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Azerbaijani language
Azerbaijani language
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Azerbaijani
Azeri, Azerbaijani Turkish
Azərbaycan dili, آذربایجان دیلی, Азәрбајҹан дили[note 1]
Azerbaijani in Perso-Arabic Nastaliq (Iran), Latin (Azerbaijan), and Cyrillic (Russia).
Pronunciation[ɑːzæɾbɑjˈdʒɑn diˈli]
Native to
  • Azerbaijan
    • Iran
  • Russia
  • Turkey
  • Iraq[a]
  • Georgia
RegionIranian Azerbaijan, South Caucasus
EthnicityAzerbaijanis
Native speakers
24 million (2022)[2]
Turkic
Early forms
Standard forms
  • Shirvani (For North Azerbaijani variety in Republic of Azerbaijan)
  • Tabrizi (For South Azerbaijani variety in Iranian Azerbaijan)
Dialects
Official status
Official language in
Azerbaijan
Dagestan (Russia)
Organization of Turkic States
Regulated by
Language codes
ISO 639-1az
ISO 639-2aze
ISO 639-3aze – inclusive code
Individual codes:
azj – North Azerbaijani
azb – South Azerbaijani
Glottologazer1255  Central Oghuz
Linguaspherepart of 44-AAB-a
Areas that speak Azerbaijani
  The majority speaks Azerbaijani
  A sizable minority speaks Azerbaijani
This article contains IPA phonetic symbols. Without proper rendering support, you may see question marks, boxes, or other symbols instead of Unicode characters. For an introductory guide on IPA symbols, see Help:IPA.

Azerbaijani (/ˌæzərbˈæni, -ɑːn-/ AZ-ər-by-JA(H)N-ee; Azərbaycanca, آذربایجانجا, Азәрбајҹанҹа)[note 1] or Azeri (/æˈzɛəri, ɑːˈ-, əˈ-/ a(h)-ZAIR-ee, ə-), also referred to as Azerbaijani Turkic or Azerbaijani Turkish (Azərbaycan türkcəsi, آذربایجان تۆرکچه‌سی, Азәрбајҹан түркҹәси),[note 1] is a Turkic language from the Oghuz sub-branch. It is spoken primarily by the Azerbaijani people, who live mainly in the Republic of Azerbaijan, where the North Azerbaijani variety is spoken, while Iranian Azerbaijanis in the Azerbaijan region of Iran, speak the South Azerbaijani variety, but it is unclear whether these two varieties form one language, as the International Organization for Standardization (ISO) considers Northern and Southern Azerbaijani to be distinct languages.[6]

Azerbaijani is the only official language in the Republic of Azerbaijan and one of the 14 official languages of Dagestan (a federal subject of Russia), but it does not have official status in Iran, where the majority of Iranian Azerbaijani people live. Azerbaijani is also spoken to lesser varying degrees in Azerbaijani communities of Georgia and Turkey and by diaspora communities, primarily in Europe and North America.

Although there is a high degree of mutual intelligibility between both forms of Azerbaijani, there are significant differences in phonology, lexicon, morphology, syntax, and sources of loanwords. The standardized form of North Azerbaijani (spoken in the Republic of Azerbaijan and Russia) is based on the Shirvani dialect, while South Azerbaijani uses a variety of regional dialects. Since the Republic of Azerbaijan's independence from the Soviet Union in 1991, Northern Azerbaijani has used the Latin script. On the other hand, South Azerbaijani has always used and continues to use the Perso-Arabic script.

Azerbaijani is closely related to Turkmen, Turkish, Gagauz, and Qashqai, being mutually intelligible with each of these languages to varying degrees.

Etymology and background

[edit]

Historically, the language was referred to by its native speakers as türk dili or türkcə,[7] meaning either "Turkish" or "Turkic". In the early years following the establishment of the Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic, the language was still referred to as "Turkic" in official documents. However, in the 1930s, its name was officially changed to "Azerbaijani".[8][9] The language is often still referred to as Turki or Torki (Turkish or Turkic) in Iranian Azerbaijan.[10] The term "Azeri", generally interchangeable with "Azerbaijani", is from Turkish Azeri.[11] The 17th century Capuchin missionary Raphael du Mans used the expression "Turk Ajami" in relation to the Azerbaijani language. This term is used by many modern authors to designate the direct historical predecessor of the modern Azerbaijani language (see Middle Azerbaijani language).[12] The term is derived from earlier designations, such as lingua turcica agemica, or Turc Agemi, which was used in a grammar book composed by the French writer Capuchin Raphaël du Mans (died 1696) in 1684. Local texts simply called the language türkī.[13] During "the Isfahan phase of the Safavids", it was called ḳızılbaşī in contrast to rūmī (Ottoman) and çaġatā’ī (Chagatai), due to its close relation to dialects spoken by the Qizilbash.[14]

History and evolution

[edit]
Ghazal commonly called "Apardı Könlümü" by Izzeddin Hasanoghlu which is considered the earliest known piece of literature in Azerbaijani Turkish by modern researchers, from the anthology Kitab-i Gulistan bil-Turki compiled by Seyfi Sarayi, published in 1391 and kept in the library of Leiden University

Azerbaijani evolved from the Eastern branch of Oghuz Turkic ("Western Turkic")[15] which spread to the Caucasus in Eastern Europe[16][17] and northern Iran in West Asia during the medieval Turkic migrations.[18] Persian and Arabic influenced the language, but Arabic words were mainly transmitted through the intermediary of literary Persian.[19] Azerbaijani is, perhaps after Uzbek, the Turkic language upon which Persian and other Iranian languages have exerted the strongest impact—mainly in phonology, syntax, and vocabulary, less in morphology.[18]

During the period of the Qara Qoyunlu and Aq Qoyunlu states, Azerbaijani Turkic (in the sources of that period, "Turki") gradually began to emerge as a means of literary and poetic expression.[20]

During this period, writing in Turkic became fashionable in the court and among poets. The ruler of the Qara Qoyunlu, Jahanshah, was known by his pen name "Haqiqi", and the ruler of the Aq Qoyunlu, Sultan Yaqub, was known for writing poems in Turkic.[21]

The great Sufi poet Qasim-i Anvar also accepted Turkic as a literary language and presented highly poetic examples in this language.[22]

The Turkic language of Azerbaijan gradually supplanted the Iranian languages in what is now northwestern Iran, and a variety of languages of the Caucasus and Iranian languages spoken in the Caucasus, particularly Udi and Old Azeri. By the beginning of the 16th century, it had become the dominant language of the region. It was one of the spoken languages in the court of the Safavids and Qajars.

The historical development of Azerbaijani can be divided into two major periods: early (c. 14th to 18th century) and modern (18th century to present). Early Azerbaijani differs from its descendant in that it contained a much larger number of Persian and Arabic loanwords, phrases and syntactic elements. Early writings in Azerbaijani also demonstrate linguistic interchangeability between Oghuz and Kypchak elements in many aspects (such as pronouns, case endings, participles, etc.). As Azerbaijani gradually moved from being merely a language of epic and lyric poetry to being also a language of journalism and scientific research, its literary version has become more or less unified and simplified with the loss of many archaic Turkic elements, stilted Iranisms and Ottomanisms, and other words, expressions, and rules that failed to gain popularity among the Azerbaijani masses.

The Russian annexation of Iran's territories in the Caucasus through the Russo-Iranian wars of 1804–1813 and 1826–1828 split the language community across two states. Afterwards, the Tsarist administration encouraged the spread of Azerbaijani in eastern Transcaucasia as a replacement for Persian spoken by the upper classes, and as a measure against Persian influence in the region.[23][24]

Between c. 1900 and 1930, there were several competing approaches to the unification of the national language in what is now the Azerbaijan Republic, popularized by scholars such as Hasan bey Zardabi and Mammad agha Shahtakhtinski. Despite major differences, they all aimed primarily at making it easy for semi-literate masses to read and understand literature. They all criticized the overuse of Persian, Arabic, and European elements in both colloquial and literary language and called for a simpler and more popular style.

The Soviet Union promoted the development of the language but set it back considerably with two successive script changes[25] – from the Persian to Latin and then to the Cyrillic script – while Iranian Azerbaijanis continued to use the Persian script as they always had. Despite the wide use of Azerbaijani in the Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic, it became the official language of Azerbaijan only in 1956.[26] After independence, the Republic of Azerbaijan decided to switch back to a modified Latin script.

Azerbaijani literature

[edit]
Mohammad-Hossein Shahriar, Iranian Azerbaijani poet, who wrote in Azerbaijani and Persian.

The development of Azerbaijani literature is closely associated with Anatolian Turkish, written in Perso-Arabic script. Examples of its detachment date to the 14th century or earlier.[27][28] Kadi Burhan al-Din, Hasanoghlu, and Imadaddin Nasimi helped to establish Azerbaiijani as a literary language in the 14th century through poetry and other works.[28] One ruler of the Qara Qoyunlu state, Jahanshah, wrote poems in Azerbaijani language with the nickname "Haqiqi".[29][30] Sultan Yaqub, a ruler of the Aq Qoyunlu state, wrote poems in the Azerbaijani language.[31] The ruler and poet Ismail I wrote under the pen name Khatā'ī (which means "sinner" in Persian) during the fifteenth century.[9][32] During the 16th century, the poet, writer and thinker Fuzûlî wrote mainly in Azerbaijani but also translated his poems into Arabic and Persian.[9]

Starting in the 1830s, several newspapers were published in Iran during the reign of the Qajar dynasty, but it is unknown whether any of these newspapers were written in Azerbaijani. In 1875, Akinchi (Əkinçi / اکينچی) ("The Ploughman") became the first Azerbaijani newspaper to be published in the Russian Empire. It was started by Hasan bey Zardabi, a journalist and education advocate.[28]

Mohammad-Hossein Shahriar is an important figure in Azerbaijani poetry. His most important work is Heydar Babaya Salam and it is considered to be a pinnacle of Azerbaijani literature and gained popularity in the Turkic-speaking world. It was translated into more than 30 languages.[33]

In the mid-19th century, Azerbaijani literature was taught at schools in Baku, Ganja, Shaki, Tbilisi, and Yerevan. Since 1845, it has also been taught in the Saint Petersburg State University in Russia. In 2018, Azerbaijani language and literature programs are offered in the United States at several universities, including Indiana University, UCLA, and University of Texas at Austin.[28] The vast majority, if not all Azerbaijani language courses teach North Azerbaijani written in the Latin script and not South Azerbaijani written in the Perso-Arabic script.

Modern literature in the Republic of Azerbaijan is primarily based on the Shirvani dialect, while in the Iranian Azerbaijan region (historic Azerbaijan) it is based on the Tabrizi one.

