Recent from talks
Nothing was collected or created yet.
Indigenous peoples in Canada
View on Wikipedia
Indigenous peoples in Canada (also known as Aboriginals)[2] are the Indigenous peoples within the boundaries of Canada. They comprise the First Nations,[3] Inuit,[4] and Métis,[5] representing roughly 5.0% of the total Canadian population. There are over 600 recognized First Nations governments or bands with distinctive cultures, languages, art, and music.[6][7]
Key Information
Old Crow Flats and Bluefish Caves are some of the earliest known sites of human habitation in Canada.[8] The characteristics of Indigenous cultures in Canada prior to European colonization included permanent settlements,[9] agriculture,[10] civic and ceremonial architecture,[11] complex societal hierarchies, and trading networks.[12] Métis nations of mixed ancestry originated in the mid-17th century when First Nations and Inuit married Europeans, primarily French settlers.[13] First Nations and Métis peoples played a critical part in the development of European colonies in Canada, particularly for their role in assisting Europeans during the North American fur trade.
Various Aboriginal laws, treaties, and legislation have been enacted between European immigrants and Indigenous groups across Canada. The impact of settler colonialism in Canada can be seen in its culture, history, politics, laws, and legislatures.[14] Historically, this included assimilationist policies affecting Indigenous languages, traditions, religion and the degradation of Indigenous communities that has contemporarily been described by some, including academics and politicians, as a cultural genocide, or genocide.[15]
The modern Indigenous right to self-government provides for Indigenous self-government in Canada and the management of cultural, political, health and economic responsibilities within Indigenous communities. National Indigenous Peoples Day recognizes the vast cultures and contributions of Indigenous peoples to the history of Canada.[16] First Nations, Inuit, and Métis peoples of all backgrounds have become prominent figures in Canada and have helped shape the Canadian cultural identity.[17]
Terminology
[edit]In Section 35 of the Constitution Act, 1982, "Aboriginal peoples of Canada" includes Indian, Inuit, and Métis peoples.[18] "Aboriginal" as a collective noun[19] is a specific term of art used as a legal term encompassing all Indigenous peoples living in Canada.[20][21] Although "Indian" is a term still commonly used in legal documents for First Nations, the descriptors "Indian" and "Eskimo" have fallen into disuse in Canada; most consider them to be pejorative.[2][22][23] Indian remains in place as the legal term used in the Canadian Constitution.[2][a] Aboriginal peoples has begun to be considered outdated and is slowly being replaced by the term Indigenous peoples.[b] There is also an effort to recognize each Indigenous group as a distinct nation, much as there are distinct European, African, and Asian cultures in their respective places.[31]
First Nations (most often used in the plural) has come into general use since the 1970s, replacing Indians and Indian bands in everyday vocabulary.[20][21] However, on Indian reserves, First Nations is being supplanted by members of various nations referring to themselves by their group or ethnic identity. In conversation, this would be "I am Haida", or "we are Kwantlens", in recognition of their First Nations ethnicities.[32] Also coming into general use since the 1970s, First Peoples refers to all Indigenous groups, i.e. First Nations, Inuit, and Métis.[33][34][2]
Notwithstanding Canada's location within the Americas, the term Native American is hardly ever used in Canada, in order to avoid any confusion due to the ambiguous meaning of the word "American". Therefore, the term is typically used only in reference to the Indigenous peoples within the boundaries of the present-day United States.[35] Native Canadians was often used in Canada to differentiate this American term until the 1980s.[36]
In contrast to the more-specific Aboriginal, one of the issues with the term native is its general applicability: in certain contexts, it could be used in reference to non-Indigenous peoples in regards to an individual place of origin / birth.[37] For instance, people who were born or grew up in Calgary may call themselves "Calgary natives", as in they are native to that city. With this in mind, even the term native American, as another example, may very well indicate someone who is native to America rather than a person who is ethnically Indigenous to the boundaries of the present-day United States. In this sense, native may encompass a broad range of populations and is therefore not recommended,[37] although it is not generally considered offensive.
The Indian Act (Revised Statutes of Canada (R.S.C.), 1985, c. I-5) sets the legal term Indian, designating that "a person who pursuant to this Act is registered as an Indian or is entitled to be registered as an Indian."[38] Section 5 of the act states that a registry shall be maintained "in which shall be recorded the name of every person who is entitled to be registered as an Indian under this Act."[38] No other term is legally recognized for the purpose of registration and the term Indian specifically excludes reference to Inuit as per section 4 of the act.[39]
The term Eskimo has pejorative connotations in Canada and Greenland. Indigenous peoples in those areas have replaced the term Eskimo with Inuit,[40][41] though the Yupik of Alaska and Siberia do not consider themselves Inuit, and ethnographers agree they are a distinct people.[23][41] They prefer the terminology Yupik, Yupiit, or Eskimo. The Yupik languages are linguistically distinct from the Inuit languages, but are related to each other.[23] Linguistic groups of Arctic people have no universal replacement term for Eskimo, inclusive of all Inuit and Yupik across the geographical area inhabited by them.[23]
Besides these ethnic descriptors, Aboriginal peoples are often divided into legal categories based on their relationship with the Crown (i.e. the state). Section 91(24) of the Constitution Act, 1867 gives the federal government (as opposed to the provinces) the sole responsibility for "Indians, and Lands reserved for the Indians." The government inherited treaty obligations from the British colonial authorities in Eastern Canada and signed treaties itself with First Nations in Western Canada (the Numbered Treaties). The Indian Act, passed by the federal Parliament in 1876, has long governed its interactions with all treaty and non-treaty peoples.[42]
Members of First Nations bands who are subject to the Indian Act are compiled on a list called the Indian Register, and such people are designated as status Indians. Many non-treaty First Nations and all Inuit and Métis are not subject to the Indian Act. However, two court cases have clarified that Inuit, Métis, and non-status First Nations are all covered by the term Indians in the Constitution Act, 1867. The first was Reference Re Eskimos (1939), covering Inuit; the second was Daniels v. Canada (2013), which concerns Métis and non-status First Nations.[43]
History
[edit]Paleo-Indian period
[edit]
According to North American archaeological and genetic evidence, migration to North and South America made them the last continents in the world with human habitation.[45] During the Wisconsin glaciation, 50,000–17,000 years ago, falling sea levels allowed people to move across the Bering land bridge that joined Siberia to northwest North America (Alaska).[46] Alaska was ice-free because of low snowfall, allowing a small population to exist. The Laurentide ice sheet covered most of Canada, blocking nomadic inhabitants and confining them to Alaska (East Beringia) for thousands of years.[47][48]
Indigenous genetic studies suggest that the first inhabitants of the Americas share a single ancestral population, one that developed in isolation, conjectured to be Beringia.[49][50] The isolation of these peoples in Beringia might have lasted 10,000–20,000 years.[51][52][53] Around 16,500 years ago, the glaciers began melting, allowing people to move south and east into Canada and beyond.[54][55][56]
The first inhabitants of North America arrived in Canada at least 14,000 years ago.[57] It is believed the inhabitants entered the Americas pursuing Pleistocene mammals such as the giant beaver, steppe wisent (bison), muskox, mastodons, woolly mammoths and ancient reindeer (early caribou).[58] One route hypothesized is that people walked south by way of an ice-free corridor on the east side of the Rocky Mountains, and then fanned out across North America before continuing on to South America.[59] The other conjectured route is that they migrated, either on foot or using primitive boats, down the Pacific coast to the tip of South America, and then crossed the Rockies and Andes.[60] Evidence of the latter has been covered by a sea level rise of hundreds of metres following the last ice age.[61][62]
The Old Crow Flats and basin was one of the areas in Canada untouched by glaciations during the Pleistocene Ice ages, thus it served as a pathway and refuge for ice age plants and animals.[63] The area holds evidence of early human habitation in Canada dating from about 12,000 years ago.[64] Fossils from the area include some never accounted for in North America, such as hyenas and large camels.[65] Bluefish Caves is an archaeological site in Yukon from which a specimen of apparently human-worked mammoth bone was radiocarbon dated to 12,000 years ago.[64]

Clovis sites dated at 13,500 years ago were discovered in western North America during the 1930s. Clovis peoples were regarded as the first widespread Paleo-Indian inhabitants of the New World and ancestors to all Indigenous peoples in the Americas.[66]
Localized regional cultures developed from the time of the Younger Dryas cold climate period from 12,900 to 11,500 years ago.[67] The Folsom tradition is characterized by the use of Folsom points as projectile tips at archaeological sites. These tools assisted activities at kill sites that marked the slaughter and butchering of bison.[68]
The land bridge existed until 13,000–11,000 years ago, long after the oldest proven human settlements in the New World began.[69] Lower sea levels in the Queen Charlotte sound and Hecate Strait produced great grass lands called archipelago of Haida Gwaii.[70] Hunter-gatherers of the area left distinctive lithic technology tools and the remains of large butchered mammals, occupying the area from 13,000–9,000 years ago.[70] In July 1992, the Government of Canada officially designated X̱á:ytem (near Mission, British Columbia) as a national historic site, one of the first Indigenous spiritual sites in Canada to be formally recognized in this manner.[71]
The Plano cultures was a group of hunter-gatherer communities that occupied the Great Plains area of North America between 10,000 and 8,000 years ago.[72] The Paleo-Indians moved into new territory as it emerged from under the glaciers. Big game flourished in this new environment.[73] The Plano culture is characterized by a range of projectile point tools collectively called Plano points, which were used to hunt bison. Their diets also included pronghorn, elk, deer, raccoon and coyote.[72] At the beginning of the Archaic period, they began to adopt a sedentary approach to subsistence.[72] Sites in and around Belmont, Nova Scotia, have evidence of Plano-Indians, indicating small seasonal hunting camps, perhaps re-visited over generations from around 11,000–10,000 years ago.[72] Seasonal large and smaller game fish and fowl were food and raw material sources. Adaptation to the harsh environment included tailored clothing and skin-covered tents on wooden frames.[72]
Archaic period
[edit]The North American climate stabilized by 8000 BCE (10,000 years ago); climatic conditions were very similar to today's.[74] This led to widespread migration, cultivation and later a dramatic rise in population all over the Americas.[74] Over the course of thousands of years, Indigenous peoples of the Americas domesticated, bred and cultivated a large array of plant species. These species now constitute 50–60% of all crops in cultivation worldwide.[75]

The vastness and variety of Canada's climates, ecology, vegetation, fauna, and landform separations have defined ancient peoples implicitly into cultural or linguistic divisions. Canada is surrounded north, east, and west with coastline and since the last ice age, Canada has consisted of distinct forest regions. Language contributes to the identity of a people by influencing social life ways and spiritual practices.[76] Indigenous religions developed from anthropomorphism and animism philosophies.[77]
The placement of artifacts and materials within an Archaic burial site indicated social differentiation based upon status.[74] There is a continuous record of occupation of S'ólh Téméxw by Indigenous people dating from the early Holocene period, 10,000–9,000 years ago.[78] Archaeological sites at Stave Lake, Coquitlam Lake, Fort Langley and region uncovered early period artifacts. These early inhabitants were highly mobile hunter-gatherers, consisting of about 20 to 50 members of an extended family.[78][verification needed] The Na-Dene people occupied much of the land area of northwest and central North America starting around 8,000 BCE.[79] They were the earliest ancestors of the Athabaskan-speaking peoples, including the Navajo and Apache. They had villages with large multi-family dwellings, used seasonally during the summer, from which they hunted, fished and gathered food supplies for the winter.[80] The Wendat peoples settled into Southern Ontario along the Eramosa River around 8,000–7,000 BCE (10,000–9,000 years ago).[81] They were concentrated between Lake Simcoe and Georgian Bay. Wendat hunted caribou to survive on the glacier-covered land.[81] Many different First Nations cultures relied upon the buffalo starting by 6,000–5,000 BCE (8,000–7,000 years ago).[81] They hunted buffalo by herding migrating buffalo off cliffs. Head-Smashed-In Buffalo Jump, near Fort Macleod, Alberta, is a hunting grounds that was in use for about 5,000 years.[81]

By 7,000–5000 BCE (9,000–7,000 years ago) the west coast of Canada saw various cultures who organized themselves around salmon fishing.[81] The Nuu-chah-nulth of Vancouver Island began whaling with advanced long spears at about this time.[81] The Maritime Archaic is one group of North America's Archaic culture of sea-mammal hunters in the subarctic. They prospered from approximately 7,000 BCE–1,500 BCE (9,000–3,500 years ago) along the Atlantic Coast of North America.[82] Their settlements included longhouses and boat-topped temporary or seasonal houses. They engaged in long-distance trade, using as currency white chert, a rock quarried from northern Labrador to Maine.[83] The Pre-Columbian culture, whose members were called Red Paint People, is indigenous to the New England and Atlantic Canada regions of North America. The culture flourished between 3,000 BCE – 1,000 BCE (5,000–3,000 years ago) and was named after their burial ceremonies, which used large quantities of red ochre to cover bodies and grave goods.[84]
The Arctic small tool tradition is a broad cultural entity that developed along the Alaska Peninsula, around Bristol Bay, and on the eastern shores of the Bering Strait around 2,500 BCE (4,500 years ago).[85] These Paleo-Arctic peoples had a highly distinctive toolkit of small blades (microblades) that were pointed at both ends and used as side- or end-barbs on arrows or spears made of other materials, such as bone or antler. Scrapers, engraving tools and adze blades were also included in their toolkits.[85] The Arctic small tool tradition branches off into two cultural variants, including the Pre-Dorset, and the Independence traditions, ancestors of the Thule people, and Inuit displaced these two groups by 1000 CE.[85]: 179–81
Post-Archaic periods
[edit]The Old Copper complex societies dating from 3,000 BCE – 500 BCE (5,000–2,500 years ago) are a manifestation of the Woodland culture, and are pre-pottery in nature.[86] Evidence found in the northern Great Lakes regions indicates that they extracted copper from local glacial deposits and used it in its natural form to manufacture tools and implements.[86]
The Woodland cultural period dates from about 1,000 BCE – 1,000 CE, and has locales in Ontario, Quebec, and Maritime regions.[87] The introduction of pottery distinguishes the Woodland culture from the earlier Archaic stage inhabitants. Laurentian people of southern Ontario manufactured the oldest pottery excavated to date in Canada.[76] They created pointed-bottom beakers decorated by a cord marking technique that involved impressing tooth implements into wet clay. Woodland technology included items such as beaver incisor knives, bangles, and chisels. The population practising sedentary agricultural life ways continued to increase on a diet of squash, corn, and bean crops.[76]
The Hopewell tradition is an Indigenous culture that flourished along American rivers from 300 BCE – 500 CE. At its greatest extent, the Hopewell Exchange System networked cultures and societies with the peoples on the Canadian shores of Lake Ontario. Canadian expression of the Hopewellian peoples encompasses the Point Peninsula, Saugeen, and Laurel complexes.[88][89][90]
First Nations
[edit]
First Nations peoples had settled and established trade routes across what is now Canada by 500 BCE – 1,000 CE. Communities developed each with its own culture, customs, and character.[91] In the northwest are the Athapaskan speaking, Slavey, Tłı̨chǫ, Tutchone, and Tlingit. Along the Pacific coast are the Tsimshian; Haida; Coast Salish; Kwakwakaʼwakw; Heiltsuk; Nootka; Nisga'a; Senakw and Gitxsan. In the Plains are the Niisitapi; Káínawa; Tsuutʼina; and Piikáni. In the Northern Woodlands are the Cree and Chipewyan. Around the Great Lakes are the Anishinaabe; Algonquin; Haudenosaunee and Wendat. Along the Atlantic Coast are the Wolastoqiyik, Innu, Abenaki, and Mi'kmaq and formerly the Beothuk.[citation needed]
Many First Nations civilizations[92] established characteristics and hallmarks that included permanent urban settlements or cities,[93] agriculture, civic and monumental architecture, and complex societal hierarchies.[94] These cultures had evolved and changed by the time of the first permanent European arrivals (c. late 15th–early 16th centuries), and have been brought forward through archaeological investigations.[95]
There are indications of contact made before Christopher Columbus between the first peoples and those from other continents. Indigenous people in Canada first interacted with Europeans around 1000 CE, but prolonged contact came after Europeans established permanent settlements in the 17th and 18th centuries.[96] European written accounts generally recorded friendliness of the First Nations, who profited in trade with Europeans.[96] Such trade generally strengthened the more organized political entities such as the Iroquois Confederation.[97] Throughout the 16th century, European fleets made almost annual visits to the eastern shores of Canada to cultivate the fishing opportunities. A sideline industry emerged in the un-organized traffic of furs overseen by the British Indian Department.[98]
