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Hannah More

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Hannah More (2 February 1745 – 7 September 1833) was an English religious writer, philanthropist, poet, and playwright in the circle of Johnson, Reynolds and Garrick, who wrote on moral and religious subjects. Born in Bristol, she taught at a school her father founded there and began writing plays. She became involved in the London literary elite and a leading Bluestocking member. Her later plays and poetry became more evangelical. She joined a group opposing the slave trade. In the 1790s she wrote Cheap Repository Tracts on moral, religious and political topics, to distribute to the literate poor (as a retort to Thomas Paine's Rights of Man). Meanwhile, she broadened her links with schools she and her sister Martha had founded in rural Somerset. These curbed their teaching of the poor, allowing limited reading but no writing. More was noted for her political conservatism, being described as an anti-feminist, a counter-revolutionary, or a conservative feminist.[1]

Early life

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Born in 1745 at Fishponds in the parish of Stapleton, near Bristol, Hannah More was the fourth of five daughters of Jacob More (1700–1783),[2] a schoolmaster from a strong Presbyterian family in Harleston, Norfolk, who had joined the Church of England. He sought to pursue a clerical career, but after losing a lawsuit over an estate he had hoped to inherit he moved to Bristol, where he became an excise officer and later taught at the Fishponds free school.

The sisters were first educated by their father, learning Latin and mathematics. Hannah was also taught by elder sisters, through whom she learned French, which she improved conversationally by spending time with French prisoners of war in Frenchay during the Seven Years' War.[2] She was an assiduous, discerning student. Family tradition has it that she began writing at an early age.[3]

In 1758, Jacob established a girls' boarding school at Trinity Street, Bristol, for the elder sisters, Mary and Elizabeth, to run, while he and his wife moved to Stony Hill in the city to open a school for boys. Hannah More became a pupil in the girls' school when she was 12 years old and taught there in early adulthood.[3]

In 1767, More gave up her share in the school on becoming engaged to William Turner of the Belmont Estate, Wraxall, Somerset, whom she had met when he began teaching her cousins.[2] After six years, the wedding had not taken place. Turner seemed reluctant to name a date and in 1773 the engagement was broken off. It seems this led More into a nervous breakdown, from which she recuperated in Uphill, near Weston-super-Mare. She was induced to accept a £200 annuity from Turner as compensation. This freed her for literary pursuits. In the winter of 1773–1774, she went to London with her sisters, Sarah and Martha – the first of many such trips at yearly intervals. Some verses she had written on David Garrick's version of King Lear led to an acquaintance with him.[3]

She later moved to Bath, where she stayed between 1792 and 1802 on Great Pulteney Street.[4]

Playwright

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More's first literary efforts were pastoral plays written while she was still teaching and suitable for young ladies to act. The first was The Search after Happiness, written in 1762. By the mid-1780s, over 10,000 copies of this had been sold.[5] Among her literary models was Metastasio, on whose opera Attilio Regulo she based a drama, The Inflexible Captive.

More (standing, left, as a personification of Melpomene, muse of tragedy), in the company of other "bluestockings" (1778).

In London, More sought to associate with the literary elite, including Samuel Johnson, Joshua Reynolds and Edmund Burke. Johnson is quoted as scolding her: "Madam, before you flatter a man so grossly to his face, you should consider whether or not your flattery is worth having." He would later be quoted as calling her "the finest versifatrix in the English language".[2] Meanwhile, she became prominent in the Bluestocking group of women engaged in polite conversation and literary and intellectual pursuits. She attended the salon of Elizabeth Montagu, where she met Frances Boscawen, Elizabeth Carter, Elizabeth Vesey and Hester Chapone, some of whom would be lifelong friends. In 1782, she wrote a witty verse celebration of her friends and circle: The Bas Bleu, or, Conversation, published in 1784.[3]

Garrick wrote a prologue and epilogue to Hannah More's tragedy Percy, which was successful at Covent Garden in December 1777 and revived in 1785 with Sarah Siddons at Theatre Royal, Drury Lane. A copy of Percy was found among Mozart's possessions in 1791.[2] Another drama, The Fatal Falsehood, produced in 1779 after Garrick's death, was less successful and she stopped writing for the stage. However, a tragedy entitled The Inflexible Captive appeared in 1818.[6] In 1781, she met Horace Walpole and corresponded with him. At Bristol she discovered the poet Ann Yearsley. When Yearsley became destitute, More raised a considerable sum of money for her benefit. Lactilla, as Yearsley was known, published Poems, on Several Occasions in 1785, earning about £600. More and Montagu held the profits in trust to protect them from Yearsley's husband. However, Ann Yearsley wished to receive the capital and made insinuations of stealing against More, forcing her to release it. These literary and social failures prompted More's withdrawal from London intellectual circles.[3]

Evangelical moralist

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Biscuit porcelain figure by Mintons, 1830s

In the 1780s, Hannah More became a friend of James Oglethorpe, who had long been concerned with slavery as a moral issue and who was working with Granville Sharp as an early abolitionist.[7] More published Sacred Dramas in 1782, which rapidly ran through 19 editions. These and the poems Bas-Bleu and Florio (1786) mark a gradual transition to graver views, expressed in prose in Thoughts on the Importance of the Manners of the Great to General Society (1788) and An Estimate of the Religion of the Fashionable World (1790). By this time she was close to William Wilberforce and Zachary Macaulay, sympathising with their evangelical views.[8] Her poem Slavery appeared in 1788. For many years she was a friend of Beilby Porteus, Bishop of London and a leading abolitionist, who drew her into a group of anti-slave traders that included Wilberforce, Charles Middleton and also James Ramsay at Teston in Kent.