Lingua franca

[edit]

An Azerbaijani koine served as a lingua franca throughout most parts of Transcaucasia except the Black Sea coast, in southern Dagestan,[34][35][36] and all over Iran[37] from the 16th to the early 20th centuries,[38][39] alongside cultural, administrative, court literature, and most importantly official language of all these regions, Persian.[40] From the early 16th century up to the course of the 19th century, these regions and territories were all ruled by the Safavids, Afsharids, Zands, and Qajars until the cession of Transcaucasia proper and Dagestan by Qajar Iran to the Russian Empire per the 1813 Treaty of Gulistan and the 1828 Treaty of Turkmenchay. Per the 1829 Caucasus School Statute, Azerbaijani (Tatar) was taught in all district schools of Ganja, Shusha, Nukha (present-day Shaki), Shamakhi, Quba, Baku, Derbent, Yerevan, Nakhchivan, Akhaltsikhe, and Lankaran.[41]

Dialects of Azerbaijani

[edit]
Reza Shah and Kemal Atatürk during the Shah's official visit to Turkey in 1934. Reza Shah spoke in South Azerbaijani while Atatürk spoke in Turkish, and the two leaders managed to communicate with each other quite effectively.

Azerbaijani is one of the Oghuz languages within the Turkic language family. Ethnologue lists North Azerbaijani (spoken mainly in the Republic of Azerbaijan and Russia) and South Azerbaijani (spoken in Iran, Iraq, and Syria) as two groups within the Azerbaijani macrolanguage with "significant differences in phonology, lexicon, morphology, syntax, and loanwords" between the two.[3] The International Organization for Standardization (ISO) considers Northern and Southern Azerbaijani to be distinct languages.[42] Linguists Mohammad Salehi and Aydin Neysani write that "there is a high degree of mutual intelligibility" between North and South Azerbaijani.[42]

Svante Cornell wrote in his 2001 book Small Nations and Great Powers that "it is certain that Russian and Iranian words (sic), respectively, have entered the vocabulary on either side of the Araxes river, but this has not occurred to an extent that it could pose difficulties for communication".[43] There are numerous dialects, with 21 North Azerbaijani dialects and 11 South Azerbaijani dialects identified by Ethnologue.[3][4]

Three varieties have been accorded ISO 639-3 language codes: North Azerbaijani, South Azerbaijani and Qashqai. The Glottolog 4.1 database classifies North Azerbaijani, with 20 dialects, and South Azerbaijani, with 13 dialects, under the Modern Azeric family, a branch of Central Oghuz.[44]

In the northern dialects of the Azerbaijani language, linguists find traces of the influence of the Khazar language.[45]

According to Encyclopedia Iranica:[9]

We may distinguish the following Azeri dialects: (1) eastern group: Derbent (Darband), Kuba, Shemakha (Šamāḵī), Baku, Salyani (Salyānī), and Lenkoran (Lankarān), (2) western group: Kazakh (not to be confounded with the Kipchak-Turkic language of the same name), the dialect of the Ayrïm (Āyrom) tribe (which, however, resembles Turkish), and the dialect spoken in the region of the Borchala river; (3) northern group: Zakataly, Nukha, and Kutkashen; (4) southern group: Yerevan (Īravān), Nakhichevan (Naḵjavān), and Ordubad (Ordūbād); (5) central group: Ganja (Kirovabad) and Shusha; (6) North Iraqi dialects; (7) Northwest Iranian dialects: Tabrīz, Reżāʾīya (Urmia), etc., extended east to about Qazvīn; (8) Southeast Caspian dialect (Galūgāh). Optionally, we may adjoin as Azeri (or "Azeroid") dialects: (9) East Anatolian, (10) Qašqāʾī, (11) Aynallū, (12) Sonqorī, (13) dialects south of Qom, (14) Kabul Afšārī.

North Azerbaijani

[edit]
Azerbaijani-language road sign.

North Azerbaijani,[3] or Northern Azerbaijani, is the official language of the Republic of Azerbaijan. It is closely related to modern-day Istanbul Turkish, the official language of Turkey. It is also spoken in southern Dagestan, along the Caspian coast in the southern Caucasus Mountains and in scattered regions throughout Central Asia. As of 2011, there are some 9.23 million speakers of North Azerbaijani including 4 million monolingual speakers (many North Azerbaijani speakers also speak Russian, as is common throughout former USSR countries).[3]

The Shirvan dialect as spoken in Baku is the basis of standard Azerbaijani. Since 1992, it has been officially written with a Latin script in the Republic of Azerbaijan, but the older Cyrillic script was still widely used in the late 1990s.[46]

Ethnologue lists 21 North Azerbaijani dialects: "Quba, Derbend, Baku, Shamakhi, Salyan, Lenkaran, Qazakh, Airym, Borcala, Terekeme, Qyzylbash, Nukha, Zaqatala (Mugaly), Qabala, Nakhchivan, Ordubad, Ganja, Shusha (Karabakh), Karapapak, Kutkashen, Kuba".[3]

South Azerbaijani

[edit]

South Azerbaijani,[4] or Iranian Azerbaijani,[b] is widely spoken in Iranian Azerbaijan and, to a lesser extent, in neighboring regions of Turkey and Iraq, with smaller communities in Syria. In Iran, the Persian word for Azerbaijani is borrowed as Torki "Turkic".[4] In Iran, it is spoken mainly in East Azerbaijan, West Azerbaijan, Ardabil and Zanjan. It is also spoken in Tehran and across the Tehran Province, as Azerbaijanis form by far the largest minority in the city and the wider province,[48] comprising about 16[49][50] of its total population. The CIA World Factbook reports that in 2010, the percentage of Iranian Azerbaijani speakers was at around 16 percent of the Iranian population, or approximately 13 million people worldwide,[51] and ethnic Azeris form by far the second largest ethnic group of Iran, thus making the language also the second most spoken language in the nation. Ethnologue reports 10.9 million Azerbaijani-speakers in Iran in 2016 and 13,823,350 worldwide.[4]

Dialects of South Azerbaijani include:[4]

  • Aynallu (often considered a separate language[52][53][54])
  • Karapapakh (often considered a separate language.[55] The second edition of the Encyclopaedia of Islam mentions that it is close to both "Āzerī and the Turkish of Turkey".[55] The historian George Bournoutian only mentions that it is close to present-day Azeri-Türki.[56])
  • Afshari (often considered a separate language[57][58])
  • Shahsavani (sometimes considered its own dialect, distinct from other Turkic languages of northwestern Iran[59])
  • Baharlu (Kamesh)
  • Moqaddam
  • Nafar
  • Qaragozlu
  • Pishagchi
  • Bayat
  • Qajar
  • Tabriz

Comparison with other Turkic languages

[edit]

Russian comparatist Oleg Mudrak [ru] calls the Turkmen language the closest relative of Azerbaijani.[60]

Azerbaijani and Turkish

[edit]
Turkish, Azerbaijani, and Turkmen are Oghuz languages

Speakers of Turkish and Azerbaijani can, to an extent, communicate with each other as both languages have substantial similarity. However, it is easier for many Azerbaijani speakers to understand Turkish than it is for Turkish speakers to understand Azerbaijani.[61] Turkish soap operas are very popular with Azeris in both Iran and Azerbaijan. Reza Shah Pahlavi of Iran (who spoke South Azerbaijani) met with Mustafa Kemal Atatürk of Turkey (who spoke Turkish) in 1934; the two were filmed speaking their respective languages to each other and communicated effectively.[62][63]

In a 2011 study, 30 Turkish participants were tested to determine how well they understood written and spoken Azerbaijani. It was found that even though Turkish and Azerbaijani are typologically similar languages, on the part of Turkish speakers the intelligibility is not as high as is estimated.[64] In a 2017 study, Iranian Azerbaijanis scored in average 56% of receptive intelligibility in spoken Turkish.[65]

Azerbaijani exhibits a similar stress pattern to Turkish but simpler in some respects. Azerbaijani is a strongly stressed and partially stress-timed language, unlike Turkish which is weakly stressed and syllable-timed.[citation needed]

Below are some cognates with different spelling in Azerbaijani and Turkish:

Azerbaijani Turkish English
ayaqqabı ayakkabı shoes
ayaq ayak foot
kitab kitap book[66]
qan kan blood
qaz kaz goose
qaş kaş eyebrow
qar kar snow
daş taş stone

Azerbaijani and Turkmen

[edit]

The 1st person personal pronoun is mən in Azerbaijani just as men in Turkmen, whereas it is ben in Turkish. The same is true for demonstrative pronouns bu, where sound b is replaced with sound m. For example: bunun>munun/mının, muna/mına, munu/munı, munda/mında, mundan/mından.[67] This is observed in the Turkmen literary language as well, where the demonstrative pronoun bu undergoes some changes just as in: munuñ, munı, muña, munda, mundan, munça.[68] b>m replacement is encountered in many dialects of the Turkmen language and may be observed in such words as: boyun>moyın in Yomut – Gunbatar dialect, büdüremek>müdüremek in Ersari and Stavropol Turkmens' dialects, bol>mol in Karakalpak Turkmens' dialects, buzav>mizov in Kirac dialects.[69]

Here are some words from the Swadesh list to compare Azerbaijani with Turkmen:[70]

Azerbaijani Turkmen English
mən men I, me
sən sen you
haçan haçan when
başqa başga other
it, köpək it, köpek dog
dəri deri skin, leather
yumurta ýumurtga egg
ürək ýürek heart
eşitmək eşitmek to hear

Oghuric

[edit]

Azerbaijani dialects share paradigms of verbs in some tenses with the Chuvash language,[45] on which linguists also rely in the study and reconstruction of the Khazar language.[45]

Phonology

[edit]

Phonotactics

[edit]

Azerbaijani phonotactics is similar to that of other Oghuz Turkic languages, except:

  • Trimoraic syllables with long vowels are permissible.
  • There is an ongoing metathesis of neighboring consonants in a word.[71] Speakers tend to reorder consonants in the order of decreasing sonority and back-to-front (for example, iləri becomes irəli, köprü becomes körpü, topraq becomes torpaq). Some of the metatheses are so common in the educated speech that they are reflected in orthography (all the above examples are like that). This phenomenon is more common in rural dialects but observed even in educated young urban speakers, but noticeably absent from some Southern dialects.
  • Intramorpheme q /g/ becomes /x/.