Prominent First Nations people include Joe Capilano, who met with King of the United Kingdom, Edward VII, to speak of the need to settle land claims and Ovide Mercredi, a leader at both the Meech Lake Accord constitutional reform discussions and Oka Crisis.[99][100]
Inuit
[edit]Inuit are the descendants of what anthropologists call the Thule culture, which emerged from western Alaska around 1,000 CE and spread eastward across the Arctic, displacing the Dorset culture (in Inuktitut, the Tuniit). Inuit historically referred to the Tuniit as "giants", who were taller and stronger than the Inuit.[101] Researchers hypothesize that the Dorset culture lacked dogs, larger weapons and other technologies used by the expanding Inuit society.[102] By 1300, Inuit had settled in west Greenland, and finally moved into east Greenland over the following century. The Inuit had trade routes with more southern cultures. Boundary disputes were common and led to aggressive actions.[103]

Warfare was common among Inuit groups with sufficient population density. Inuit, such as the Nunamiut (Uummarmiut) who inhabited the Mackenzie River delta area, often engaged in common warfare. The Central Arctic Inuit lacked the population density to engage in warfare. In the 13th century, the Thule culture began arriving in Greenland from what is now Canada. Norse accounts are scant. Norse-made items from Inuit campsites in Greenland were obtained by either trade or plunder.[104] One account, Ívar Bárðarson, speaks of "small people" with whom the Norsemen fought.[105] 14th-century accounts relate that a western settlement, one of the two Norse settlements, was taken over by the Skræling.[106]
After the disappearance of the Norse colonies in Greenland, the Inuit had no contact with Europeans for at least a century. By the mid-16th century, Basque fishers were already working the Labrador coast and had established whaling stations on land, such as those excavated at Red Bay.[107] The Inuit appear not to have interfered with their operations, but they did raid the stations in winter for tools, and particularly worked iron, which they adapted to native needs.[108]
Notable among the Inuit are Abraham Ulrikab and family who became a zoo exhibit in Hamburg, Germany, and Tanya Tagaq, a traditional throat singer.[109] Abe Okpik was instrumental in helping Inuit obtain surnames rather than disc numbers and Kiviaq (David Ward) won the legal right to use his single-word Inuktitut name.[110][111]
Métis
[edit]
The Métis are people descended from marriages between Europeans (mainly French)[112] and Cree, Ojibwe, Algonquin, Saulteaux, Menominee, Mi'kmaq, Maliseet, and other First Nations.[13] Their history dates to the mid-17th century.[3]
When Europeans first arrived to Canada they relied on Indigenous peoples for fur trading skills and survival. To ensure alliances, relationships between European fur traders and Indigenous women were often consolidated through marriage.[113] The Métis homeland consists of the Canadian provinces of British Columbia, Alberta, Saskatchewan, Manitoba, and Ontario, as well as the Northwest Territories (NWT).[114]
Amongst notable Métis people are singer and actor Tom Jackson,[115] Commissioner of the Northwest Territories Tony Whitford, and Louis Riel who led two resistance movements: the Red River Rebellion of 1869–1870 and the North-West Rebellion of 1885, which ended in his trial and subsequent execution.[116][117][118]
The languages inherently Métis are either Métis French or a mixed language called Michif. Michif, Mechif or Métchif is a phonetic spelling of Métif, a variant of Métis.[119] The Métis today predominantly speak English, with French a strong second language, as well as numerous Indigenous tongues. A 19th-century community of the Métis people, the Anglo-Métis, were referred to as Countryborn. They were children of Rupert's Land fur trade typically of Orcadian, Scottish, or English paternal descent and Indigenous maternal descent.[120] Their first languages would have been Indigenous (Cree, Saulteaux, Assiniboine, etc.) and English. Their fathers spoke Gaelic, thus leading to the development of an English dialect referred to as "Bungee".[121][dubious – discuss]
S.35 of the Constitution Act, 1982 mentions the Métis yet there has long been debate over legally defining the term Métis,[122] but on September 23, 2003, the Supreme Court of Canada ruled that Métis are a distinct people with significant rights (Powley ruling).[123]
Unlike First Nations people, there has been no distinction between status and non-status Métis;[124] the Métis, their heritage and Indigenous ancestry have often been absorbed and assimilated into their surrounding populations.[125]
Forced assimilation
[edit]From the late 18th century, European Canadians (and the Canadian government) encouraged assimilation of Indigenous culture into what was referred to as "Canadian culture."[126][127] These attempts reached a climax in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, with a series of initiatives that aimed at complete assimilation and subjugation of the Indigenous peoples. These policies, which were made possible by legislation such as the Gradual Civilization Act[128] and the Indian Act,[129] focused on European ideals of Christianity, sedentary living, agriculture, and education.[130]
Christianization
[edit]
Missionary work directed at the Indigenous people of Canada had been ongoing since the first missionaries arrived in the 1600s, generally from France, some of whom were martyred (Jesuit saints called the Canadian Martyrs). Christianization as government policy became more systematic with the Indian Act in 1876, which would bring new sanctions for those who did not convert to Christianity. For example, the new laws would prevent non-Christian Indigenous people from testifying or having their cases heard in court, and ban alcohol consumption.[131] When the Indian Act was amended in 1884, traditional religious and social practices, such as the Potlatch, would be banned, and further amendments in 1920 would prevent "status Indians" (as defined in the Act) from wearing traditional dress or performing traditional dances in an attempt to stop all non-Christian practices.[131]
Sedentary living, reserves, and "gradual civilization"
[edit]Another focus of the Canadian government was to make the Indigenous groups of Canada sedentary, as they thought that this would make them easier to assimilate. In the 19th century, the government began to support the creation of model farming villages, which were meant to encourage non-sedentary Indigenous groups to settle in an area and begin to cultivate agriculture.[132] When most of these model farming villages failed,[132] the government turned instead to the creation of Indian reserves with the Indian Act of 1876.[129] With the creation of these reserves came many restricting laws, such as further bans on all intoxicants, restrictions on eligibility to vote in band elections, decreased hunting and fishing areas, and inability for status Indians to visit other groups on their reserves.[129] Farming was still seen as an important practice for assimilation on reserves; however, by the late 19th century the government had instituted restrictive policies here too, such as the Peasant Farm Policy, which restricted reserve farmers largely to the use of hand tools.[133] This was implemented largely to limit the competitiveness of First Nations farming.[134]
Through the Gradual Civilization Act in 1857, the government would encourage Indians (i.e., First Nations) to enfranchise – to remove all legal distinctions between [Indians] and Her Majesty's other Canadian Subjects.[128] If an Indigenous chose to enfranchise, it would strip them and their family of Aboriginal title, with the idea that they would become "less savage" and "more civilized," thus become assimilated into Canadian society.[135] However, they were often still defined as non-citizens by Europeans, and those few who did enfranchise were often met with disappointment.[135]
Residential system
[edit]
The final government strategy of assimilation, made possible by the Indian Act was the Canadian residential school system:
Of all the initiatives that were undertaken in the first century of Confederation, none was more ambitious or central to the civilizing strategy of the Department, to its goal of assimilation than the residential school system… it was the residential school experience that would lead children most effectively out of their "savage" communities into "higher civilization" and "full citizenship."[136]
Beginning in 1874 and lasting until 1996, the Canadian government, in partnership with the dominant Christian Churches, ran 130 residential boarding schools across Canada for Indigenous children. Sometimes school attendance was forced.[137] While the schools provided some education, they were plagued by under-funding, disease, and abuse.[138]
According to some scholars, the Canadian government's laws and policies, including the residential school system, that encouraged or required Indigenous peoples to assimilate into a Eurocentric society, violated the United Nations Genocide Convention that Canada signed in 1949 and passed through Parliament in 1952. Therefore, these scholars believe that Canada could be tried in international court for genocide.[139] A legal case resulted in settlement of CA$2 billion in 2006 and the 2008 establishment of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, which confirmed the injurious effect on children of this system and turmoil created between Indigenous peoples and non-Indigenous peoples.[140] In 2008, Prime Minister Stephen Harper issued an apology on behalf of the Canadian government and its citizens for the residential school system.[141]
Politics, law, and legislation
[edit]Indigenous law vs. Aboriginal law
[edit]The term Canadian Indigenous law refers to Indigenous peoples' own legal systems. This includes the laws and legal processes developed by Indigenous groups to govern their relationships, manage their natural resources, and manage conflicts.[142] Indigenous law is developed from a variety of sources and institutions, which differ across legal traditions.[143] Canadian Aboriginal law is the area of law related to the Canadian government's relationship with the Indigenous peoples. Section 91(24) of the Constitution Act, 1867 gives the federal parliament exclusive power to legislate in matters related to Aboriginals, which includes groups governed by the Indian Act, different Numbered Treaties and outside of those acts.[144]
Treaties
[edit]
The Monarchy of Canada and the Indigenous peoples of Canada began interactions in North America during the European colonization period. The Royal Proclamation of 1763 recognized Indigenous title and the Treaty of Niagara of 1764 bound the Crown and the Indigenous peoples of the Great Lakes basin together in a familial relationship, a relationship that exists to this day, exemplified by First Nations attendance at the coronation of King Charles III.[145] Post-Confederation Canada adopted a paternalistic approach and imposed an approach as though the nation-to-nation relationship did not exist, administering relations solely under Canadian law.[citation needed]
After Canada's acquisition of Rupert's Land and the North-Western Territory in 1870, the eleven Numbered Treaties were imposed on the First Nations from 1871 to 1921. These treaties are agreements with the Crown administered by Canadian Aboriginal law and overseen by the Minister of Crown–Indigenous Relations.[146]
Treaty rights would be recognized and incorporated into the 1982 Constitution. Many agreements signed before the Confederation of Canada are recognized in Canadian law, such as the Peace and Friendship Treaties, the Robinson Treaties, the Douglas Treaties, and many others, although many First Nations still have no treaty with the Crown recognizing their title, such as the Mikmaq, the Anishnaabe and several northern British Columbia nations.[citation needed]
For many years, Canada did not negotiate with First Nations to address their aboriginal title. Canadian court judgments and political pressure led to a change in ways following the Canadian Centennial year. The first treaty implemented under the new framework was the James Bay and Northern Quebec Agreement in 1970 between the Cree and Quebec. This was followed by the Inuvialuit Final Agreement in 1984 that led to the creation of the Inuvialuit Settlement Region.[147] The Nunavut Land Claims Agreement of 1993 lead to the creation of the Inuit-majority territory of Nunavut later that decade. The Canadian Crown continues to sign new treaties with Indigenous peoples, notably though the British Columbia Treaty Process.[148]
According to the First Nations–Federal Crown Political Accord, "cooperation will be a cornerstone for partnership between Canada and First Nations, wherein Canada is the short-form reference to Her Majesty the Queen in Right of Canada.[33] The Supreme Court of Canada argued that treaties "served to reconcile pre-existing Indigenous sovereignty with assumed Crown sovereignty, and to define Aboriginal rights."[33] First Nations interpreted agreements covered in Treaty 8 to last "as long as the sun shines, grass grows and rivers flow."[149] However, the Canadian government has frequently breached the Crown's treaty obligations over the years, and tries to address these issues by negotiating specific land claim.[150]
Indian Act
[edit]
The Indian Act is Canadian law that dates from 1876. The Act replaced pre-Confederation Canadian laws, and was intended to administer the Indigenous people, and define Canadian interactions. Successive Canadian governments used its powers to impose conditions on the First Nations, and guide their integration into Canada. Today still, the Indian Act indicates how reserves and bands can operate and defines who is recognized as an "Indian."[151] There have been many updates to this law since then, allowing Canadian citizenship and voting rights among others.[citation needed]
In 1985, the Canadian Parliament passed Bill C-31, An Act to Amend the Indian Act. Because of a constitutional requirement, the bill took effect on April 17, 1985.[152]
- It ends discriminatory provisions of the Indian Act, especially those that discriminated against women.[152]
- It changes the meaning of status and for the first time allows for limited reinstatement of Indians who were denied or lost status or band membership.[152]
- It allows bands to define their own membership rules.[152]
Those people accepted into band membership under band rules may not be status Indians. C-31 clarified that various sections of the Indian Act apply to band members. The sections under debate concern community life and land holdings. Sections pertaining to Indians (First Nations peoples) as individuals (in this case, wills and taxation of personal property) were not included.[152]
Royal Commission
[edit]
The Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples was a royal commission undertaken by the Government of Canada in 1991 to address issues of the Indigenous peoples of Canada.[153] It assessed past government policies toward Indigenous people, such as residential schools, and provided policy recommendations to the government.[154] The Commission issued its final report in November 1996. The five-volume, 4,000-page report covered a vast range of issues; its 440 recommendations called for sweeping changes to the interaction between Indigenous, non-Indigenous people and the governments in Canada.[153] The report "set out a 20-year agenda for change."[155]
Health policy
[edit]In 1995, the Government of Canada announced the Aboriginal Right to Self-Government Policy.[156] This policy recognizes that First Nations and Inuit have the constitutional right to shape their own forms of government to suit their particular historical, cultural, political and economic circumstances. The Indian Health Transfer Policy provided a framework for the assumption of control of health services by Indigenous peoples, and set forth a developmental approach to transfer centred on self-determination in health.[157][158] Through this process, the decision to enter transfer discussions with Health Canada rests with each community. Once involved in transfer, communities can take control of health programme responsibilities at a pace determined by their individual circumstances and health management capabilities.[159] The National Aboriginal Health Organization (NAHO) incorporated in 2000, was an Indigenous -designed and-controlled not-for-profit body in Canada that worked to influence and advance the health and well-being of Indigenous Peoples.[160] Its funding was discontinued in 2012.[citation needed]
Political organization
[edit]First Nations and Inuit organizations ranged in size from band societies of a few people to multi-nation confederacies like the Iroquois. First Nations leaders from across the country formed the Assembly of First Nations, which began as the National Indian Brotherhood in 1968.[161] Métis and Inuit are represented nationally by the Métis National Council and Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami respectively.[citation needed]
Today's political organizations have resulted from interaction with European-style methods of government through the Federal Interlocutor for Métis and Non-Status Indians. Indigenous political organizations throughout Canada vary in political standing, viewpoints, and reasons for forming.[162] First Nations, Métis and Inuit negotiate with the Government of Canada through Crown–Indigenous Relations and Northern Affairs Canada in all affairs concerning land, entitlement, and rights.[161] The First Nation groups that operate independently do not belong to these groups.[161]
Culture
[edit]
Countless Indigenous words, inventions and games have become an everyday part of Canadian language and use. The canoe, snowshoes, the toboggan, lacrosse, tug of war, maple syrup and tobacco are just a few of the products, inventions and games.[163] Some of the words include the barbecue, caribou, chipmunk, woodchuck, hammock, skunk, and moose.[164]
Many places in Canada, both natural features and human habitations, use Indigenous names. The word Canada itself derives from the St. Lawrence Iroquoian word meaning 'village' or 'settlement'.[165] The province of Saskatchewan derives its name from the Saskatchewan River, which in the Cree language is called Kisiskatchewani Sipi, meaning 'swift-flowing river'.[166] Ottawa, the name of Canada's capital city, comes from the Algonquin language term adawe, meaning 'to trade'.[166]
Modern youth groups, such as Scouts Canada and the Girl Guides of Canada, include programs based largely on Indigenous lore, arts and crafts, character building and outdoor camp craft and living.[167]