In 1785 More bought a house at Cowslip Green, near Wrington in northern Somerset, where she settled with her sister Martha and wrote several ethical books and tracts: Strictures on the Modern System of Female Education (1799), Hints towards Forming the Character of a Young Princess (1805), Coelebs in Search of a Wife (only nominally a story, 1809), Practical Piety (1811), Christian Morals (1813), Character of St Paul (1815) and Moral Sketches (1819). She was a rapid writer. Her work, though discursive and animated, was deficient in form. Her popularity may be explained by her originality and forceful subject-matter.[8]

The outbreak of the French Revolution in 1789 did not worry More initially, but by 1790 she was writing, "I have conceived an utter aversion to liberty according to the present idea of it in France. What a cruel people they are!"[9] She praised Edmund Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France for combining "the rhetoric of ancient Gaul" and the "patriot spirit of ancient Rome" with "the deepest political sagacity".[10] Part II of the Rights of Man, Thomas Paine's reply to Burke, appeared in 1792. The government was alarmed by its concern for the poor and call for world revolution, coupled with huge sales. Porteus visited More and asked her to write something for the lower orders to counteract Paine.[11] This prompted a pamphlet, Village Politics (1792). More called it "as vulgar as [the] heart can wish; but it is only designed for the most vulgar class of readers."[12] The pamphlet (published pseudonymously as by "Will Chip") consists of a dialogue in plain English between Jack Anvil, a village blacksmith, and Tom Hood, a village mason. After reading Paine, Tom Hood expresses admiration for the French Revolution to Jack Anvil and speaks in favour of a new constitution based on liberty and the "rights of man". Jack Anvil responds by praising the British constitution, saying Britain already has "the best laws in the world". He attacks French liberty as murder, French democracy as tyranny of the majority, French equality as a levelling down of social classes, French philosophy as atheism, and the "rights of man" as "battle, murder and sudden death". Tom Hood finally accepts Anvil's conclusion: "While old England is safe I'll glory in her, and pray for her; and when she is in danger I'll fight for her and die for her."[13]

More's biographer summed up the pamphlet against Paine as "Burke for Beginners".[12] It was well received: Porteus called it "a masterpiece of its kind, supremely excellent, greatly admired at Windsor". Frances Boscawen thought it exceeded William Paley's The British Public's Reasons for Contentment and Richard Owen Cambridge claimed "Swift could not have done it better."[14] More's next anti-Jacobin tract, Remarks on the Speech of M. Dupont, condemned atheism in France. Its profits were passed to French Catholic priests exiled in England.[15]

The two pamphlets attracted praise from the Association for the Discountenancing of Vice, an evangelical publishing society founded in Dublin in 1792. The membership wrote to her in June 1793 congratulating her on it and inviting her to become an honorary member. Accepting, More asked the Association to send her "two or three printed papers explaining the nature of the Association as perhaps I may use them to advantage with a friend or two, distinguished for their piety and active zeal."[16]

Cheap Repository Tracts

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In 1794, when Paine published The Age of Reason, a deist attack on Christianity, Porteus again requested More's help in combating Paine's ideas, but she declined, being preoccupied with her charity-school work.[15] However, by the end of the year, More, encouraged by Porteus, decided to embark on a series of Cheap Repository Tracts, three of which appeared every month from 1795 to 1798. In January 1795, More explained to Zachary Macaulay: "Vulgar and indecent penny books were always common, but speculative infidelity brought down to the pockets and capacity of the poor forms a new era in our history. This requires strong counteraction."[17] Her scheme developed from the ideas of the Association for discountenancing vice, though written in a more "readable and entertaining a style".[18] The tracts sold 300,000 copies in March and April 1795, 700,000 by July 1795 and over two million by March 1796.[19] They urged the poor to rely on virtues of contentment, sobriety, humility, industry, reverence for the British Constitution, hatred of the French, and trust in God and the kindness of the gentry.[8] Perhaps the most famous is The Shepherd of Salisbury Plain, describing a family of phenomenal frugality and contentment. This was translated into several languages. She also invited the Association for the Discountenancing of Vice to reprint her tracts in Ireland, which they did with success in more than 230 editions of 52 titles.[20]

Blue plaque on the wall of Keepers Cottage, in Brislington, Bristol

More was shocked by the strides made for female education in France: "They run to study philosophy, and neglect their families to be present at lectures in anatomy."[2]

Views on schooling for poor and for girls

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Residence Hannah More in 1872

Intending "to escape from the world gradually",[2] More moved in 1802 to Wrington in rural Somerset, where she had built a comfortable house and laid out a garden.[21] She remained, however, active with several Somerset schools for the destitute that she and her sister Martha had founded from the 1780s, with Wilberforce's encouragement.[22] She modelled the idealised hero and heroine in Coelebs in Search of Wife (1809) on the schools' prodigious benefactors: John and Louisa Harford of Blaise Castle.[2]

The schools taught the Bible and the catechism on Sundays and during the week taught "such coarse works as may fit them for servants". In regards to her choice of subjects More declared "I allow of no writing for the poor" and that they were not to be made "scholars and philosophers".[21] There was local opposition: Church of England vicars suspected her of advancing Methodism[21] and some landowners saw even rudimentary literacy as a step above the children's proper station.[23] At Wedmore, the Dean of Wells was petitioned to have More removed from the school.[2]

To the Bishop of Bath and Wells she protested that her schools taught only "such coarse works as may fit them [their charges] for servants. I allow no writing for the poor. My object is... to train up the lower classes in habits of industry and piety."[24]

More refused to read Mary Wollstonecraft's Vindication of the Rights of Women (1792). While many women may be "fond of government", they are not, she believed, "fit for it": "To be unstable and capricious is but too characteristic of our sex." More turned down honorary membership of the Royal Society of Literature, seeing her "sex alone a disqualification".[2][page needed]

Having met Hannah More and her sisters in Bath and discussed their schools and other good works, Jane Greg reported to a friend, Martha McTier in Belfast, that she found their "minds crippled in an astonishing degree".[25] McTier was proud that in her school for poor girls her pupils "do not gabble over the testament only" and that she had those who "can read Fox and Pitt".[26]

In 1820, More donated money to Philander Chase, the first Episcopal Bishop of Ohio for the foundation there of Kenyon College. A portrait of More hangs in its Peirce Hall.[27]

Last years

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Tomb Hannah More 1872
Bust of More in All Saints, Wrington

In Hannah More's last years, philanthropists from all parts made pilgrimages to Wrington, and after 1828 to Clifton, where she died on 7 September 1833.[28] More left about £30,000, chiefly in legacies to charitable institutions and religious societies. The residue was to go to a new Church of St Philip and St Jacob in Bristol. She was buried beside her sisters at the Church of All Saints, Wrington, which has a bust of her in the south porch, beside one of the local son John Locke.[21]

Legacy

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Several local schools are named after More. Hannah More Primary School was built in Bristol Old Market in the 1840s.[2] Her image appeared in 2012 on the Bristol Pound, a local currency.[29] Wringdon has named a local street the Hannah More Close. The Hannah More Academy and St. Michael's Church, both in Reisterstown, Maryland, in the United States, are named after More.