Consonants

[edit]
Consonant phonemes of Standard Azerbaijani
  Labial Dental Alveolar Palato-
alveolar
Palatal Velar Glottal
Nasal   m       n          (ŋ)    
Stop/Affricate p b t d     t͡ʃ  d͡ʒ c ɟ (k) ɡ  
Fricative f v s z     ʃ ʒ x ɣ h  
Approximant           l     j      
Flap           ɾ            
  1. Outside Iran, the sound [k] is used only in loanwords; the historical unpalatalized [k] became voiced to [ɡ], and was only preserved in Iran.
  2. /t͡ʃ/ and /d͡ʒ/ are realised as [t͡s] and [d͡z] respectively in the areas around Tabriz and to the west, south and southwest of Tabriz (including Kirkuk in Iraq); in the Nakhchivan and Ayrum dialects, in Cəbrayil and some Caspian coastal dialects;.[72]
  3. Sounds /t͡s/ and /d͡z/ may also be recognized as separate phonemic sounds in the Tabrizi and southern dialects.[73]
  4. In most dialects of Azerbaijani, /c/ is realized as [ç] when it is found in the syllabic coda or is preceded by a voiceless consonant (as in çörək [t͡ʃœˈɾæç] – "bread"; səksən [sæçˈsæn] – "eighty").
  5. /w/ exists in the Kirkuk dialect as an allophone of /v/ in Arabic loanwords.
  6. In colloquial speech, /x/ (but not intramorpheme [x] transformed from /g/) is usually pronounced as [χ]

Dialectal consonants

[edit]

Works on Azerbaijani dialectology use the following notations for dialectal consonants:[74][75][76]

  • Ⱪ ⱪ—[k]
  • X' x'—[ç]
  • Ŋ ŋ—[ŋ]
  • Ц ц—[t͡s]
  • Dz dz—[d͡z]
  • Ž ž—[ð]
  • W w—[w, ɥ]

Examples:

  • [k]—ⱪış [kɯʃ]
  • [ç]—üzüx' [ʔyzyç]
  • [ŋ]—ataŋın [ʔɑt̪ɑŋɯn̪]
  • [t͡s]—цay [t͡sɑj]
  • [d͡z]—dzan [d͡zɑn̪]
  • [ð]—əžəli [ʔæðæl̪ɪ]
  • [w]—dowşan [d̪ɔːwʃɑn̪]
  • [ɥ]—töwlə [t̪œːɥl̪æ]

Vowels

[edit]

The vowels of the Azerbaijani are, in alphabetical order,[77] a /ɑ/, e /e/, ə /æ/, ı /ɯ/, i /i/, o /o/, ö /œ/, u /u/, ü /y/.[78][79][80]

South Azerbaijani vowel chart, from Mokari & Werner (2016:509)
Vowels of Standard Azerbaijani
Front Back
Unrounded Rounded Unrounded Rounded
Close i y ɯ u
Mid e œ o
Open æ ɑ

The typical phonetic quality of South Azerbaijani vowels is as follows:

  • /i, u, æ/ are close to cardinal [i, u, a].[81]
  • The F1 and F2 formant frequencies overlap for /œ/ and /ɯ/. Their acoustic quality is more or less close-mid central [ɵ, ɘ]. The main role in the distinction of two vowels is played by the different F3 frequencies in audition,[82] and rounding in articulation. Phonologically, however, they are more distinct: /œ/ is phonologically a mid front rounded vowel, the front counterpart of /o/ and the rounded counterpart of /e/. /ɯ/ is phonologically a close back unrounded vowel, the back counterpart of /i/ and the unrounded counterpart of /u/.
  • The other mid vowels /e, o/ are closer to close-mid [e, o] than open-mid [ɛ, ɔ].[81]
  • /ɑ/ is phonetically near-open back [ɑ̝].[81]

Diphthongs

[edit]

The modern Azerbaijani Latin alphabet contains the digraphs ov and öv to represent diphthongs present in the language, and the pronunciation of diphthongs is today accepted as the norm in the orthophony of Azerbaijani.[83] Despite this, the number and even the existence of diphthongs in Azerbaijani has been disputed, with some linguists, such as Abdulazal Damirchizade [az], arguing that they are non-phonemic. Damirchizade's view was challenged by others, such as Aghamusa Akhundov [az], who argued that Damirchizade was taking orthography as the basis of his judgement, rather than its phonetic value. According to Akhundov, Azerbaijani contains two diphthongs, /ou̯/ and /œy̯/,[85] represented by ov and öv in the alphabet, both of which are phonemic due to their contrast with /o/ and /œ/, represented by o and ö.[86] In some cases, a non-syllabic /v/ can also be pronounced after the aforementioned diphthongs, to form /ou̯v/ and /œy̯v/, the rules of which are as follows:[87]

  • If the letter o precedes v and then u, forming ovu, it should be pronounced as /ou̯/, e.g. sovurmaq, pronounced [sou̯rˈmɑx].
  • If the letter o precedes v and then any consonant, it should be pronounced as /ou̯(v)/, with the pronunciation of the v being optional, e.g. dovşan, pronounced [dou̯(v)ˈʃɑn].
  • If the letter ö precedes v and then any unvoiced consonant, it should be pronounced as /œy̯/, e.g. cövhər, pronounced [d͡ʒœy̯ˈhær].
  • If the letter ö precedes v and then any voiced consonant, it should be pronounced as /œy̯(v)/, with the pronunciation of the v being optional, e.g. tövbə, pronounced [tœy̯(v)ˈbæ].

Modern linguists who have examined Azerbaijani's vowel system almost unanimously have recognised that diphthongs are phonetically produced in speech.[88]

Writing systems

[edit]

Before 1929, Azerbaijani was written only in the Perso-Arabic alphabet, an impure abjad that does not represent all vowels (without diacritical marks). In Iran, the process of standardization of orthography started with the publication of Azerbaijani magazines and newspapers such as Varlıq (وارلیقExistence) from 1979. Azerbaijani-speaking scholars and literarians showed great interest in involvement in such ventures and in working towards the development of a standard writing system. These effort culminated in language seminars being held in Tehran, chaired by the founder of Varlıq, Javad Heyat, in 2001 where a document outlining the standard orthography and writing conventions were published for the public.[5] This standard of writing is today canonized by a Persian–Azeri Turkic dictionary in Iran titled Loghatnāme-ye Torki-ye Āzarbāyjāni.[89]

Between 1929 and 1938, a Latin alphabet was in use for North Azerbaijani, although it was different from the one used now. From 1938 to 1991, the Cyrillic script was used. Lastly, in 1991, the current Latin alphabet was introduced, although the transition to it has been rather slow.[90] For instance, until an Aliyev decree on the matter in 2001,[91] newspapers would routinely write headlines in the Latin script, leaving the stories in Cyrillic.[92] The transition has also resulted in some misrendering of İ as Ì.[93][94] In Dagestan, Azerbaijani is still written in Cyrillic script.

The Azerbaijani Latin alphabet is based on the Turkish Latin alphabet. In turn, the Turkish Latin alphabet was based on former Azerbaijani Latin alphabet because of their linguistic connections and mutual intelligibility. The letters Әə, Xx, and Qq are available only in Azerbaijani for sounds which do not exist as separate phonemes in Turkish.

Old Latin
(1929–1938 version;
no longer in use;
replaced by 1991 version)
Official Latin
(Azerbaijan
since 1991)
Cyrillic
(1958 version,
still official
in Dagestan)
Perso-Arabic
(Iran;
Azerbaijan
until 1929)
IPA
A a А а آ / ـا /ɑ/
B в B b Б б ب /b/
Ç ç C c Ҹ ҹ ج /dʒ/
C c Ç ç Ч ч چ /tʃ/
D d Д д د /d/
E e Е е ئ /e/
Ə ə Ә ә ا / َ / ە /æ/
F f Ф ф ف /f/
G g Ҝ ҝ گ /ɟ/
Ƣ ƣ Ğ ğ Ғ ғ غ /ɣ/
H h Һ һ ح / ه /h/
X x Х х خ /x/
Ь ь I ı Ы ы ؽ /ɯ/
I i İ i И и ی /i/
Ƶ ƶ J j Ж ж ژ /ʒ/
K k К к ک /k/, /c/
Q q Г г ق /ɡ/
L l Л л ل /l/
M m М м م /m/
N n Н н ن /n/
Ꞑ ꞑ[c] ݣ / نگ /ŋ/
O o О о وْ /o/
Ɵ ɵ Ö ö Ө ө ؤ /œ/
P p П п پ /p/
R r Р р ر /r/
S s С с ث / س / ص /s/
Ş ş Ш ш ش /ʃ/
T t Т т ت / ط /t/
U u У у ۇ /u/
Y y Ü ü Ү ү ۆ /y/
V v В в و /v/
J j Y y Ј ј ی /j/
Z z З з ذ / ز / ض / ظ /z/
ʼ ع /ʔ/

Northern Azerbaijani, unlike Turkish, respells foreign names to conform with Latin Azerbaijani spelling, e.g. Bush is spelled Buş and Schröder becomes Şröder. Hyphenation across lines directly corresponds to spoken syllables, except for geminated consonants which are hyphenated as two separate consonants as morphonology considers them two separate consonants back to back but enunciated in the onset of the latter syllable as a single long consonant, as in other Turkic languages.[citation needed]

Sample text

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Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights:

Arabic script (12th century–1926):

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بُتون إنسان‌لَر لَیاقَت و حُقوق‌لَرینه گوره آزاد و بَرابَر طوغُلورلَر. اونلَرِݣ شعورلَری و وِجدانلَری وار و بِر بِرلَرینه مُناسِبَت‌ده قَرداش‌لِق روحنده طاورانمه‌لیدِرلَر

Arabic script (1926–1928):

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بۆتون اینسانلار لیاقت و حۆقوقلارینا گؤره آزاد و برابر دوْغولورلار. اوٓنلارین شۆعورلاری و ویجدانلاری وار و بیر-بیرلرینه مۆناسیبتده قارداشلیق روحوندا داورانمالیدیرلار

Latin script (1928–1933):

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Butun insanlar ləjakət və hukykları̡na ƣɵrə azad və bərabər dogylyrlar. Onları̡ŋ зuyrları̡ və vicdanları̡ var və bir-birlərinə munasibətdə kardaзlı̡k ryhynda davranmalı̡dı̡rlar.

Yañalif (1933–1939):

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Bytyn insanlar ləjaqət və hyquqlarьna gɵrə azad və вəraвər doƣulurlar. Onlarьŋ şyurlarь və viçdanlarь var və вir-вirlərinə mynasiвətdə qardaşlьq ruhunda davranmalьdьrlar.

Cyrillic script (1940–1958):

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Бүтүн инсанлар ләягәт вә һүгугларына ҝөрә азад вә бәрабәр доғулурлар. Онларын шүурлары вә виҹданлары вар вә бир-бирләринә мүнасибәтдә гардашлыг руһунда давранмалыдырлар.

Cyrillic script (1958–1991):

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Бүтүн инсанлар ләјагәт вә һүгугларына ҝөрә азад вә бәрабәр доғулурлар. Онларын шүурлары вә виҹданлары вар вә бир-бирләринә мүнасибәтдә гардашлыг руһунда давранмалыдырлар.