Indigenous cultural areas depend upon their ancestors' primary lifeway, or occupation, at the time of European contact. These culture areas correspond closely with physical and ecological regions of Canada.[168] The Indigenous peoples of the Pacific Northwest Coast were centred around ocean and river fishing; in the interior of British Columbia, hunter-gatherer and river fishing. In both of these areas, the salmon was of chief importance. For the people of the plains, bison hunting was the primary activity. In the subarctic forest, other species such as the moose were more important. For peoples near the Great Lakes and St. Lawrence River, shifting agriculture was practised, including the raising of maize, beans, and squash.[7][168] While for Inuit, hunting was the primary source of food with seals the primary component of their diet.[169] The caribou, fish, other marine mammals and to a lesser extent plants, berries and seaweed are part of the Inuit diet. One of the most noticeable symbols of Inuit culture, the inuksuk is the emblem of the Vancouver 2010 Winter Olympics. Inuksuit are rock sculptures made by stacking stones; in the shape of a human figure, they are called inunnguaq.[170]
Indian reserves, established in Canadian law by treaties such as Treaty 7, are lands of First Nations recognized by non-Indigenous governments.[171] Some reserves are within cities, such as the Opawikoscikan Reserve in Prince Albert, Saskatchewan, Wendake in Quebec City or Enoch Cree Nation 135 in the Edmonton Metropolitan Region. There are more reserves in Canada than there are First Nations, which were ceded multiple reserves by treaty.[172] Indigenous people currently work in a variety of occupations and may live outside their ancestral homes. The traditional cultures of their ancestors, shaped by nature, still exert a strong influence on them, from spirituality to political attitudes.[7][168] National Indigenous Peoples Day is a day of recognition of the cultures and contributions of the First Nations, Inuit and Métis peoples of Canada. The day was first celebrated in 1996, after it was proclaimed that year, by then Governor General of Canada, Roméo LeBlanc, to be celebrated on June 21 annually.[16] Most provincial jurisdictions do not recognize it as a statutory holiday.[16]
Languages
[edit]There are thirteen Indigenous language groups, eleven oral and two sign, in Canada, made up of more than sixty-five distinct dialects.[173] Of these, only Cree, Inuktitut, and Ojibwe have a large enough population of fluent speakers to be considered viable to survive in the long term.[174] Two of Canada's territories give official status to native languages. In Nunavut, Inuktut, also known as the Inuit language, (Inuktitut and Inuinnaqtun) are official languages alongside the national languages of English and French.[175][176][177]
In the Northwest Territories, the Official Languages Act declares that there are 11 different languages: Chipewyan, Cree, English, French, Gwichʼin, Inuinnaqtun, Inuktitut, Inuvialuktun, North Slavey, South Slavey, and Tłįchǫ.[178] Besides English and French, these languages are not vehicular in government; official status entitles citizens to receive services in them on request and to deal with the government in them.[174]
| Indigenous language | No. of speakers | Mother tongue | Home language |
|---|---|---|---|
| Cree | 99,950 | 78,855 | 47,190 |
| Inuktitut | 35,690 | 32,010 | 25,290 |
| Ojibway | 32,460 | 24,190 | 11,115 |
| Montagnais-Naskapi (Innu) | 11,815 | 10,970 | 9,720 |
| Dene | 11,130 | 9,750 | 7,490 |
| Oji-Cree (Anihshininiimowin) | 12,605 | 11,690 | 8,480 |
| Mi'kmaq | 8,750 | 7,365 | 3,985 |
| Siouan languages (Dakota/Sioux) | 6,495 | 5,585 | 3,780 |
| Atikamekw | 5,645 | 5,245 | 4,745 |
| Blackfoot | 4,915 | 3,085 | 1,575 |
| For a complete list see: Spoken languages of Canada | |||
Visual art
[edit]Indigenous peoples were producing art for thousands of years before the arrival of European settler colonists and the eventual establishment of Canada as a nation state. Like the peoples who produced them, Indigenous art traditions spanned territories across North America. Indigenous art traditions are organized by art historians according to cultural, linguistic or regional groups: Northwest Coast, Plateau, Plains, Eastern Woodlands, Subarctic, and Arctic.[179]
Art traditions vary enormously amongst and within these diverse groups. Indigenous art with a focus on portability and the body is distinguished from European traditions and its focus on architecture. Indigenous visual art may be used in conjunction with other arts. Among Inuit the masks and rattles of the angakkuq (shaman) are used ceremoniously in dance, storytelling and music.[179] Artworks preserved in museum collections date from the period after European contact and show evidence of the creative adoption and adaptation of European trade goods such as metal and glass beads.[180] The distinct Métis cultures that have arisen from inter-cultural relationships with Europeans contribute culturally hybrid art forms.[181] During the 19th and the first half of the 20th century the Canadian government pursued an active policy of forced and cultural assimilation toward Indigenous peoples. The Indian Act banned manifestations of the Sun Dance, the Potlatch, and works of art depicting them.[182]

It was not until the 1950s and 1960s that Indigenous artists such as Mungo Martin, Bill Reid and Norval Morrisseau began to publicly renew and re-invent Indigenous art traditions. Currently, there are Indigenous artists practising in all media in Canada and two Indigenous artists, Edward Poitras and Rebecca Belmore, have represented Canada at the Venice Biennale in 1995 and 2005 respectively.[179]
Music
[edit]Indigenous peoples in Canada encompass diverse ethnic groups with their individual musical traditions. Music is usually social (public) or ceremonial (private). Public, social music may be dance music accompanied by rattles and drums. Private, ceremonial music includes vocal songs with accompaniment on percussion, used to mark occasions like Midewivin ceremonies and Sun Dances.[citation needed]
Traditionally, Indigenous peoples used the materials at hand to make their instruments for centuries before Europeans immigrated to Canada.[183] First Nations people made gourds and animal horns into rattles, which were elaborately carved and brightly painted.[184] In woodland areas, they made horns of birch bark and drumsticks of carved antlers and wood. Traditional percussion instruments such as drums were generally made of carved wood and animal hides. These musical instruments provide the background for songs, and songs the background for dances. Traditional First Nations people consider song and dance to be sacred. For years after Europeans came to Canada, First Nations people were forbidden to practice their ceremonies.[182][183]
Demography
[edit]
There are three (First Nations,[3] Inuit[4] and Métis[5]) distinctive groups of Indigenous peoples that are recognized in the Canadian Constitution Act, 1982, sections 25 and 35.[18] Under the Employment Equity Act, Indigenous people are a designated group along with women, visible minorities, and persons with disabilities;[185] as such, they are neither a visible minority under the Act or in the view of Statistics Canada.[186]
The 2021 Census data reveals that there are over 1.8 million Indigenous people in Canada, comprising 5.0% of the overall population and a slight increase from 4.9% in 2016.[187]
The growth of the Indigenous population has slowed compared to previous years. The population grew by 18.9% between 2011 to 2016, while the growth from 2016 to 2021 was only 9.4%. For the first time, the Census recorded more than 1 million First Nations people living in Canada. The Indigenous population continues to grow at a faster rate than the non-Indigenous population but at a reduced speed. The Indigenous population is projected to reach between 2.5 million and 3.2 million in the next 20 years.[187]
The First Nations population overall increased by 9.7% from 2016 to 2021. However, Status First Nations saw a slower growth of 4.1%, compared to those without Registered Indian status, which grew by 27.2%. The Métis population rose by 6.3%, and the Inuit population grew by 8.5%. More than half of First Nations people (55. 5%) lived in Western Canada as of 2021. Ontario had the highest number of First Nations people, with 251,030 (about 23.9%) of the total First Nations population. Approximately 11.1% of First Nations people lived in Quebec, with 7.6% in Atlantic Canada and 1.9% in the territories.[187]
The 2021 Census showed nearly three in four Canadians lived in urban areas, with 801,045 Indigenous people living in large urban centers. This is an increase of 12.5% from 2016, signifying that Indigenous people were more likely to reside in these areas compared to before.[187]
Moreover, the Indigenous population is generally younger than the non-Indigenous population. In 2021, the average age of Indigenous people was 33.6 years, compared to 41.8 years for non-Indigenous people. The Inuit population was the youngest, averaging 28.9 years, followed by First Nations at 32.5 years and Métis at 35.9 years. In total, there were 459,215 Indigenous children aged 14 years and younger, making up 25.4% of the Indigenous population, while only 16.0% of the non-Indigenous population fell into this age category.[187]
In the 20th century, the Indigenous population of Canada increased tenfold.[188] Between 1900 and 1950 the population grew by 29%. After the 1960's the infant mortality level on reserves dropped dramatically.[189][190] Since the 1980's, the number of First Nations babies more than doubled and currently almost half of the First Nations population is under the age of 25.[188][190]
Indigenous people assert that their sovereign rights are valid, pointing to the Royal Proclamation of 1763, which is mentioned in the Canadian Constitution Act, 1982, Section 25, the British North America Acts and the 1969 Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (to which Canada is a signatory) in support of this claim.[191][192]
Religion
[edit]| Religious group | 2021[193][c] | 2001[194][d] | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Pop. | % | Pop. | % | |
| Christianity | 950,080 | 46.14% | 738,890 | 73.82% |
| Islam | 2,245 | 0.11% | 635 | 0.06% |
| Irreligion | 983,070 | 47.74% | 232,215 | 23.2% |
| Judaism | 1,620 | 0.08% | 620 | 0.06% |
| Buddhism | 2,405 | 0.12% | 1,215 | 0.12% |
| Hinduism | 240 | 0.01% | 185 | 0.02% |
| Indigenous spirituality | 91,495 | 4.44% | 1,145 | 0.11% |
| Sikhism | 135 | 0.01% | 115 | 0.01% |
| Other | 27,995 | 1.36% | 29,170 | 2.91% |
| Total Indigenous Canadian population | 2,059,285 | 100% | 1,000,890 | 100% |
| Religious group | 2021[193][c] | 2001[194][d] | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Pop. | % | Pop. | % | |
| Catholic | 582,500 | 61.31% | 424,100 | 57.65% |
| Orthodox | 2,015 | 0.11% | 885 | 0.12% |
| Protestant | 250,260 | 26.34% | 277,630 | 37.74% |
| Other Christian | 115,305 | 12.14% | 33,015 | 4.49% |
| Total Indigenous Canadian christian population | 950,080 | 100% | 735,630 | 100% |
Geographical distribution
[edit]Ethnographers commonly classify Indigenous peoples of the Americas in the United States and Canada into ten geographical regions, cultural areas, with shared cultural traits.[195] The Canadian regions are:
- Arctic cultural area (Eskaleut languages)
- Subarctic culture area (Na-Dene languages and Algic languages)
- Eastern Woodlands (Northeast) cultural area (Algic languages and Iroquoian languages)
- Plains cultural area (Siouan–Catawban languages)
- Northwest Plateau cultural area (Interior Salish languages)
- Northwest Coast cultural area (Penutian languages, Tsimshianic languages and Wakashan languages)
Urban population
[edit]Across Canada, 56% of Indigenous peoples live in urban areas. The urban Indigenous population is the fastest-growing population segment in Canada.[196]
| Metro area | Province | 2021[1] | 2011[197] | 2001[198] | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Pop. | % | Pop. | % | Pop. | % | ||
| Winnipeg | Manitoba | 102,075 | 12.45% | 78,415 | 10.97% | 55,755 | 8.43% |
| Edmonton | Alberta | 87,600 | 6.27% | 61,770 | 5.42% | 40,930 | 4.42% |
| Vancouver | British Columbia | 63,340 | 2.43% | 52,375 | 2.3% | 36,860 | 1.87% |
| Calgary | Alberta | 48,625 | 3.32% | 33,375 | 2.78% | 21,915 | 2.32% |
| Ottawa-Gatineau | Ontario-Quebec | 46,540 | 3.18% | 30,570 | 2.51% | 13,485 | 1.28% |
| Montreal | Quebec | 46,085 | 1.1% | 26,285 | 0.7% | 11,085 | 0.33% |
| Toronto | Ontario | 44,635 | 0.73% | 36,990 | 0.67% | 20,300 | 0.44% |
| Saskatoon | Saskatchewan | 34,890 | 11.2% | 23,890 | 9.32% | 20,275 | 9.11% |
| Regina | Saskatchewan | 24,520 | 10.01% | 19,785 | 9.55% | 15,685 | 8.25% |
| Victoria | British Columbia | 19,455 | 5.01% | 14,200 | 4.22% | 8,695 | 2.83% |
| Greater Sudbury | Ontario | 19,005 | 11.34% | 13,410 | 8.47% | 7,385 | 4.8% |
| Halifax | Nova Scotia | 18,850 | 4.09% | 9,655 | 2.51% | 3,525 | 0.99% |
| Prince Albert | Saskatchewan | 18,135 | 41.86% | 15,780 | 38.53% | 11,640 | 29.18% |
| Thunder Bay | Ontario | 16,935 | 14% | 11,675 | 9.8% | 8,200 | 6.81% |
| Hamilton | Ontario | 15,420 | 1.99% | 11,980 | 1.69% | 7,270 | 1.11% |
| Quebec | Quebec | 14,725 | 1.8% | 6,450 | 0.86% | 4,130 | 0.61% |
| London | Ontario | 13,675 | 2.55% | 8,475 | 1.81% | 5,640 | 1.32% |
| Kelowna | British Columbia | 13,420 | 6.14% | 8,255 | 4.68% | 3,950 | 2.71% |
| Prince George | British Columbia | 13,100 | 14.9% | 9,930 | 11.98% | 7,980 | 9.43% |
| St. Catharines - Niagara | Ontario | 13,080 | 3.07% | 8,850 | 2.3% | 4,970 | 1.34% |
| Kamloops | British Columbia | 12,255 | 11.09% | 8,265 | 8.56% | 5,470 | 6.36% |
| Abbotsford-Mission | British Columbia | 10,525 | 5.48% | 6,970 | 4.18% | 4,215 | 2.91% |
| Chilliwack | British Columbia | 10,515 | 9.43% | 8,340 | 9.24% | 4,015 | 5.81% |
| Oshawa | Ontario | 10,045 | 2.44% | 6,095 | 1.73% | 3,020 | 1.03% |
Peoples
[edit]Canada census 2021.[199]
- The abbreviation "n.o.s." means "not otherwise specified." This category includes responses indicating North American Indigenous origins, not otherwise specified (e.g., "Aboriginal," "Indigenous").
- The abbreviation "n.i.e." means "not included elsewhere." This category includes specific Anishinaabe origins, not included elsewhere (e.g., "Mississauga," "Nipissing").
| Single and multiple Indigenous ancestry responses (4A)4 |
Language group | Indigenous ancestry responses | Province/Territory[200] | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Total (Single or multiple) |
Single only | |||
| Total North American Indigenous origins | 2,204,475 | 2,082,515 | ||
| North American Indigenous n.o.s. | 194,840 | 193,105 | ||
| First Nations (North American Indian) origins | 1,426,950 | 1,307,280 | ||
| First Nations (North American Indian) n.o.s. | 632,340 | 613,125 | ||
| Abenaki | Algonquian - Eastern Algonquian | 18,420 | 16,310 | Quebec 89% |
| Anishinaabe origins | Algonquian - Ojibwe-Potawatomi | 189,710 | 152,640 | Ontario 46.8%, Manitoba 19.7%, Quebec 17.4% |
| Apache | Athabaskan - Southern Athabascan | 1,265 | 995 | |
| Atikamekw | Algonquian - Cree-Montagnais-Naskapi | 8,400 | 7,630 | Quebec 98.4% |
| Blackfoot origins | Algonquian - Siksika | 23,200 | 18,540 | Alberta 65.6%, Ontario 15.5% |
| Cherokee | Iroquoian - Cherokee | 10,825 | 9,120 | |
| Cheyenne | Algonquian - Cheyenne | 565 | 360 | |
| Choctaw | Muskogean | 685 | 485 | |
| Cree origins | Algonquian - Cree-Montagnais-Naskapi | 250,330 | 198,655 | Alberta 28%, Saskatchewan 24.4%, Manitoba 17.3% |
| Delaware (Lenape) | Algonquian - Eastern Algonquian | 1,180 | 810 | Ontario 84.3% |
| Dene origins | Athabaskan - Northern Athabaskan languages | 47,565 | 33,960 | British Columbia 29.2%, Northwest Territories 20.4%, Saskatchewan 18.5%, Alberta 17.9% |
| Gitxsan | Tsimshianic | 5,075 | 3,515 | British Columbia 95.2% |
| Haida | Haida | 4,725 | 3,680 | British Columbia 86.1% |
| Haisla | Wakashan - Northern | 1,495 | 890 | British Columbia 90.6% |
| Heiltsuk | Wakashan - Northern | 1,620 | 1,065 | British Columbia 97.8% |
| Huron (Wendat) | Iroquoian - Northern | 15,915 | 12,460 | Quebec 80.1% |
| Innu origins | Algonquian - Cree-Montagnais-Naskapi | 28,960 | 25,155 | Quebec 84.8% |
| Iroquoian (Haudenosaunee) origins | Iroquoian - Northern | 55,200 | 45,495 | Ontario 53.5%, Quebec 28.3% |
| Ktunaxa (Kutenai) | Kutenai | 810 | 565 | British Columbia 82.1% |
| Kwakwaka'wakw origins | Wakashan - Northern | 2,720 | 1,930 | British Columbia 88.8% |
| Maliseet | Algonquian - Eastern Algonquian | 7,220 | 6,180 | Quebec 42.5%, New Brunswick 41.3% |
| Mi'kmaq origins | Algonquian - Eastern Algonquian | 122,350 | 111,890 | Newfoundland and Labrador 21.3%, Ontario 18.8%, Nova Scotia 18.1%, Quebec 16.6% |
| Navajo | Athabaskan - Southern Athabascan | 755 | 440 | |
| Nisga'a | Tsimshianic | 5,000 | 3,360 | British Columbia 95.6% |
| Nuu-chah-nulth origins | Wakashan - Southern | 2,900 | 2,225 | British Columbia 93.8% |
| Nuxalk | Salishan - Nuxalk | 1,055 | 615 | British Columbia 98.6% |
| Passamaquoddy | Algonquian - Eastern Algonquian | 560 | 435 | New Brunswick 66.1% |
| Salish origins | Salishan | 25,685 | 20,260 | British Columbia 87.0% |
| Salish n.o. | Salishan | 2,225 | 1,510 | |
| Coast Salish origins | Coast Salish | 13,040 | 10,290 | |
| Interior Salish origins | Interior Salish | 11,310 | 8,465 | |
| Siouan origins | Siouan | 16,570 | 8,820 | Saskatchewan 31.9%, Manitoba 25.4%, Alberta 21.8% |
| Tsimshian | Tsimshianic | 4,945 | 3,110 | British Columbia 94.2% |
| Wuikinuxv | Wakashan - Northern | 195 | 70 | British Columbia 86.7% |
| First Nations (North American Indian) origins n.i.e.35 | 3,605 | 2,480 | ||
| Inuit origins | 82,010 | 73,995 | Nunavut 37.6%, Quebec 22.0%, Newfoundland and Labrador 12.5% | |
| Métis | 560,335 | 508,135 | ||
| Non-Indigenous origins | 35,343,280 | 1,155,115 | ||
See also
[edit]Notes
[edit]- ^ Indian is used here because of the historical nature of the article and the precision of the name, as with Indian hospital.[24] It was, and continues to be, used by government officials, Indigenous peoples and historians while referencing the school system. The use of the name also provides relevant context about the era in which the system was established, specifically one in which Indigenous peoples in Canada were homogeneously referred to as Indians rather than by language that distinguishes First Nations, Inuit and Métis peoples.[24] Use of Indian is limited throughout the article to proper nouns and references to government legislation.
- ^ The words Aboriginal and Indigenous are capitalized when used in a Canadian context.[25][26][27][28][29][30]
- ^ a b Religious breakdown proportions based on "Indigenous" ethnic or cultural origin response on the 2021 census.[193]
- ^ a b Religious breakdown proportions based on "Indigenous" ethnic or cultural origin response on the 2001 census.[194]
References
[edit]- ^ a b "Indigenous identity by Registered or Treaty Indian status: Canada, provinces and territories, census metropolitan areas and census agglomerations with parts". www12.statcan.gc.ca. Government of Canada, Statistics Canada. September 21, 2022. Retrieved September 21, 2022.
- ^ a b c d "Terminology of First Nations, Native, Aboriginal and Métis" (PDF). Aboriginal Infant Development Programs of B.C. 2009. Archived from the original (PDF) on July 14, 2010. Retrieved June 26, 2010.
- ^ a b c "Civilization.ca-Gateway to Aboriginal Heritage-Culture". Canadian Museum of Civilization Corporation. Government of Canada. May 12, 2006. Archived from the original on October 20, 2009. Retrieved September 18, 2009.
- ^ a b "Inuit Circumpolar Council (Canada)-ICC Charter". Inuit Circumpolar Council > ICC Charter and By-laws > ICC Charter. 2007. Archived from the original on September 28, 2007. Retrieved September 18, 2009.
- ^ a b Todd, Thornton & Collins 2001, p. 10.