However, the Liberal politician Augustine Birrell, in his 1906 work Hannah More Once More, claimed to have buried all 19 volumes of More's works in his garden in disgust.[2]

Veneration

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In 2022, More was officially added to the Episcopal Church liturgical calendar with a feast day on 6 September.[30]

Archives

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Selected works

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Source: victorianweb.org
  • The Search After Happiness, 1773
  • The Inflexible Captive, 1774
  • Sir Eldred of the Bower and the Bleeding Rock, 1776
  • Essays on Various Subjects, 1777
  • Percy: A Tragedy, 1777
  • Sacred Dramas and Sensibility: A Poem, 1782
  • Florio, 1786
  • The Bas Bleu, 1786
  • Slavery: A Poem, 1788
  • Thoughts on the Importance of the Manners of the Great to General Society, 1788
  • Bishop Bonner's Ghost, 1789.
  • An Estimate of the Religion of the Fashionable World, 1791
  • Village Politics, 1793
  • Remarks on the Speech of M. Dupont, 1793
  • Cheap Repository Tracts, 1795-98.
  • Strictures on the Modern System of Female Education, 1799
  • "The White Slave Trade" published in the Christian Observer, 1799
  • Hints towards Forming the Character of a Young Princess, 1805
  • Coelebs in Search of a Wife, 1808
  • Practical Piety, 1811
  • Christian Morals, 1813
  • Essay on the Character and Writings of St Paul, 1815
  • Cheap Repository Tracts Suited to the Present Times, 1819
  • Moral Sketches, 1819
  • The Twelfth of August, or The Feast of Freedom, 1819
  • "Queen Caroline affair", 1820
  • Bible Rhymes, 1821
  • The Spirit of Prayer, 1825

References

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Sources

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Resources

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Primary sources

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  • Hannah More, Works of Hannah More, 2 vols. New York: Harper, 1840

Biographies

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  • Anna Jane Buckland, The life of Hannah More. A lady of two centuries. London: Religious Tract Society, 1882, [1]
  • Jeremy and Margaret Collingwood, Hannah More. Oxford: Lion Publishing, 1990, ISBN 0-7459-1532-9
  • Crossley Evans, Martin, Hannah More. Bristol Historical Association pamphlets, no. 99, 1999, 32 pp.
  • Patricia Demers, The World of Hannah More. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1996, ISBN 0-8131-1978-2
  • Charles Howard Ford, Hannah More: A Critical Biography. New York: Peter Lang, 1996, ISBN 0-8204-2798-5
  • Marion Harland, Hannah More. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1900
  • Mary Alen Hopkins, Hannah More and Her Circle. London: Longmans, 1947
  • M. G. Jones, Hannah More Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1952
  • Helen C. Knight, Hannah More; or, Life in Hall and Cottage. New York: M. W. Dodd, 1851
  • Elizabeth Kowaleski-Wallace, Their Fathers' Daughters: Hannah More, Maria Edgeworth, and Patriarchal Complicity. New York: Oxford University Press, 1991
  • Annette Mary Budgett Meakin, Hannah More: A Biographical Study. London: John Murray, 1919
  • Karen Swallow Prior, Fierce Convictions: The Extraordinary Life of Hannah More—Poet, Reformer, Abolitionist. Nashville: Nelson Books, 2014, ISBN 978-1-4002-0625-4
  • William Roberts, ed., Memoirs of Mrs Hannah More. New York: Harper & Bros., 1836
  • Anne Stott, Hannah More: The First Victorian. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003, ISBN 0-19-924532-0
  • Thomas Taylor, Memoir of Mrs. Hannah More. London: Joseph Rickerby, 1838
  • Henry Thompson, The Life of Hannah More With Notices of Her Sisters. London: T. Cadell, 1838
  • Charlotte Yonge, Hannah More. Boston: Roberts Brothers, 1888

Other sources

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Archives

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[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Hannah More (1745–1833) was an English writer, playwright, poet, philanthropist, and evangelical reformer best known for her anti-slavery advocacy, moral tracts promoting virtue among the poor, and establishment of Sunday schools to provide basic education and religious instruction to working-class children.[1][2][3] Born near Bristol to a schoolmaster father, More received an education that enabled her and her sisters to operate a successful boarding school from 1758, fostering her early interest in teaching.[3][1] In the 1770s and 1780s, she gained prominence in London's literary circles, writing successful plays such as The Inflexible Captive (1774), Percy (1777), and Fatal Falsehood (1779), while associating with the Bluestocking Society.[1][2] Her encounter with evangelical figures like William Wilberforce led to a profound religious conversion, shifting her focus from theater to moral and social reform; she joined the Clapham Sect and contributed significantly to the abolitionist cause through works like the poem Slavery (1788) and collaboration on anti-slavery narratives.[2][1] In the 1790s, amid fears of revolutionary radicalism, More authored Village Politics (1792) and the Cheap Repository Tracts (1795–1798), inexpensive moral pamphlets distributed in millions to counter egalitarian ideas and promote industry, piety, and social order among the lower classes.[3][2] With her sister Martha, she founded over a dozen Sunday schools in the Mendip Hills starting in 1789, teaching reading, scripture, and practical skills to poor children while emphasizing moral discipline over advanced literacy to avoid sedition.[3][1] Her later novel Coelebs in Search of a Wife (1809) further disseminated evangelical ideals, solidifying her legacy as a pivotal figure in Britain's moral awakening and philanthropic efforts, including substantial bequests to charities upon her death.[2]