Latin script (1991–1992):

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Bütün insanlar läyaqät vä hüquqlarına görä azad vä bärabär doğulurlar. Onların şüurları vä vicdanları var vä bir-birlärinä münasibätdä qardaşlıq ruhunda davranmalıdırlar.

Latin script (1992–present):

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Bütün insanlar ləyaqət və hüquqlarına görə azad və bərabər doğulurlar. Onların şüurları və vicdanları var və bir-birlərinə münasibətdə qardaşlıq ruhunda davranmalıdırlar.

[byt̪yn̪ in̪s̪ɑ̝n̪:ɑ̝ɾ l̪æjɑ̝ːɢæt̪ hygukl̪ɑ̝ɾən̪ɑ̝ ɟœɾæ ʔɑ̞ːz̪ɑ̝t̪ bæɾɑ̝ːbæɾ d̪ɔʁuɫ̪ul̪:ˤɑ̝ɾ ɔn̪:ɑ̝ɾən̪ ɕyʔuɾ:ɑ̝ɾə vid͡ʑd̪ɑ̝n̪:ɑ̝ɾə vɑ̝ɾ biɾbiɾ:æɾin̪æ myn̪ɑ̝ːs̪ibæt̪̊d̪æ gɑ̝ɾd̪ɑ̝ʃd̪əx ɾuːhun̪d̪ɑ̝ d̪ɑ̝vɾɑ̝m:ɑ̝lˤəd̪əlɑ̝ɾ]

English translation:

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All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood.

Vocabulary

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Interjections

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Some samples include:

Secular:

  • Of ("Ugh!")
  • Tez Ol ("Be quick!")

Invoking deity:

  • implicitly:
    • Aman ("Mercy")
    • Çox şükür ("Much thanks")
  • explicitly:
    • Allah Allah (pronounced as Allahallah) ("Goodness gracious")
    • Hay Allah; Vallah "By God [I swear it]".
    • Çox şükür allahım ("Much thanks my God")

Formal and informal

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Azerbaijani has informal and formal ways of saying things. This is because there is a strong tu-vous distinction in Turkic languages like Azerbaijani and Turkish (as well as in many other languages). The informal "you" is used when talking to close friends, relatives, animals or children. The formal "you" is used when talking to someone who is older than the speaker or to show respect (to a professor, for example).

As in many Turkic languages, personal pronouns can be omitted, and they are only added for emphasis.

Since 1992, North Azerbaijani has used a phonetic writing system, so pronunciation is easy: most words are pronounced exactly as they are spelled. However, the combination qq in words is pronounced [kɡ], as the first voiced velar stop is devoiced when it is geminated, such as in çaqqal, pronounced [t͡ʃɑkɡɑl].[95][96]

Category English North Azerbaijani (in Latin script)
Basic expressions yes /hæ/ (informal), bəli (formal)
no yox /jox/ (informal), xeyr (formal)
hello salam /sɑlɑm/
goodbye sağ ol /ˈsɑɣ ol/
sağ olun /ˈsɑɣ olun/ (formal)
good morning sabahınız xeyir /sɑbɑhɯ(nɯ)z xejiɾ/
good afternoon günortanız xeyir /ɟynoɾt(ɑn)ɯz xejiɾ/
good evening axşamın xeyir /ɑxʃɑmɯn xejiɾ/
axşamınız xeyir /ɑxʃɑmɯ(nɯ)z xejiɾ/
Colours black qara /ɡɑɾɑ/
blue göy /ɟœj/
brown qəhvəyi / qonur
grey boz /boz/
green yaşıl /jaʃɯl/
orange narıncı /nɑɾɯnd͡ʒɯ/
pink çəhrayı

/t͡ʃæhɾɑjɯ/

purple bənövşəyi

/bænœy̑ʃæji/

red qırmızı /ɡɯɾmɯzɯ/
white /ɑɣ/
yellow sarı /sɑɾɯ/
golden qızıl

Numbers

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Number Word
0 sıfır /ˈsɯfɯɾ/
1 bir /biɾ/
2 iki /ici/
3 üç /yt͡ʃ/
4 dörd /dœɾd/
5 beş /beʃ/
6 altı /ɑltɯ/
7 yeddi /jeddi/
8 səkkiz /sæcciz/
9 doqquz /dokɡuz/
10 on /on/

The numbers 11–19 are constructed as on bir and on iki, literally meaning "ten-one, ten-two" and so on up to on doqquz ("ten-nine").

Number Word
20 iyirmi /ijiɾmi/[d]
30 otuz /otuz/
40 qırx /ɡɯɾx/
50 əlli /ælli/

Greater numbers are constructed by combining in tens and thousands larger to smaller in the same way, without using a conjunction in between.

Notes

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References

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Bibliography

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Azerbaijani, also known as Azeri, is a Turkic of the Oghuz branch spoken primarily by ethnic in the Republic of and northwestern , with an estimated 23 to 30 million speakers worldwide. It functions as the of , where the northern variety predominates and employs a Latin-based standardized since 1991. In , the southern variety utilizes a modified Perso-Arabic script and is spoken by a larger population, though lacking official status. The two varieties exhibit high due to shared Oghuz Turkic features, including agglutinative , , and extensive lexical overlap with Turkish. Azerbaijani has evolved from earlier Oghuz dialects influenced by Persian and , developing a rich literary tradition dating back to the .

Origins and Historical Development

Etymology and Name

The designation "Azerbaijani" for the modern Turkic language spoken primarily in derives from the regional toponym , which traces its etymology to the ancient satrapy of —known in as Āturpātakān—named after , a Persian under in the 4th century BCE whose name means "protected by fire" or "fire guardian" in Old Iranian. Prior to the 11th-century influx of , the region hosted the Iranian language Āḏarī (Arabic al-āḏarīya), a northwestern Iranian tongue unrelated to the contemporary Azerbaijani language but lending historical resonance to the area's nomenclature. In medieval and early modern contexts, including under Qajar Persian and Ottoman suzerainty, the emerging Oghuz Turkic vernacular was commonly termed Turkish (türkī or azərbaycan türkcəsi), reflecting its close affinity to Anatolian Turkish and classification within the Oghuz branch. This persisted into the short-lived (1918–1920), where legislation in June 1918 enshrined "Turkish" as the state language to align with ethnic-linguistic realities and pan-Turkic aspirations. Soviet policies, culminating in a 1930s directive attributed to , mandated renaming the language Azerbaijani (or Azeri) to differentiate it from Turkey's Turkish, thereby curtailing cross-border cultural ties and pan-Turkic unity amid efforts to consolidate Soviet control over ethnic identities. This shift, enacted around 1936–1937 alongside adoption, marked a departure from pre-Soviet usage and emphasized over broader Turkic affiliation. Post-1991 independence saw temporary reversions—such as brief official use of "Turkish" in 1992–1995—but the 1995 constitution reinstated "Azerbaijani" (Azərbaycan dili) as the standard term, prioritizing national distinction. Ongoing debates contrast "Azeri" as an informal abbreviation with the fuller "Azerbaijani," the latter favored domestically to avoid conflation with the extinct Āḏarī or dilution of sovereignty; pan-Turkic advocates, particularly in Iran where southern varieties predominate, prefer "South Azerbaijani Turkish" to highlight dialectal continuity with standard Turkish rather than separate status.

Pre-Turkic Substratum

Prior to the 11th-century migrations of Oghuz Turkic tribes into the region, the territory of modern was predominantly inhabited by speakers of , including the extinct Northwestern Iranian dialect known as Āḏarī (). This linguistic layer, documented in medieval sources as al-āḏarīya, prevailed under Sassanid Persian rule (224–651 CE) and continued amid early Islamic conquests, reflecting a continuity of Iranian-speaking populations in the area. Āḏarī, closely related to and Parthian branches, is attested in scattered toponyms and glosses but lacks extensive textual records, with its linked to progressive Turkic demographic shifts rather than sudden replacement. Substrate effects from Āḏarī and related Iranian varieties persist in modern Azerbaijani, manifesting in phonological adaptations such as disrupted (e.g., invariable suffixes like -max in bil-max "to know"), fronted vowels (e.g., a > ä in bäxt "," contrasting Turkish baht), and palatalized (e.g., [ćöć] for kök ""). retains Iranian-derived terms, particularly in domains like and (e.g., bar "fruit," payïz "autumn") and basic (e.g., asan "easy," küčä "street"), integrated during the substrate phase when pre-existing Iranian speakers adopted Turkic as a superstrate. Toponyms further evidence this layer, with Iranian etymons underlying names across the region, as seen in the persistence of elements like those in Ātṛpātakāna (ancient precursor to ) and compounded forms in Turkish-speaking Iranian , indicating incomplete linguistic erasure. Archaeological and textual records from Sassanid inscriptions and medieval Persian-Arabic chronicles illustrate a gradual Turkicization process, characterized by prolonged Irano-Turkic rather than conquest-driven linguistic overthrow, with Iranian substrate embedding deeply into incoming Oghuz varieties through bilingualism and population admixture over centuries. This empirical pattern counters models of abrupt replacement, as hybrid forms in early Azeri texts (e.g., 14th–16th centuries) show layered Iranian , such as Persian-influenced subordinative clauses (e.g., Görmüšäm ki, onlar xošbäxt olublar "I saw that they became happy"). Such traces underscore the causal role of substrate interference in shaping Azerbaijani's deviation from purer Oghuz norms.

