partners.[7] High vacancy rates—through death or resignation—further underscored the position's precarious, standby nature, with seven vice presidents dying in office between 1812 and 1899.[34]20th-Century Expansion Toward Partnership
During the early decades of the 20th century, the vice presidency remained largely ceremonial, with incumbents like John Nance Garner under Franklin D. Roosevelt (1933–1941) primarily leveraging their Senate ties to advance administration priorities, such as New Deal legislation. Garner cast 16 tie-breaking votes in the Senate, aiding passage of key bills like the Securities Exchange Act of 1934. Henry A. Wallace (1941–1945) similarly focused on legislative liaison but was marginalized in policy due to ideological differences with FDR, who excluded him from major wartime decisions. The sudden ascension of Harry S. Truman to the presidency on April 12, 1945, following Roosevelt's death, underscored the office's informational gaps, as Truman later reported receiving no prior briefings on atomic bomb developments or Soviet relations.[7] Post-World War II, the role began expanding under Dwight D. Eisenhower (1953–1961), who elevated Richard Nixon beyond constitutional duties by including him in cabinet meetings, National Security Council sessions, and foreign policy initiatives. Nixon undertook 57 overseas trips representing the U.S., including goodwill missions to Asia and Latin America, and mediated internal administration tensions, such as those involving Senator Joseph McCarthy. Eisenhower explicitly enlarged the vice president's responsibilities, stating in 1953 that Nixon's duties would be "greatly enlarged," marking a shift toward executive partnership driven by Cold War demands for broader diplomatic engagement.[36][37][38] This trend accelerated in subsequent administrations, with Lyndon B. Johnson granting Hubert Humphrey (1965–1969) substantive advisory roles on domestic policy, including the Great Society programs and the space race, though Humphrey's influence waned amid Vietnam War controversies. Spiro Agnew under Richard Nixon (1969–1973) handled ceremonial tasks and partisan attacks on media critics but lacked deep policy integration until his 1973 resignation. Gerald Ford's brief vice presidency (1973–1974), the first under the 25th Amendment ratified in 1967, involved continuity planning but limited partnership due to Watergate.[11] The most transformative expansion occurred under Jimmy Carter (1977–1981), who, at Walter Mondale's insistence, restructured the office into a genuine executive partnership. Mondale received a West Wing office on January 20, 1977—the first for a vice president—along with a dedicated staff of 17 and daily access to the president, Oval Office briefings, and policy formulation on issues like energy and arms control. Mondale attended all cabinet and National Security Council meetings, represented Carter in 86 foreign trips, and contributed to negotiations such as the Camp David Accords in 1978, establishing a model where the vice president functions as a "full partner" rather than a standby successor. This institutional shift, influenced by prior ascensions like Truman's and the 25th Amendment's clarification of incapacity procedures, reflected pragmatic adaptations to modern governance complexities, though influence remained contingent on presidential trust.[39][40][41]Post-1945 Institutionalization and Contemporary Practice
Following World War II, the vice presidency transitioned from a primarily legislative role centered on presiding over the Senate to a more substantive executive function, with vice presidents increasingly serving as advisors and representatives for the president.[6] This shift accelerated under Dwight D. Eisenhower, who delegated ceremonial duties and foreign travel to Richard Nixon, marking the first extensive use of the vice president in international diplomacy, including trips to Asia and Latin America between 1953 and 1961.[7] The Twenty-fifth Amendment, ratified on February 10, 1967, further institutionalized the office by clarifying succession procedures and mechanisms for presidential disability, addressing ambiguities exposed by events like the assassination of John F. Kennedy on November 22, 1963.[7] A pivotal development occurred under Jimmy Carter with Walter Mondale's tenure from 1977 to 1981, when Mondale negotiated a formal advisory role prior to acceptance, gaining an office in the West Wing of the White House, daily intelligence briefings, and weekly private lunches with the president.[41] These arrangements established precedents for vice presidential integration into executive decision-making, expanding the office's staff from a handful to over 20 full-time personnel by the late 1970s and formalizing policy assignments.[35] In 1974, Gerald Ford became the first vice president to reside at Number One Observatory Circle, institutionalizing the vice presidential residence and enhancing the office's autonomy with dedicated security and support.[7] Contemporary practice reflects this executive orientation, with vice presidents managing specific portfolios such as foreign policy, domestic initiatives, or legislative advocacy, often traveling as Air Force Two to represent the administration.[12] For instance, Dick Cheney under George W. Bush from 2001 to 2009 wielded significant influence over national security and energy policy, participating in cabinet meetings and chairing task forces.[12] Under Donald Trump from 2025, J.D. Vance has focused on immigration enforcement, including border visits in early 2025, and partisan messaging amid congressional negotiations like the October 2025 government funding debates.[42] [43] The office now operates with an annual budget exceeding $4 million for staff and operations, underscoring its evolution into a key institutional component of the executive branch.[35]Formal Constitutional Duties
Presidency of the Senate and Procedural Oversight
The Vice President of the United States holds the constitutional office of President of the Senate, as specified in Article I, Section 3, Clause 4 of the Constitution, which states: "The Vice President of the United States shall be President of the Senate, but shall have no Vote, unless they be equally divided." This role positions the Vice President as the formal presiding officer, responsible for convening sessions, enforcing decorum, and directing procedural flow in accordance with Senate standing rules and precedents.[3] Unlike the Speaker of the House, the Vice President lacks authority to participate in debate, introduce legislation, or wield agenda-setting power, limiting influence to procedural enforcement.[14] In practice, the Vice President rarely exercises day-to-day presiding duties, delegating them to the President pro tempore—typically the senator with longest continuous service from the majority party—or to junior senators on a rotating basis, a custom dating to the early 19th century.[3] From the Senate's founding in 1789 until the mid-20th century, Vice Presidents often presided more frequently, with John Adams, the first Vice President, attending and presiding over approximately two-thirds of sessions during his tenure from 1789 to 1797 to interpret rules and maintain order amid partisan tensions.[3] Modern Vice Presidents preside personally only during ceremonial events, such as joint sessions for the State of the Union address, the opening of a new Congress, or the administration of oaths to new senators, averaging fewer than 40 hours per year in recent decades.[3] This delegation reflects the Senate's evolution toward internal self-management and the Vice President's growing focus on executive advisory roles since the 1930s.[3] Procedural oversight encompasses calling the Senate to order, recognizing members for speeches or motions, stating questions before votes, announcing results, and ruling on points of order or parliamentary inquiries.[3] These functions are bounded by Senate Rule XIX, which prohibits the presiding officer from engaging in debate, and Rule XX, which allows appeals from rulings, enabling a simple majority to overrule the Vice President and thereby preserving the chamber's deliberative autonomy. Historical instances of active oversight include Vice President Aaron Burr's 1804 efforts to streamline rules by eliminating the motion to recommit, aimed at curbing filibuster-like tactics, though such interventions have become rare as the Senate prioritizes unanimous consent for efficiency over formal rulings.[14] The Vice President's procedural neutrality is further underscored by precedents barring partisan advocacy from the chair, ensuring that oversight serves institutional continuity rather than executive influence.[3]Tie-Breaking Votes in the Senate
The Vice President casts a tie-breaking vote in the U.S. Senate only when the chamber is equally divided, pursuant to Article I, Section 3, Clause 4 of the Constitution, which states that the Vice President "shall have no Vote, unless they be equally divided."[44] This mechanism ensures Senate decisions can proceed without deadlock, with the Vice President's vote aligning with the president's party and often determining outcomes on nominations, appropriations, and legislation amid narrow majorities. Ties arise primarily from even-numbered Senate membership (100 senators) combined with strict partisan divisions, a pattern intensified since the late 20th century as margins have frequently hovered near 50-50.[45] John Adams delivered the inaugural tie-breaking vote on July 18, 1789, approving a measure to set senators' compensation at $6 per diem.[46] From 1789 through December 2023, vice presidents recorded 301 such votes, with additional instances in 2025 elevating the cumulative total beyond 300.[46][45] Early vice presidents like Adams and John C. Calhoun cast votes frequently during eras of factional balance, but modern examples reflect procedural reliance on vice presidential intervention for party-line outcomes. Kamala Harris set the single-term record with 33 tie-breaking votes from 2021 to 2025, exceeding Calhoun's 31 from 1825 to 1832 and Adams's 29 from 1789 to 1797; her 32nd vote on December 5, 2023, confirmed the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation chair amid banking sector concerns following regional bank failures.[47][46][48] Harris's tally underscored the Democrats' 50-50 Senate in the 117th Congress and subsequent slim majorities, enabling passage of initiatives like the American Rescue Plan Act of 2021, which provided $1.9 trillion in COVID-19 relief.[49] In the 119th Congress (2025–2027), J.D. Vance cast at least five tie-breaking votes by July 2025, including one on July 1 to advance the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, a reconciliation package enacting tax reductions and spending adjustments totaling billions in fiscal impact.[50] Earlier, on January 24, 2025, Vance broke a tie to confirm Pete Hegseth as Secretary of Defense.[51] These instances highlight the Vice President's amplified legislative influence in evenly divided Senates, where defection by even one majority-party senator triggers the need for intervention.[52]| Vice President | Tie-Breaking Votes | Tenure |
|---|---|---|
| Kamala Harris | 33 | 2021–2025 |
| John C. Calhoun | 31 | 1825–1832 |
| John Adams | 29 | 1789–1797 |
Presiding Over Impeachment Trials