Early Life and Education

Family Background and Upbringing

Hannah More was born on 2 February 1745 in Fishponds, a village near Bristol in Gloucestershire (now part of the city), as the fourth of five daughters to Jacob More, a schoolmaster who operated the local free school, and Mary Grace, the daughter of a farmer.[4][5] The family resided in cramped conditions on a limited income, reflecting the modest circumstances of a provincial educator who had reportedly lost a family estate through legal disputes, which underscored the necessity of self-reliance and industrious effort from an early age.[6] Jacob More prioritized practical education for his daughters, drawing from his own background in Norfolk where he had received instruction at Norwich Grammar School, fostering an environment that valued intellectual discipline over aristocratic privilege. The More sisters—Mary (born 1738), Hannah, and three others—collaborated closely in the family enterprise, with the eldest, Mary, establishing a boarding school for girls in Bristol around 1758 to supplement the household's finances.[4] Hannah, at age twelve, joined her sisters Sarah and Patty in teaching at this institution, which emphasized moral uprightness, piety, and vocational skills suited to middle-class female independence rather than ornamental accomplishments.[7] This hands-on involvement instilled values of diligence and ethical conduct amid economic constraints, while the family's Anglican adherence persisted despite potential influences from dissenting circles in the region, such as those linked to Jacob More's eastern English origins.[8] The household's focus on education as a means of moral and economic stability laid the groundwork for Hannah's later emphasis on self-sufficient learning for women.[3]

Formal Schooling and Early Influences

Hannah More received her initial education at home under the guidance of her father, Jacob More, a schoolmaster at the Fishponds Free School near Bristol, who taught her to read before the age of four through listening to her sisters' lessons.[9] From around 1753, at age eight, he instructed her in Latin and mathematics, introducing her to classical history and anecdotes from Plutarch, which cultivated her early intellectual curiosity despite the family's modest circumstances.[9] Her mother, Mary Grace More, also supported this learning environment, emphasizing practical skills over formal academia unavailable to women.[4] In 1757, at approximately twelve years old, More joined the boarding school for girls established by her eldest sister, Mary, in Trinity Street, Bristol (later relocated to Park Street), where she initially served as a pupil.[9][3] The curriculum, supplemented by visiting masters, included modern languages such as French—learned partly through her sister's lessons from a Bristol French school—Italian, Spanish, and further Latin, alongside music and elocution, providing a broader foundation in humanities absent from typical female education of the era.[9][10] This structured yet limited schooling, without access to university-level studies, honed her rhetorical and linguistic abilities through direct engagement rather than rote methods.[9] More transitioned to teaching at the family school shortly after joining, assisting her sisters from her early teens and contributing to its reputation for rigorous yet morally oriented instruction.[4][10] This hands-on role, beginning around age twelve, shaped her pragmatic perspective on education as a tool for moral formation and vocational readiness, prioritizing character development and practical knowledge over abstract empowerment.[3] Family reading circles, featuring shared discussions of literature and classics, further stimulated her initial experiments in poetry and drama, fostering an autodidactic approach that relied on self-directed study and familial encouragement predating her wider literary pursuits.[9]

Literary Beginnings

Entry into Playwriting

Hannah More entered playwriting with The Inflexible Captive, a tragedy staged privately at Bath in 1775, marking her initial foray into dramatic composition influenced by classical models of stoic virtue amid captivity.[2][11] The play's themes of unyielding moral integrity reflected More's early interest in portraying resolute character against adversity, drawing on historical and ethical dilemmas without challenging established social orders.[12] Her breakthrough came with Percy, a tragedy adapted from a French source and premiered at the Theatre Royal, Covent Garden on 10 December 1777, where it achieved commercial success through 19 performances that season.[7][13] David Garrick, though retired from Drury Lane management, provided critical patronage by composing the prologue and epilogue, offering revisions, and leveraging his influence to promote the work, which elevated More's reputation in London theatrical circles.[14][12] The play's earnings, combined with subsequent productions, afforded More financial independence from her teaching role at the Warren family's boarding school, allowing her to focus on literary pursuits.[2] In works like Percy and The Fatal Secret (1779), More explored tragic conflicts centered on domestic morality, filial duty, and the perils of unchecked passion, aligning with the era's sentimental drama that resonated with middle-class audiences seeking edifying entertainment over neoclassical rigidity.[15][12] These plays critiqued vice—such as jealousy and betrayal—through virtuous heroines who prioritized ethical steadfastness, thereby reinforcing hierarchies of rank and gender without advocating egalitarian reforms.[12] This approach exemplified More's pre-evangelical phase of engaging worldly theater to subtly advocate personal rectitude within conventional societal bounds.[7]

Associations with Literary Circles

In the 1770s, Hannah More integrated into the Bluestocking circle, a network of intellectual salons centered on Elizabeth Montagu, whom contemporaries dubbed the "Queen of the Bluestockings," and including Hester Chapone.[16] These gatherings emphasized conversational exchange over card-playing, fostering discussions on literature, education, and manners among women and select male figures like Samuel Johnson and Edmund Burke.[16] More's participation highlighted her wit, which Johnson praised as exemplary, though he cautioned against excessive flattery in social interactions.[17] Her friendships with Johnson and actor-manager David Garrick further embedded her in London's literary elite. Garrick, introduced to More around 1773, facilitated the staging of her tragedy Percy in 1777 and lauded her talents, while Johnson admired her conversational prowess during frequent encounters in the mid-1770s.[10] These associations provided patronage and intellectual stimulation, yet More began critiquing the superficiality of fashionable society, noting in private correspondence the prevalence of idle amusements over substantive discourse.[4] More encapsulated her defense of Bluestocking ideals in the poem Bas Bleu; or, Conversation, composed in the mid-1770s and published in 1786. The work celebrates intellectual women engaging in "the noblest commerce of mankind" through rational dialogue, while upholding moral education and distinct gender spheres to avoid pedantry or disruption of social order.[16][18] Johnson commended it as a "very great performance," affirming its role in vindicating female intellect within traditional bounds.[16] This text secured further elite support but underscored emerging tensions, as More's emphasis on purposeful conversation implicitly rebuked the era's dissipations, prefiguring her later advocacy for moral reform.[19]