Turkicization and Medieval Period

The influx of Oghuz Turkic tribes into the region, particularly through the Seljuk migrations spanning the 11th to 13th centuries, initiated the primary phase of linguistic Turkicization in what is now . Originating from Central Asian steppes, these nomadic groups, led by the established around 1037 CE, advanced westward following their conversion to circa 985 CE, conquering territories including by the mid-11th century under leaders like Tughril Beg. This demographic expansion involved mass settlement of pastoralist tribes, which outnumbered and culturally assimilated indigenous Iranian-speaking populations, such as speakers of the extinct language, through mechanisms including elite dominance, intermarriage, and conversion incentives tied to land grants and military integration. attests that by the late Seljuk era, Oghuz dialects had become predominant in urban centers and rural areas, supplanting prior Iranian substrates while retaining phonological and lexical traces, such as vowel shifts and substrate loanwords in and . The adaptation of Oghuz Turkic into a distinct regional variety accelerated under subsequent multicultural empires, where it blended with local elements without yielding grammatical core to Iranian or Semitic structures. During Ilkhanid rule (1256–1335 CE), the Mongol successor state in Persia and the Caucasus fostered a multilingual environment, but Turkic served as a vehicular tongue among nomadic levies and administrators, incorporating Persian administrative terms and Arabic religious lexicon via calques rather than syntactic borrowing. This period saw the earliest attestations of written Oghuz in Arabic script, modified with diacritics for Turkic phonemes absent in Arabic, as evidenced in fragmentary administrative texts and oral-derived epics like the Kitab-i Dede Korkut, transcribed in the 15th century but rooted in 11th–12th-century Oghuz folklore reflecting Caucasian settings. Literary emergence crystallized in the 14th century with poets like Imadaddin Nasimi (d. ca. 1417 CE), whose ghazals and divan in vernacular Oghuz Turkic—alongside Persian and Arabic—explored Hurufi mysticism, marking a shift from Persian-dominated court poetry to native expression amid Timurid patronage. In the Safavid era (1501–1736 CE), Azerbaijani Turkic solidified as a within the empire's diverse domains, functioning as the primary idiom of the military elite—who traced descent from Oghuz tribes—and court bureaucracy under Shah Ismail I, himself a native speaker. This role stemmed from the Safavids' Turkic tribal origins, enabling Turkic to mediate between Persian chancery use and tribal vernaculars, though Persian retained prestige in historiography and diplomacy. Lexical enrichment from Persian (e.g., abstract nouns) and (e.g., Islamic terminology, often filtered through Persian) reached up to 30% in literary registers by the , yet agglutinative morphology, vowel , and SOV syntax preserved Oghuz integrity, underscoring migration-driven causal dominance over substrate erosion. Such integration propelled Azerbaijani's utility in multicultural governance, from to the frontiers, without supplanting Persian's cultural .

Modern Standardization and Reforms

In the mid-19th century, initiated linguistic reforms aimed at modernizing Azerbaijani written language, which had been a hybrid of Persian, , and Turkic elements, by advocating for phonetic principles and simplified to enhance clarity and . His 1857 proposals marked the onset of Enlightenment-era efforts to align the script more closely with spoken forms, influencing subsequent debates on . During the early Soviet period, adopted a Latin-based in , following commissions established to unify Turkic scripts and promote , as part of broader latinization campaigns across Soviet Turkic republics. This shift from facilitated mass education but was reversed in 1939 when mandated Cyrillic imposition to sever ties with pan-Turkic movements and reinforce Soviet integration. Following in 1991, Azerbaijan's adopted a modified on December 25, restoring a version akin to the pre-1939 system to symbolize cultural reconnection with Turkic roots and reduce Russian linguistic influence. Post-Soviet policies emphasized through state-supported initiatives to purge Russicisms from vocabulary and elevate Azerbaijani in and administration, with policies promoting the language alongside English and Russian in schools. By 2023, formalized rules for geographical names into English, aiding digital and international as reported to the . Recent analyses highlight challenges to language vitality, attributing potential degradation to , migration, and dominance of major world languages, which erode lexical purity and usage among youth despite official safeguards. These concerns underscore ongoing reforms to bolster native terminology in media and technology, countering external pressures while maintaining empirical focus on rates exceeding 99% post-independence.

Linguistic Classification and Dialects

Affiliation with Turkic Languages

Azerbaijani is classified as a within the Oghuz , specifically the southwestern subgroup, alongside Turkish and Turkmen. This positioning is supported by shared typological features, including agglutinative morphology where suffixes denote grammatical relations, constraining vowel sequences within words, and a core vocabulary derived from Proto-Turkic roots such as ata for "father" and su for "water." These elements align Azerbaijani with the Common Turkic lineage, distinct from the Oghuric exemplified by Chuvash, which retains archaic traits like initial stress and non-harmonizing vowels absent in Oghuz varieties. Claims positing an Iranian origin for modern Azerbaijani are refuted by the dominance of Turkic grammatical and basic , which show systematic correspondences to other rather than Iranian patterns like ergativity or fusional morphology. While Persian loanwords constitute 20-40% of the due to historical contact—e.g., ketab for "" from Persian—such borrowings do not alter the underlying Turkic framework, as evidenced by comparative reconstructions tracing Azerbaijani's and to Oghuz ancestors rather than Iranian substrates. Linguistic consensus, drawn from phonological and morphological analyses, confirms Azerbaijani's Turkic affiliation over alternative ethnolinguistic hypotheses. Azerbaijani exhibits 65-90% with Turkish, varying by dialect and exposure, with higher lexical overlap but divergences in (e.g., Azerbaijani's rounded front vowels) and influenced by Russian or Persian. This proximity fuels debate on its status: pan-Turkic perspectives, rooted in early 20th-century movements, often term it "Azerbaijani Turkish" to underscore shared heritage and agglutinative unity, promoting linguistic solidarity across Turkic states. In contrast, the Azerbaijani government emphasizes its distinctiveness through standardized and since in 1991, framing it as a separate to bolster amid regional politics. These views reflect not only linguistic realities but also ideological priorities, with favoring as a closely related but independent Oghuz .

Dialect Continuum and Mutual Intelligibility

The constitutes a , characterized by gradual linguistic transitions across its geographic range from the Caspian littoral in northern to the plain in northwestern , without discrete boundaries demarcating discrete dialects. Isoglosses—lines mapping the distribution of specific phonological, morphological, or lexical features—form bundles that outline regional subgroups, such as the separation between eastern and western varieties, rather than rigid divisions. This structure reflects historical migrations and settlement patterns of Oghuz Turkic speakers, overlaid on pre-existing substrata, resulting in a chain of mutually transitioning forms. Mutual intelligibility prevails among adjacent varieties, with speakers typically comprehending one another at rates exceeding 90% in everyday discourse, diminishing progressively with geographic separation but remaining sufficient to preclude as separate languages. Empirical assessments of Oghuz Turkic varieties, including Azerbaijani, underscore this unity, as core grammatical structures and Turkic lexicon facilitate cross-variety understanding despite peripheral divergences. Lexical disparities arise primarily from external admixtures: northern forms incorporate Russian borrowings from Soviet-era administration (e.g., over 5% of modern vocabulary in some registers), while southern varieties integrate Persian and loans via cultural dominance in , potentially reducing inter-variety comprehension by 10-20% in lexicon-heavy contexts. No subdialect has achieved sufficient or institutional separation to merit independent status under ISO 639 criteria, as shared phonological harmony, agglutinative morphology, and SOV syntax dominate across the continuum. Linguistic surveys emphasize the primacy of this common Turkic substrate over areal variations, affirming Azerbaijani's coherence as a single macrolanguage encompassing northern and southern branches.

Northern Azerbaijani Varieties

Northern Azerbaijani varieties, spoken mainly in the Republic of Azerbaijan and southern (), form the basis of the standardized Azerbaijani language used officially in the country. The standard form draws primarily from the urban dialect of , incorporating northeastern and regional features for , , and . This standardization occurred during the Soviet era and post-independence reforms, prioritizing intelligibility across urban centers while preserving core Oghuz Turkic traits. Dialectal groups within Northern Azerbaijani include northeastern varieties (e.g., around Zakataly and Nukha/Sheki), western subgroups, and Shirvan-Karabakh clusters, distinguished by subtle lexical and phonetic shifts such as variations in and consonant assimilation. These varieties exhibit with the standard, though rural speakers may retain archaic forms or local idioms less common in Baku-influenced speech. Phonetically, Northern varieties characteristically retain the uvular /q/ (orthographically q), pronounced as or [ɢ] in initial and medial positions, distinguishing them from mergers in some other . Vocabulary in Northern Azerbaijani reflects historical Russian influence from the 19th-century tsarist period and Soviet administration (1920–1991), incorporating loanwords for technical, administrative, and everyday terms—examples include alqoritm (), eskalator (), and repressiya (repression)—often adapted phonetically but retaining Slavic roots. Post-independence efforts since have promoted purist alternatives, yet Russian-derived terms persist in informal and specialized registers. As the , Northern Azerbaijani varieties underpin , media, and functions in , with Baku-standard speech dominating and textbooks since the Latin-script . Rural dialects, particularly in remote northeastern and western areas, experience minor pressure toward due to , internal migration to (population over 2.3 million as of 2023), and economic shifts favoring urban employment, potentially eroding hyper-local features among younger speakers. No dialects are classified as endangered overall, given the language's institutional support and 9.2 million native speakers in per 2023 estimates.

Southern Azerbaijani Varieties

Southern Azerbaijani varieties, also termed South Azerbaijani, encompass the dialects spoken predominantly in northwestern , including regions around , , and , extending into parts of eastern and . These form the southern segment of the Azerbaijani , distinct from the northern varieties due to geographic separation and historical influences. The dialect functions as the de facto prestige form and informal standard for Iranian speakers, reflecting its cultural and demographic prominence as the of Iran's largest Azerbaijani-speaking urban center. Phonologically, Southern varieties diverge from the Northern standard in consonant realizations and prosodic features; for instance, the dialect features a 23-consonant inventory with four affricates—such as [t͡s] and [t͡ʃ]—which are less common in core Turkic systems, alongside stress typically falling on the final in nouns and adjectives. Lexical differences arise from extended contact with Persian, resulting in substantial borrowing of content and function words across semantic domains, including administration, culture, and daily life, beyond the shared Turkic core. This Persian substrate contributes to autonomy from Northern norms, where Russian and Ottoman influences predominated historically. In , these varieties lack formal codification, with no state-sanctioned , , or imposing uniformity, leading to reliance on oral transmission and ad hoc Perso-Arabic script adaptations for writing. Literary expression persists through oral traditions like recitation, though printed works remain limited and unregulated. with Northern Azerbaijani remains substantial, enabling basic comprehension despite phonological and lexical variances, as affirmed by linguistic analyses emphasizing the continuum's unity. Some Iranian speakers and advocates designate it "Azeri Turkish" to underscore its Turkic affiliation and press for educational and media recognition, amid debates over linguistic identity.

Phonology

Consonant Inventory

The consonant phonemes of standard Azerbaijani, representative of the northern dialect spoken in Azerbaijan, number 23 in the core inventory, though some analyses count up to 25 when including marginal or dialectal segments like /h/ or /ŋ/ in onset positions. The system features obstruent contrasts in voicing for stops (/p/–/b/, /t/–/d/, /k/–/g/), affricates (/t͡ʃ/–/d͡ʒ/), and most fricatives, with voiceless stops generally unaspirated word-initially but showing aspiratory release in other contexts; the uvular stop /q/ lacks a phonemic voiced counterpart, instead alternating with its fricative allophone [ɣ].
BilabialLabio-dentalDental/AlveolarPost-alveolarPalatalVelarUvularGlottal
Nasalmn
Plosiveq
Affricate
Fricativef vs z
Approximant
Rhotic/Laterall ɾ
The velar nasal /ŋ/ appears marginally, primarily in coda position (e.g., daŋ ""), and is rare or absent in word-initial onsets across dialects. Fricatives /χ/ (orthographic x) and /ɣ/ (ğ) are post-velar or uvular, with /χ/ often realized as in intervocalic or dialectal contexts, particularly in northern varieties; southern dialects may merge or shift these to glottal more frequently. Affricates and stops devoice in word-final position (e.g., /t͡ʃ/ → [t͡ʃʰ] or devoiced), but the voicing distinction remains phonemic elsewhere. Southern Azerbaijani varieties, spoken in , occasionally include additional affricates like /t͡s/ and /d͡z/, expanding the inventory slightly, though these are not standard in the northern norm.