- ^ 2011 National Household Survey: Indigenous Peoples in Canada: First Nations People, Métis and Inuit
- ^ a b c "Civilization.ca-Gateway to Aboriginal Heritage-object". Canadian Museum of Civilization Corporation. May 12, 2006. Archived from the original on October 15, 2009. Retrieved October 2, 2009.
- ^ "Bluefish Caves". kgs.ku.edu. Retrieved May 13, 2025.
- ^ Darnell, Regna (2001). Invisible genealogies: a history of Americanist anthropology. Lincoln, Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press. ISBN 978-0-8032-1710-2. Retrieved October 3, 2010.
- ^ Cameron, Rondo E. (1993). A concise economic history of the world: from Paleolithic times to the present. Oxford University Press. p. 92. ISBN 978-0-19-507445-1. Retrieved October 3, 2010.
- ^ Kalman, Harold; Mills, Edward (September 30, 2007). "Architectural History: Early First Nations". The Canadian Encyclopedia (Historica-Dominion). Retrieved November 27, 2013.
- ^ Macklem, Patrick (2001). Indigenous difference and the Constitution of Canada. University of Toronto Press. p. 170. ISBN 978-0-8020-4195-1. Retrieved October 3, 2010.
- ^ a b "What to Search: Topics-Canadian Genealogy Centre-Library and Archives Canada". Ethno-Cultural and Aboriginal Groups. Government of Canada. May 27, 2009. Archived from the original on July 5, 2009. Retrieved October 2, 2009.
- ^ Reynolds, J. (2024). Canada and Colonialism: An Unfinished History. University of British Columbia Press. pp. 3–10. ISBN 978-0-7748-8096-1.
- ^ Woolford, Andrew (2009). "Ontological Destruction: Genocide and Canadian Aboriginal Peoples". Genocide Studies and Prevention. 4 (1): 81–97. doi:10.3138/gsp.4.1.81.; Green, Robyn (December 2015). "The economics of reconciliation: tracing investment in Indigenous–settler relations". Journal of Genocide Research. 17 (4): 473–493. doi:10.1080/14623528.2015.1096582.; MacDonald, David B.; Hudson, Graham (2012). "The Genocide Question and Indian Residential Schools in Canada". Canadian Journal of Political Science. 45 (2): 430–431. doi:10.1017/s000842391200039x.; Dhamoon, Rita Kaur (2016). "Re-presenting Genocide: The Canadian Museum of Human Rights and Settler Colonial Power". The Journal of Race, Ethnicity, and Politics. 1 (1): 10. doi:10.1017/rep.2015.4.; "Genocide and Indigenous Peoples in Canada". The Canadian Encyclopedia. November 2, 2020. Archived from the original on August 2, 2024.
- ^ a b c "National Aboriginal Day History" (PDF). Indian and Northern Affairs Canada. Retrieved October 18, 2009.
- ^ "National Aboriginal Achievement Award Recipients". National Aboriginal Achievement Foundation. Archived from the original on October 11, 2009. Retrieved October 7, 2009.
- ^ a b "Constitution Act, 1982 Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms". Department of Justice. Government of Canada. 1982. Archived from the original on October 21, 2009. Retrieved October 5, 2009.
- ^ "Indigenous or Aboriginal: Which is correct?". September 21, 2016. Archived from the original on September 22, 2016. Retrieved November 19, 2020.
- ^ a b "Terminology of First Nations, Native, Aboriginal and Metis (NAHO)" (PDF). aidp.bc.ca/. Archived from the original (PDF) on July 14, 2010. Retrieved October 5, 2009.
- ^ a b "Terminology". Indian and Northern Affairs Canada. Archived from the original on October 27, 2009. Retrieved October 5, 2009.
- ^ "Words First An Evolving Terminology Relating to Indigenous peoples in Canada". Communications Branch of Indian and Northern Affairs Canada. 2004. Archived from the original on January 6, 2003. Retrieved June 26, 2010.
- ^ a b c d Olson & Pappas 1994, p. 213.
- ^ a b "Terminology Guide: Research on Aboriginal Heritage" (PDF). Library and Archives Canada. 2012. Retrieved April 8, 2023.
- ^ "The Canadian Style". TERMIUM Plus®. October 8, 2009. Retrieved July 16, 2024.
- ^ "4.11 Races, languages and peoples, 4.12". TERMIUM Plus®. October 8, 2009. Retrieved July 16, 2024.
- ^ "Indigenous Peoples". University of Guelph. November 14, 2019. Retrieved July 24, 2024.
- ^ "14.12 Elimination of Racial and Ethnic Stereotyping, Identification of Groups". Translation Bureau. Public Works and Government Services Canada. 2017. Retrieved July 2, 2020.
- ^ McKay, Celeste (April 2015). "Briefing Note on Terminology". University of Manitoba. Archived from the original on October 25, 2016. Retrieved July 2, 2020.
- ^ Todorova, Miglena (2016). "Co-Created Learning: Decolonizing Journalism Education in Canada". Canadian Journal of Communication. 41 (4): 673–92. doi:10.22230/cjc.2016v41n4a2970.
- ^ "University Of Guelph Brand Guide | Indigenous Peoples". guides.uoguelph.ca. November 14, 2019. Retrieved June 25, 2021.
- ^ Edwards, John (2009). Language and Identity. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-69602-9.
- ^ a b c Elizabeth II (2004). The Indian Act of Canada – Origins: Legislation Concerning Canada's First Peoples. 1. Ottawa: Assembly of First Nations. p. 3. Retrieved January 11, 2015.
- ^ "Words First An Evolving Terminology Relating to Aboriginal Peoples in Canada". Communications Branch of Indian and Northern Affairs Canada. 2004. Archived from the original on January 6, 2003. Retrieved May 24, 2020.
- ^ "Native American". Oxford Advanced American Dictionary. Archived from the original on November 22, 2012. Retrieved May 27, 2013.
In Canada, the term Native American is not used, and the most usual way to refer to the Aboriginal peoples of Canada, other than the Inuit and Métis, is First Nations.
- ^ "Origins of Canada's First Peoples". firstpeoplesofcanada.com. Retrieved March 25, 2021.
- ^ a b "Terminology". Indigenous Foundations. First Nations & Indigenous Studies, University of British Columbia. 2009.
- ^ a b Branch, Legislative Services. "Consolidated federal laws of canada, Indian Act". laws-lois.justice.gc.ca. Retrieved October 4, 2017.
- ^ "The Indian Act". The Canadian Encyclopedia. June 6, 1944. Retrieved November 20, 2024.
- ^ Hirschfelder, Arlene B; Beamer, Yvonne (2002). Native Americans today: resources and activities for educators, grades 4–8. Teacher Ideas Press, 2000. p. 3. ISBN 978-1-56308-694-6. Retrieved January 11, 2015.
- ^ a b ""Eskimo" vs. "Inuit"". Expansionist Party of the United States. Archived from the original on October 13, 2007. Retrieved October 5, 2009.
- ^ "Frequently Asked Questions". Indigenous Peoples Atlas of Canada. June 8, 2018. Retrieved August 21, 2025.
- ^ "Court rules Metis, non-status Indians qualify as 'Indians' under Act". CTV News. January 8, 2013. Archived from the original on January 8, 2013. Retrieved November 23, 2016.
- ^ Burenhult, Göran (2000). Die ersten Menschen. Weltbild Verlag. ISBN 978-3-8289-0741-6.
- ^ "Atlas of the Human Journey-The Genographic Project". National Geographic Society. 1996–2008. Archived from the original on May 1, 2011. Retrieved October 6, 2009.
- ^ Goebel T, Waters MR, O'Rourke DH (2008). "The Late Pleistocene Dispersal of Modern Humans in the Americas" (PDF). Science. 319 (5869): 1497–502. Bibcode:2008Sci...319.1497G. doi:10.1126/science.1153569. PMID 18339930. S2CID 36149744.
- ^ Wade, Nicholas (March 13, 2014). "Pause Is Seen in a Continent's Peopling". The New York Times.
- ^ Pielou, E.C. (1991). After the Ice Age: The Return of Life to Glaciated North America. University of Chicago Press. ISBN 978-0-226-66812-3.[page needed]
- ^ Wells, Spencer; Read, Mark (2002). The Journey of Man – A Genetic Odyssey. Random House. pp. 138–140. ISBN 978-0-8129-7146-0.
- ^ Lewis, Cecil M. (February 2010). "Hierarchical modeling of genome-wide Short Tandem Repeat (STR) markers infers native American prehistory". American Journal of Physical Anthropology. 141 (2): 281–289. Bibcode:2010AJPA..141..281L. doi:10.1002/ajpa.21143. PMID 19672848.
- ^ Than, Ker (2008). "New World Settlers Took 20,000-Year Pit Stop". National Geographic Society. Archived from the original on February 19, 2008. Retrieved January 23, 2010.
- ^ Sigurðardóttir, Sigrún; Helgason, Agnar; Gulcher, Jeffrey R.; Stefansson, Kári; Donnelly, Peter (May 2000). "The Mutation Rate in the Human mtDNA Control Region". American Journal of Human Genetics. 66 (5): 1599–1609. doi:10.1086/302902. PMC 1378010. PMID 10756141.
- ^ "First Americans Endured 20,000-Year Layover – Jennifer Viegas, Discovery News". Archived from the original on February 14, 2008. Retrieved November 18, 2009.
Archaeological evidence, in fact, recognizes that people started to leave Beringia for the New World around 40,000 years ago, but rapid expansion into North America didn't occur until about 15,000 years ago, when the ice had literally broken
page 2 Archived March 13, 2012, at the Wayback Machine - ^ Tamm, Erika; Kivisild, Toomas; Reidla, Maere; et al. (September 5, 2007). "Beringian Standstill and Spread of Native American Founders". PLoS ONE. 2 (9): e829. Bibcode:2007PLoSO...2..829T. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0000829. PMC 1952074. PMID 17786201.
- ^ Dyke, A.S.; Moore, A.; Robertson, L. (2003). "Deglaciation of North America". Geological Survey of Canada Open File, 1574. Archived from the original on February 16, 2012. (Thirty-two digital maps at 1:7 000 000 scale with accompanying digital chronological database and one poster (two sheets) with full map series.
- ^ Jordan, David K (2009). "Prehistoric Beringia". University of California-San Diego. Archived from the original on February 12, 2014. Retrieved April 15, 2010.
- ^ Fagan, Brian M.; Durrani, Nadia (2016). World Prehistory: A Brief Introduction. Routledge. p. 124. ISBN 978-1-317-34244-1.
- ^ Meltzer, David J. (2009). "Chapter 2: The Landscape of Colonization: Glaciers, Climates, and the Environments of Ice Age North America". First Peoples in a New World: Colonizing Ice Age America. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-25052-9.
- ^ Merchant, Carolyn (2007). American environmental history: an introduction. Columbia University Press. p. 6. ISBN 978-0-231-14034-8.
- ^ Fladmark, K. R. (January 1979). "Alternate Migration Corridors for Early Man in North America". American Antiquity. 44 (1): 55–69. doi:10.2307/279189. JSTOR 279189. S2CID 162243347.
- ^ "68 Responses to Sea will rise 'to levels of last Ice Age'". Center for Climate Systems Research, Columbia University. January 26, 2009. Archived from the original on October 27, 2009. Retrieved October 6, 2009 – via realclimate.org.
- ^ Harris, Ann G.; Tuttle, Esther; Tuttle, Sherwood D. (2004). Geology of National Parks. Kendall/Hunt Publishing Company. pp. 1–. ISBN 978-0-7872-9970-5.
- ^ "Life in Crow Flats-Part 1". Old Crow's official Website. Vuntut Gwitchin First Nation. 1998–2009. Retrieved September 18, 2009.
- ^ a b Cordell, Linda S.; Lightfoot, Kent; McManamon, Francis; Milner, George (2008). Archaeology in America: An Encyclopedia. Vol. 4. ABC-CLIO. p. 3. ISBN 978-0-313-02189-3.
- ^ "Old Crow Flats". taiga.net. Archived from the original on August 23, 2007. Retrieved August 5, 2007.
- ^ Lepper, Bradley T. (1999). "Pleistocene Peoples of Midcontinental North America". In Bonnichsen, Robson; Turnmire, Karen (eds.). Ice Age People of North America. Corvallis: Oregon State University Press. pp. 362–394. ISBN 978-0-87071-458-0.
- ^ Kennett, D.J.; Kennett, J.P.; West, A.; et al. (January 2009). "Nanodiamonds in the Younger Dryas boundary sediment layer" (PDF). Science. 323 (5910): 94. Bibcode:2009Sci...323...94K. doi:10.1126/science.1162819. PMID 19119227. S2CID 206514910.
- ^ Hillerman, Tony (June 1980). "The Hunt for the Lost American". The Great Taos Bank Robbery: And Other Indian Country Affairs. University of New Mexico Press. p. 52. ISBN 978-0-8263-0530-5.
- ^ Dyke, Arthur S.; Prest, Victor K. (1987). "Late Wisconsinan and Holocene History of the Laurentide Ice Sheet" (PDF). Géographie Physique et Quaternaire. 41 (2): 237–263. doi:10.7202/032681ar.
- ^ a b "Prehistory of Haida Gwaii". Civilization.ca-Haida-The people and the land-Prehistory. Canadian Museum of Civilization Corporation. June 8, 2001.
- ^ Jameson 1997, p. 159.
- ^ a b c d e Reynolds, Graham; MacKinnon, Richard; MacDonald, Ken. "Period 1 (10,000–8,000 years ago) Palaeo-Indian culture". Learners Portal. Folkus Atlantic Productions. Archived from the original on July 13, 2011. Retrieved September 18, 2009.
- ^ Taylor 2002, p. 10.
- ^ a b c Imbrie, J; Imbrie, K.P. (1979). Ice Ages: Solving the Mystery. Short Hills NJ: Enslow Publishers. p. 135. ISBN 978-0-226-66811-6. Retrieved October 18, 2009.
- ^ Foreign agriculture. Vol. 24. United States, Foreign Agricultural Service: Bureau of Agricultural Economics. 1962. p. 167.ISBN 978-0-16-038463-9
- ^ a b c Fagan, Brian M. (1992). People of the Earth: An Introduction to World Prehistory. University of California. Harper Collins. ISBN 978-0-321-01457-3.
- ^ Friesen, John (1997). Rediscovering the First Nations of Canada. Calgary, AB: Detselig Enterprises Ltd. ISBN 978-1-55059-143-9.
- ^ a b Carlson, Keith Thor, ed. (1997). You Are Asked to Witness: The Stó:lō in Canada's Pacific Coast History. Chilliwack, BC: Stó:lō Heritage Trust. ISBN 978-0-9681577-0-1.
- ^ "American Indian Heritage Month: Commemoration vs. Exploitation". ABC-CLIO. Retrieved October 2, 2009.
- ^ Leer, Jeff; Doug Hitch; John Ritter (2001). Interior Tlingit noun dictionary: The dialects spoken by Tlingit elders of Carcross and Teslin, Yukon, and Atlin, British Columbia. Whitehorse, Yukon Territory: Yukon Native Language Centre. ISBN 978-1-55242-227-4.
- ^ a b c d e f Ray 1996.
- ^ "Museum Notes-The Maritime Archaic Tradition". By James A. Tuck-The Rooms Provincial Art Gallery. Archived from the original on May 10, 2006. Retrieved October 5, 2009.
- ^ Tuck, J. A. (1976). "Ancient peoples of Port au Choix". The excavation of an Archaic Indian Cemetery in Newfoundland. Newfoundland Social and Economic Studies 17. St. John's: Institute of Social and Economic Research. ISBN 978-0-919666-12-2.
- ^ "The so-called "Red Paint People". Brian Robinson. University of Maine. 1997. Archived from the original on January 14, 2010. Retrieved October 18, 2009.
- ^ a b c Fagan, Brian M. (2005). Ancient North America: The Archaeology of a Continent (4 ed.). New York: Thames & Hudson Inc. pp. 390, p396. ISBN 978-0-500-28148-2.
- ^ a b Winchell 1881, pp. 601–602.
- ^ "C. Prehistoric Periods (Eras of Adaptation)". The University of Calgary (The Applied History Research Group). 2000. Archived from the original on April 12, 2010. Retrieved April 15, 2010.
- ^ "A History of the Native People of Canada". Dr. James V. Wright. Canadian Museum of Civilization. 2009. Retrieved October 9, 2009.
- ^ Ohio Historical Society (2009). "Hopewell Culture-Ohio History Central-A product of the Ohio Historical Society". Hopewell-Ohio History Central. Retrieved September 18, 2009.
- ^ Price, Douglas T.; Feinman, Gary M. (2008). Images of the Past, 5th edition. New York: McGraw-Hill. pp. 274–277. ISBN 978-0-07-340520-9.
- ^ Joe, Rita; Choyce, Lesley (2005). The Native Canadian Anthology. Nimbus Publishing (CN). ISBN 978-1-895900-04-0.
- ^ "civilization – definition of civilization in English from the Oxford dictionary". Oxforddictionaries.com. Archived from the original on July 18, 2012. Retrieved October 25, 2015.
- ^ Prine, Elizabeth (April 17, 2015). "Native American | indigenous peoples of Canada and United States". Britannica.com. Retrieved October 25, 2015.
- ^ Turchin, Peter; Grinin, Leonid; Korotayev, Andrey; de Munck, Victor C., eds. (2006). History and mathematics: Historical Dynamics and Development of complex Societies. Moscow: Editorial URSS. ISBN 978-5-484-01002-8.
- ^ Willey, Gordon R; Phillips, Philip (1957). Method and Theory in American Archaeology. University of Chicago Press. pp. 1(introduction). Archived from the original on June 28, 2012. Retrieved October 18, 2009. ISBN 978-0-226-89888-9
- ^ a b Woodcock, George (January 25, 1990). "Part 1". A Social History of Canada. Penguin Books Ltd. ISBN 978-0-14-010536-0.