Evangelical Conversion

Personal Turning Point

In late 1779, Hannah More underwent a profound personal crisis precipitated by the death of her mentor David Garrick on January 20 and the critical failure of her tragedy Fatal Falsehood, which exacerbated her physical and emotional exhaustion into a nervous breakdown.[20] This period of distress intensified her growing unease with the theater's ethical ambiguities, including its promotion of superficiality and moral laxity amid London's fashionable society.[2] More's self-reported reflections linked these worldly engagements to an inner void, prompting her to withdraw from dramatic composition by 1780 and abandon the stage entirely, viewing it as irreconcilable with authentic virtue.[21][13] Her recovery involved rigorous self-examination through private Bible reading and prayer, which redirected her from the rationalist leanings of her Bluestocking associations toward a fervent evangelical piety within Anglican orthodoxy.[22] This shift rejected deistic tendencies that minimized personal sin and divine intervention, embracing instead doctrines of human depravity, Christ's atoning redemption, and the imperative of daily sanctification as causal remedies for spiritual malaise.[23] More's journals from this era document her empirical assessment of prior pursuits—literary ambition and social acclaim—as sources of dissatisfaction, traceable to estrangement from scriptural truths, thereby igniting a sustained resolve for experiential faith over nominal observance.[24] This turning point, unfolding gradually through 1779–1781, marked More's transition from cultural influencer to committed disciple, evidenced by her increasing immersion in devotional practices that prioritized eternal account over temporal success.[25] The causal realism in her writings underscores how forsaking "vanity" for biblical fidelity restored her inner equilibrium, laying the foundation for a life oriented toward practical godliness without reliance on external acclaim.[3]

Key Influences and Relationships

Hannah More's evangelical turn in the late 1770s was deepened by her correspondence with John Newton, the former slave trader turned Anglican clergyman and author of Amazing Grace, beginning around 1787 after she encountered his Olney Hymns and Cardiphonia.[26] Newton's letters emphasized personal repentance, divine providence, and the moral imperatives of faith, which resonated with More's growing conviction that societal ills stemmed from individual spiritual failings rather than mere structural flaws.[27] This exchange reinforced her belief in religion as the foundation for ethical causation and social order, drawing her toward a network of like-minded reformers who prioritized scriptural piety over Enlightenment rationalism alone.[28] In the 1780s, More formed close friendships with figures like William Wilberforce, whose evangelical zeal and commitment to practical Christianity introduced her to the Clapham Sect—a collaborative circle of Anglican reformers centered around Wilberforce's home in Clapham, blending personal devotion with targeted social action.[29] Wilberforce, elected to Parliament in 1780, encouraged More to leverage her literary influence within elite circles while embracing the Sect's ethos of disciplined faith as a counter to moral decay.[20] Though not a formal resident of Clapham, More's interactions with this group, including visits and shared correspondence, shaped her worldview by highlighting the efficacy of interconnected evangelical networks in fostering virtue amid urban temptations.[30] More's relocation to Cowslip Green, a modest cottage she purchased in 1785 near Wrington in Somerset, provided a rural retreat conducive to spiritual reflection and mentorship, distancing her from London's dissipations and enabling sustained engagement with evangelical correspondents.[10] Joined by her sisters, this setting facilitated writing retreats and informal guidance from visitors like Wilberforce, underscoring her preference for simplicity as a bulwark against vice and a space for nurturing faith-based relationships.[31]

Reform Efforts

Anti-Slavery Advocacy

Hannah More entered anti-slavery advocacy in the late 1780s amid growing public debate over the British slave trade, leveraging her literary skills to promote moral opposition through reasoned critique rather than legislative immediacy.[26] Her 1788 poem Slavery, A Poem directly engaged prevailing defenses of the trade by highlighting its moral contradictions with British ideals of liberty and invoking biblical principles of human equality under God to stir elite and public conscience.[32] The work countered economic justifications for slavery by portraying it as a system that degraded both enslaved and enslavers, eroding societal virtue and long-term prosperity, while urging sentimental reflection on documented cruelties like the Middle Passage to build support ahead of William Wilberforce's initial parliamentary motion.[26] [33] More collaborated closely with the Clapham Sect, an evangelical group centered around Wilberforce, to amplify these efforts through grassroots mobilization.[34] She contributed to petition drives that gathered over 100,000 signatures by 1792, emphasizing evidence from eyewitness accounts of plantation abuses to sway parliamentary opinion without demanding abrupt societal disruption.[35] In parallel, More supported consumer boycotts of slave-produced sugar, which reduced imports by an estimated 10-15% in the 1790s by framing participation as a practical moral act accessible to women and the middle class, thereby pressuring economic interests indirectly.[36] Her approach prioritized gradual reform via Christian moral suasion—converting slaveholders through conscience and educating slaves in faith—to achieve emancipation without the violent upheavals observed in contemporaneous events like the 1791 Haitian revolt, which she and fellow evangelicals cited as a cautionary example of hasty liberation's perils.[25] This strategy aligned with first targeting the slave trade's abolition in 1807, allowing time for societal preparation toward full emancipation by 1833, reflecting a causal view that enduring change required transformed hearts over coerced structures.[20]

Cheap Repository Tracts

In 1795, amid anxieties over sedition inspired by the French Revolution, Hannah More launched the Cheap Repository Tracts, a series of inexpensive moral and religious pamphlets designed to provide wholesome reading material for the literate poor as an antidote to radical and immoral chapbooks.[37] These tracts, printed at a cost of about a halfpenny each, employed simple narratives, fables, and dialogues to inculcate virtues such as industry, sobriety, frugality, and deference to social superiors, portraying personal vices like idleness and intemperance as precursors to individual ruin and national instability.[38] More argued that such self-regulating habits among the lower orders could avert societal decay without reliance on state intervention or revolutionary upheaval, emphasizing causal connections between everyday conduct and broader order.[39] The tracts numbered over one hundred by 1798, with More overseeing production alongside contributions from her sisters and associates, and were published monthly in sets of three to sustain engagement.[37] Titles like The Shepherd of Salisbury Plain and The Gin-Shop used relatable rural and urban scenarios to illustrate how diligence and restraint led to prosperity, while excess fostered poverty and disorder, thereby fostering moral autonomy over dependency or unrest.[40] This narrative approach mimicked popular chapbook styles but inverted their content to reinforce hierarchical stability, countering Paineite radicalism by linking vice directly to vulnerability against foreign-inspired agitation.[41] Distribution relied on commercial partnerships with printers Samuel Hazard in Bath and John Marshall in London, who handled mass production and sales through chapmen, shops, and voluntary networks, achieving remarkable reach without subsidies.[40] Approximately 300,000 copies sold in the first two months, escalating to over two million by mid-1796, demonstrating the viability of market incentives in disseminating reformist literature to the working classes.[41][37] This success underscored the tracts' role in preempting radical mobilization by saturating plebeian reading with messages of prudent self-governance, as evidenced by their widespread circulation during peak revolutionary fears in 1795–1798.[42]