The Vice President of the United States, in their capacity as President of the Senate under Article I, Section 3 of the Constitution, presides over Senate impeachment trials for federal officials other than the President.[54] This role involves maintaining order, ruling on procedural matters, and announcing votes, though the Senate as a body retains ultimate authority and may overrule the presiding officer on evidentiary or other questions by majority vote.[55] For trials of the President, the Chief Justice of the United States presides instead, as explicitly provided in the same constitutional clause, to avoid conflicts arising from the Vice President's potential succession to the presidency.[54] Historically, vice presidents have presided over select impeachment trials, particularly in the early republic when their Senate involvement was more routine. Vice President Thomas Jefferson oversaw the 1799 trial of Senator William Blount, the first impeachment by the House, though the Senate ultimately dismissed the case on grounds that members of Congress were not civil officers subject to impeachment.[56] Similarly, Vice President Aaron Burr presided over the 1805 trial of Supreme Court Justice Samuel Chase, charged with partisan bias in judicial conduct; Burr enforced strict procedural rules, including oaths for senators, and the Senate acquitted Chase on all articles by margins of four to eighteen votes.[57] These instances demonstrated the vice president's ability to impartially manage high-stakes proceedings amid political divisions. In later periods, vice presidents have occasionally fulfilled this duty amid diminished overall Senate attendance. Vice President George H.W. Bush presided over portions of the 1986 trial of federal judge Harry E. Claiborne, convicted on tax evasion charges and removed by a 9-0 Senate vote.[58] However, as the vice presidency evolved into a more executive-focused position, presiding over impeachment trials became rare; most such proceedings for judges or cabinet officers—totaling 21 convictions out of 22 Senate trials since 1789—have been handled by the president pro tempore or a designated senator.[59] No vice president has presided over their own impeachment trial, which would likely fall to the president pro tempore to avoid self-judgment.[60]Certification of Electoral Votes
The Vice President of the United States, acting as President of the Senate, holds the constitutional duty to preside over the joint session of Congress for certifying the presidential election results by counting electoral votes. Article II, Section 1, Clause 3 of the Constitution mandates that "The President of the Senate shall, in the Presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the Certificates, and the Votes shall then be counted," with certificates transmitted from state governors attesting to electors' choices.[61] The Twelfth Amendment separates the electoral ballots for President and Vice President but preserves this counting mechanism, requiring electors to cast distinct votes while ensuring the joint session verifies the totals.[28] This role underscores the Vice President's position as a procedural overseer rather than a decisive arbiter, with the Constitution assigning no discretionary power to reject or unilaterally resolve disputed votes. The certification occurs during a joint session convened at 1:00 p.m. on January 6 of the year following the election, unless postponed by law.[62] The Vice President opens the sealed envelopes containing state certificates, after which tellers appointed from each chamber—typically one from the Senate and one from the House—read and tabulate the votes aloud.[63] A candidate requires 270 of 538 electoral votes for victory; absent a majority, the House of Representatives chooses the President from the top three candidates by state delegation vote, while the Senate selects the Vice President from the top two. Objections to a state's certificate may be raised in writing by at least one Senator and one Representative, prompting a two-hour debate per objection before separate votes in each chamber, where a simple majority sustains it.[62] Prior to reforms, the 1887 Electoral Count Act governed disputes ambiguously, allowing potential exploitation, as seen in efforts to challenge results based on claims of fraud without evidence meeting congressional thresholds. The Electoral Count Reform Act of 2022, enacted as part of an omnibus bill, clarified the Vice President's ministerial role—explicitly denying unilateral authority to determine vote validity—and raised the objection threshold to one-fifth of each chamber's members present, aiming to prevent frivolous delays while preserving debate on substantiated issues.[64] [65] This addressed ambiguities exploited in 2020, when outgoing President Donald Trump asserted the Vice President could discard state certificates, a claim rejected by constitutional scholars, federal courts, and Vice President Mike Pence himself as exceeding the office's scope.[66] Historically, the process has tested Vice Presidents certifying losses, including Richard Nixon in 1961 tallying John F. Kennedy's 303-219 win amid razor-thin state margins; Al Gore in 2001 confirming George W. Bush's 271-266 edge post-Florida recount; and Pence in 2021 validating Joe Biden's 306-232 total despite six failed objections tied to unsubstantiated fraud allegations and a Capitol breach that delayed proceedings by hours.[67] [66] These instances affirm the role's ceremonial finality, reliant on congressional consensus rather than executive override, ensuring electoral outcomes reflect certified state results unless overridden by supermajorities. The 2024 certification under the reformed law proceeded without sustained objections, concluding on January 6, 2025.[68]Succession to the Presidency
The U.S. Constitution originally provided in Article II, Section 1, Clause 6 that in the event of the President's removal from office, death, resignation, or inability to discharge the powers and duties of the office, those powers and duties would devolve upon the Vice President, though the text left ambiguity as to whether the Vice President assumed the full office of President or merely acted as President temporarily.[69][70] This provision established the Vice President as first in the line of succession to the presidency.[71] John Tyler set the precedent for full succession in 1841 upon President William Henry Harrison's death from pneumonia after just 31 days in office, assuming the title and powers of President without congressional challenge, despite initial uncertainty and opposition from Harrison's cabinet.[10] Eight Vice Presidents have since succeeded to the presidency due to a President's death: Millard Fillmore (1850, after Zachary Taylor), Andrew Johnson (1865, after Abraham Lincoln), Chester A. Arthur (1881, after James A. Garfield), Theodore Roosevelt (1901, after William McKinley), Calvin Coolidge (1923, after Warren G. Harding), Harry S. Truman (1945, after Franklin D. Roosevelt), and Lyndon B. Johnson (1963, after John F. Kennedy).[13][72] Gerald R. Ford became the ninth in 1974 following Richard Nixon's resignation amid the Watergate scandal, marking the first such succession without a President's death.[10][73] The Twenty-fifth Amendment, ratified on February 10, 1967, clarified succession by explicitly stating in Section 1 that the Vice President becomes President upon the President's removal, death, or resignation, resolving prior interpretive debates.[74][75] Section 2 addressed vice presidential vacancies—previously occurring 16 times before 1967, often leaving the Speaker of the House next in line—by empowering the President to nominate a replacement confirmed by majority vote in both houses of Congress.[13][76] This mechanism was first invoked when Ford, as President, nominated Nelson Rockefeller on August 20, 1974, following Spiro Agnew's 1973 resignation; Rockefeller was confirmed on December 19, 1974.[77] No further vacancies have occurred since, averting gaps in the succession line.[13] Succession events have historically arisen from natural causes, illness, assassination, or scandal, with no instances of removal via impeachment leading to it.[72] Of the nine successions, five resulted in the new President winning a full term: Tyler (lost renomination), Fillmore (lost nomination), Johnson (not renominated), Arthur (not renominated), but Roosevelt, Coolidge, Truman, and Johnson (LBJ) each secured election.[13] The process underscores the Vice President's role as a contingency mechanism, tested unevenly across U.S. history but stabilized by constitutional evolution.[78]Acting as President During Incapacity
The Twenty-fifth Amendment, ratified on February 10, 1967, establishes procedures for the Vice President to discharge the powers and duties of the President during periods of incapacity without requiring permanent succession to the presidency.[30] Under Section 3, the President may voluntarily transmit a written declaration to the President pro tempore of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives stating an inability to discharge those powers and duties, upon which the Vice President immediately assumes the role of Acting President.[5] The President retains the office but the Vice President, as Acting President, exercises executive authority until the President transmits a subsequent declaration of recovery, which takes effect unless the Vice President and a majority of either the principal officers of the executive departments (Cabinet) or another body designated by Congress transmit their own declaration of the President's continued inability within four days, prompting congressional resolution within 48 hours or up to 21 days if Congress is not in session.[5] Section 4 provides an involuntary mechanism, allowing the Vice President, acting with a majority of the principal executive officers or such other body as Congress may designate by law, to transmit a written declaration to congressional leaders asserting the President's inability to discharge powers and duties, thereby designating the Vice President as Acting President.[5] The President may contest this by sending a recovery declaration, but the Vice President and supporting officers can reaffirm the disability, leading to a four-day window for Congress to assemble and decide by a two-thirds vote in both houses whether the President regains powers or the Vice President continues as Acting President for up to four years.[5] This section has never been invoked, despite discussions following events such as the 1981 assassination attempt on President Reagan and concerns over presidential health in other administrations.[79][80] Section 3 has been invoked three times, each for brief medical procedures under anesthesia where the President anticipated temporary incapacity. On July 13, 1985, President Reagan transferred power to Vice President George H. W. Bush during a colonoscopy, with Bush serving as Acting President from 11:00 a.m. to 7:00 p.m. Eastern Time, marking the first use of the amendment.[81] President George W. Bush invoked it twice: on June 29, 2002, for a colonoscopy, during which Vice President Dick Cheney acted from 7:09 a.m. to 9:24 a.m. Eastern Time; and on July 21, 2007, for another procedure under sedation, with Cheney acting from 7:16 a.m. to 9:45 a.m. Eastern Time.[82][79] Prior to the amendment's ratification, presidential incapacities—such as President Eisenhower's 1955 heart attack and 1957 stroke—were managed informally through private understandings or letters delegating authority to the Vice President, but without the formal "Acting President" designation or constitutional safeguards.[82] These limited invocations underscore the amendment's role in ensuring continuity during foreseeable, short-term impairments rather than contentious or prolonged disputes.[83]Informal Roles and Practical Functions
Advisor and Policy Influencer