- ^ Wolf, Eric (December 3, 1982). "Chapter 6". Europe and the People Without History. University of California Press; 1 edition. ISBN 978-0-520-04898-0. Retrieved October 6, 2009. URL gives introduction online
- ^ Titley, E. Brian (1992). A Narrow Vision: Duncan Campbell Scott and the Administration of Indian Affairs in Canada. Vancouver: University Of British Columbia Press. ISBN 978-0-7748-0420-2.
- ^ "Ovide Mercredi installed as chancellor of Manitoba's newest university". CBC News. November 7, 2007. Archived from the original on November 9, 2007. Retrieved October 3, 2009.
- ^ "The History of Metropolitan Vancouver's Hall of Fame Joe Capilano". Archived from the original on May 3, 2009. Retrieved October 5, 2009.
- ^ Rigby, Bruce. "101. Qaummaarviit Historic Park, Nunavut Handbook" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on May 29, 2006. Retrieved October 2, 2009.
- ^ "The Dorsets: Depicting Culture Through Soapstone Carving" (PDF). historysociety.ca. Archived from the original (PDF) on October 30, 2007. Retrieved October 5, 2009.
- ^ "Innu Culture 3. Innu-Inuit 'Warfare'". Adrian Tanner Department of Anthropology-Memorial University of Newfoundland. 1999. Archived from the original on August 23, 2011. Retrieved October 5, 2009.
- ^ "Inuit Post-Contact History". Memorial University of Newfoundland and Labrador, Canada. Archived from the original on December 18, 2008. Retrieved October 5, 2009.
- ^ Gulløv, Hans Christian (2005). Grønlands Forhistorie. Gyldendal A/S. p. 17. ISBN 978-87-02-01724-3.
- ^ Fitzhugh, William W. (2000). Fitzhugh, William W.; Ward, Elisabeth I. (eds.). Vikings: The North Atlantic Saga. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution. pp. 193–205. ISBN 978-1-56098-995-0.
- ^ McGhee, Robert (June–July 1992). "Northern Approaches. Before Columbus: Early European Visitors to the New World". The Beaver. Exploring Canada's History. 3: 194. ISSN 0005-7517.
- ^ Kleivan, H (1966). The Eskimos of Northeast Labrador. Vol. 139. Norsk Polarinstitutt Skrifter. p. 9. OCLC 786916953.
- ^ Minogue, Sarah (September 23, 2005). "When Inuit become zoo curiosities "We sat there like pieces of art in a showcase on display"". Nunatsiaq News. Archived from the original on September 17, 2009. Retrieved October 6, 2009.
- ^ "Kiviaq versus Canada film by Zacharias Kunuk Produced by Katarina Soukup" (PDF). Isuma Distribution International Inc. 2006. Archived from the original (PDF) on December 14, 2010. Retrieved October 3, 2009.
- ^ Hanson, Ann Meekitjuk. "Nunavut 99-What's In A Name? Names, as well as events, mark the road to Nunavut". Nunavut.com. Archived from the original on November 7, 2016. Retrieved October 3, 2009.
- ^ Rinella, Steven (2008). American Buffalo: In Search of A Lost Icon. NY: Spiegel and Grau. p. 166. ISBN 978-0-385-52168-0. Retrieved October 18, 2009.
- ^ Stevenson, Winona (2011). Racism, Colonization and Indigeneity in Canada. Ontario, Canada: Oxford University Press. pp. 44–45.
- ^ Howard, James H (1965). The Plains-Ojibwa or Bungi: hunters and warriors of the Northern Prairies with special reference to the Turtle Mountain band (Museum Anthropology Papers 1 ed.). University of South Dakota. ISBN 978-0-16-050400-6.
- ^ "Singer Tom Jackson pitches housing complex for Winnipeg". Canada: CBC. October 23, 2009. Archived from the original on October 25, 2009. Retrieved January 27, 2011.
- ^ Stanley, George F.G. (April 22, 2013). "Louis Riel". The Canadian Encyclopedia. revised by Adam Gaudry. Historica Canada.
- ^ "Louis Riel". A database of materials held by the University of Saskatchewan Libraries and the University Archives. Archived from the original on September 25, 2007. Retrieved September 23, 2007.
- ^ "Backgrounder Biography of Anthony W. J. (Tony) Whitford – NWT Commissioner". 2005 News Releases. Indian and Northern Affairs Canada. October 28, 2008. Archived from the original on June 13, 2011. Retrieved October 6, 2009.
- ^ The Problem of Michif. Peter Bakker-Metis Resource Centre. 1997. ISBN 978-0-19-509711-5. Archived from the original on July 6, 2011. Retrieved October 5, 2009.
- ^ Barkwell, Lawrence J.; Dorion, Leah; Hourie, Audreen (2006). Metis legacy Michif culture, heritage, and folkways. Vol. Metis legacy series, v. 2. Saskatoon, SK: Gabriel Dumont Institute. ISBN 978-0-920915-80-6.
- ^ Blain, Eleanor M. (1994). "The Red River dialect". Winnipeg: Wuerz Publishing. Archived from the original on March 15, 2008. Retrieved October 15, 2009.
- ^ Harroun Foster, Martha (January 2006). We know who we are: Métis identity in a Montana community. University of Oklahoma Press. p. 12. ISBN 978-0-8061-3705-6.
- ^ "Her Majesty The Queen vs. Steve Powley and Roddy Charles Powley (R. v. Powley, 2 S.C.R. 207, 2003 SCC 43)" (PDF). Federation of Law Societies of Canada. 2003. Retrieved March 11, 2010.
- ^ Houghton Mifflin Company (September 28, 2005). The American Heritage guide to contemporary usage and style. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt. p. 185. ISBN 978-0-618-60499-9.
- ^ Barkwell, Lawrence J.; Dorion, Leah; Prefontaine, Darren (2001). Metis Legacy: A Historiography and Annotated Bibliography. Winnipeg, MB: Pemmican Publications Inc. and Saskatoon: Gabriel Dumont Institute. ISBN 978-1-894717-03-8.
- ^ "Stage Three: Displacement and Assimilation". Indian and Northern Affairs Canada. February 8, 2006. Archived from the original on June 21, 2003. Retrieved October 3, 2009 – via Government of Canada Web Archive.
- ^ "Stage Three: Displacement and Assimilation". Report of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples. February 8, 2006. Archived from the original on June 8, 2003. Retrieved October 3, 2009.
- ^ a b "Gradual Civilization Act, 1857" (PDF). Government of Canada. Retrieved October 17, 2015.
- ^ a b c "Indian Act". Government of Canada. April 8, 2019. Archived from the original on February 16, 2013.
- ^ "What the debate around Indigenous genocide says about Canada". Macleans.ca. June 7, 2019. Retrieved November 20, 2024.
- ^ a b Armitage, Andrew (1995). Comparing the Policy of Aboriginal Assimilation: Australia, Canada, and New Zealand. Vancouver, Canada: University of British Columbia Press. pp. 77–78.
- ^ a b Dorsett, Shaunnagh (1995). "Civilisation and Cultivation: Colonial Policy and Indigenous Peoples in Canada and Australia". Griffith Law Review. 4 (2): 219.
- ^ Buckley, Helen (1992). From Wooden Ploughs to Welfare: Why Indian policy failed in the Prairie provinces. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press. pp. 52–53. ISBN 0-7735-0893-7.
- ^ Carter, Sarah (1990). Lost Harvests: Prairie Indian reserve farmers and government policy. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press. p. 193. ISBN 0-7735-0755-8.
- ^ a b Miller, J. R. (2000). Skyscrapers Hide the Heavens: A History of Indian-White Relations in Canada. Toronto, Canada: University of Toronto Press. p. 140.
- ^ Milloy, John (1999). A National Crime: The Canadian Government and the Residential School System, 1879 to 1986. Winnipeg, Canada: University of Manitoba Press. pp. 21–22.
- ^ Popic, Linda (2008). "Compensating Canada's 'Stolen Generations'". Journal of Aboriginal History (December 2007 – January 2008): 14.
- ^ Charles, Grant; DeGane, Mike (2013). "Student-to-Student Abuse in the Indian Residential Schools in Canada: Setting the Stage for Further Understanding". Child & Youth Services. 34 (4): 343–359. doi:10.1080/0145935X.2013.859903. S2CID 144148882.
- ^ Restoule, Jean-Paul (2002). "Seeing Ourselves. John Macionis and Nijole v. Benokraitis and Bruce Ravelli". Aboriginal Identity: The Need for Historical and Contextual Perspectives. Vol. 24. Toronto, ON: Pearson/Prentice Hall. pp. 102–12. Retrieved October 28, 2009.
- ^ Unattributed (February 25, 2012). "Canada commission issues details abuse of native children". BBC. Retrieved February 25, 2012.
- ^ Benjoe, Kerry (June 12, 2008). "Group gathers for Harper's apology". The Leader-Post. Archived from the original on September 15, 2012. Retrieved October 2, 2009.
- ^ John Borrows (2006). "Indigenous Legal Traditions in Canada" (PDF). Report for the Law Commission of Canada. Law Foundation Chair in Aboriginal Justice and Governance Faculty of Law, University of Victoria.
In Canada, Indigenous legal traditions are separate from but interact with common law and civil law to produce a variety of rights and obligations for Indigenous people....Many Indigenous societies in Canada possess legal traditions. These traditions have indeterminate status in the eyes of many Canadian institutions.
- ^ Kaufman, Amy. "Research Guides: Aboriginal Law & Indigenous Laws: A note on terms". guides.library.queensu.ca.
Indigenous law exists as a source of law apart from the common and civil legal traditions in Canada. Importantly, Indigenous laws also exist apart from Aboriginal law, though these sources of law are interconnected. Aboriginal law is a body of law, made by the courts and legislatures, that largely deals with the unique constitutional rights of Aboriginal peoples and the relationship between Aboriginal peoples and the Crown. Aboriginal law is largely found in colonial instruments (such as the Royal Proclamation of 1763, the Constitution Acts of 1867 and 1982 and the Indian Act) and court decisions, but also includes sources of Indigenous law. "Indigenous law consists of legal orders which are rooted in Indigenous societies themselves. It arises from communities and First Nation groups across the country, such as Nuu Chah Nulth, Haida, Coast Salish, Tsimshian, Heiltsuk, and may include relationships to the land, the spirit world, creation stories, customs, processes of deliberation and persuasion, codes of conduct, rules, teachings and axioms for living and governing.
- ^ Christian Leuprecht; Peter H. Russell (2011). Essential Readings in Canadian Constitutional Politics. University of Toronto Press. p. 477. ISBN 978-1-4426-0368-4.
- ^ Cote & Tidridge 2024, p. 43.
- ^ Hall, Anthony J. (June 6, 2011). "Treaties with Indigenous Peoples in Canada | The Canadian Encyclopedia". www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca. Retrieved August 5, 2021.
- ^ "Inuvialuit Final Agreement". Inuvialuit Regional Corporation. Retrieved August 19, 2024.
- ^ Crowe, Keith (March 2, 2015). "Comprehensive Land Claims: Modern Treaties | The Canadian Encyclopedia". www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca. Retrieved August 5, 2021.
- ^ "What is Treaty 8?". Canadian Broadcasting Corporation. Archived from the original on August 7, 2004. Retrieved October 5, 2009 – via cbc.ca.
- ^ Albers, Gretchen (March 2, 2015). "Indigenous Peoples and Specific Claims | The Canadian Encyclopedia". www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca. Retrieved August 5, 2021.
- ^ "The Indian Act" (PDF). Indian Act. Current to March 16, 2014. Department of Justice Canada. March 16, 2014.
- ^ a b c d e "First Nations, Bill C-31, Indian Act". Communications Branch. Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development. Archived from the original on July 30, 2009. Retrieved October 2, 2009.
- ^ a b "Summary of the Final Report of The Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples: Implications for Canada's Health Care System" (PDF). The Institute on Governance. Archived from the original (PDF) on June 14, 2003. Retrieved October 5, 2009.
- ^ Cairns, Alan (2000). Citizens plus: aboriginal peoples and the Canadian state. UBC Press. p. 116. ISBN 978-0-7748-0767-8.
- ^ McCaslin, Wanda D.; University of Saskatchewan. Native Law Centre (July 2005). Justice as healing: indigenous ways. Living Justice Press. p. 27. ISBN 978-0-9721886-1-6.
- ^ "Aboriginal Health & Cultural Diversity Glossary". University of Saskatchewan, College of Nursing. 2003. Archived from the original on October 24, 2009. Retrieved October 2, 2009.
- ^ Jacklin, Kristen; Warry, Wayne (2004). "14 Then Indian Health Transfer Policy in Canada: Toward Self-Determination or Cost Containment?". In Castro, Arachu; Singer, Merrill (eds.). Unhealthy health policy: a critical anthropological examination. Oxford United Kingdom: Rowman Altamira. p. 215. ISBN 978-0-7591-0510-2.
- ^ First Nations & Inuit Health Branch (October 25, 2007). "Indian Health Policy 1979". Health Canada. Retrieved October 2, 2009 – via hc-sc.gc.ca.
- ^ Lemchuk-Favel, Laurel (February 22, 1999). "Financing a First Nations and Inuit Integrated Health System A Discussion Document" (PDF). Health Canada. Archived from the original (PDF) on January 11, 2013. Retrieved October 2, 2009 – via hc-sc.gc.ca.
- ^ Waldram, James Burgess; Herring, Ann; Young, T. Kue (July 30, 2006). Aboriginal health in Canada: historical, cultural, and epidemiological perspectives. University of Toronto Press. p. 85. ISBN 978-0-8020-8579-5.
- ^ a b c Price, Richard (1999). The Spirit of the Alberta Indian Treaties. University of Alberta Press > the University of Michigan. ISBN 978-0-88864-327-8.
- ^ "Post-war Rise of Political Organizations". Library and Archives Canada. Retrieved October 6, 2009.
- ^ "Diverse Peoples – Aboriginal Contributions and Inventions" (PDF). The Government of Manitoba. Retrieved October 17, 2009.
- ^ Newhouse, David. "Hidden in Plain Sight Aboriginal Contributions to Canada and Canadian Identity Creating a new Indian Problem" (PDF). Centre of Canadian Studies, University of Edinburgh. Archived from the original (PDF) on July 23, 2011. Retrieved October 17, 2009.
- ^ Trigger, Bruce G.; Pendergast, James F. (1978). "Saint-Lawrence Iroquoians". Handbook of North American Indians. Vol. 15. Smithsonian Institution. pp. 357–361. ISBN 978-0-16-004575-2.
- ^ a b "Aboriginal place names contribute to a rich tapestry". Indian and Northern Affairs Canada. Archived from the original on January 26, 2009. Retrieved October 17, 2009.
- ^ "History of Cub Scouting". Boy Scouts of America. Archived from the original on October 31, 2009. Retrieved October 17, 2009.
- ^ a b c Goddard, Ives, ed. (1996). Languages. Handbook of North American Indians. Vol. 17. W. C. Sturtevant. Washington, D. C.: Smithsonian Institution. ISBN 978-0-16-048774-3.
- ^ Searles, Edmund (January 2002). "Food and the Making of Modern Inuit Identities". Food & Foodways. 10 (1): 55–78. doi:10.1080/07409710212485. S2CID 144692404.
Although the Inuit of the Canadian Arctic have access to an ever-expanding market of different kinds of foods, they continue to invest considerable time and money obtaining Inuit foods, that is, foods hunted, fished, and gathered within the Inuit homeland.
- ^ "Vancouver 2010 Olympic Games Emblem". 2010 Olympic and Paralympic Winter Games. Archived from the original on October 25, 2009. Retrieved October 17, 2009.
- ^ "Land Claims, Ownership, and Co-management". Developed by Ken Coates, Dean, College of Arts and Sciences, University of Saskatchewan and Greg Poelzer, Chair, Political Science Program, University of Northern British Columbia. Archived from the original (PDF) on July 7, 2012. Retrieved October 5, 2009.
- ^ "The First Nations-Communities: Reserves". The Literacy Community. Archived from the original on September 18, 2008. Retrieved October 5, 2009.
- ^ "Aboriginal languages". Statistics Canada. Retrieved October 5, 2009.
- ^ a b Gordon, Raymond G. Jr. (2005). Ethnologue: Languages of the world (15 ed.). Dallas, Texas: SIL International. ISBN 978-1-55671-159-6. Archived from the original (Web Version online by SIL International, formerly known as the Summer Institute of Linguistics) on October 12, 2009. Retrieved October 6, 2009.
- ^ "Inuktut". www.itk.ca. Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami. Retrieved June 17, 2024.
- ^ "Information". www.langcom.nu.ca. Office of the Languages Commissioner of Nunavut.
- ^ "Your Linguistic Rights". www.langcom.nu.ca. Office of the Languages Commissioner of Nunavut. Retrieved June 17, 2024.
- ^ "Official Languages Act" (PDF). Legislation Division, Department of Justice. 1988. Archived from the original (PDF) on June 25, 2008. Retrieved October 2, 2009.
- ^ a b c Hessel, Ingo; Hessel, Dieter (1998). Inuit Art: An introduction. London: British Museum Press. ISBN 978-0-7141-2545-9.
- ^ "Aboriginal art in Canada". The Canadian Encyclopedia. Historica-Dominion. Retrieved November 27, 2013.
- ^ Hempstead, Andrew (May 11, 2010). Moon Alberta: Including Banff, Jasper & the Canadian Rockies. Avalon Travel. p. 477. ISBN 978-1-59880-371-6.
- ^ a b "An Act further to amend 'The Indian Act, 1880'". Indian and Northern Affairs Canada. March 21, 1881. Archived from the original on June 13, 2011. Retrieved October 18, 2009.