Educational Initiatives for the Poor

In 1789, Hannah More and her sister Martha established the first Sunday school in Cheddar, Somerset, within the Mendip Hills region, marking the beginning of a series of educational initiatives aimed at providing basic instruction to children of the poor.[3][4] The school opened on October 25 with 140 pupils, utilizing a barn as the classroom and focusing on children who worked during the week but could attend on Sundays.[13] This effort expanded to a total of nine schools across villages in the area, enrolling thousands of students over the subsequent years despite initial resistance from local landowners concerned about potential social disruption.[4][43] The curriculum emphasized rudimentary reading skills to enable direct access to the Bible, alongside basic arithmetic, rote memorization of moral and religious principles, lessons in personal hygiene, and reinforcement of a diligent work ethic suited to agrarian labor.[3] More deliberately limited instruction to practical necessities, reasoning from observations of rural life that excessive education could foster discontent and unrealistic expectations among the laboring classes without corresponding economic opportunities.[3] Advanced subjects like writing were often omitted to prioritize moral formation and habits conducive to dutiful citizenship within existing social structures.[3] These schools operated on a voluntary funding model, supported by More's personal resources, contributions from her sisters who served as teachers, and donations from sympathetic philanthropists, avoiding reliance on state or parish support.[13] This approach proved scalable, influencing the broader Sunday school movement in Britain by demonstrating the feasibility of community-driven education for the poor.[13] Reports from the period noted tangible improvements in participating villages, including increased church attendance and declines in vices such as drunkenness and theft, attributed to the schools' emphasis on ethical discipline.[3]

Social and Political Philosophy

Defense of Social Hierarchy

In her 1792 pamphlet Village Politics, written under the pseudonym Will Chip, Hannah More presented social hierarchy as an essential component of the divine order established by God, wherein ranks foster reciprocal obligations of superiors to protect and guide inferiors, and inferiors to offer obedience and service, thereby preserving societal cohesion against disruptive egalitarian ideals.[44] This framework contrasted sharply with Thomas Paine's Rights of Man (1791-1792), which More critiqued for promoting abstract rights detached from the concrete duties binding classes together in mutual dependence.[39] She illustrated this through dialogues among villagers, emphasizing that hierarchy mirrors familial structures—such as wives deferring to husbands and children to parents—to extend stability across society.[45] More rooted her defense in biblical principles of human nature, viewing society as ordered by divine providence to accommodate fallen humanity's need for authority to curb self-interest and prevent chaos, with ranks serving as a providential mechanism for moral and practical interdependence rather than mere oppression.[46] This perspective aligned with her Evangelical convictions, which held that true reform arises from aligning personal conduct with scriptural mandates for submission and benevolence within established orders, eschewing radical restructuring that presumed human perfectibility.[47] Empirically, More invoked the French Revolution, which erupted in 1789 and devolved into widespread violence including the Reign of Terror (1793-1794) that claimed tens of thousands of lives, as stark validation that dismantling hierarchical ranks unleashes tyranny under the guise of liberty, advocating instead for incremental improvements through ethical persuasion and education to reinforce rather than erode existing structures.[39] She argued that such upheavals demonstrated the causal peril of abstract theories overriding time-tested social bonds, positioning ordered hierarchy as a bulwark ensuring gradual progress without descending into anarchy.[48] Regarding gender, More upheld women's designated roles as moral exemplars within the domestic and communal spheres, where they could exert stabilizing influence through piety and virtue to elevate family and neighbors, thereby buttressing overall hierarchy without contesting patriarchal authority or seeking public dominance.[49] This approach leveraged women's proximity to everyday ethical formation to propagate order, aligning with her view that female influence thrives in spheres of indirect moral suasion rather than direct political challenge.[50]

Opposition to Radicalism

In response to the spread of radical ideas inspired by the French Revolution, Hannah More penned Village Politics in late 1792, a simple dialogue between a carpenter named Jack Anvil and his radical neighbor Tom Hod, explicitly countering Thomas Paine's Rights of Man (1791).[39][48] In the tract, More, writing under the pseudonym Will Chip, defended Britain's constitutional monarchy and social order as safeguards against the chaos of abstract egalitarian demands, portraying Paine's advocacy for popular sovereignty as a recipe for anarchy that disregarded practical governance and historical stability.[39] She argued that true liberty stemmed from the balanced institutions established by the Glorious Revolution of 1688, which moderated power through parliamentary checks rather than absolutist overthrow or unchecked mob rule, contrasting this with the violent ruptures of Jacobinism.[48] More extended her critique of revolutionary ideology in Strictures on the Modern System of Female Education (1799), where she implicitly rebuked Mary Wollstonecraft's A Vindication of the Rights of Woman (1792) and William Godwin's rationalist philosophy in Enquiry Concerning Political Justice (1793) by emphasizing human imperfection and the folly of basing rights on abstract reason detached from religious and moral constraints.[51][52] She contended that such theories ignored humanity's fallen nature, as understood through Christian doctrine, and risked societal disorder by promoting individual autonomy over established customs and duties, urging instead gradual improvement through piety, domestic virtue, and respect for hierarchy.[51] More warned that unchecked enthusiasm for novelty, fueled by sentimental literature and irreligious speculation, eroded the chivalric traditions blending aristocratic honor with evangelical ethics, which she saw as bulwarks of ordered liberty.[39] Her broader writings in the 1790s and early 1800s advocated evolutionary social change rooted in religious revival and customary restraint, rejecting radical progress narratives that prioritized rupture over continuity, as evidenced by the French Revolution's descent into terror by 1793–1794.[48] More promoted a vision of reform where moral regeneration preceded political tinkering, drawing on England's post-1688 experience to illustrate how tempered constitutionalism averted the extremes of tyranny or leveling equality.[48] This approach, she maintained, preserved social cohesion by aligning human improvement with divine providence rather than utopian blueprints prone to failure.[39]