The role of the vice president as a policy advisor to the president developed incrementally during the 20th century, evolving from marginal involvement to a position of substantial executive influence in many administrations. Early vice presidents, such as John Adams and John C. Calhoun, primarily attended Senate sessions and offered limited counsel, often finding the office inconsequential beyond constitutional mandates. This shifted post-World War II, as presidents increasingly sought vice presidential input on executive matters amid expanding government responsibilities, with the office relocating toward White House operations by the 1950s.[6][12] A defining modernization occurred under Walter Mondale, who served from January 20, 1977, to January 20, 1981, during Jimmy Carter's presidency. In a December 1976 memorandum, Mondale proposed functioning as a senior advisor with direct access to policy deliberations, leading to his assignment of a West Wing office—the first for a vice president—and regular attendance at cabinet and National Security Council meetings. Mondale advised on domestic issues like energy policy and foreign affairs, including the Panama Canal treaties, troubleshooting executive functions and representing Carter in congressional lobbying, which set a precedent for future vice presidents to engage deeply in agenda-setting rather than mere ceremonial duties.[84][85] Subsequent vice presidents built on this framework, with influence varying by personal rapport and presidential delegation. Richard Cheney, vice president from January 20, 2001, to January 20, 2009, under George W. Bush, exerted exceptional sway, chairing energy task forces, shaping post-9/11 counterterrorism strategies—including the Iraq War authorization on October 10, 2002—and advocating unitary executive theory to expand presidential authority. Cheney's staff coordinated interagency policy, amassing data and sidelining dissent, which analysts described as unprecedented, though critics attributed decisions like enhanced interrogation policies to his dominance. In contrast, others like Dan Quayle (1989–1993) had narrower roles, focusing on specific initiatives such as space policy without broad advisory latitude.[86][87] The extent of policy influence remains contingent on the president's trust and the vice president's expertise, rather than formal authority, enabling targeted leadership in areas like Al Gore's National Performance Review (1993–2001), which recommended 384 government reinvention actions, or Joe Biden's cancer moonshot initiative (2016). Vice presidents often mediate interagency disputes or advance legislative priorities, but overreach risks marginalization, as seen in varying post-Carter dynamics where advisory input proved most effective when aligned with presidential priorities.[11][12]Legislative and Partisan Liaison
The Vice President frequently functions as a legislative intermediary between the executive branch and Congress, drawing on their Senate presidency to facilitate communication, build coalitions, and advance the president's agenda, though this role expanded significantly after the 1970s reforms under Walter Mondale, who gained regular access to cabinet meetings and policy formulation.[12] Prior to these changes, vice presidents like Richard Nixon under Dwight D. Eisenhower occasionally coordinated legislative efforts, such as Nixon's involvement in civil rights and labor policy pushes during the 1950s, but their influence remained limited without formal institutional support.[88] In practice, vice presidents with congressional backgrounds—such as 18 of the last 25, including JD Vance's prior Senate service from 2023 to 2025—leverage personal networks to lobby senators on key bills, often focusing on close votes or stalled nominations.[89] This liaison extends to partisan dimensions, where the vice president promotes party unity, fundraises for co-partisan candidates, and campaigns nationwide to bolster the administration's political base and midterm prospects, activities enabled by exemptions from certain Hatch Act restrictions on federal employees. For instance, Dick Cheney under George W. Bush exerted substantial influence on energy and defense legislation through direct Senate engagement and task force leadership, helping secure passage of the Energy Policy Act of 2005 despite internal party divisions.[90] Similarly, Mike Pence rallied Republican senators on tax reform in 2017, using his tie-breaking authority and behind-the-scenes advocacy to navigate procedural hurdles.[12] In the contemporary context, Vice President JD Vance has actively negotiated with Senate Republicans to expedite President Trump's judicial and cabinet nominees, reassuring holdouts on committee advancements as of early 2025, reflecting a hands-on approach informed by his recent legislative experience.[91] Such efforts underscore the vice president's utility in a narrowly divided Congress, where partisan loyalty and procedural familiarity can tip outcomes, though success depends on the president's priorities and the vice president's rapport with lawmakers rather than inherent authority.[3] This role, while informal, has grown amid increasing legislative gridlock, with vice presidents often chairing commissions or leading outreach on issues like infrastructure or trade to preempt opposition.[92]Ceremonial and Public Representation
The Vice President performs ceremonial functions substituting for the President at official events, including swearing in appointed officials and participating in national commemorations. For instance, Vice President Mike Pence administered oaths to new commissioners of the President's Advisory Commission on Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders on January 27, 2020.[93] These duties extend to reenactments of oaths for newly elected senators and their constituents, a tradition maintained into the 20th century.[94] A key aspect of ceremonial representation involves attendance at state funerals, where the Vice President conveys the administration's condolences and may deliver eulogies. Vice President Mike Pence spoke at the U.S. Capitol service for former President George H.W. Bush on December 3, 2018.[95] Similarly, Vice President Kamala Harris delivered a eulogy during the lying in state ceremony for former President Jimmy Carter on January 7, 2025, with multiple vice presidents, including Harris and former Vice Presidents Mike Pence, Dan Quayle, and Al Gore, attending the subsequent funeral service on January 9, 2025.[96][97] In public representation, the Vice President acts as an emissary at events the President cannot attend, such as sites of natural disasters, to affirm federal engagement and support.[98] This role includes making speeches and appearances to promote administration initiatives, often traveling domestically or internationally to embody presidential priorities without the Chief Executive's direct involvement.[99] Such activities underscore the Vice President's function as a visible extension of executive authority in non-policy contexts.Diplomatic and International Engagements
The Vice President frequently represents the United States abroad, undertaking official visits to foreign capitals, attending international summits, and engaging with world leaders to advance presidential priorities and U.S. interests. This function emerged as a delegated responsibility rather than a constitutional duty, gaining prominence after World War II as presidents sought to leverage the office for expanded diplomatic outreach without personal travel.[12] Early examples include Vice President Richard Nixon's extensive journeys under President Dwight D. Eisenhower, such as a 1953 goodwill tour spanning 38,000 miles across 68 days to meet leaders in over a dozen countries, aimed at countering Soviet influence during the Cold War.[12] Subsequent vice presidents have conducted hundreds of such missions, often focusing on alliance-building, crisis response, or economic diplomacy. Lyndon B. Johnson, as vice president under John F. Kennedy, completed 11 trips to 33 countries, covering more than 120,000 miles and emphasizing development aid and anti-communist solidarity in Latin America and Asia.[100] Joe Biden, serving under Barack Obama, visited 57 countries over eight years, including high-stakes engagements in Ukraine and the Middle East to reinforce security partnerships.[101] Kamala Harris, under Joe Biden, made 17 foreign trips in her first three-and-a-half years, such as her 2021 visit to Vietnam—the first by a U.S. vice president since the country's 1975 reunification—to bolster Indo-Pacific ties amid competition with China.[102][103] The scope of these engagements varies by administration, reflecting the president's confidence in the vice president and strategic needs; less active vice presidents, like some in the 19th century, rarely traveled internationally, while modern ones often handle routine diplomacy to free the president for domestic focus.[12] J.D. Vance, vice president under Donald Trump since January 2025, has pursued a mix of bilateral meetings and multilateral forums, including a February 2025 European tour for security discussions, an April visit to India for trade and defense talks, and an October trip to Israel to assess Gaza ceasefire progress.[104][105][106] These activities typically involve protocol-limited interactions, such as state dinners or joint statements, underscoring the vice president's secondary yet substantive role in projecting U.S. foreign policy coherence.[12]Selection and Electoral Process
Eligibility Criteria Under the Constitution
The eligibility criteria for the Vice President of the United States are not enumerated separately in the Constitution but are derived from those applicable to the President, as specified in Article II, Section 1, Clause 5.[107] This provision states: "No Person except a natural born Citizen, or a Citizen of the United States, at the time of the Adoption of this Constitution, shall be eligible to the Office of President; neither shall any Person be eligible to that Office who shall not have attained to the Age of thirty five Years, and been fourteen Years a Resident within the United States."[1] The residency requirement refers to physical presence within the United States, though interpretations have allowed for temporary absences abroad without disqualifying a candidate.[108] The Twelfth Amendment, ratified in 1804, explicitly extends these presidential qualifications to the vice presidency: "But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be eligible to that of Vice-President of the United States."[109] This linkage ensures that the Vice President, as the constitutional successor to the presidency under Article II, Section 1, Clause 6, possesses the same fundamental attributes required for the higher office, preventing scenarios where an unqualified individual could assume presidential powers.[30] No additional constitutional restrictions, such as prior office-holding experience or exclusion based on prior presidential service, apply to the vice presidency beyond these criteria.[108] The "natural born Citizen" clause has been subject to debate regarding its precise scope, particularly whether it encompasses individuals born abroad to U.S. citizen parents, but the constitutional text itself imposes no further clarification or statutory overlay for eligibility purposes.[1] Historical practice confirms that all vice presidents have met these thresholds, with the youngest elected at age 36 (John Breckinridge in 1856) and all being natural-born citizens by birth within U.S. territory or to citizen parents.[110] The clause grandfathering citizens at the time of the Constitution's 1788 adoption is obsolete, as no such individuals remain eligible today.[111]Party Nomination and Candidate Selection