Vowel System and Harmony

The Azerbaijani language features a nine-vowel system consisting of /ɑ, æ, e, ə, i, o, ø, u, y, ɯ/, with no phonemic vowel length distinction. These vowels are classified by height (high, mid, low), backness (front or back), and rounding (rounded or unrounded), forming a symmetrical inventory typical of Oghuz Turkic languages. The central vowel /ə/ is unique as a mid central unrounded schwa, primarily occurring in non-initial syllables.
VowelIPAOrthographyDescription
a/ɑ/aLow back unrounded
e/e/eMid front unrounded
ə/ə/əMid central unrounded
i/i/iHigh front unrounded
o/o/oMid back rounded
ö/ø/öMid front rounded
u/u/uHigh back rounded
ü/y/üHigh front rounded
ı/ɯ/ıHigh back unrounded
Acoustic analyses reveal distinct formant structures for these vowels, with F1 and F2 frequencies enabling clear perceptual differentiation; for instance, /ø/ exhibits higher F2 values indicative of front rounding, contributing to the system's perceptual cohesion. Azerbaijani employs strict vowel harmony, governed by two parameters: palatal harmony (front vs. back) and labial harmony (rounded vs. unrounded). Suffix vowels assimilate to the harmony features of the root vowel, typically the last vowel in the stem; for example, the plural suffix alternates as -lər after front vowels and -lar after back vowels. This ensures phonological uniformity within words, a hallmark of Turkic phonology that facilitates rapid speech processing and morphological parsing. Exceptions to harmony occur primarily in loanwords from , Persian, or Russian, where stem vowels may not conform, leading to disharmonic suffixes that adapt partially or retain foreign qualities. In southern Azerbaijani varieties spoken in , harmony is somewhat laxer, with occasional mergers such as reduced distinctions between /e/ and /ə/, and less consistent application in final syllables due to dialectal innovations.

Phonotactics and Prosody

The syllable structure of Azerbaijani adheres to a predominantly open pattern, favoring CV or CVC templates, with and VC syllables also permitted, though onsets are common in native words. Word-initial consonant clusters are absent, reflecting the language's Turkic heritage where onsets consist of single s. Coda positions exhibit restrictions, such as the avoidance of affricates in some varieties, and permit up to two consonants in complex codas like , primarily in loanwords or through suffixation. arises frequently via regressive assimilation, especially when identical consonants meet at boundaries, such as root-final stops followed by suffix-initial stops, resulting in doubled consonants like in səkkiz 'eight'. Prosodically, Azerbaijani employs word-final stress as the default, with primary accent falling on the last of unless overridden by morphological factors. Exceptions occur in imperative forms and with negative es like -mA, where stress shifts leftward to the suffix or initial , altering rhythmic prominence. Intonation contours feature falling pitch for declarative sentences and wh-questions, while polar questions exhibit rising intonation, a pattern intensified in southern varieties under Persian substrate influence. The language maintains a , contrasting with stress-timed systems, though Persian loans introduce occasional lengthening in conservative pronunciations, contributing to trimoraic effects in affected . Dialectal variations include minor in rapid speech, particularly in northern forms, which can smooth prosodic flow without disrupting core templates.

Grammar

Morphological Structure

Azerbaijani is an in which are primarily expressed through the sequential addition of suffixes to and stems, each suffix conveying a discrete with a single function such as case, possession, number, tense, or mood. This process results in transparent morpheme boundaries without fusional elements, where multiple suffixes stack linearly on a base without altering the form or meaning of preceding affixes. Affixes adhere to , matching the vowel features of the stem to maintain phonological consistency in derivation and . Nominal morphology follows a strict order: plurality (e.g., -lAr), followed by suffixes (e.g., -ım for first-person singular, -ın for second-person singular, -ı for third-person singular), and then case markers (e.g., -ı accusative, -dA locative, -dAn ablative). This yields forms like kitab-lar-ım-dA ("in my books"), where each adds independent semantic content without overlap or irregularity. Verbal forms agglutinate tense-aspect markers (e.g., -ır- present, -dı- ), negation (-mA-), and person agreement (e.g., -am first-person singular), as in gel-ır-am ("I come"). The exhibits low inflectional complexity, relying almost exclusively on postpositional ation rather than prefixation, suppletion, or stem alternations. Unlike many , Azerbaijani lacks , with no distinctions in noun classes, agreement, or pronominal forms based on masculine, feminine, or neuter categories; the third-person singular o neutrally refers to he, she, or it. Certain verbal constructions encode , distinguishing direct experience from indirect or reported evidence, particularly via the -mıs- perfect in past contexts (e.g., gel-mıs-am "I apparently came" for ), though its obligatoriness varies across dialects and has undergone standardization restrictions in modern usage.

Syntax and Word Order

Azerbaijani follows a basic subject-object-verb (SOV) , aligning with the typological patterns of Oghuz . This canonical structure positions the verb at the end of declarative clauses, as in Mən kitab oxuyuram ("I book read-PRES-1SG," meaning "I read a "). However, the language's agglutinative morphology and explicit case markers on nouns enable considerable flexibility in constituent order, permitting deviations such as object-verb-subject for pragmatic effects like focus or without altering core meanings. Noun phrases exhibit head-final tendencies, with attributive elements including adjectives, possessives, and relative clauses preceding the head noun; for instance, gözəl ev ("beautiful house"). Postpositions, rather than prepositions, govern oblique relations and follow the noun phrase they modify, such as masanın üstündə ("on the table," with üstündə meaning "on" and incorporating locative case). Relative clauses are strictly prenominal and head-final, constructed via participial forms on the verb stem (e.g., -an or -ən), as in oxuyan kitab ("reading book," modifying the head kitab). The syntax is topic-prominent, often structuring clauses around an initial topic followed by comment, which reinforces the flexibility in SOV deviations for discourse purposes. Question formation retains this adaptability: yes-no interrogatives add the clitic -mı or -mi (vowel-harmonic variant) to the verb, as in Oxuyursan-mı? ("Read-PRES-2SG-Q?"), while content questions incorporate interrogative words like ("what") or kim ("who") typically in canonical positions but movable for emphasis. In comparison to Turkish, Azerbaijani maintains equivalent SOV rigidity and case-driven flexibility, though contact with Persian has introduced minor options in relative clause positioning under specific influences.

Nominal and Verbal Inflection

Azerbaijani nouns inflect agglutinatively for case, number, and possession through suffixes added sequentially to the , adhering to rules. The language features six cases: nominative (unmarked, for subjects and predicates), genitive (-ın/in/un/ün or variants, for possession or with certain postpositions), dative (-(y)a/(y)ə, for indirect objects and direction), accusative (-ı/i/u/ü for definite direct objects), locative (-da/də, for static location), and ablative (-dan/dən, for source or removal). Number is unmarked in the singular and marked by the suffix -lar/lər, which precedes case endings (e.g., kitablar "," kitablara "to the books"). Possession is expressed via personal suffixes attached directly to the noun stem, identical in form to those in Turkish and varying by : 1st person singular -ım/im/um/üm (e.g., kitabım "my "), 2nd singular -ın/in/un/ün (kitabın "your "), 3rd singular -ı/i/u/ü (kitabı "his/her/its "), 1st plural -ımız/imiz/umuz/ümüz (kitabımız "our "), 2nd plural -ınız/iniz/unuz/ünüz (kitabınız "your [pl.] "), and 3rd plural sharing the 3rd singular form (kitabı "their "). These suffixes can combine with case markers (e.g., kitabımda "in my ").
CaseSuffix Examples (vowel harmony variants)
NominativeØ (e.g., ev "house")
Genitive-ın, -in, -un, -ün (e.g., evin "of the house")
Dative-(y)a, -(y)ə, -(n)a, -(n)ə (e.g., evə "to the house")
Accusative-ı, -i, -u, -ü (e.g., evi "the house [def. obj.]")
Locative-da, -də (e.g., evdə "in/at the house")
Ablative-dan, -dən (e.g., evdən "from the house")
Verbs inflect agglutinatively for tense, aspect, mood, person, and number via suffixes on the stem, with no dedicated copula in the present tense (predicates rely on zero marking or personal endings, e.g., Mən müəlliməm "I am a teacher"). Tenses include present (-ır/ir/ur/ür for continuous/habitual actions, e.g., gəlirəm "I am coming"), aorist (-ar/ər for general present/future probability, e.g., gələrəm "I come/will come"), future (-(y)acaq/(y)əcək, e.g., gələcəyəm "I will come"), and past (-dı/di/du/dü, e.g., gəldim "I came"). Moods encompass conditional (-sa/sə, e.g., gəlsəm "if I come") and optative (-(y)a/(y)ə for wishes/commands, e.g., gələ "let him come"). Person-number agreement uses suffixes like 1st singular -əm (e.g., gəlirəm), 3rd singular zero (gəlir), and 3rd plural -lər (gəlirlər). Negation inserts -m- or -ma/mə- before tense/mood markers (e.g., gəlmirəm "I am not coming," gəlməz "does not come").
PersonPresent (gəl- "come")Past (gəl-)
1sggəlirəmgəldim
2sggəlirsəngəldin
3sggəlirgəldi
1plgəlirikgəldik
2plgəlirsinizgəldiniz
3plgəlirlərgəldilər

Orthography and Writing Systems

Contemporary Latin Script

The contemporary Latin script for the Azerbaijani language was officially adopted by the Milli Majlis, Azerbaijan's , on December 25, 1991, shortly after the country's from the . This script replaced the Cyrillic imposed during the Soviet era and draws heavily from the Turkish Latin alphabet, incorporating modifications to better represent Azerbaijani . The consists of 32 letters: the 26 standard Latin letters minus , plus the diacritics and special characters ä, ç, ə, ğ, ı, ö, ş, ü, and y. The schwa sound, central to Azerbaijani vowels, is uniquely represented by ə, distinguishing it from the Turkish e used for a similar but non-identical . Standardization of the script's orthographic rules falls under the purview of the Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences, which oversees linguistic norms to ensure consistency in spelling, grammar, and usage across official documents and education. Transliteration of pre-1991 texts from Cyrillic or earlier Arabic scripts presents ongoing challenges, particularly in preserving phonetic accuracy and handling dialectal variations during conversion to the Latin form, which can lead to ambiguities in historical and literary archives. These issues are compounded in digital environments, where inconsistent mappings exacerbate searchability and data interoperability. For digital adaptation, the script achieves full compliance with standards, enabling seamless rendering across platforms since the inclusion of characters like ə (U+018F) in early versions. Standard keyboard layouts, such as the Azerbaijani Latin layout supported by Windows, map these characters to accessible key combinations, though early post-adoption challenges arose with non-standard keys like ə on keyboards. Recent studies highlight integration into platforms, where efforts focus on embedding Azerbaijani Latin text in public services to enhance , with conceptual models addressing challenges like font support and multilingual interfaces as of 2025. These adaptations support broader ICT applications, mitigating prior limitations in software localization.