Criticisms and Controversies

Charges of Paternalism and Conservatism

Critics of Hannah More's reform efforts, particularly her Cheap Repository Tracts published between 1795 and 1798, accused her of paternalism by promoting subservience among the poor through moralistic narratives that emphasized acceptance of one's social station, industry, piety, and loyalty to authority as antidotes to discontent.[42] These tracts, which sold over two million copies in their first year, were viewed by some contemporaries and later scholars as propagandistic tools designed to reinforce hierarchical order amid fears of revolutionary unrest inspired by the French Revolution, rather than addressing root causes of poverty through structural change.[37] Such charges portrayed More's approach as condescending, encouraging the poor to acquiesce in degradation for spiritual rewards while discouraging demands for equality or redistribution.[53] Despite these accusations, empirical outcomes of More's initiatives suggest tangible benefits in literacy and social stability without corresponding increases in revolt. Her Sunday schools in the Mendip Hills, established starting in 1789, educated thousands of poor children in basic reading and catechism, contributing to broader literacy gains among the laboring classes during a period of widespread agrarian and food riots in the 1790s.[54] Unlike regions influenced by radical Paineite agitation, where unrest correlated with agitation for leveling reforms, areas under More's influence exhibited relative calm, with her moral instruction credited by supporters for fostering self-reliance and reducing vice-driven poverty cycles prior to material aid.[55] More defended her paternalistic framework as a pragmatic response grounded in observed causal patterns of destitution, where unchecked appetites and moral laxity perpetuated indigence more than mere want, necessitating character reform to break intergenerational dependency.[39] She explicitly rejected egalitarian leveling as a remedy, arguing it would proliferate vice by eroding the providential social bonds that channeled human inclinations toward productive ends, drawing implicit contrasts with the chaos of French experiments in radical equality.[56] While some radicals acknowledged the value of her outreach in reaching the illiterate masses, More's insistence on hierarchy over emancipation distinguished her efforts, prioritizing ordered virtue as the foundation for societal resilience against upheaval.

Debates on Gender Roles and Reform Limits

Hannah More advocated for the intellectual development of women, participating in the Bluestocking circle that promoted female scholarship and conversation as complementary to domestic virtues, yet she insisted such education should reinforce rather than challenge established gender hierarchies.[39] In her 1799 work Strictures on the Modern System of Female Education, More argued that proper instruction would equip women with rational principles to fulfill their roles as moral guardians of the family, countering superficial accomplishments like novel-reading or excessive sensibility that she viewed as weakening societal order.[57] She defended women's capacity for learning, as seen in her own dramatic writings and evangelical tracts, but prioritized virtues like piety and prudence over ambitions for public equality.[49] More explicitly critiqued Mary Wollstonecraft's calls for female independence in A Vindication of the Rights of Woman (1792), warning that such views promoted self-assertion at the expense of familial duties and risked moral dissolution akin to the excesses of the French Revolution.[58] She contended that Wollstonecraft's emphasis on women's rights eroded the complementary sexes model, potentially leading to instability in households where women pursued autonomy over mutual dependence, drawing on observations of revolutionary upheavals that disrupted traditional bonds across Europe.[59] While divorce remained rare in England—requiring parliamentary acts and averaging fewer than five annually before 1801—More linked radical gender ideologies to broader patterns of marital discord and social fragmentation reported in post-revolutionary contexts.[60] Modern feminist scholars have charged More with traditionalism that confined women to subordinate positions, limiting poor girls' aspirations through her schools' focus on moral instruction over vocational or intellectual parity, thus reinforcing class and gender constraints rather than dismantling them.[46] Critics argue her vision prioritized ordered domesticity over expansive agency, viewing unrestricted equality as ideologically driven rather than empirically beneficial.[59] Yet, her initiatives demonstrably enhanced women's moral influence, as her Sunday schools from 1789 onward taught literacy and ethics to over 2,000 pupils in Cheddar alone by 1800, fostering philanthropy among middle-class women and correlating with reported declines in local vice and family breakdowns in reformed parishes.[13] These outcomes suggest causal efficacy in stabilizing communities through role-affirming education, outweighing abstract critiques of ideological limitation.[20]

Later Life

Continued Writings and Philanthropy

In her later years, Hannah More continued her literary output with works that delved deeper into evangelical ethics, notably Christian Morals published in 1813 by T. Cadell and W. Davies.[61] This volume extended the principles outlined in her earlier Practical Piety (1811), providing practical guidance on Christian conduct in everyday life, with chapters addressing topics such as charity, prejudice against religion, the exercise of influence, and detailed instructions for moral living.[62] More's writings emphasized the application of faith to counter personal and social vices, reflecting her commitment to reforming individual character through scriptural adherence amid her own advancing age and physical frailty.[63] More sustained her philanthropy in the Mendip villages near her Barley Wood residence, funding local improvements and supporting religious societies despite health limitations that curtailed her mobility.[13] She and her sisters documented their charitable labors in journals and letters, recording personal visits to the poor where faith-based instruction correlated with observable shifts in behavior, including reduced idleness and increased industriousness among recipients.[64] These efforts built on earlier initiatives, applying evangelical principles to foster self-reliance and moral order in rural communities, with More attributing causal improvements to consistent religious teaching over mere material aid.[3] As public tract-writing waned, More adapted by focusing on private counsel through correspondence and hosting visitors at Barley Wood, influencing emerging figures such as the young Thomas Babington Macaulay, who later credited her works like Christian Morals for shaping his ethical outlook.[4] This shift allowed her to impart principles of moral reform personally, extending her impact beyond printed media while navigating the constraints of retirement and declining vigor.[65]