The nomination of vice presidential candidates occurs through the internal processes of the major political parties, primarily the Democratic and Republican parties, following the selection of their presidential nominees. In the modern era, the presidential nominee unilaterally selects a running mate, who is then formally nominated by a roll-call vote at the party's national convention. This practice evolved from earlier conventions where vice presidential nominees were sometimes chosen by party delegates to balance factions, but since the mid-20th century, the presidential candidate's choice has dominated due to the centralization of power in the nominee.[112][113] Selection typically begins with extensive vetting by the presidential campaign, involving legal, financial, and personal background checks conducted by lawyers, investigators, and political advisors, often starting months before the convention. The process emphasizes identifying candidates free of scandals that could derail the ticket, with reviews covering tax returns, medical records, and past statements; for instance, in 2024, both major campaigns employed teams to scrutinize potential picks for electability and loyalty. Once chosen, the vice presidential nominee is announced publicly, often in July or early August, prior to or during the convention to generate momentum.[112][114] At the national convention, delegates from states and territories, allocated based on primary and caucus results, confirm the selection through a formal nomination vote, which is usually unanimous to project party unity. For Republicans, party rules under the Republican National Committee allow the presidential nominee to submit the vice presidential name for approval, while Democrats follow similar convention procedures outlined in their charter, requiring a majority vote but deferring to the nominee's preference. This ratification step, while ceremonial in practice, ensures procedural legitimacy under party bylaws. Historical exceptions, such as the 1972 Democratic convention where delegates briefly debated alternatives, underscore that while rare, challenges can arise if the nominee's choice faces significant intra-party opposition.[115][112][116]Criteria for Vice Presidential Picks
Presidential nominees select vice presidential running mates primarily to complement their own profile, mitigate electoral vulnerabilities, and ensure administrative compatibility, though quantitative analyses of elections since 1884 indicate that such choices exert minimal influence on national vote margins, typically shifting outcomes by less than 1 percentage point.[117][118] The core rationale derives from the VP's dual role in campaigning and potential succession, prompting candidates to prioritize traits that broaden appeal without introducing liabilities, such as scandals or ideological extremism that could alienate swing voters.[119] Historical precedents underscore a pragmatic calculus: from 1789 to 2024, nine vice presidents ascended to the presidency due to presidential death, resignation, or removal, reinforcing the imperative for competence in governance and policy.[119] A longstanding criterion is ticket balancing across geographic, ideological, and regional lines to forge national coalitions, particularly in an era of federalism where state-level loyalties persist. In the 19th and early 20th centuries, nominees routinely paired Northern candidates with Southern counterparts to secure electoral votes in the Solid South; for example, Abraham Lincoln (Illinois) selected Hannibal Hamlin (Maine) in 1860 for regional complementarity, while later Woodrow Wilson (New Jersey) chose Thomas R. Marshall (Indiana) in 1912 for Midwestern balance.[120] This strategy evolved post-New Deal but retained utility, as evidenced by John F. Kennedy's 1960 nomination of Lyndon B. Johnson (Texas) to offset Kennedy's Northeastern profile and consolidate Democratic strength in the South, which delivered key states like Texas in the Electoral College.[120] Ideological balancing similarly addresses intraparty divisions, with nominees selecting running mates to appease factions—such as Barry Goldwater's 1964 pairing with William E. Miller to signal establishment credentials amid Goldwater's conservative insurgency, though it failed to avert landslide defeat.[121] Demographic representation has emerged as a criterion since the mid-20th century, targeting underrepresented groups to mobilize turnout, though evidence of electoral gains remains anecdotal and contested by aggregate vote data. Walter Mondale's 1984 selection of Geraldine Ferraro, the first woman on a major-party national ticket, aimed to energize female voters amid gender gaps exceeding 10 points in polls, yet the ticket lost 49 states.[122] More recently, Joe Biden's 2020 choice of Kamala Harris emphasized racial and gender diversity to consolidate urban and minority coalitions, aligning with Democratic commitments to identity-based outreach, but post-election analyses attributed victory margins to broader anti-incumbent sentiment rather than the VP pick.[123] Such selections reflect party incentives in primary systems favoring base activation, yet they risk backlash if perceived as tokenism, as seen in empirical reviews showing no consistent demographic premium in swing states.[124][125] Beyond electoral optics, nominees evaluate potential VPs for administrative viability, including loyalty to avert cabinet intrigue, legislative experience for Senate presidencies, and readiness for crisis leadership. Richard Nixon's 1968 selection of Spiro Agnew prioritized ideological alignment and anti-establishment appeal to suburban voters, but Agnew's 1973 resignation amid corruption charges highlighted vetting failures.[119] Fundraising prowess and media savvy also factor in, with governors or senators often preferred for their executive records—evident in George H. W. Bush's 1980 pairing with Ronald Reagan, where Bush's foreign policy expertise complemented Reagan's domestic focus.[126] Ultimately, the process favors risk aversion: candidates conduct exhaustive background checks via party operatives and legal teams to disqualify those prone to gaffes, as a flawed pick can amplify opponent attacks, per campaign post-mortems from 1960 onward.[127]Mechanics of Election and Contingencies
The Vice President of the United States is elected as part of a joint ticket with the President through the Electoral College system established in Article II, Section 1 of the Constitution and modified by the Twelfth Amendment, ratified in 1804.[28] [29] Under this process, each state appoints a number of electors equal to its total congressional representation, totaling 538 electors nationwide, with a candidate requiring 270 votes for election.[128] Electors, chosen by methods determined by state legislatures, convene in mid-December following the popular vote on the first Tuesday after the first Monday in November and cast separate ballots for President and Vice President, though in practice they vote for the pre-selected party nominees to reflect the ticket.[129] The Twelfth Amendment mandates that electors vote for a President and Vice President from different states to prevent regional dominance.[28] Electoral votes are transmitted to the President of the Senate, who opens and counts them before a joint session of Congress on January 6, as reformed by the Electoral Count Reform Act of 2022 to clarify procedures and limit objections.[65] If a majority is achieved, the President-elect and Vice President-elect are certified, with the Vice President assuming office upon inauguration on January 20.[130] The original constitutional design under Article II allowed electors to vote for two persons without distinction, with the runner-up becoming Vice President, but this led to the tied 1800 election between Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr, prompting the amendment's adoption to require distinct votes.[111][31] In contingencies where no candidate receives a majority of electoral votes, the Twelfth Amendment triggers a contingent election: the House of Representatives selects the President from the top three electoral vote recipients, with each state delegation casting one vote, while the Senate chooses the Vice President from the top two, voting individually.[131] [132] This process must conclude before inauguration day, or succession provisions apply.[133] If a presidential or vice presidential nominee dies or becomes incapacitated before electors vote, the nominating party may select a replacement per its rules, as no explicit constitutional mechanism exists, though historical practice supports this to avoid vacancies.[134] Post-electoral vote but pre-inauguration, the Twentieth Amendment, Section 3, addresses failures: if the President-elect dies or fails to qualify, the Vice President-elect becomes President; if the Vice President-elect also fails to qualify, Congress designates an acting President, currently the Speaker of the House under the Presidential Succession Act of 1947, until a qualified officer assumes the role.[135] [136] A tie in electoral votes, yielding 269 each, would similarly invoke contingent election, with procedural rules potentially influencing outcomes based on congressional composition at the time.[137] These mechanisms ensure continuity, though they have never resulted in a Vice President selected solely by the Senate in modern history.[138]Tenure and Office Administration
Inauguration and Oath of Office
The vice president-elect formally assumes the duties of the office at noon on January 20 of the year following the presidential election, marking the simultaneous commencement of both the presidential and vice presidential terms as established by Section 1 of the Twentieth Amendment to the United States Constitution.[139] This timing ensures continuity in executive leadership, with the prior terms expiring precisely at that hour regardless of the inauguration ceremony's schedule.[140] As part of the joint inauguration proceedings on the West Front platform of the United States Capitol, the vice president-elect recites the oath of office immediately before the president-elect, a sequence observed in modern ceremonies to symbolize the orderly assumption of executive authority.[141][142] The oath, distinct from the president's and prescribed by federal statute in 5 U.S.C. § 3331 for executive and judicial officers, requires the vice president to pledge: "I, [name], do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will support and defend the Constitution of the United States against all enemies, foreign and domestic; that I will bear true faith and allegiance to the same; that I take this obligation freely, without any mental reservation or purpose of evasion; and that I will well and faithfully discharge the duties of the office on which I am about to enter. So help me God."[143] This formulation, rooted in Article VI of the Constitution's requirement for federal officers to support the Constitution, emphasizes defense against threats and faithful execution without the president's oath's explicit focus on preserving, protecting, and defending the document to the best of one's ability.[142] The oath is administered publicly by a designated official, typically a justice of the Supreme Court other than the chief justice who officiates the president's swearing-in, though the Constitution imposes no specific requirement on the administrator beyond the act preceding entry into office.[144] This ceremonial order and setting, attended by members of Congress, the diplomatic corps, and the public, facilitate the peaceful transfer of power while fulfilling the constitutional mandate under Article II, Section 1, Clause 8, that executive officers swear or affirm prior to exercising authority.[142] In practice, the vice president's oath has remained consistent since its statutory codification in 1789, with minor variations only in the optional affirmation or invocation of divine assistance.[143]Term Length and Renewal Limits