Historical Arabic and Cyrillic Scripts

The Azerbaijani language employed the Perso-Arabic script from the , following the conquest of the region, until the Soviet era's reforms in the . This right-to-left system primarily represented consonants, with short s often omitted and inferred from context or optional diacritics, which posed challenges for unambiguous reading in a -rich Turkic . Adaptations for Azerbaijani's included repurposing letters with extra dots or strokes to denote Turkic-specific sounds, such as the velar fricatives /ɣ/ and /ʁ/, and distinguishing pairs like /e/ versus /a/; however, these modifications remained inconsistent and cumbersome, particularly for frequent alternations central to Turkic morphology. Pre-Soviet reform efforts, initiated by figures like Mirza Fatali Akhundzadeh in 1857, critiqued the script's hybrid Arabic-Persian-Turkic nature for hindering literacy and proposed simplifications, but widespread change occurred only after Azerbaijan's incorporation into the Soviet Union in 1920. The shift to a Latin alphabet in 1929 served Soviet goals of eradicating religious associations tied to Arabic script while promoting phonetic transparency to accelerate mass literacy campaigns among the largely illiterate population. This interim Latinization, modeled partly on Turkish reforms, facilitated Turkic unity but was short-lived. In 1939, mandated replacement of the with a of 32 characters, explicitly to sever linguistic and cultural links with —which had adopted in 1928—and to align non-Slavic republics more closely with Russian orthographic norms, easing through shared script access to Russian materials. The variant incorporated digraphs and modified letters for Azerbaijani's agglutinative features and sounds like /ç/ and /ş/, but its imposition amid Stalinist purges prioritized political control over seamless adaptation, with transitional periods marked by dual-script publications until full enforcement by 1940. These script upheavals, from Arabic to Latin and then Cyrillic by 1939, functioned as instruments of ideological reconfiguration, boosting functional literacy via Soviet education drives but fracturing intergenerational access to heritage texts and fostering cultural disconnection from pre-1920s literary traditions. Analyses as recent as 2025 highlight how Cyrillic's role in isolating Azerbaijani speakers from pan-Turkic influences exacerbated a century-long detachment, with older generations unable to readily engage Arabic-script classics and younger cohorts viewing pre-Soviet works as linguistically alien. While literacy rates climbed under mandatory schooling—reaching near-universal levels by the late Soviet period—the changes prioritized state assimilation over continuity, rendering vast corpora of medieval poetry and historiography effectively inaccessible without transliteration efforts.

Recent Reforms and Digital Adaptation

In response to lingering Soviet-era influences, has pursued de-Russification policies in language use, including revisions to reduce Russian-language in schools and promote Azerbaijani as the primary , with state support for mother-tongue curricula symbolizing a break from historical . These efforts extend to orthographic standardization, with minor updates to the in 2025 focusing on spelling adjustments rather than comprehensive reform, alongside ongoing development of automated rules using expert systems to handle foreign terms independently of Russian conventions. Such changes aim to purify vocabulary by favoring Turkic roots over Russified loanwords in official nomenclature and media. Digital adaptation has addressed challenges in font support and computational processing, with specialized fonts now available for Azerbaijani's featuring unique characters like and ẛ, enabling broader web and software compatibility. Recent initiatives include compiling large text corpora exceeding prior scales to train open foundation models for tasks such as translation and generation, mitigating underrepresentation in AI systems. In e-government, conceptual models propose ecosystem integration of Azerbaijani for user interfaces and services, emphasizing protection against digital marginalization through localized platforms amid the 2025 AI Strategy's push for algorithmic advancements. Broader language policies balance with native promotion, as seen in the 2023 onward mass adoption of English-medium instruction () in universities to enhance global competitiveness, while maintaining Azerbaijani as the core language of to preserve cultural continuity. Complementing this, Azerbaijani gained official recognition as a communication means for the hearing impaired via presidential decree in early , establishing it in law to support in public services and .

Lexicon

Core Turkic Vocabulary

The core vocabulary of Azerbaijani derives predominantly from inherited Proto-Turkic roots, forming the foundational layer of its and affirming its classification within the Oghuz subgroup of . These roots exhibit high stability, particularly in domains resistant to borrowing such as terms and numerals, where retention rates approach near-universality across due to their centrality in everyday communication and cultural continuity. Comparative reconstruction from inscriptions and modern cognates reveals minimal semantic shifts in Azerbaijani relative to ancestral Oghuz forms, underscoring diachronic preservation over innovation. In , Azerbaijani retains core Proto-Turkic designations with little alteration, as evidenced by terms for members that align closely with reconstructions from ancient runic texts. For instance, ana ("mother") traces to Proto-Turkic *ana or variant *ene, while ata ("father") directly continues *ata, both preserved without replacement in basic usage despite occasional Persian or overlays in formal registers. terms like qardaş ("sibling, brother") derive from Proto-Turkic *qarındaš, reflecting compound formations common in early Turkic for relational specificity. This retention highlights the semantic field's conservatism, where shifts are rare and typically involve affixation rather than lexical substitution. Basic natural elements and actions similarly preserve Proto-Turkic etymons, such as su ("water") from *sub and od ("fire") from *ot, which maintain original meanings tied to environmental and physiological essentials. Verbal roots for fundamental activities, like get- ("to go") yielding getmək, exemplify agglutinative inheritance without divergence in core semantics. Numerals demonstrate even greater uniformity, with cardinals like bir ("one"), iki ("two"), and üç ("three") matching Proto-Turkic *bir, *iki, and *üč across Oghuz varieties, as ordinal forms simply suffix -ınçı to these bases. This stability in numerals and kin terms, corroborated by Swadesh-list comparisons, positions Azerbaijani's inherited stock as a reliable marker of Turkic genetic affiliation.
EnglishAzerbaijaniProto-Turkic Reconstruction
Motherana*ana/*ene
Fatherata*ata
Watersu*sub
Onebir*bir
Twoiki*iki

Loanwords and Influences

The Azerbaijani lexicon incorporates a substantial number of borrowings from Persian and , primarily resulting from prolonged historical contact through Islamic , administrative practices under Persianate empires, and literary traditions. These loanwords predominantly occupy semantic fields related to , governance, and abstract concepts, such as xudahafiz ("good-bye," from Persian xodāhāfez) and güzəşt ("," akin to Persian gozāšte). In southern varieties spoken in , Persian influence remains more pronounced, extending to function words and even calques like xoş gəl ("," mirroring Persian xoš āmadan), reflecting deeper integration in bilingual contexts where Persian serves as a prestige language. Arabic loans, often mediated through Persian, constitute a high proportion of religious and scholarly , with direct borrowings comprising up to 76% of certain lexical subsets tied to Islamic contexts. Russian loanwords entered the northern Azerbaijani lexicon (in the Republic of Azerbaijan) mainly from the onward, accelerating during the Soviet era (1920–) due to policies that prioritized Russian in technical, scientific, and administrative domains. Examples include terms for and , such as adaptations in (naboynik for a net tool) and , totaling over 50 identified russisms in specific dialects like those of and Mugan. These borrowings enriched specialized vocabulary but have declined since in , correlating with reduced Russian-speaking populations and de-Russification efforts, though remnants persist in Soviet-era technical registers. In contemporary usage, English loanwords have proliferated via , particularly in , , and media, with direct phonetic adaptations like those for digital concepts entering urban speech. This influx prompts purist responses among linguists and language planners, who advocate coining neologisms from native Turkic roots to preserve lexical integrity, as seen in efforts to replace foreign terms in official discourse and . Such initiatives echo broader Turkic movements resisting external dominance, though English borrowings continue to integrate due to international economic ties.

Numerals, Interjections, and Registers

Azerbaijani employs a decimal numeral system for cardinal numbers, with the basic terms bir (one), iki (two), and üç (three) deriving from Proto-Turkic roots shared across . Numbers from eleven onward combine tens and units, as in on bir (eleven) and iyirmi bir (twenty-one), while ordinals prefix -inci or -uncu, yielding forms like birinci (first). This structure aligns with positional compounding typical of , facilitating arithmetic expression without native elements in standard usage. Interjections in Azerbaijani function as closed-class particles conveying immediate emotional or pragmatic states, such as ay for pain, surprise, or distress; vay for lament or shock; and aman pleading for mercy or cessation. Other examples include ha signaling realization or irony, as in exclamatory sentences like Ha! Bilirdim! ("Ah! I knew it!"), and yazıq expressing pity or regret. Formal-informal shifts appear through contextual suffixes or intensification, where polite variants incorporate honorifics like -dir in surrounding speech to modulate deference, though interjections themselves remain invariant. Azerbaijani distinguishes registers primarily between colloquial speech, which varies regionally and incorporates dialectal and , and literary norms standardized on the dialect since the 19th-century reforms. The literary register favors purified Turkic vocabulary over historical Persian or loans, while colloquial forms reflect everyday without strict , enabling fluid with Russian in northern due to Soviet-era bilingualism or Persian in southern varieties from cultural adjacency. This stylistic variation supports pragmatic adaptation, such as elevating formality in official discourse via archaisms or reducing it in intimate settings through contractions.