- ^ a b Patterson, Nancy-Lou (1973). Canadian native art; arts and crafts of Canadian Indians and Eskimos. Don Mills, ON: Collier-Macmillan. ISBN 978-0-02-975610-2.
- ^ "Information First Nations Music in Canada". Indian and Northern Affairs Canada. Minister of Public Works and Government Services Canada. Archived from the original (PDF) on July 6, 2011. Retrieved May 13, 2013.
- ^ "Canadian Human Rights Commission :: Resources :: Frequently Asked Questions :: About Employment Equity". Canadian Human Rights Commission. Government of Canada. August 27, 2009. Archived from the original on September 27, 2007. Retrieved September 18, 2009.
- ^ "Classification of visible minority". Statistics Canada. July 25, 2008. Archived from the original on July 14, 2011. Retrieved September 18, 2009 – via statcan.gc.ca.
- ^ a b c d e "Canada's Indigenous population". Statistics Canada. June 21, 2023. Retrieved December 18, 2024.
- ^ a b "Aboriginal peoples of Canada: A demographic profile". Statistics Canada. 2001. Archived from the original on May 17, 2008. Retrieved October 2, 2009 – via statcan.gc.ca.
- ^ "Aboriginals First Nations". vancouverprofile.com. Archived from the original on June 16, 2010. Retrieved October 15, 2009.
- ^ a b "Aboriginal peoples of Canada". Statistics Canada. Archived from the original on May 17, 2008. Retrieved October 5, 2009 – via statcan.gc.ca.
- ^ McNeil, Kent (1996). "Aboriginal Governments and the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms" (PDF). Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples. p. 73. Archived from the original (PDF) on July 6, 2011. Retrieved October 6, 2009.
- ^ "The Royal Proclamation". By The King George R. A Proclamation. Archived from the original on October 13, 2009. Retrieved October 6, 2009.
- ^ a b c Government of Canada, Statistics Canada (May 10, 2023). "Religion by ethnic or cultural origins: Canada, provinces and territories and census metropolitan areas with parts". www12.statcan.gc.ca. Retrieved September 15, 2024.
- ^ a b c Government of Canada, Statistics Canada (December 23, 2013). "2001 Census Topic-based tabulations Selected Demographic and Cultural Characteristics (105), Selected Ethnic Groups (100), Age Groups (6), Sex (3) and Single and Multiple Ethnic Origin Responses (3) for Population, for Canada, Provinces, Territories and Census Metropolitan Areas, 2001 Census - 20% Sample Data". www12.statcan.gc.ca. Retrieved September 21, 2025.
- ^ "Gateway to Aboriginal Heritage-Culture Areas Index". Civilization.ca. Canadian Museum of Civilization Corporation. May 12, 2006. Archived from the original on October 20, 2009. Retrieved October 6, 2009.
- ^ "Urban Indigenous peoples". Indigenous and Northern Affairs Canada. November 21, 2008. Archived from the original on November 1, 2017. Retrieved October 31, 2017.
- ^ "2011 National Household Survey: Data tables Indigenous Identity (8), Age Groups (20), Registered or Treaty Indian Status (3) and Sex (3) for the Population in Private Households of Canada, Provinces, Territories, Census Metropolitan Areas and Census Agglomerations, 2011 National Household Survey". www12.statcan.gc.ca. Government of Canada, Statistics Canada. January 23, 2019. Retrieved October 1, 2024.
- ^ "2001 Census Topic-based tabulations Indigenous Identity (8), Age Groups (11B) and Sex (3) for Population, for Canada, Provinces, Territories, Census Metropolitan Areas and Census Agglomerations, 2001 Census - 20% Sample Data". www12.statcan.gc.ca. Government of Canada, Statistics Canada. December 23, 2013. Retrieved October 1, 2024.
- ^ "Indigenous ancestry responses by single and multiple Indigenous ancestry responses: Canada, provinces and territories, census metropolitan areas and census agglomerations with parts". www150.statcan.gc.ca. Government of Canada, Statistics Canada. June 21, 2023. Retrieved June 24, 2024.
- ^ "Add/Remove data - Indigenous ancestry responses by single and multiple Indigenous ancestry responses: Canada, provinces and territories, census metropolitan areas and census agglomerations with parts". www150.statcan.gc.ca. Government of Canada, Statistics Canada. June 21, 2023. Retrieved July 28, 2024.
- Bibliography
- Cote, Philip; Tidridge, Nathan (2024). "Ties of Kinship". Canada's History. No. October–November 2024.
- Jameson, John H. (1997). Presenting archaeology to the public: digging for truths. Rowman Altamira. ISBN 978-0-7619-8909-7.
- Olson, James Stuart; Pappas, Nicholas Charles (1994). An Ethnohistorical dictionary of the Russian and Soviet empires. Connecticut Greenwood Press. ISBN 978-0-313-27497-8.
- Taylor, Colin F. (2002). The American Indian. Running Press. ISBN 978-0-7624-1389-8.
- Ray, Arthur J. (1996). I Have Lived Here Since The World Began: An Illustrated History of Canada's Native People. Toronto, ON: Lester Publishing. ISBN 978-1-55263-633-6.
- Todd, Roy; Thornton, Martin; Collins, D. N. (2001). Aboriginal people and other Canadians: shaping new relationships. University of Ottawa Press. ISBN 978-0-7766-0541-8.
- Winchell, N.H. (1881). Ancient Copper Mines of Isle Royale. Vol. 19. New York: Popular Science Monthly.
Further reading
[edit]- Handbook of North American Indians, ongoing 20-volume series generally edited by William C. Sturtevant. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 1978–.
- Asch, Michael (1998). Aboriginal and treaty rights in Canada: essays on law, equality, and respect for difference. University of British Columbia Press. ISBN 978-0-7748-0581-0.
- Beavon, D; Voyageur, C; Newhouse, D (2005). Hidden in plain sight: contributions of Aboriginal peoples to Canadian. University of Toronto Press. ISBN 978-0-8020-8800-0.
- Borrows, John (2002). Recovering Canada: the resurgence of Indigenous law. University of Toronto Press. ISBN 978-0-8020-3679-7.
- Cairns, Alan (2000). Citizens plus: aboriginal peoples and the Canadian state. University of British Columbia Press. ISBN 978-0-7748-0767-8.
- Cardinal, Tantoo (2004). Our story: Aboriginal voices on Canada's past. Doubleday Canada. ISBN 978-0-385-66075-4.
- Cavell, Edward (2009). Classic Images of Canada's First Nations: 1850–1920. Heritage House. ISBN 978-1-894974-64-6.
First nations of canada.
- Clark, Ella Elizabeth (October 5, 2011). Indian Legends of Canada. Random House Digital, Inc. ISBN 978-1-55199-512-0.
- Dickason, Olive Patricia (1992). Canada's first nations: a history of founding peoples from earliest times. University of Oklahoma Press. ISBN 978-0-8061-2438-4.
- Daschuk, James W. (2013). Clearing the Plains: Disease, Politics of Starvation, and the Loss of Aboriginal Life. Regina, Saskatchewan, Canada: University of Regina Press. ISBN 978-088977-296-0.
- Dupuis, Renée (2002). Justice for Canada's Aboriginal peoples. James Lorimer and Company. ISBN 978-1-55028-775-2.
- Elias, Peter Douglas (1991). Development of aboriginal people's communities. Captus Press. ISBN 978-0-921801-51-1.
Aboriginal peoples Canada.
- Knopf, Kerstin (2008). Aboriginal Canada revisited. University of Ottawa Press. ISBN 978-0-7766-0679-8.
- Leacock, Stephen (2009), The Dawn of Canadian History: A Chronicle of Aboriginal Canada, Dodo Press ISBN 1-4099-4930-3
- Loovers, Jan Peter Laurens (2019). Reading Life with Gwich'in An Educational Approach. Oxon: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-429-86804-7.
- Magocsi, Robert (2002). Aboriginal peoples of Canada: a short introduction. University of Toronto Press. ISBN 978-0-8020-3630-8.
- Nock, David; Haig-BroWN, Celia (2006). With good intentions: Euro-Canadian and Aboriginal relations in colonial Canada. University of British Columbia Press. ISBN 978-0-7748-1138-5.
- Pettipas, Katherine (1994). Serving the Ties That Bind: Government Repression of Indigenous Religious Ceremonies on the Prairies (PDF). Manitoba Studies in Native American History. Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press. ISBN 0-88755-638-8.
External links
[edit]- Indigenous and Northern Affairs Canada Portal – Government of Canada
- Aboriginal Peoples and Communities Archived August 25, 2011, at the Wayback Machine – Indigenous and Northern Affairs Canada
- Aboriginal Heritage Resources and Services – Library and Archives Canada
- Aboriginal Virtual Exhibits – Virtual Museum of Canada
- Battle for Aboriginal Treaty Rights – Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (Digital Archives)
- First Peoples of Canada – The Canadian Museum of Civilization
- "Aboriginals: Treaties and Relations". Canada in the Making. Canadiana.org. Archived from the original on June 3, 2004.
- Map of historical territory treaties – Natural Resources Canada
Indigenous peoples in Canada
View on GrokipediaDefinitions and Terminology
Classifications: First Nations, Inuit, Métis
The Indigenous peoples of Canada are classified into three distinct groups under section 35 of the Constitution Act, 1982, which recognizes the existing aboriginal and treaty rights of the Indian, Inuit, and Métis peoples.[15][16] This constitutional framework affirms their unique histories, cultures, and legal statuses, separate from one another, while encompassing over 600 First Nations communities, Inuit regions spanning the Arctic, and Métis settlements primarily in the Prairies.[16] According to the 2021 Census, approximately 1.8 million people self-identified as Indigenous, comprising 5% of Canada's population, with the majority aligning to one of these groups: First Nations (single identity: 1,048,405), Métis (single identity: 624,220), and Inuit (single identity: 65,290), plus 69,335 reporting multiple identities.[17][18] First Nations refers to the diverse Indigenous nations neither Inuit nor Métis, historically termed "Indians" in Canadian law but now self-referenced as First Nations since the 1980s to emphasize sovereignty and pre-colonial status.[19] This group includes both status Indians (registered under the Indian Act, with rights to reserves and federal services) and non-status Indians, organized into over 630 bands across 11 numbered treaties and unceded territories, speaking more than 50 languages from Algonquian, Iroquoian, and other families.[16] Their classification stems from pre-contact origins in subarctic and temperate regions, distinct from Arctic adaptations, and is legally tied to treaty obligations and the Indian Act's provisions for band governance and land holdings totaling about 0.2% of Canada's land base.[20] Inuit denotes the Indigenous peoples of the Arctic and subarctic, inhabiting Inuit Nunangat (regions in Nunavut, Nunavik, Nunatsiavut, and the Inuvialuit Settlement Region), with cultures evolved for marine hunting, igloo construction, and dogsled travel, speaking Inuit languages of the Eskimo-Aleut family.[21] Excluded from the Indian Act, Inuit rights derive from comprehensive land claims like the 1993 Nunavut Agreement, which established self-governance over 350,000 square kilometers, reflecting their distinct non-southern ecology and post-contact avoidance of "Indian" classification to preserve Arctic-specific identity.[16] Their population concentration in northern territories (over 50,000 in Nunavut alone) underscores geographic separation from other groups.[17] Métis constitutes a post-contact Indigenous nation formed from unions between Indigenous women (primarily Cree, Ojibwe, or Saulteaux) and European men (often French or Scottish fur traders) in the 18th and 19th centuries, developing a shared identity through Red River cart brigades, jig dancing, sashes, and Michif language blending French and Cree elements.[20] Legally affirmed as a distinct rights-holding people by the Supreme Court in R. v. Powley (2003) for harvesting rights and Daniels v. Canada (2016) for federal jurisdiction, Métis differ from First Nations by rejecting assimilation into either parent ancestry, instead claiming collective nationhood via genealogy tracing to historic western Métis communities like the Manitoba Métis Federation.[20] Their population surged in self-reporting post-recognition, concentrated in Manitoba, Saskatchewan, and Alberta, but excludes generalized mixed-ancestry individuals lacking this specific cultural continuity.[18]Historical and Contemporary Usage
The term "Indian" originated from Christopher Columbus's erroneous belief in 1492 that he had reached the Indies, and was applied by European explorers and settlers to the original inhabitants of the Americas, including those in what is now Canada.[21] This terminology persisted in legal contexts, such as the Royal Proclamation of 1763, which referred to "Nations or Tribes of Indians," and was formalized in the Indian Act of 1876, which defined "Indian" for status, registration, and governance purposes under federal jurisdiction.[20] The Act's definitions emphasized patrilineal descent and government control, excluding many mixed-ancestry individuals and women who married non-status men, reflecting assimilationist policies rather than self-identification.[2] For peoples of mixed European and Indigenous ancestry, particularly from French fur trade unions in the 18th and 19th centuries, the term "Métis" emerged, deriving from the French word for "mixed."[22] It gained legal recognition in the Manitoba Act of 1870, which provided land scrip to "Métis" heads of families in the Red River region, distinguishing them from "Indians" under treaty systems.[20] Historically, "Half-breed" was used interchangeably in documents for similar groups, but Métis identity solidified around distinct communities like those led by Louis Riel, emphasizing shared culture, language (Michif), and political nationhood rather than mere genealogy.[19] Inuit were commonly called "Eskimo" until the mid-20th century, a term possibly derived from Algonquian words meaning "eaters of raw meat," which many Inuit view as derogatory; the Inuit Circumpolar Conference adopted "Inuit" (meaning "the people" in Inuktitut) in 1977 to assert self-definition across Arctic regions.[23] In the 1970s, amid rising Indigenous activism and constitutional negotiations, "First Nations" entered common usage to describe Aboriginal peoples neither Inuit nor Métis, replacing "Indian" or "band" to emphasize sovereignty and pre-colonial nationhood over colonial labels.[21] This shift aligned with organizations like the Union of British Columbia Indian Chiefs, which promoted the term in the 1980s, though it lacks a strict legal definition and is often pluralized to respect over 600 distinct nations.[19] The Constitution Act, 1982, entrenched "aboriginal peoples of Canada" (defined to include "Indian, Inuit and Métis peoples") in Section 35, protecting existing rights while using "Aboriginal" as a collective legal umbrella.[20] Contemporary usage favors "Indigenous peoples" as a broad, internationally aligned term, influenced by the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (2007), which Canada endorsed in 2010 and legislated in 2021.[24] The federal government accelerated this in 2015, renaming the Department of Aboriginal Affairs to Indigenous and Northern Affairs Canada, and Prime Minister Justin Trudeau referenced "Indigenous" prominently in policy speeches that year.[25] Media outlets like CBC followed suit in 2016, shifting from "Aboriginal" to "Indigenous" for neutrality and global consistency.[26] However, "Aboriginal" retains constitutional force, and many Indigenous individuals and communities prioritize specific ethno-linguistic identifiers (e.g., Anishinaabe, Dene) over pan-Indigenous terms, viewing the latter as potentially homogenizing diverse cultures and histories.[27] Official guidelines emphasize context and self-identification, noting that terms evolve through Indigenous-led reclamation rather than unilateral imposition.[28]Pre-Contact Societies
Archaeological Evidence and Periods
Archaeological evidence indicates human occupation in what is now Canada began following the Last Glacial Maximum, with the earliest widely accepted sites dating to approximately 11,000 years before present (BP). The Paleo-Indian period, spanning roughly 11,500 to 9,500 years ago, is characterized by fluted projectile points associated with big-game hunting of megafauna such as mammoth and camel. Sites like Debert in Nova Scotia, dated between 10,600 and 11,000 BP, yielded stone tools and hearths indicating seasonal camps focused on caribou hunting.[29] In Ontario, the Parkhill site represents the earliest firmly dated Paleo-Indian habitation, with artifact clusters including fluted points linked to 10,500 BP.[30] Evidence of Clovis culture extends into southern Canada, including projectile points used to hunt extinct camels around 12,000 BP in Alberta.[31] The Archaic period followed, from about 9,500 to 2,800 years ago, marked by adaptation to warming climates, diverse foraging economies, and ground stone tools. Maritime Archaic sites along Labrador's coast, dated 7,500 to 3,500 BP, show reliance on marine resources like seals and fish, with evidence of long-distance trade in ramah chert.[32] In southern regions, Archaic peoples exploited varied environments, transitioning from specialized hunting to broader subsistence strategies including small game and plant gathering. The Woodland period, beginning around 2,800 years ago and extending to European contact, introduced pottery, burial mounds, and horticulture in some areas. Early Woodland innovations included ceramic vessels, while Middle Woodland phases show influences from the Hopewell Interaction Sphere, with pipe fragments and exotic materials indicating trade networks across the Great Lakes.[33] In Ontario, this era reflects continuity in lifeways but with increased sedentism and ritual complexity.[34] In the Arctic, distinct sequences include the Dorset culture (circa 2,500 BP to 1,000 BP), known for soapstone lamps, harpoon heads, and semi-subterranean houses adapted to seal hunting.[35] The Thule culture, ancestors of modern Inuit, emerged around 1,000 BP, introducing umiak boats, dog traction, and bow-and-arrow technology, rapidly expanding across the region and supplanting Dorset populations.[36] Sites like those in Nunavut reveal Thule winter villages with whalebone structures, reflecting whaling economies.[37] These periods highlight regional adaptations to post-glacial environments, with southern sequences emphasizing terrestrial and lacustrine resources and northern ones marine mammals.Social Organization, Warfare, and Economies
Pre-contact indigenous societies in the territory of modern Canada exhibited diverse social organizations shaped by environmental and cultural factors. In the Northeast, Iroquoian-speaking groups such as the Haudenosaunee formed a confederacy, traditionally dated to around 1142 CE based on oral histories referencing a solar eclipse, though some archaeological estimates place its consolidation in the 15th century; this alliance united five nations under a council of sachems selected matrilineally, with descent traced through clans emphasizing kinship ties and consensus decision-making.[38][6] On the Pacific Coast, societies like the Kwakwaka’wakw were highly stratified, featuring hereditary elites, commoners, and slaves, with ranked kin groups owning specific names, territories, and privileges enforced through potlatch ceremonies.[6] Plains groups, including Cree and Niitsitapi, organized into kinship-based bands with flexible leadership by chiefs selected for wisdom and prowess, often operating through councils rather than rigid hierarchies.[6] Among Anishinaabe peoples, totemic clans structured patrilineal leadership, with civil chiefs guiding communities via consensus in pre-contact band systems.[39] Warfare was a prominent feature across many regions, evidenced by archaeological findings such as timber palisades up to 10 meters high surrounding Huron, Neutral, Petun, and Iroquois villages by 1000 CE, later evolving into multi-layered defenses with logs up to 24 inches in diameter by the 1500s.[9] In the Northeast, Iroquoian "mourning wars" aimed to capture enemies for adoption to replace deceased kin or for ritual torture, driven by revenge, prestige, and control over resources and trade routes; captives were integrated or executed based on community needs.[9][6] Plains warfare emphasized individual bravery through "counting coup"—touching enemies without killing—alongside raids for horses, goods, or revenge, often ritualized with low casualties in formal battles but escalating in ambushes.[6] On the Pacific Coast, Stó:lō groups in the Fraser River Canyon constructed rock fortifications dating to pre-contact periods, indicating defensive warfare tied to territorial disputes and slave raids by groups like the Haida.[40] Tactics generally involved guerrilla-style hit-and-run raids, night attacks, and terrain exploitation, with scalping and ambushes documented in ethnohistorical accounts predating sustained European influence.[9] Economies were adaptive to local ecologies, universally incorporating hunting, fishing, and gathering, with regional specializations. Northeastern Iroquoian groups relied on agriculture as the dietary mainstay, where corn, beans, and squash comprised approximately two-thirds of caloric intake, supplemented by hunting and trade in wampum and marine shells.[41][6] Plains societies focused on communal buffalo hunts using drives and jumps, with limited maize cultivation in river valleys and trade at hubs like Mandan villages for corn and tools.[6] Pacific Coast economies centered on salmon fishing, marine mammals, and root horticulture via controlled burning for camas and berries, with wealth redistribution through potlatch systems fostering social alliances.[6] Extensive trade networks spanned continents, exchanging obsidian, high-quality chert, native copper, and marine products for inland goods, as evidenced by artifacts in sites like the Hopewell Interaction Sphere extending into Canadian Great Lakes regions with Laurel and Saugeen complexes.[42][6] These systems emphasized sustainability, with all First Nations harvesting plants for food and medicine in proportions varying by habitat, from 50-80% wild resources in non-agricultural areas.[2]European Contact and Early Interactions