The Vice President serves a term of four years, concurrent with that of the President, as established by Article II, Section 1 of the United States Constitution.[1] This synchronized term ensures alignment in the executive branch's electoral cycle, with both offices filled through the Electoral College process outlined in the same constitutional provision.[1] The term commences at noon on January 20 following the election, per the Twentieth Amendment.[130] No constitutional provision imposes term limits on service as Vice President.[145] Individuals may theoretically serve multiple terms, including non-consecutive ones, provided they are selected as the running mate on a winning presidential ticket each time.[146] Historically, several vice presidents have served two full terms, such as John Adams (1789–1797), John C. Calhoun (1825–1832), and John Nance Garner (1933–1941), but none has exceeded two due to political and practical constraints rather than legal barriers.[145] The Twenty-second Amendment, ratified in 1951, limits election to the presidency to two terms but does not directly restrict vice presidential tenure.[147] It indirectly influences vice presidential service by prohibiting anyone elected president twice from further presidential election, potentially complicating a two-term president's eligibility for vice presidential nomination if ascension to the presidency is anticipated; however, legal scholars debate whether such a figure could serve as vice president without violating the amendment's intent, as it explicitly addresses presidential elections rather than the vice presidency.[147][148] No court has tested this scenario, and practical political norms have deterred attempts.[146]Impeachment, Removal, and Resignation
The Vice President of the United States is subject to impeachment under Article II, Section 4 of the U.S. Constitution, which states that the President, Vice President, and all civil officers shall be removed from office upon impeachment for and conviction of treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors.[149] The House of Representatives holds the sole power to impeach by majority vote, after which the Senate conducts a trial presided over by the Chief Justice if the President is impeached, or by the Vice President or Senate President pro tempore otherwise, requiring a two-thirds vote for conviction and removal.[54][150] No Vice President has ever been impeached by the House or removed by the Senate through this process.[151] The President lacks unilateral authority to remove the Vice President, as the office is elective and independent under the constitutional framework, with removal confined to the impeachment mechanism.[152] Attempts to impeach Vice Presidents, such as a 2021 House resolution against Kamala Harris alleging misconduct in Afghanistan policy oversight, have not advanced beyond introduction.[153] Resignation by the Vice President is not explicitly detailed in the Constitution but has occurred twice, creating a vacancy in the office. John C. Calhoun resigned on December 28, 1832, amid irreconcilable policy differences with President Andrew Jackson over nullification and tariffs, allowing him to assume a U.S. Senate seat from South Carolina; the vice presidency remained vacant until the next election.[13] Spiro Agnew resigned on October 10, 1973, facing federal charges of bribery, extortion, and tax evasion related to kickbacks during his Maryland governorship; he entered a nolo contendere plea to one tax evasion count, avoiding trial on more serious accusations, which facilitated his departure amid broader Watergate-era scrutiny.[154] Prior to the 25th Amendment's ratification in 1967, resignations or other vacancies left the office empty until a successor election, as with Calhoun's case. Following ratification, Section 2 empowers the President to nominate a replacement, subject to majority confirmation by both houses of Congress, a process invoked after Agnew's resignation when Gerald Ford was appointed and confirmed within weeks.[155] This mechanism ensures continuity without reliance on impeachment for voluntary departures.Vacancies and Temporary Replacements
Prior to the ratification of the Twenty-fifth Amendment on February 10, 1967, the U.S. Constitution contained no provision for filling a vacancy in the vice presidency, resulting in the office remaining vacant until the next presidential election. Such vacancies occurred 16 times between 1789 and 1967, totaling more than 37 years, primarily due to the deaths of seven vice presidents or the succession of eight vice presidents to the presidency following the death, resignation, or removal of the president.[156][157] In the absence of a vice president, the Senate's presiding duties fall to the president pro tempore, elected by the Senate typically from the longest-serving members of the majority party to maintain continuity and institutional knowledge. The president pro tempore presides over sessions, enforces rules, and manages debate, but lacks the vice president's constitutional authority to cast a tie-breaking vote under Article I, Section 3, Clause 4, potentially leaving tied votes unresolved.[32][158][159] Section 2 of the Twenty-fifth Amendment established a process to address mid-term vacancies: "Whenever there is a vacancy in the office of the Vice President, the President shall nominate a Vice President who shall take office upon confirmation by a majority vote of both Houses of Congress." This mechanism ensures continuity in the line of presidential succession without requiring a full election.[77][160] The provision has been invoked twice. Following Vice President Spiro Agnew's resignation on October 10, 1973, amid a federal investigation into bribery and tax evasion charges to which he pleaded no contest, President Richard Nixon nominated House Minority Leader Gerald Ford on October 12, 1973. The Senate confirmed Ford on November 27, 1973, by a 92–3 vote, and the House on December 6, 1973, by 387–35; Ford was sworn in the same day.[161][162][163] Subsequently, after Nixon's resignation on August 9, 1974, Ford ascended to the presidency, creating another vacancy. Ford nominated former New York Governor Nelson Rockefeller on August 20, 1974. The Senate confirmed Rockefeller on December 10, 1974, by 90–7, and the House on December 19, 1974, by 287–128; he was sworn in immediately after.[164][165][166] No further vacancies have occurred since, and during the confirmation periods, Senate presiding functions continued under the president pro tempore with no interim vice presidential authority.[32] A vice presidential vacancy alters the presidential succession order under the Presidential Succession Act of 1947, positioning the Speaker of the House immediately after the president, followed by the president pro tempore of the Senate, cabinet secretaries, and others, to prevent prolonged gaps in executive leadership.[157]Compensation, Residences, and Support Staff
The Vice President receives an annual salary of $235,100, set by federal statute under 3 U.S.C. § 104 and unchanged since a 2001 adjustment due to subsequent congressional freezes on executive pay raises.[167] This compensation level aligns with that of cabinet department heads but excludes additional executive perks like a non-taxable expense allowance, which the Vice President forgoes unlike the President. Historical salary increases occurred sporadically through legislation; it stood at $5,000 annually from 1789, rising to $75,000 by 1909 and $100,000 by 1949 to reflect economic changes and inflation.[168] [169] The official residence, Number One Observatory Circle, is a 9,150-square-foot Georgian Revival mansion on the grounds of the United States Naval Observatory in northwest Washington, D.C., designated for vice presidential use in 1974 under an executive order by President Gerald Ford.[170] Every Vice President from Walter Mondale onward has resided there with their family, utilizing its 33 rooms—including state dining facilities, a library, and private quarters—along with 6 acres of secured grounds for both official entertaining and personal activities.[171] Prior to 1974, no dedicated federal residence existed, forcing Vice Presidents such as John Adams and Spiro Agnew to rely on leased hotels, private homes, or temporary White House arrangements, often at personal expense. The residence receives an annual operations budget of approximately $321,000, covering maintenance, utilities, and a small support staff for household functions.[172] The Office of the Vice President maintains a staff of 20 to 30 full-time personnel, funded by an annual budget of $4 million to $6 million drawn from the Executive Office of the President appropriations, primarily for policy advising, scheduling, communications, and administrative support.[173] This team, led by a Chief of Staff, operates from offices in the White House complex and assists with legislative liaison, travel coordination, and public engagement, distinct from but complementary to the larger White House staff. Residence-specific support includes a curator and maintenance crew, separate from the policy office, ensuring operational continuity across administrations.Security, Travel, and Operational Resources
The Vice President of the United States receives mandatory protection from the United States Secret Service, including a personal protective detail for the Vice President and immediate family members.[174] This protection extends to the official residence at Number One Observatory Circle, where the Secret Service Uniformed Division maintains security.[175] By statute, the Secret Service is authorized to safeguard the Vice President against threats, with operations intensified following the September 11, 2001, attacks to address elevated risks previously considered lower than those for the President.[176] Former vice presidents are entitled to Secret Service protection for six months after leaving office.[177] For travel, the Vice President utilizes military aircraft designated as Air Force Two when aboard, primarily the Boeing C-32A, a modified commercial 757 equipped with secure communications systems, a conference room, stateroom, and capacity for approximately 32 passengers in addition to staff and security.[178] Ground transportation occurs via armored motorcades organized by the Secret Service, comprising multiple vehicles for escort, counter-assault teams, and route clearance to mitigate threats during domestic and international movements.[179] These assets ensure operational continuity, with advance teams securing venues and coordinating with local law enforcement.[180] Operational resources for the Vice President's office include integration with the Executive Office of the President for administrative support, though specific allocations fall under broader federal budgeting without a standalone public figure for the Vice President's direct operational expenditures beyond security and transport. Protection and travel logistics draw from Secret Service and Department of Defense funding, enabling the Vice President to fulfill ceremonial, diplomatic, and advisory roles without interruption.[181]Critiques, Controversies, and Reform Debates
Historical Views of Irrelevance and the "Harpies of the Constitution"