Literature and Cultural Role

Classical and Medieval Literature

![Azerbaijani Turkish Ghazal Apardi Konlumu by Hasanoghlu][float-right] The earliest known written work in the Azerbaijani language is the "Apardı Könlümü" by the poet Izzeddin Hasanoghlu, preserved in a dated to 1391. This 13th-14th century composition exemplifies the transition from oral traditions to written literature, adapting Persian forms to Oghuz Turkic vernacular while incorporating Sufi mystical themes of love and spiritual longing. Hasanoghlu's diwan includes Azerbaijani and Persian ghazals, reflecting the synthesis of Turkic linguistic structure with Perso-Islamic poetic conventions prevalent in the region during the Ilkhanid period. A pivotal figure in classical is (c. 1369–1417), a Hurufi mystic poet who composed a primarily in Azerbaijani Turkish, alongside Persian and . Nasimi is credited with establishing the foundations of Azerbaijani classical aruz poetry and in Oghuz Turkic, emphasizing humanistic ideals, divine love, and philosophical inquiry that challenged orthodox religious boundaries. His works, characterized by rich metaphorical language and rhythmic meter suited to agglutinative syntax, influenced subsequent Turkic literary traditions across and the , preserving elements of pre-Islamic shamanistic motifs blended with Sufi esotericism. Parallel to written poetry, medieval Azerbaijani literature drew heavily from oral traditions, particularly the bardic performances that combined improvised verse, epic narration, and saz accompaniment. Emerging prominently in the 15th-16th centuries amid Safavid cultural patronage, poetry captured folk dialects and themes of heroism, moral dilemmas, and mystical union, serving as a repository for pre-literate narratives in rural communities. These bards facilitated the oral-to-written transition by committing epics—heroic cycles like Koroghlu—to verse, which highlighted Oghuz tribal values of valor and justice within an agglutinative linguistic framework evident in preserved recitations. Dastan epics formed the backbone of Azerbaijani , recounting legendary exploits of figures such as Koroghlu, a 16th-century symbolizing resistance against tyranny, transmitted through generations of ashiks until partial transcription in later manuscripts. These narratives, rooted in Oghuz Turkic heritage, demonstrate causal realism in their depiction of social hierarchies and interpersonal conflicts, with syntactic patterns reflecting the language's suffix-based for tense, possession, and causation. The interplay of Persianate courtly refinement and indigenous Turkic vitality in these works underscores the medieval synthesis, where empirical motifs from nomadic life informed devoid of later ideological overlays.

Soviet and Post-Independence Developments

During the Soviet period, Azerbaijani literature was shaped by , which imposed ideological constraints while allowing limited expressions of . Vurgun (1906–1956), a prominent and , exemplified this tension through works like the poem (1941), epic poems Aygun and Mugan, and verse dramas Vagif and Insan, which blended praise for Soviet achievements with patriotic themes rooted in Azerbaijani heritage. Despite efforts and repression of non-conforming writers, literature demonstrated resilience, with authors employing Aesopian techniques to subtly revive native motifs amid directives for ideological . Critics have noted that Soviet-era works often prioritized depictions of collective progress and loyalty to the regime, limiting artistic freedom and leading to , though national sentiments persisted strongly in poetry. Following Azerbaijan's in 1991, shifted toward explicit , emphasizing , historical grievances, and cultural revival in prose and poetry. Trends included glorification of Azerbaijani ideology and explorations of post-Soviet identity, with writers addressing and the legacy of external domination. This period marked a departure from Soviet , fostering works that reinforced ethnic cohesion without mandatory alignment to communist dogma. Digital advancements post-independence facilitated broader dissemination, including online archives and , enabling wider access to literary production amid rapid technological adoption in the region. Achievements encompassed renewed recognition of pre-Soviet classics alongside contemporary output, though some observers critique lingering influences of state patronage on thematic diversity.

Contemporary Usage and Media

In Azerbaijan, Azerbaijani serves as the primary language of television and radio broadcasting, with state-owned outlets like and Public Television dominating airwaves through news, dramas, and cultural programs conducted exclusively in the language. Digital media consumption has surged among younger audiences, yet traditional broadcast media retains significant reach, supplemented by online platforms where Azerbaijani content prevails in and . Azerbaijani cinema, produced by studios such as Azerbaijanfilm, continues to feature films in the language, with post-Soviet works like The Curtain (Pərdə, 2016) exploring family dynamics and contemporary social issues through dialogue rooted in everyday vernacular. Contemporary literature in Azerbaijani includes popular genres such as novels by Chingiz Abdullayev, who has authored over 200 works since the , and romantic by Elchin Safarli, whose books like Why Aqua Isn't Afraid of the Sea (2011) have achieved bestseller status domestically and been translated into multiple languages. In , where South Azerbaijani faces official restrictions on publication and Latin-script usage, writers often resort to underground printing or digital dissemination via self-published e-books and censored-avoiding online forums to distribute poetry and prose. Azerbaijani-speaking diaspora communities, particularly in and , contribute to media output through chronicling migration and identity, often published via independent presses or online journals that maintain ties to homeland narratives. platforms and channels in Azerbaijani foster cross-border engagement between northern ( Republic) and southern (Iranian) speakers, enabling shared content creation that circumvents regional divides. Linguists have critiqued the integration of English and Russian loanwords in modern media and as eroding lexical purity, though proponents argue that translations into global languages, such as Safarli's works into Russian and , broaden accessibility and cultural influence.

Sociolinguistics and Political Dimensions

Official Status in

The of the of , adopted by on November 12, 1995, establishes Azerbaijani as the sole in Article 21, mandating its use in state institutions and guaranteeing its development. Within , Azerbaijani is the native language of approximately 9.4 million people, comprising about 93 percent of the country's of over 10 million as of recent estimates. Azerbaijani functions as the primary language of instruction in primary and , where it is mandatory from the onward, supplemented by second-language classes in English or Russian. In higher education, while reforms since the early 2020s have expanded English-medium instruction () programs across public and to enhance international competitiveness, Azerbaijani remains the core language for foundational curricula and national accreditation requirements. State media outlets, including public television and radio, predominantly broadcast in , reflecting its institutional primacy. content in Azerbaijani has grown significantly, with web corpora and increasingly utilizing the language for domestic audiences. Government initiatives fund linguistic standardization efforts, such as dictionary development and corpus monitoring projects under the .

Usage in Iran and Diaspora Communities

Azerbaijani, known as South Azerbaijani in , is spoken by an estimated 10.9 to 23 million people, comprising 16-24% of 's population, primarily in the northwest provinces of East Azerbaijan, West Azerbaijan, , and Zanjan, as well as in and other urban centers. Despite its widespread use as a in daily communication, households, and informal settings, Azerbaijani lacks official status, with Persian mandated as the sole language of , , and under 's . This policy enforces Persian-only instruction from onward, resulting in limited in Azerbaijani and contributing to among younger generations in urban areas. Restrictions on Azerbaijani extend to media and cultural expression, where broadcasting in the language is confined to limited state-controlled outlets, such as sporadic programs on IRIB channels, while private publications and teaching materials in Azerbaijani face censorship or bans. Advocacy for mother-tongue education has sparked protests, including student movements in 2011 and 2022, met with arrests on charges of separatism, highlighting tensions between ethnic identity preservation and state-driven Persianization. Literary figures like poet Mohammad-Hossein Shahriar (1906-1988) have sustained cultural vitality through works in Azerbaijani, such as Heydar Babaya Salam, which blend Turkic folklore with Persian influences, though publication often requires Persian translations for broader access. In diaspora communities, maintains vitality through expatriate networks, particularly among fleeing political repression, estimated at over eight million abroad as of 2024. In , home to around 4.5 million including Iranian-origin migrants, the language thrives via cultural associations, weekend schools, and media like broadcasts, facilitated by linguistic proximity to Turkish. European communities in , , and the , numbering in the tens of thousands, support language retention through satellite TV, online platforms, and community events, though assimilation pressures erode fluency among second-generation speakers. In , particularly the and with 50,000-60,000 , diaspora organizations promote via heritage classes and festivals, countering language loss amid English dominance. These efforts underscore 's role in ethnic solidarity, often intersecting with pan-Turkic networks while navigating host-country integration.

Language Policy and Education Reforms

Following in 1991, pursued de-Russification policies in to reverse Soviet-era , transitioning Azerbaijani to the primary language of instruction across curricula and purging Russian-dominant textbooks from schools. The 1995 Constitution formalized Azerbaijani as the state language, mandating its dominance in public while allowing minority languages in select contexts, with state-funded Russian-medium schools gradually revised amid concerns over their misalignment with national priorities and lower academic outcomes. In 2024, the Ministry of Education introduced updated content standards emphasizing Azerbaijani proficiency in core subjects, aligning primary and secondary curricula with national identity goals while integrating multilingual elements like English for global competitiveness. These reforms built on earlier efforts, such as increased instructional hours for Azerbaijani over Russian post-1991, contributing to a youth rate of 100% and adult of 99.8% by 2023. Despite these advances, challenges include English's growing role in higher education and urban media, straining Azerbaijani vitality through competition for instructional time and exposure. Standardization policies favoring the dialect have marginalized regional variants, potentially eroding linguistic diversity without formal suppression mechanisms. A 2025 study on degradation in attributes partial erosion of lexical purity and syntactic norms to media and digital platforms, where English-influenced content dilutes traditional usage among , though institutional reforms mitigate broader risks. Empirical metrics show sustained high proficiency in formal domains, with de-Russification yielding net positive outcomes in monolingual Azerbaijani competence.

Debates on Identity and Pan-Turkism

In Azerbaijan, ongoing debates center on the nomenclature for the language, with the official term "Azerbaijani" preferred over "Azeri," the latter criticized by some nationalists as a diminutive or Soviet-imposed shorthand that undermines national distinctiveness. Pan-Turkic proponents, emphasizing ethnic and linguistic kinship, advocate designating it as "Azerbaijani Turkish" or even a dialect thereof to highlight mutual intelligibility with Turkish—estimated at 80-90% in spoken form—and foster broader Turkic unity. The Azerbaijani government, however, asserts the language's autonomy, rooted in a separate literary tradition dating to the 16th century under figures like Fuzuli, distinct from Ottoman Turkish developments. Pan-Turkism, an ideology emerging in the 1880s among Turkic intellectuals in the Russian and Ottoman Empires as a counter to , seeks cultural, linguistic, and political cohesion among Turkic groups, often framing Azerbaijani as part of a rather than a standalone language. Turkish nationalists echo this by viewing Azerbaijani speakers as ethnically Turkish, promoting seamless integration through shared Oghuz heritage, while Azerbaijani state narratives prioritize a unique "Azerbaijanist" identity blending Turkic roots with local Caucasian influences. In contemporary terms, has evolved toward pragmatic economic collaboration, exemplified by the (established 2009, formalized 2021), which facilitates language standardization efforts without overt political unification. Among , comprising about 15-20 million speakers in northwest , evokes skepticism due to fears of and irredentist claims on "South Azerbaijan," amid Tehran's policies limiting Turkic-language to promote Persian assimilation. Iranian authorities perceive Baku's cultural outreach and alliances with as exacerbating ethnic tensions, with historical episodes like the 1945-1946 illustrating past separatist risks tied to Turkic nationalism. Despite this, some Iranian Azeris value Turkic cultural ties for prestige and resistance to central suppression, though loyalty to Iranian state identity often prevails over pan-Turkic appeals.

References

  1. https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%25E1%25BC%2588%25CF%2584%25CF%2581%25CE%25BF%25CF%2580%25CE%25B1%25CF%2584%25CE%25B7%25CE%25BD%25CE%25AE
  2. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Azerbaijani_Turkish_Ghazal_Apardi_Konlumu_by_Hasanoghlu.jpg
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