Initial Encounters and Trade
The earliest documented European encounters with Indigenous peoples in what is now Canada occurred around 1000 AD, when Norse explorers established a short-lived settlement at L'Anse aux Meadows in Newfoundland. Led by Thorfinn Karlsefni, the Norse interacted with local groups, likely Beothuk or Dorset Inuit ancestors, whom they termed skrælings; initial exchanges involved trading goods such as milk and red cloth for furs, but relations deteriorated into skirmishes, prompting the Norse to abandon the site after a few years.[43][44] These contacts were fleeting and did not lead to sustained presence or trade networks. In 1497, Italian explorer John Cabot, sailing under an English commission, reached the coast of Newfoundland or possibly Cape Breton Island, marking the first post-Norse European voyage to the region. Cabot's crew observed evidence of Indigenous activity, including snares, nets, and canoes with up to 22 occupants fishing near the shore, but direct meetings were limited or unrecorded in surviving accounts; he claimed the land for King Henry VII and noted its potential for cod fishing, which indirectly drew European fishermen who began informal bartering with coastal Mi'kmaq and Beothuk peoples for furs using simple European items.[45] More substantive initial contacts unfolded with French explorer Jacques Cartier's 1534 expedition, when he entered the Gulf of St. Lawrence and encountered St. Lawrence Iroquoian groups at Gaspé Peninsula. On July 24, Cartier met Chief Donnacona and approximately 40-50 warriors, exchanging knives, bells, and red caps for furs and fish; he erected a cross claiming the land for Francis I, which sparked protests from the Iroquoians, though temporary goodwill prevailed. Cartier later ascended the St. Lawrence River, trading similar metal and glass goods with villages like Hochelaga (near modern Montreal), but also took ten captives, including Donnacona's sons, back to France, straining relations.[46] These encounters initiated a pattern of trade centered on European demand for beaver and other furs to supply hat-making in Europe, exchanged for iron tools, axes, kettles, beads, and cloth, which Indigenous groups valued for their durability and utility over traditional stone and bone implements. By the mid-16th century, Basque and Portuguese fishermen off Newfoundland's coasts had formalized this barter, acquiring thousands of pelts annually without establishing permanent posts, as Indigenous trappers controlled inland supply; this commerce, while economically beneficial short-term, introduced dependencies on European goods and foreshadowed competitive rivalries among European powers.[47][48]Alliances and Conflicts
Early European explorers and colonists formed pragmatic alliances with Indigenous groups primarily to facilitate the fur trade and counter rival Indigenous confederacies, often exacerbating pre-existing intertribal rivalries through the introduction of firearms and trade goods. French settlers in New France allied with Algonquian-speaking peoples, such as the Montagnais (Innu) and Algonquin, as well as the Huron-Wendat, to secure beaver pelts and protect trade routes from Iroquois (Haudenosaunee) incursions; these partnerships were cemented by mutual military support against common enemies.[49] [47] In June 1609, Samuel de Champlain joined a war party of approximately 60 Huron and Algonquin warriors against a Mohawk force near Lake Champlain, where French arquebuses killed at least two Mohawk leaders and routed the enemy, demonstrating the tactical advantage of European weapons and binding the French more closely to their allies while provoking long-term Iroquois hostility.[50] [51] British and Dutch traders in the Hudson Valley and later Rupert's Land pursued counter-alliances with the Iroquois Confederacy, supplying firearms in exchange for furs after the Iroquois displaced the Mohicans around 1628, granting them direct access to European markets and enabling territorial expansion.[52] These pacts, such as the Covenant Chain treaties formalized in the late 17th century, positioned the Iroquois as intermediaries in the fur trade, but they were driven by economic self-interest rather than loyalty, with the Confederacy leveraging European rivalries to maintain autonomy.[53] Conflicts intensified as competition over depleting beaver populations fueled the Beaver Wars (also known as the French and Iroquois Wars) from the 1640s to 1701, pitting Iroquois forces—armed by British and Dutch suppliers—against French-allied groups like the Huron-Wendat and neutral tribes such as the Tobacco Nation.[53] Iroquois raids culminated in the destruction of Huronia in 1649, where warriors killed or captured thousands, including the slaughter of Jesuit missionaries and the dispersal of up to 10,000 Huron refugees to regions like Quebec and the Great Lakes; French counteroffensives, including invasions of Mohawk territory in 1666 and 1693, inflicted heavy casualties but failed to halt Iroquois dominance until the Great Peace of Montreal in 1701.[53] These wars, rooted in fur trade rivalries rather than purely European directives, resulted in demographic collapses for allied Indigenous nations—Huron numbers fell from an estimated 30,000 in 1634 to fewer than 10,000 survivors by 1650—while fostering cycles of revenge raids and captive adoption practices that integrated thousands into Iroquois society.[53] [52]Colonial Era and Treaties
Numbered Treaties and Land Surrenders
The Numbered Treaties consist of eleven agreements negotiated between the Government of Canada, on behalf of the British Crown, and various First Nations groups between 1871 and 1921, primarily in the Prairie provinces, northern Ontario, and parts of the Northwest Territories. These treaties enabled the transfer of approximately 2.3 million square kilometres of land from Indigenous title to the Crown, facilitating European settlement, railway construction, and agricultural expansion amid the decline of the buffalo herds that had sustained Plains economies.[54][55] Negotiations typically involved Canadian commissioners, interpreters, and First Nations leaders, with texts drafted in English and translated orally into Indigenous languages, leading to disputes over interpretations of terms. The treaties followed a template where First Nations agreed to "surrender, cede, release, and yield" all rights to the specified territories to the Crown in perpetuity, excluding designated reserves. In return, provisions included one square mile of reserve land per family of five, annual annuities starting at $3 per person (increasing to $5 in later treaties), rights to hunt, trap, and fish on unoccupied Crown lands "as long as the sun shines and water flows," agricultural tools and livestock, ammunition, clothing, and promises of schools on reserves.[54][56]| Treaty Number | Signing Date | Primary Location | Indigenous Groups Involved |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | August 3, 1871 | Lower Fort Garry, Manitoba | Ojibwa and Swampy Cree |
| 2 | August 21, 1871 | Manitoba Post, Manitoba | Anishinaabe |
| 3 | October 3, 1873 | Northwest Angle, Lake of the Woods | Saulteaux |
| 4 | September 1874 | Qu'Appelle Valley, Saskatchewan | Cree and Saulteaux |
| 5 | September 1875 (main), 1876 (additions) | Saskatchewan and Manitoba | Cree and Ojibwa |
| 6 | August-September 1876 | Fort Carlton and Fort Pitt, Saskatchewan | Cree, Saulteaux, Assiniboine |
| 7 | September 1877 | Bow River and Blackfoot Crossing, Alberta | Blackfoot Confederacy |
| 8 | June 1899 (main), adhesions to 1900 | Lesser Slave Lake and Fort Chipewyan areas | Cree, Dene, others |
| 9 | July 1905 | James Bay and Hudson Bay areas, Ontario | Cree and Ojibwa |
| 10 | August 1906 | Saskatchewan | Cree and others |
| 11 | 1921 | Fort Providence to Fort Simpson, Northwest Territories | Dene |
Unresolved Claims and Modern Litigation
Specific claims address alleged breaches by the Government of Canada of its lawful obligations to First Nations under historical treaties, agreements, or statutes, including issues like mishandling of reserve lands or unfulfilled promises. As of March 31, 2025, the federal inventory held 754 specific claims, reflecting an increase from 682 the prior year, with 117 new claims submitted in the 2024-2025 fiscal year.[57] The government aims to resolve at least 35 such claims annually through negotiations, though critics, including First Nations organizations, highlight chronic backlogs, insufficient research funding, and delays that perpetuate unresolved grievances and hinder economic development.[58] [59] Comprehensive land claims pertain to Aboriginal rights and title in territories without historical treaties, primarily involving First Nations, Inuit, and Métis groups in regions like British Columbia, the Yukon, and parts of Ontario and the Northwest Territories. Since 1973, Canada has finalized 26 such agreements, but dozens of negotiation tables remain active, covering vast areas and involving complex issues of land ownership, resource rights, and self-governance.[60] [61] Progress varies by region, with ongoing talks in British Columbia encompassing multiple First Nations asserting title over untreated lands, often complicated by overlapping provincial interests and private development.[61] Modern litigation has advanced recognition of Aboriginal title while exposing tensions between indigenous claims and existing land uses. In Delgamuukw v. British Columbia (1997), the Supreme Court of Canada articulated a test for proving Aboriginal title based on continuous occupation pre-sovereignty, emphasizing oral histories as valid evidence and affirming that title excludes third-party alienation without consent or justification.[62] The 2014 Tsilhqot’in Nation v. British Columbia decision marked the first judicial grant of Aboriginal title to a specific, non-site-limited territory, requiring the Crown to demonstrate substantial objectives and minimal impairment for any infringement.[63] These rulings have facilitated negotiations but also prompted surges in claims, as seen in the August 2025 British Columbia Supreme Court Cowichan Tribes v. Canada case, which declared Aboriginal title over traditional lands including urban fee-simple properties, raising uncertainties for private owners and infrastructure in areas like Richmond.[64] [65] Such outcomes underscore the evolving judicial framework, where unresolved claims increasingly intersect with economic interests, often delaying projects amid duties to consult and accommodate.[66]Government Policies Towards Integration
The Indian Act: Provisions and Impacts
The Indian Act was enacted on April 12, 1876, consolidating prior colonial legislation such as the 1857 Gradual Civilization Act to regulate federal administration of Indigenous peoples classified as status "Indians," their bands, and reserves.[67] It designated the Minister of the Interior as Superintendent General of Indian Affairs, granting extensive authority over reserve management, band funds, property distribution, and individual status determination, with legal title to reserve lands held by the Crown in trust.[68] The Act defined an "Indian" patrilineally as a male person of Indian blood reputed to belong to a band, extending to his wife and unmarried minor children, while excluding those enfranchised or otherwise deemed assimilated.[68] Core provisions included mechanisms for enfranchisement, whereby individuals could voluntarily or involuntarily lose status—and associated treaty rights and reserve access—upon demonstrating self-sufficiency, such as through education, professional achievement, or military service; women marrying non-Indians faced automatic loss until 1985 amendments.[69] Band governance was structured around elected councils with authority over local bylaws, but all decisions required ministerial approval, including land use, wills, and expenditures; reserves were inalienable without band and federal consent, restricting individual property rights.[70] Amendments in 1884 added cultural restrictions, such as Section 149 prohibiting potlatches, the Sun Dance, and other ceremonies deemed wasteful or contrary to assimilation, punishable by fines, imprisonment, or property confiscation.[71] These bans were repealed in 1951, alongside expansions allowing bands limited self-management in education and intoxicants.[72] The Act's enfranchisement policy yielded minimal uptake, with only 75 cases between 1857 and 1876, failing to reduce the status population as intended and instead entrenching federal oversight; gender-discriminatory clauses led to thousands of women losing status, reversed by Bill C-31 in 1985, which added 174,500 registrants by addressing marital and pre-1985 losses.[69] [73] On governance, ministerial vetoes over band councils perpetuated paternalism, correlating with administrative delays and dependency on federal funding, as evidenced by ongoing requirements for approval on resource revenues and infrastructure.[70] Economically, reserve land tenure restrictions—prohibiting freehold sales without consent—have impeded private investment and development, contributing to 2016 employment rates of 47% for on-reserve Status First Nations aged 25-64, compared to higher off-reserve and non-Indigenous figures, alongside median incomes $32,000 lower than non-Indigenous Canadians.[74] [11] [75] Culturally, the potlatch ban from 1884 to 1951 suppressed hereditary title transfers and social reciprocity systems, forcing clandestine practices and disrupting knowledge transmission in Northwest Coast societies, though resilience persisted through oral adaptations; enforcement involved confiscating regalia, with lasting effects on community leadership excluding women in some traditions.[71] [76] Overall, the Act centralized authority, perverting traditional autonomy into federal trusteeship and fostering socio-economic disparities, while providing a legal basis for status benefits amid assimilationist aims that prioritized European norms over Indigenous self-determination.[77]Reserves: Establishment and Consequences
Indian reserves in Canada were primarily established through the Numbered Treaties signed between 1871 and 1921, which covered much of western and northern Canada, and through the Indian Act of 1876 that formalized the reserve system nationwide.[54][72] Under these treaties, First Nations bands surrendered vast territories to the Crown in exchange for reserve lands, annual payments, and rights to hunt and fish.[54] The Indian Act defined reserves as tracts of land set apart by the Crown for the exclusive use of specific bands, held in trust by the federal government rather than owned outright by the bands or individuals.[78] The reserve system originated from earlier colonial policies aimed at confining Indigenous populations to designated areas to facilitate settler expansion and resource extraction, with pre-Confederation treaties like the Robinson Treaties of 1850 also allocating reserve lands in Ontario.[8] By 1921, the Numbered Treaties had created over 600 reserves, often comprising small portions of traditional territories—typically one square mile per family of five—leading to fragmented and inadequate land bases in many cases.[54][79] The Act's provisions prohibited the sale or lease of reserve lands without federal approval, embedding communal tenure and federal oversight that restricted individual property rights.[80] Economically, the reserve system has fostered dependency on federal transfers due to communal land ownership, which limits collateral for loans and discourages private investment; Section 89 of the Indian Act exempts reserve personal property from seizure, further complicating credit access.[80][81] Reserves with certificates of possession—allowing limited individual use rights—exhibit higher per capita incomes and lower poverty rates compared to those under strict communal control, as evidenced by econometric analyses of First Nations communities.[81][82] Overall, First Nations individuals on reserves face median incomes about half those of non-Indigenous Canadians, with poverty rates exceeding 40% in many communities.[77][75] Socially, reserves have correlated with elevated rates of overcrowding, substandard housing, and health disparities; for instance, on-reserve housing often suffers from maintenance backlogs and mold issues, contributing to chronic conditions at rates double the national average.[83] Federal funding, while substantial—totaling billions annually—has not closed socio-economic gaps, as bureaucratic controls and lack of local autonomy perpetuate inefficiencies and corruption in some band administrations.[77][84] Despite these challenges, reserves have preserved communal identities and served as bases for legal claims to additional lands, though ongoing litigation highlights unresolved surrenders and encroachments.[85] Recent policy shifts toward market-oriented reforms, such as enhanced property rights, show potential for growth, as communities with greater land tenure flexibility experience faster income gains for both Indigenous and neighboring populations.[85][81]Residential Schools: Objectives, Implementation, and Long-Term Effects