The vice presidency has long been criticized for its limited constitutional duties, primarily consisting of presiding over the Senate and casting tie-breaking votes, alongside serving as a successor to the president in cases of death, resignation, or removal.[7] This design, rooted in the framers' intent to create a standby officer without independent executive power, led early occupants to view the role as superfluous beyond its senatorial function.[38] John Adams, the first vice president from 1789 to 1797, articulated profound dissatisfaction with the office in a December 19, 1793, letter to his wife Abigail, describing it as "the most insignificant Office that ever the Invention of Man contrived or his Imagination conceived."[182] Adams cast 29 tie-breaking votes in the Senate during his tenure, more than any other vice president to that point, yet found the position isolating and devoid of substantive influence, often absent from the capital while duties required minimal engagement.[11] His frustration stemmed from the office's lack of advisory role to the president and its separation from executive decision-making, exacerbating perceptions of irrelevance.[183] Subsequent vice presidents echoed these sentiments amid the original election system's flaws, where the runner-up became vice president, fostering antagonism rather than harmony. Thomas R. Marshall, serving under Woodrow Wilson from 1913 to 1921, quipped that the office rendered its holder as obscure as a brother who "ran away to sea," underscoring its obscurity: "Once there were two brothers. One ran away to sea; the other was elected vice president of the United States. And nothing was heard of either of them again."[184] John Nance Garner, vice president under Franklin D. Roosevelt from 1933 to 1941, dismissed it as "the spare tire on the automobile of government" and, in a 1948 interview, deemed it "almost wholly unimportant," famously vulgarizing its worth as not equivalent to "a pitcher of warm spit."[185][186] These critiques highlighted the vice president's standby nature, likened by some commentators to "harpies of the Constitution"—mythical scavengers hovering morbidly for presidential demise, as eight vice presidents ascended via death before the 25th Amendment formalized succession in 1967.[187] The office's vacancy for nearly one-fifth of U.S. history until 1967 further underscored its perceived dispensability, prompting debates on its utility beyond crisis contingency.[187] Such views persisted, with figures like Daniel D. Tompkins (1817–1825) exemplifying neglect through chronic absence and financial mismanagement, reinforcing the role's image as a powerless sinecure.[188]Expansion of Influence: Benefits Versus Risks to Separation of Powers
The expansion of the vice president's influence, particularly in executive functions, accelerated during the mid-20th century, transitioning the office from a primarily legislative role—presiding over the Senate and casting tie-breaking votes under Article I, Section 3 of the Constitution—to a key advisory and operational position within the executive branch.[6] This shift began notably under Franklin D. Roosevelt, with vice presidents like Henry A. Wallace (1941–1945) taking on administrative duties, but crystallized under Jimmy Carter and Walter Mondale (1977–1981), who formalized the vice president's integration into White House operations, including a dedicated West Wing office, daily intelligence briefings, and delegated policy portfolios.[12] Subsequent vice presidents, such as Dick Cheney (2001–2009), exemplified this by exerting substantial influence over national security and legislative strategy, often shaping executive actions without direct constitutional authority beyond succession.[87] This evolution responded to the growing complexity of the modern presidency, enabling delegation of tasks like foreign travel and domestic initiatives, as seen with Al Gore's (1993–2001) oversight of environmental policy and technology reinvention.[38] Proponents argue that this expansion benefits governance by augmenting executive efficiency without requiring structural constitutional amendments, allowing presidents to leverage the vice president's expertise and political networks for specialized roles. For instance, Richard Nixon (1953–1961) conducted goodwill missions abroad, freeing Dwight D. Eisenhower for core duties, while Spiro Agnew (1969–1973) and Gerald Ford (1973–1974) handled congressional liaison amid partisan gridlock.[189] Empirically, this has facilitated continuity in policy execution; data from the Miller Center's presidential archives show post-1977 vice presidents managing an average of 20–30% of a president's domestic and foreign agenda items, reducing bottlenecks in decision-making.[190] From a causal standpoint, the vice president's subordinate yet proximate position enables rapid response to presidential needs, enhancing adaptability in crises—such as Lyndon B. Johnson's pre-presidency (1961–1963) space program advocacy—while preparing successors through hands-on experience, potentially mitigating disruptions upon ascension, as evidenced by eight vice presidents assuming the presidency due to death or resignation between 1841 and 1963.[157] However, this growth poses risks to the separation of powers doctrine, as the vice president's dual constitutional placement—executive officer under Article II yet Senate president—creates inherent tensions that informal expansions exacerbate. The framers, including James Madison, viewed the vice president's Senate role as a compromise but criticized it for deviating from strict branch separation, potentially allowing executive influence over legislative proceedings via tie votes, which occurred 299 times through 2023, often on partisan measures.[191][6] Cheney's extensive involvement in drafting post-9/11 policies, including intelligence reforms, blurred lines by merging executive policy-making with legislative advocacy, raising concerns of unaccountable power concentration since the vice president lacks an independent electoral mandate and faces removal only via impeachment, which has never targeted a sitting vice president for overreach.[87] Critics, including constitutional scholars like Joel Goldstein, contend this "executivization" undermines checks and balances by enabling presidents to circumvent Senate scrutiny through a surrogate, as when vice presidents lobby for executive-favoring bills, potentially eroding legislative independence without corresponding accountability mechanisms.[192] Causal risks include precedent for future vice presidents to prioritize executive agendas over deliberative Senate functions, fostering branch aggrandizement akin to historical executive expansions during wartime, though empirical evidence remains mixed, with no verified instances of systemic legislative capture attributable solely to vice presidential influence.[193]Empirical Record on Succession, Effectiveness, and the "Curse"
Nine vice presidents have ascended to the presidency upon the death or resignation of the president: John Tyler on April 4, 1841, following William Henry Harrison's death; Millard Fillmore on July 9, 1850, after Zachary Taylor; Andrew Johnson on April 15, 1865, after Abraham Lincoln; Chester A. Arthur on September 19, 1881, after James A. Garfield; Theodore Roosevelt on September 14, 1901, after William McKinley; Calvin Coolidge on August 2, 1923, after Warren G. Harding; Harry S. Truman on April 12, 1945, after Franklin D. Roosevelt; Lyndon B. Johnson on November 22, 1963, after John F. Kennedy; and Gerald Ford on August 9, 1974, after Richard Nixon's resignation.[10][73] Of these, five—Roosevelt, Coolidge, Truman, Johnson, and Ford—were nominated by their party for a full term, with Roosevelt, Truman, and Johnson winning election, while Coolidge and Ford succeeded in their bids for election but under varying circumstances of incumbency.[10] Empirical assessments of vice presidential effectiveness remain limited, with scholarly analyses often focusing on qualitative expansions of role rather than quantifiable metrics. Studies indicate that vice presidential candidates exert minimal influence on presidential election outcomes, typically shifting voter preferences by less than 1-2 percentage points in key states, insufficient to alter results in close contests.[194] In office, modern vice presidents since Walter Mondale have gained substantive policy portfolios, such as foreign affairs assignments under Jimmy Carter, enhancing operational effectiveness but without standardized measures of impact on legislative or executive success.[12] Historical data shows vice presidents presiding over the Senate cast tie-breaking votes in approximately 10-15% of divided decisions in recent sessions, influencing outcomes on issues like budget reconciliation but rarely pivotal to major legislation.[13] The "curse" of the vice presidency refers to the empirical pattern where incumbent vice presidents seeking election to the presidency have historically low success rates, with only two—Martin Van Buren in 1836 and George H. W. Bush in 1988—achieving victory out of numerous attempts since the office's inception.[195][196] This yields a success rate under 10% for sitting vice presidents running, contrasted with higher rates for former vice presidents like John Adams or Richard Nixon, who won after leaving office.[197] Analysts attribute this not to superstition but to factors including voter fatigue with the administration, the vice president's association with unpopular policies, and challenges in demonstrating independent leadership, as evidenced by failures of Hubert Humphrey in 1968 and Al Gore in 2000 despite strong electoral showings.[198][199] Neither Van Buren nor Bush secured re-election, underscoring persistent hurdles even for rare victors.[200]Proposals for Structural Reforms or Abolition
Throughout American history, the vice presidency has prompted proposals for structural overhaul or outright elimination, often stemming from its perceived marginal role and risks in succession. In the late 18th and 19th centuries, at least seven constitutional amendments were introduced in Congress to abolish the office, reflecting early critiques of its redundancy beyond Senate presidency and potential elevation to the presidency.[201] During debates over the Twelfth Amendment in 1803–1804, Federalist senator Jonathan Dayton explicitly proposed eliminating the vice presidency altogether, arguing it duplicated functions and complicated elections, though the measure ultimately reformed electoral procedures instead by requiring separate ballots for president and vice president.[29] These efforts failed amid concerns that abolition would destabilize presidential succession without a clear alternative, such as designating the Speaker of the House.[202] In the 20th century, reform discussions intensified after high vacancy rates—occurring 16 times before 1967—exposed gaps in continuity, leading to the Twenty-fifth Amendment's ratification in 1967, which formalized vice presidential replacement via presidential nomination and congressional confirmation rather than abolition.[157] Scholarly critiques persisted; historian Arthur Schlesinger Jr. advocated in the early 1970s for a constitutional amendment to eliminate the office, contending it imposed an unneeded subordinate with little substantive duty beyond awaiting presidential incapacity or death.[203] A 1974 analysis in The Atlantic echoed this, proposing abolition and a revised succession line—potentially prioritizing cabinet officers or congressional leaders—to avoid selecting vice presidents primarily as presidential heirs rather than qualified executives.[204] Contemporary proposals have blended abolition with targeted reforms. In 2008, Yale law professor Bruce Ackerman urged abolishing the vice presidency in op-eds, warning that ticket-balancing incentives produced underqualified successors, as exemplified by historical pairings like John McCain and Sarah Palin; he suggested replacing it with a appointive "deputy president" confirmed by Congress for executive duties.[205][206] Other ideas include decoupling vice presidential nomination from presidential tickets to enable independent elections or popular mandates, addressing nomination flaws where vice presidents serve as ideological balancers rather than co-governors.[207] In 2024, former President Donald Trump proposed modifying the Twenty-fifth Amendment to facilitate vice presidential removal without full cabinet and congressional invocation, aiming to enhance flexibility in addressing perceived inadequacies mid-term.[208] Despite these, no major abolition or reform has advanced, as empirical evidence of frequent succession needs—eight presidents elevated via vice presidents before 1967—underscores the office's utility in maintaining governance continuity.[6]Post-Vice Presidency Outcomes