Final Years and Death

In her later years, Hannah More resided at Barley Wood near Wrington until 1828, when declining health prompted her relocation to Clifton, Bristol.[66] There, amid years of physical frailty, she continued under the care of close friends until her death on 7 September 1833, at the age of 88.[10] [67] More's passing followed a period of pious reflection consistent with her evangelical faith, with her body conveyed to Wrington for interment.[68] Despite her express wish for simplicity without pomp, the funeral elicited spontaneous widespread mourning, reflecting her enduring public esteem.[68] She was buried in All Saints Churchyard alongside her sisters.[69] Through her will, More directed much of her accumulated wealth—derived largely from her writings, totaling around £30,000—to support charitable endeavors, underscoring her lifelong commitment to philanthropy.[20]

Legacy

Impacts on Education and Literacy

Hannah More, alongside her sister Martha, established the first Sunday school in Cheddar, Somerset, on October 25, 1789, initially enrolling 140 children from impoverished mining families.[13] This initiative expanded rapidly to over a dozen voluntary day and Sunday schools across the Mendip Hills within a decade, providing basic literacy instruction centered on reading the Scriptures without teaching writing, which More viewed as a potential vector for sedition.[13][3] Adult evening classes also proliferated, growing from four to sixty participants in mere months, emphasizing moral and religious formation to foster industry and virtue.[13] These schools demonstrated tangible local impacts, including enhanced literacy enabling independent Bible study and observable declines in vices such as swearing and gambling among attendees, alongside improved work habits rooted in a sense of Christian duty.[13] More's approach prioritized moral literacy as a bulwark against radical ideologies, exemplified by her distribution of millions of Cheap Repository Tracts between 1795 and 1798, which reinforced habits of diligence and piety over idleness or entitlement.[3] By integrating education with evangelical philanthropy, her model proved scalable and stable, relying on community volunteers rather than state mandates, and outperformed contemporaneous efforts through its emphasis on personal responsibility.[13] More's Mendip experiments pioneered a voluntary, faith-based framework that profoundly shaped Britain's 19th-century Sunday school movement, enabling widespread access to elementary education for the working poor without coercive taxation or centralized control.[3] This system, grounded in religious obligation, facilitated moral and literate citizenry formation, averting the social upheavals More associated with unlettered discontent during the revolutionary era.[13]

Contributions to Abolition and Moral Reform

Hannah More played a significant role in the early abolitionist movement through her 1788 publication of Slavery, a Poem, which portrayed the slave trade's cruelties, particularly the plight of enslaved women, and served as propaganda for the Society for Effecting the Abolition of the African Slave Trade.[70] [71] The poem coincided with a surge in public petitions, including over 100 submitted to Parliament in 1788—the largest such campaign to date—helping to shift opinion against the trade by appealing to readers' sense of justice and humanity.[70] [72] Her close association with the Clapham Sect and personal friendship with William Wilberforce, forged around 1787, positioned More to support parliamentary efforts indirectly by disseminating anti-slavery sentiments through her writings and networks.[73] [26] This cultural advocacy complemented Wilberforce's advocacy, fostering widespread ethical opposition that contributed to the 1807 Slave Trade Abolition Act, which prohibited British participation in the transatlantic trade.[74] [30] Beyond direct abolitionism, More's Cheap Repository Tracts, produced from 1795 to 1798 and distributed in the millions, advanced moral reform by promoting virtues like sobriety and diligence while warning against vices such as excessive gin consumption, which exacerbated poverty and social disorder.[75] [39] Tracts like her ballads framed drunkenness as a pathway to ruin, encouraging self-control among the working classes and countering radical influences during a period of unrest. This groundwork in ethical cultivation helped stabilize society, creating a receptive environment for sustained reform and enabling the 1833 Slavery Abolition Act, which emancipated slaves across the British Empire through legislation rather than armed conflict.[76] [39]

Historical Assessments and Modern Views

In the nineteenth century, Hannah More was widely venerated as a moral exemplar and pioneer of social reform, often dubbed the "first Victorian" for her advocacy of evangelical piety, education for the poor, and opposition to vice, which aligned with emerging Victorian values of domesticity and self-improvement.[77] Contemporary accounts praised her as a saintly figure whose tracts and philanthropy exemplified practical Christianity, influencing figures like William Wilberforce and contributing to the cultural shift toward moral earnestness that characterized the era.[39] This assessment emphasized the tangible outcomes of her conservative approach, such as widespread literacy gains among the laboring classes without disrupting social order, contrasting sharply with the revolutionary upheavals elsewhere in Europe.[78] Twentieth-century scholarship, often influenced by progressive ideologies, critiqued More as a reactionary force who reinforced class hierarchies and gender norms, portraying her resistance to radical egalitarianism as stifling true liberation.[79] Such views, prevalent in mid-century literary analyses, dismissed her emphasis on moral suasion over political upheaval as paternalistic, yet empirical evidence of Britain's relatively peaceful transition to broader reforms—evident in the abolition of slavery by 1833 and expanded education—undermines claims of her methods' ineffectiveness, highlighting instead their role in enabling incremental progress amid the French Revolution's failures.[39] Feminist interpreters in this period further charged her with anti-feminism for upholding separate spheres, overlooking how her writings empowered women through intellectual and moral agency within existing structures.[46] Post-2000 scholarship has reevaluated More's pragmatic conservatism as instrumental in forging a resilient cultural framework that prioritized hierarchy for stability while advancing liberty through ethical reform, crediting her with inventing key elements of British conservative thought against Jacobin excesses.[80] Biographies like Karen Swallow Prior's 2014 Fierce Convictions counter feminist dismissals by documenting More's facilitation of female influence via moral authority, as seen in her leadership of abolitionist networks and educational initiatives that equipped women for public impact without endorsing revolutionary disruption.[81] This perspective privileges causal outcomes, such as her tracts' role in shifting public opinion toward abolition and temperance, over ideological purity, affirming the efficacy of her hierarchical yet reform-oriented stance in averting societal collapse.[82]

References

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