Common Career Trajectories and Legal Constraints
Former vice presidents frequently pursue the presidency, though empirical success rates remain low. Of the 49 individuals who have served as vice president since 1789, only four were elected president after completing a full vice presidential term without prior succession to the presidency: John Adams in 1796 after serving from 1789 to 1797 under George Washington; Thomas Jefferson in 1800 after 1797 to 1801 under Adams; Martin Van Buren in 1836 after 1833 to 1837 under Andrew Jackson; and George H. W. Bush in 1988 after 1981 to 1989 under Ronald Reagan.[209][10] Many others, such as Richard Nixon after serving 1953–1961 under Dwight D. Eisenhower, attempted presidential runs but initially failed before later succeeding through alternative paths or after additional political experience.[209] Those not ascending to the presidency often return to prior professions or enter private sector roles emphasizing their experience. Common trajectories include legal practice, authorship of memoirs, corporate consulting, public speaking, and advocacy. For instance, John C. Breckinridge (vice president 1857–1861 under James Buchanan) resumed law practice in Kentucky before joining the Confederacy as a general in 1861.[210] Dan Quayle (1989–1993 under Bush) founded a strategic consulting firm in 1993 and authored books on policy.[210] John Nance Garner (1933–1941 under Franklin D. Roosevelt) managed business interests and practiced law in Texas post-office.[210] Henry Wallace (1941–1945 under Roosevelt) edited publications, farmed, and ran for president on the Progressive Party ticket in 1948.[210] Some re-enter elective office, as Hubert Humphrey did by winning a U.S. Senate seat in 1970 after serving as vice president 1965–1969 under Lyndon B. Johnson. Others leverage visibility for non-profits or think tanks, such as Al Gore's environmental advocacy following 1993–2001 under Bill Clinton, which earned him the 2007 Nobel Peace Prize.[211] Legal constraints on former vice presidents are minimal and align with those for other high officials, centered on constitutional eligibility for future offices rather than outright prohibitions. The Twenty-second Amendment limits any individual to election as president no more than twice, with service as vice president not counting toward this cap unless the vice president succeeds to the presidency and serves more than two years of the remainder of the term, in which case only one additional election is permitted.[212][213] For example, a vice president succeeding early in a term could theoretically serve nearly 10 years total (remainder plus two full terms) but could not be elected a third time.[214] The Twelfth Amendment reinforces that vice presidential candidates must meet the same eligibility as presidential ones under Article II (age 35, natural-born citizen, 14-year U.S. residency), indirectly constraining former vice presidents from other nations or ineligible for presidency.[215] Beyond term limits, no unique statutory bans prevent former vice presidents from seeking other federal, state, or private roles, though federal ethics laws impose temporary restrictions: a one-year cooling-off period bars contacting their former employing agencies on specific matters, and a two-year ban applies to senior officials on certain representational activities.[211] These derive from broader post-government employment rules under 18 U.S.C. § 207, applicable to executive branch officials, rather than VP-specific edicts. Former vice presidents retain no formal office or duties post-term, transitioning to private citizenship with pensions equivalent to congressional members (approximately $250,000 annually as of 2024 for recent service) and limited Secret Service protection for six months after leaving office.[216][217]Pursuit of the Presidency and Success Rates
Of the 49 individuals who have served as vice president, 29 sought a major-party nomination for president at some point following their vice-presidential service.[197] Of those, 10 were ultimately elected to the presidency, yielding a success rate of approximately 34 percent among pursuers, though this figure includes cases where vice presidents ascended to the presidency mid-term via succession before seeking full election.[197] Early successes were concentrated in the nation's founding decades: John Adams, vice president from 1789 to 1797, won the 1796 election against Thomas Jefferson; Jefferson himself, vice president from 1797 to 1801, secured the presidency in 1800; and Martin Van Buren, vice president under Andrew Jackson from 1833 to 1837, prevailed in 1836.[197] These outcomes reflected the era's fluid party alignments and lack of term limits, but no vice president was elected president between Van Buren and the mid-20th century without first ascending via presidential death or resignation.[199] Pursuit rates increased markedly in the modern era (post-1933), with 15 of 18 vice presidents seeking nomination, yet only 5 securing election: Richard Nixon (after serving 1953–1961, elected 1968 following a 1960 loss), George H.W. Bush (1981–1989, elected 1988 as sitting vice president), and Joe Biden (2009–2017, elected 2020), alongside Harry Truman and Lyndon B. Johnson, who each succeeded to the presidency mid-term (1945 and 1963, respectively) before winning full terms in 1948 and 1964.[197] [199] This yields a modern success rate of roughly 33 percent among runners, though non-incumbent vice presidents faced steeper odds, with only Biden achieving election without prior presidential experience or incumbency advantage.[199] Notable failures include Hubert Humphrey (vice president 1965–1969), who won the 1968 Democratic nomination but lost the general election to Nixon by 0.7 percent of the popular vote; Walter Mondale (1977–1981), defeated in a 1984 landslide by Ronald Reagan (49 states carried); and Al Gore (1993–2001), who won the popular vote but lost the 2000 Electoral College after a Supreme Court-decided Florida recount.[218] [199]| Vice President | Term | Pursuit Year(s) | Outcome |
|---|---|---|---|
| Richard Nixon | 1953–1961 | 1960, 1968 | Lost 1960; won 1968 |
| Hubert Humphrey | 1965–1969 | 1968 | Won nomination; lost general |
| Walter Mondale | 1977–1981 | 1984 | Won nomination; lost general |
| George H.W. Bush | 1981–1989 | 1988 | Won election |
| Dan Quayle | 1989–1993 | 2000 | Failed nomination |
| Al Gore | 1993–2001 | 2000 | Won nomination; lost general |
| Dick Cheney | 2001–2009 | None | Did not pursue |
| Joe Biden | 2009–2017 | 1988, 2008, 2020 | Failed 1988/2008 nominations; won 2020 |
Notable Achievements and Failures in Later Roles
Several former vice presidents ascended to the presidency after completing their terms, marking a primary achievement in post-vice presidential careers. John Adams, vice president from 1789 to 1797, was elected president in 1796, serving one term focused on avoiding foreign entanglements.[10] Thomas Jefferson, vice president under Adams from 1797 to 1801, won the presidency in 1800 and pursued policies like the Louisiana Purchase.[10] Martin Van Buren, after serving under Andrew Jackson from 1833 to 1837, was elected president in 1836 but lost re-election amid economic downturn.[10] Richard Nixon, vice president from 1953 to 1961, returned to win the presidency in 1968 following a 1960 loss, implementing détente with the Soviet Union and opening relations with China before resigning in 1974 amid Watergate.[199] George H. W. Bush, vice president from 1981 to 1989, succeeded Ronald Reagan as president in 1988, overseeing the end of the Cold War and the Gulf War victory in 1991.[199] Beyond the presidency, some vice presidents garnered international recognition for post-office endeavors. Al Gore, vice president from 1993 to 2001, after losing the 2000 presidential election, produced the documentary An Inconvenient Truth in 2006 and shared the Nobel Peace Prize in 2007 with the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change for efforts to disseminate information on man-made climate change.[219] Hubert Humphrey, vice president from 1965 to 1969, returned to the U.S. Senate in 1970, winning re-election in 1976, and served as Deputy President pro tempore until his death from cancer on January 13, 1978.[220] Failures in later roles often involved electoral defeats or legal troubles. Aaron Burr, vice president from 1801 to 1805, after leaving office, orchestrated the Burr Conspiracy, attempting to form a new nation in western territories or Mexico, leading to his arrest and treason trial in 1807; though acquitted, the episode ended his political viability.[221] Spiro Agnew, who resigned as vice president on October 10, 1973, amid bribery investigations, pleaded no contest to a felony tax evasion charge on October 30, 1974, receiving a $10,000 fine and three years' probation, after which he entered international business consulting but remained politically marginalized.[222][223] Many others, such as Walter Mondale in 1984 and Al Gore in 2000, failed in presidential bids, sharing blame for prior administration shortcomings despite personal merits.[209]Chronology of Vice Presidents
1789–1860: Early Republic and Antebellum Period
John Adams served as the first Vice President from April 21, 1789, to March 4, 1797, under President George Washington, primarily presiding over the Senate and casting 29 tie-breaking votes, more than any other Vice President to date.[224] His role highlighted the office's constitutional duties as President of the Senate under Article I, Section 3, with limited influence beyond legislative procedure.[6] Adams viewed the position as subordinate and expressed frustration at its insignificance, noting it confined him to a ceremonial legislative role without executive input.[225] Thomas Jefferson succeeded Adams as Vice President from March 4, 1797, to March 4, 1801, under President John Adams, following the 1796 election where the runner-up became Vice President under the original constitutional system.[226] Jefferson focused on Senate protocol, authoring A Manual of Parliamentary Practice in 1801 to guide proceedings, which remained influential for over a century.[6] Partisan tensions arose as Jefferson, a Democratic-Republican, opposed Federalist policies, including the Alien and Sedition Acts, but his Vice Presidential duties barred direct executive involvement.[227] The 1800 election tied between Jefferson and Aaron Burr, both Democratic-Republicans, with 73 electoral votes each; the House of Representatives selected Jefferson as President on February 17, 1801, leaving Burr as Vice President from March 4, 1801, to March 4, 1805.[228] Burr's term was marred by intrigue, culminating in his fatal duel with Alexander Hamilton on July 11, 1804, after Hamilton opposed Burr's gubernatorial bid; Burr faced treason charges in 1807 for alleged schemes to detach western territories but was acquitted.[229] George Clinton replaced Burr, serving from March 4, 1805, until his death on April 20, 1812, under Presidents Jefferson and Madison, with limited notable actions beyond Senate presidency.[230] Elbridge Gerry held the office briefly from March 4, 1813, to November 23, 1814, under Madison, dying in office and originating the term "gerrymandering" from Massachusetts redistricting controversies predating his Vice Presidency.[231] Daniel D. Tompkins served from March 4, 1817, to March 4, 1825, under Monroe, managing financial strains from wartime service but achieving little prominence in the role. John C. Calhoun, Vice President from March 4, 1825, to December 28, 1832, under J.Q. Adams and Jackson, resigned amid the Nullification Crisis, opposing Jackson's tariff policies and becoming the first to voluntarily leave the office.[232] Martin Van Buren served from March 4, 1833, to March 4, 1837, under Jackson, leveraging party loyalty to later win the presidency. Richard Mentor Johnson followed from March 4, 1837, to March 4, 1841, under Van Buren, uniquely elected by the Senate after a state delegation tie in the 1836 electoral vote. John Tyler's brief tenure from March 4 to April 4, 1841, under Harrison ended with Harrison's death from pneumonia, prompting Tyler to assume full presidential powers on April 6, 1841, establishing succession precedent despite cabinet resistance.[233] No Vice President served from 1841 to 1845. George M. Dallas held the position from March 4, 1845, to March 4, 1849, under Polk, casting key tie votes on the Walker Tariff and Oregon Treaty. Millard Fillmore served from March 4, 1849, to July 9, 1850, under Taylor, succeeding upon Taylor's death and leaving the office vacant until 1853. William R. King served only from March 4 to April 18, 1853, under Pierce, dying of tuberculosis shortly after inauguration. John C. Breckinridge, the youngest at age 36, served from March 4, 1857, to March 4, 1861, under Buchanan, presiding over Senate debates amid rising sectional tensions leading to the Civil War.[234] Throughout this period, five Vice Presidents died in office (Clinton, Gerry, King, and others implied in vacancies), two resigned or succeeded early, underscoring the office's precarious nature and infrequency of influence beyond Senate ties or rare ascensions.[231] The 12th Amendment, ratified in 1804, reformed elections to pair presidential and vice-presidential candidates on tickets, addressing 1800's flaws.1861–1944: Civil War Through World War II
During the period spanning the Civil War to the onset of full U.S. involvement in World War II, the vice presidency remained largely ceremonial, with its holders primarily presiding over the Senate and casting occasional tie-breaking votes, though four vice presidents—Andrew Johnson in 1865, Chester A. Arthur in 1881, Theodore Roosevelt in 1901, and Calvin Coolidge in 1923—ascended to the presidency following the assassination or natural death of the incumbent, underscoring the office's contingency role amid high presidential mortality rates from disease and violence.[13] Frequent vacancies occurred due to vice presidential deaths in office, including Henry Wilson in 1875, Thomas A. Hendricks in 1885, Garret A. Hobart in 1899, and James S. Sherman in 1912, leaving the executive branch without a designated successor for extended periods until the Twentieth Amendment and later reforms.[13] These gaps, combined with the lack of defined duties beyond Senate leadership, reinforced perceptions of the vice presidency as a position of minimal influence, often filled by figures selected for electoral balance rather than policy acumen.| Vice President | President Served Under | Term | Notable Aspects |
|---|---|---|---|
| Hannibal Hamlin | Abraham Lincoln | March 4, 1861 – March 4, 1865 | Reluctantly left Senate for vice presidency; supported radical Republican policies like emancipation but was replaced on 1864 ticket for national unity.[235][236] |
| Andrew Johnson | Abraham Lincoln | March 4, 1865 – April 15, 1865 | War Democrat chosen for Union ticket balance; ascended to presidency after Lincoln's assassination on April 14, 1865; no vice president appointed during his term.[237] |
| Schuyler Colfax | Ulysses S. Grant | March 4, 1869 – March 4, 1873 | Presided over Senate during Reconstruction; implicated but not prosecuted in Crédit Mobilier railroad bribery scandal involving stock shares for favors.[238][239] |
| Henry Wilson | Ulysses S. Grant | March 4, 1873 – November 22, 1875 | Anti-slavery advocate; died of stroke in Senate chamber; vacancy persisted until 1877.[240] |
| William A. Wheeler | Rutherford B. Hayes | March 4, 1877 – March 4, 1881 | Low-profile tenure focused on Senate duties; cast few tie votes.[13] |
| Chester A. Arthur | James A. Garfield | March 4, 1881 – September 19, 1881 | New York machine politician; ascended after Garfield's assassination by Charles Guiteau on July 2, 1881; no vice president under his presidency.[241] |
| Thomas A. Hendricks | Grover Cleveland | March 4, 1885 – November 25, 1885 | Died of stroke; vacancy lasted remainder of term.[13] |
| Levi P. Morton | Benjamin Harrison | March 4, 1889 – March 4, 1893 | Banker with limited policy role; supported tariff legislation.[13] |
| Adlai E. Stevenson I | Grover Cleveland | March 4, 1893 – March 4, 1897 | Cast tie-breaking votes on silver purchase repeal; criticized for perceived favoritism to railroads.[13] |
| Garret A. Hobart | William McKinley | March 4, 1897 – November 21, 1899 | Advised on Spanish-American War; died of heart attack; vacancy until 1901.[13] |
| Theodore Roosevelt | William McKinley | March 4, 1901 – September 14, 1901 | Progressive reformer; ascended after McKinley's assassination by Leon Czolgosz; no vice president in first term.[13] |
| Charles W. Fairbanks | Theodore Roosevelt | March 4, 1905 – March 4, 1909 | Senate-focused; later unsuccessful 1916 presidential candidate.[13] |
| James S. Sherman | William Howard Taft | March 4, 1909 – October 30, 1912 | Died of kidney disease during campaign; vacancy to 1913.[13] |
| Thomas R. Marshall | Woodrow Wilson | March 4, 1913 – March 4, 1921 | Presided during World War I; declined expanded powers amid Wilson's 1919 stroke; known for quip on needing "a good five-cent cigar."[242][243] |
| Calvin Coolidge | Warren G. Harding | March 4, 1921 – August 2, 1923 | Sworn in as president at 2:47 a.m. on August 3, 1923, by father after Harding's death; no vice president initially in his term.[244][245] |
| Charles G. Dawes | Calvin Coolidge | March 4, 1925 – March 4, 1929 | Nobel Peace Prize winner for Dawes Plan on German reparations; clashed with Coolidge over patronage.[13] |
| Charles Curtis | Herbert Hoover | March 4, 1929 – March 4, 1933 | First Native American VP (Kaw tribe); broke Senate ties on Depression-era measures.[13] |
| John Nance Garner | Franklin D. Roosevelt | March 4, 1933 – January 20, 1941 | Assisted New Deal passage as House Speaker before; opposed FDR's third term and court-packing; refused renomination in 1940.[7][246] |
| Henry A. Wallace | Franklin D. Roosevelt | January 20, 1941 – January 20, 1945 | Agricultural expert; engaged in wartime diplomacy and procurement; dropped from 1944 ticket for perceived radicalism.[188][247] |
1945–Present: Modern and Contemporary Incumbents
Harry S. Truman served as the 33rd vice president from January 20 to April 12, 1945, under President Franklin D. Roosevelt, before ascending to the presidency upon Roosevelt's death, leaving the office vacant until the 1949 inauguration.[13] Alben W. Barkley held the position from 1949 to 1953 under Truman, primarily presiding over the Senate and casting 35 tie-breaking votes, a record at the time for his term.[13] Richard Nixon, vice president from 1953 to 1961 under Dwight D. Eisenhower, expanded the role through active involvement in foreign policy, including goodwill tours to 58 countries and participation in national security decisions, though his influence was limited by Eisenhower's centralized style.[13] Lyndon B. Johnson served from 1961 to 1963 under John F. Kennedy, succeeding to the presidency on November 22, 1963, after Kennedy's assassination, with the vice presidency vacant until 1965; the 25th Amendment, ratified in 1967, later addressed such gaps by enabling presidential appointment of successors with congressional approval.[13] Hubert Humphrey, vice president from 1965 to 1969 under Johnson, focused on domestic policy advocacy, including the War on Poverty, but faced criticism for limited autonomy amid Johnson's dominance.[13] Spiro Agnew, from 1969 to October 10, 1973, under Nixon, resigned amid a corruption scandal involving bribes accepted as Maryland county executive, marking the first such resignation and triggering the 25th Amendment's use for Ford's appointment on December 6, 1973.[13] Gerald Ford, vice president from December 6, 1973, to August 9, 1974, ascended to the presidency upon Nixon's resignation over Watergate, leaving the office vacant until Nelson Rockefeller's appointment and Senate confirmation on December 19, 1974, under Ford.[13] Rockefeller served until 1977, emphasizing commissions on population growth and White House domestic policy but with constrained influence due to Ford's transition challenges.[13] Walter Mondale, from 1977 to 1981 under Jimmy Carter, institutionalized the vice presidency by establishing an office in the West Wing, attending all Cabinet meetings, and advising on key legislation like deregulation efforts, setting a precedent for substantive policy roles.[13] George H. W. Bush, vice president from 1981 to 1989 under Ronald Reagan, managed crisis responses including the Iran-Contra affair oversight and chaired task forces on deregulation, later succeeding to the presidency in 1989.[13] Dan Quayle, from 1989 to 1993 under Bush, cast 13 tie-breaking Senate votes and led the Space Council, though public gaffes, such as misspelling "potato," drew media scrutiny despite substantive work on competitiveness policy.[13] Al Gore, serving 1993 to 2001 under Bill Clinton, presided over a divided Senate, cast 4 tie votes, and spearheaded initiatives like the National Performance Review for government efficiency and environmental advocacy, narrowly losing the 2000 presidential election after Clinton's term.[13]| Vice President | Term Start–End | President Served | Party | Key Events/Notes |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Harry S. Truman | Jan 20, 1945 – Apr 12, 1945 | Franklin D. Roosevelt | Democratic | Succeeded to presidency; office vacant post-ascension.[13] |
| Alben W. Barkley | Jan 20, 1949 – Jan 20, 1953 | Harry S. Truman | Democratic | Record tie-breakers (35).[13] |
| Richard Nixon | Jan 20, 1953 – Jan 20, 1961 | Dwight D. Eisenhower | Republican | Foreign policy envoy; two terms.[13] |
| Lyndon B. Johnson | Jan 20, 1961 – Nov 22, 1963 | John F. Kennedy | Democratic | Succeeded to presidency; office vacant.[13] |
| Hubert Humphrey | Jan 20, 1965 – Jan 20, 1969 | Lyndon B. Johnson | Democratic | Domestic policy focus.[13] |
| Spiro Agnew | Jan 20, 1969 – Oct 10, 1973 | Richard Nixon | Republican | Resigned over corruption charges.[13] |
| Gerald Ford | Dec 6, 1973 – Aug 9, 1974 | Richard Nixon | Republican | Appointed; succeeded to presidency.[13] |
| Nelson Rockefeller | Dec 19, 1974 – Jan 20, 1977 | Gerald Ford | Republican | Appointed; policy commissions.[13] |
| Walter Mondale | Jan 20, 1977 – Jan 20, 1981 | Jimmy Carter | Democratic | West Wing office established.[13] |
| George H. W. Bush | Jan 20, 1981 – Jan 20, 1989 | Ronald Reagan | Republican | Crisis management; later president.[13] |
| Dan Quayle | Jan 20, 1989 – Jan 20, 1993 | George H. W. Bush | Republican | Space Council chair.[13] |
| Al Gore | Jan 20, 1993 – Jan 20, 2001 | Bill Clinton | Democratic | Reinventing Government; 2000 election loss.[13] |
| Dick Cheney | Jan 20, 2001 – Jan 20, 2009 | George W. Bush | Republican | Influential in national security; briefly acted as president (2002, 2007).[13] |
| Joe Biden | Jan 20, 2009 – Jan 20, 2017 | Barack Obama | Democratic | Foreign policy lead; later president.[13] |
| Mike Pence | Jan 20, 2017 – Jan 20, 2021 | Donald Trump | Republican | COVID-19 task force; 2021 electoral certification.[13] |
| Kamala Harris | Jan 20, 2021 – Jan 20, 2025 | Joe Biden | Democratic | First female VP; record tie-breakers (33).[13] |
| JD Vance | Jan 20, 2025 – present | Donald Trump | Republican | Current incumbent; focus on domestic policy.[89] |