) The Indian residential school system was initiated with the explicit objective of assimilating Indigenous children into dominant Euro-Canadian society, thereby eradicating Indigenous cultures, languages, and familial ties to facilitate integration as productive citizens within a settler framework.[86] This policy, rooted in 19th-century colonial ideologies of "civilization," was articulated by Department of Indian Affairs officials, who viewed Indigenous traditionalism as an obstacle to national progress and sought to "kill the Indian in the child" through enforced separation and re-education in Christianity, Western curricula, and industrial skills.[87] Government rationale emphasized economic self-sufficiency for Indigenous peoples, reducing long-term federal expenditures on reserves, though implementation often prioritized cultural suppression over practical vocational training.[88] Implementation began sporadically in the early 19th century, with the first federally supported school opening in 1831 at the Mohawk Institute in Brantford, Ontario, but expanded systematically after Confederation in 1867 under the Department of Indian Affairs.[89] By 1920, amendments to the Indian Act made attendance compulsory for Indigenous children aged 7 to 15, with truancy punishable by imprisonment of parents; the federal government funded operations while Christian denominations—primarily Catholic (about 60%), Anglican, United, and Presbyterian—managed daily administration across approximately 139 schools in every province and territory except Prince Edward Island and New Brunswick.[90] An estimated 150,000 First Nations, Inuit, and Métis children attended between the 1880s and 1996, when the last school closed; conditions frequently included overcrowding, inadequate nutrition, rampant infectious diseases like tuberculosis, and documented physical, emotional, and sexual abuses by staff, though variability existed across institutions with some providing basic literacy and trades training.[91] Mortality rates were starkly elevated, with at least 4,100 documented deaths—primarily from disease and malnutrition—equating to 1 in 25 attendees, far exceeding contemporaneous non-Indigenous rates, though poor record-keeping and recent geophysical surveys suggesting additional unmarked burials complicate precise tallies.[92] Long-term effects have manifested in elevated intergenerational health disparities, including higher incidences of chronic diseases, substance abuse, suicide, and mental health disorders among survivors and descendants, attributable to familial disruption, cultural disconnection, and trauma transmission via parenting patterns altered by institutionalization.[93] Empirical analyses link residential school attendance to poorer self-rated health, increased cardiovascular risks, and infectious disease burdens, with effects persisting across generations through epigenetic and socio-behavioral mechanisms.[94] [95] However, select econometric studies indicate potential socioeconomic upsides for attendees, such as higher high school completion rates, employment probabilities, and reduced reliance on government transfers compared to non-attendees, suggesting that foundational literacy imparted—despite coercive delivery—contributed to human capital formation amid broader systemic harms.[96] These outcomes underscore causal complexities: while abuse and neglect inflicted direct psychological wounds, the system's partial educational role intersected with broader colonial policies, though prevailing evidence affirms net negative impacts on community cohesion and identity, fueling ongoing litigation and reconciliation efforts.[97] Narratives emphasizing uniform genocide warrant scrutiny against archival variability and contemporary critiques highlighting inflated death claims or overlooked parental agency in seeking schooling, yet substantiated survivor testimonies and health data affirm profound, enduring disruptions.[98]Demographics and Population Dynamics
Current Population and Growth Rates
According to the 2021 Census of Population conducted by Statistics Canada, 1,807,250 individuals self-identified as Indigenous peoples, constituting 5.0% of Canada's total population of 36,991,981.[18] This marked an increase from 4.9% in the 2016 census.[99] The Indigenous population encompasses those reporting identities as First Nations (North American Indian), Métis, Inuit, or combinations thereof, based on self-reported responses to census questions on ethnic or cultural origins and Indigenous group membership.[100] These figures represent single-identity reporters; an additional 64,080 individuals reported multiple Indigenous identities, contributing to the overall total.[99] First Nations formed the largest group at approximately 58% of the Indigenous population, followed by Métis at 34.5% and Inuit at 3.9%.[18] Between 2016 and 2021, the Indigenous population grew by 9.4%, from 1,673,785 to 1,807,250, outpacing the 5.3% growth in the non-Indigenous population.[99] This expansion reflects a combination of natural increase—driven by a higher total fertility rate (around 2.1 children per woman for Indigenous women versus 1.5 for non-Indigenous) and a younger age structure (median age of 32.0 years compared to 41.0 years)—as well as net migration and changes in self-identification patterns.[99] The growth rate slowed from the 42.5% increase observed between 2006 and 2016, partly due to modifications in census question wording to reduce over-reporting and improve data quality.[99] Projections based on these trends indicate continued rapid growth, potentially reaching 2.2 million by 2036, assuming sustained fertility and identification behaviors.[16]Geographic Distribution: Reserves vs. Urban Areas
In 2021, Canada's Indigenous population exceeded 1.8 million individuals, representing 5.0% of the total national population.[17] Among First Nations people with Registered or Treaty Indian status, 40.6% resided on reserve, while 59.4% lived off reserve.[101] This on-reserve population, concentrated on over 3,000 reserves and settlements primarily in rural and remote areas, accounted for a minority of the overall Indigenous demographic, as Métis and Inuit groups do not live on reserves.[102] Reserves are defined by Statistics Canada as census subdivisions legally affiliated with First Nations bands, including Indian reserves and certain settlements.[102] Urban areas host the majority of off-reserve Indigenous residents, with approximately 52% of all First Nations, Inuit, and Métis peoples living in cities or towns.[103] This figure reflects a continued shift toward urbanization, as the proportion of First Nations individuals in urban settings has increased over recent decades, with just under one-third remaining on reserves.[104] Métis communities are heavily urbanized, particularly in western provinces, with significant populations in census metropolitan areas like Winnipeg (over 46,000 Métis in earlier data, indicative of ongoing concentration).[105] Inuit populations, while largely in northern territories such as Nunavut, include growing numbers in southern urban centers like Ottawa and Montreal for education and employment.[18] Geographic concentrations highlight disparities: Ontario and British Columbia together host over half of urban Indigenous residents, with major cities like Toronto, Vancouver, and Edmonton featuring large off-reserve populations.[17] In contrast, reserves are unevenly distributed, with higher densities in the Prairies and northern regions, often in isolated locations limiting access to urban infrastructure.[106] This distribution underscores a dual existence, where reserve-based communities maintain traditional ties to land, while urban migration supports economic integration but introduces challenges in service delivery and cultural preservation.[75]Cultural Aspects
Languages: Diversity and Decline
Canada's Indigenous languages encompass approximately 70 distinct tongues, classified into around 12 language families, reflecting the linguistic diversity of First Nations, Inuit, and Métis peoples prior to and following European contact.[107] Major families include Algonquian (spoken by groups such as the Cree and Ojibwe), Athabaskan (prevalent in the north among Dene peoples), Inuktut (Inuit languages across the Arctic), Iroquoian (e.g., Mohawk and Huron), Salishan, Siouan, Tsimshian, and Wakashan, with additional isolates and smaller groups contributing to this variety.[108] This diversity arose from millennia of isolated cultural development across vast territories, resulting in unique grammatical structures, vocabularies tied to local ecologies, and oral traditions encoding knowledge of environment, kinship, and governance.[109] The 2021 Census recorded 184,170 individuals with an Indigenous mother tongue, a 7.1% decline from 2016, while 237,420 Indigenous people reported conversational proficiency in an Indigenous language, down 4.3% over the same period.[110] [111] These figures represent less than 1% of Canada's total population, with the largest shares among Inuit (Inuktut speakers numbering around 40,000) and Cree (over 80,000 mother tongue speakers).[111] Decline has been uneven: Algonquian languages show relative stability due to higher speaker numbers, whereas many Salishan and Wakashan tongues have fewer than 100 fluent speakers, confined to elders.[107] Historical government policies, particularly the residential school system operational from the late 19th century until 1996, enforced English or French-only instruction and punished Indigenous language use, severing intergenerational transmission and causing rapid proficiency loss.[110] This suppression, combined with urbanization—where over 50% of Indigenous people now live off-reserve in predominantly English/French environments—and economic pressures favoring dominant languages, has accelerated erosion.[112] UNESCO classifies 75% of Canada's 90 living Indigenous languages as endangered, with some dialects facing dormancy within a generation due to insufficient child speakers.[113] Projections indicate that speaker numbers for 16 languages may drop over 90% by 2101 absent revitalization, though second-language learners rose 6.7% to 27.7% of speakers by 2021, hinting at partial community-driven recovery.[114] [115]Arts, Music, and Spiritual Practices
Indigenous arts in Canada encompass diverse traditional practices among First Nations, Inuit, and Métis communities, including wood carvings, totem poles, and intricate crafts that convey cultural narratives and spiritual significance. Northwest Coast First Nations, such as the Haida and Tsimshian, create totem poles from western red cedar, featuring carved figures representing clan crests, ancestors, and mythical beings to commemorate family histories and rights.[116] These monumental structures, often 10 to 30 meters tall, were traditionally raised during potlatch ceremonies to affirm social status and alliances. Inuit artisans produce soapstone carvings depicting animals and human figures, rooted in hunting traditions and adapted for trade since the mid-20th century, emphasizing functional forms like harpoon handles alongside symbolic sculptures.[117] Métis crafts include floral beadwork on clothing and sashes, blending European glass beads with porcupine quill techniques from Indigenous influences, often featured in traditional regalia for dances. Music traditions vary by group but centrally involve rhythmic drumming, vocal chants, and dances tied to storytelling and ceremonies. Among First Nations, hand drums and frame drums accompany songs passed orally through generations, used in healing rituals and social gatherings to invoke spiritual connections and recount histories. Inuit throat singing, known as katajjaq, features two women producing interlocking rhythms mimicking natural sounds like geese or rifles, traditionally performed as a competitive game or to entertain during long winters.[118] Métis music incorporates fiddle tunes derived from Scottish and French settlers fused with Indigenous rhythms, exemplified by the Red River Jig, a lively dance reflecting nomadic buffalo-hunting lifestyles and performed at fiddling contests.[119] These musical forms, integral to powwows and feasts, sustain community bonds disrupted by historical policies like the Indian Act's bans on ceremonies from 1884 to 1951. Spiritual practices emphasize animistic worldviews where natural elements possess spirits, mediated by shamans or elders through rituals integrating arts and music. In many First Nations groups, ceremonies like the shaking tent involve a spiritual leader entering a domed structure to commune with ancestors via conjured voices and movements, aiding divination or healing. Inuit angakkuq (shamans) historically conducted soul retrievals and weather controls using songs and drums, though Christianity's introduction diminished overt practices by the early 20th century. Potlatches among Northwest Coast peoples distribute goods amid masked dances and totem unveilings to honor the deceased and validate chiefly authority, embodying reciprocal obligations central to social order.[120] Despite colonial suppressions, including residential schools' erasure of languages and rituals, contemporary revitalization efforts incorporate these elements in urban powwows and land-based ceremonies, preserving causal links to ancestral knowledge for cultural continuity.[121]Adaptations and Revitalization Efforts
Efforts to revitalize Indigenous languages in Canada have intensified since the early 2000s, supported by federal funding and community-led initiatives, though empirical data indicate persistent declines in fluent speakers for most of the over 70 distinct languages. In the 2021 Census, 237,420 Indigenous individuals reported speaking an Indigenous language well enough for conversation, representing about 13.1% of the Indigenous population, a slight increase from prior decades but insufficient to reverse broader trends of attrition.[110][122] Projections based on census data forecast that speaker numbers could drop by more than 90% in 16 languages between 2001 and 2101, with dormancy risks exceeding 50% for many others due to intergenerational transmission failures.[123] Community immersion programs and the United Nations Decade of Indigenous Languages (2022-2032) have promoted reclamation, evidenced by 65,680 people in 2021 speaking an Indigenous language without it as their mother tongue, signaling adaptive second-language acquisition.[115][124] In arts and music, revitalization manifests through powwows, contemporary fusions, and public performances that blend traditional forms with modern expressions, fostering cultural continuity amid urbanization. Drum dancing, throat singing, and storytelling persist in Inuit and First Nations communities, often integrated into festivals that draw thousands annually and serve as platforms for youth engagement.[118] First Nations musicians have revived powwow traditions, with artists reporting community healing through songs that preserve hyper-diverse repertoires suppressed historically, contributing to a booming Indigenous music sector reaching broader audiences.[125][126] These adaptations include digital media and collaborations, enabling resistance narratives and resilience themes in tracks that challenge colonial legacies without diluting core protocols.[127] Spiritual practices have seen resurgence via decolonization efforts, with communities reconnecting to ceremonies like sweat lodges and vision quests, often led by elders in northern regions where cultural reclamation aids healing from residential school traumas.[128] Federal programs in 2024-2025 allocated resources for First Nations-led cultural reclamation, linking enculturation to improved wellbeing outcomes such as reduced diabetes prevalence in self-determining communities.[129][130] However, success varies; while cultural efficacy correlates positively with health metrics, systemic barriers like geographic isolation limit scalability, underscoring that revitalization depends on local autonomy rather than top-down policies.[131] Indigenous language and cultural programming in bilingual areas has shown positive associations with educational achievement, suggesting causal benefits from sustained exposure.[132]Political Structures and Rights
Band Councils and Self-Government
Band councils serve as the primary governing bodies for First Nations bands under the Indian Act, a federal statute first enacted in 1876 that consolidated earlier colonial legislation regulating Indigenous affairs.[72] The elective band council system originated with the Gradual Enfranchisement Act of 1869, which introduced elected chiefs and councils to replace traditional hereditary leadership in some communities, with the Indian Act formalizing this structure by stipulating elections every two years unless bands opt for longer terms via custom codes.[72] As of 2023, Canada recognizes 619 First Nations bands, each typically governed by one elected chief and councillors—one per every 100 band members, with a minimum of two councillors—responsible for administering reserve-based services funded by federal transfers.[133] [134] The powers of band councils are circumscribed by the Indian Act, confining them primarily to enacting by-laws on matters such as reserve zoning, property taxation, intoxicants, and local infrastructure, many of which require approval from the federal Minister of Crown-Indigenous Relations.[72] [135] Councils also hold fiduciary duties to band members, including prudent management of communal lands and revenues from resources or settlements, though ultimate authority over reserves remains with the federal government, which can intervene in cases of maladministration.[136] This framework has drawn criticism from Indigenous leaders for imposing a non-traditional, dependency-reinforcing model that supplants pre-colonial governance systems like consensus-based clans or hereditary chiefs, rendering councils extensions of federal oversight rather than sovereign entities.[137] [138] For instance, amendments in 1920 empowered the Department of Indian Affairs to depose hereditary leaders, entrenching elected systems despite opposition from communities favoring customary governance.[138] Efforts to transcend the band council model have centered on self-government agreements, which enable participating First Nations to enact laws on citizenship, elections, and internal affairs without routine federal veto, often building on modern treaties resolving land claims.[10] As of March 2024, 25 such agreements cover 43 Indigenous communities, including comprehensive models like the Nisga'a Final Agreement of 1999, which granted legislative authority over lands and resources in British Columbia, and the Sechelt Indian Band Self-Government Act of 1986, the first standalone federal self-government legislation.[10] [139] In Yukon, 11 First Nations have finalized self-government accords since the 1993 Umbrella Final Agreement, allowing jurisdiction over health, education, and economic development alongside band council functions.[140] Sectoral agreements, such as the 2024 Anishinabek Nation Education Agreement involving 23 Ontario First Nations, further devolve specific powers like curriculum control.[141] Despite these advances, self-government remains exceptional, with over 50 negotiation tables active but progress hampered by fiscal disputes and federal reluctance to relinquish oversight, perpetuating reliance on Indian Act structures for most bands.[10] Indigenous critiques highlight that even self-governing entities often negotiate from positions of economic disadvantage, yielding arrangements that prioritize federal interests over full autonomy.[142]Constitutional Recognition and Key Court Decisions
Section 35 of the Constitution Act, 1982, recognizes and affirms the existing aboriginal and treaty rights of the aboriginal peoples of Canada, defined to include the Indian, Inuit, and Métis peoples of Canada.[15] This provision, enacted during the patriation of the Constitution on April 17, 1982, marked the first explicit constitutional entrenchment of such rights, shifting from prior reliance on common law and statutes like the Indian Act.[143] The recognition applies to rights existing at the time of enactment, requiring proof of pre-contact or pre-sovereignty practices integral to distinctive aboriginal cultures, and imposes a justificatory framework for any government infringements.[144] Prior to 1982, the Supreme Court of Canada's decision in Calder v. British Columbia (1973) laid foundational groundwork by affirming, in a 4-3 split, that aboriginal title—a right to land derived from pre-sovereignty occupation—existed at common law and had not been wholly extinguished by colonial legislation in British Columbia.[145] The case, brought by Nisga'a leaders including Frank Calder, rejected the province's claim of radical or absolute title free of encumbrances, prompting federal policy shifts toward modern land claims processes despite the Court's refusal to grant the declaration sought due to evidentiary limits.[146] Following the 1982 constitutional amendment, R. v. Sparrow (1990) established the initial test for evaluating infringements on section 35 rights, ruling that Ronald Sparrow's Musqueam fishing practices constituted a protected communal right to fish for food, social, and ceremonial purposes, which could not be extinguished post-1982 without clear intent.[147] The unanimous decision held that regulatory limits under the Fisheries Act were justifiable only if non-discriminatory, meeting a minimal infringement standard, conserving the resource, and prioritizing aboriginal needs over commercial or sports fishing, while rejecting prior regulatory schemes that assumed unlimited Crown discretion.[148] Delgamuukw v. British Columbia (1997) advanced the jurisprudence on aboriginal title, with the Supreme Court defining it as a collective, inalienable interest in land encompassing use, occupation, and exclusion of third parties, proven through evidence of sufficient, continuous pre-sovereignty occupation meeting territorial criteria.[62] Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en hereditary chiefs' claims over 58,000 square kilometers in northern British Columbia highlighted the admissibility of oral histories as independent evidence, mandated a provincial duty to consult on potential infringements even absent proven title, and clarified that title could only be extinguished by clear, plain, and unambiguous Crown legislation pre-1982.[149] The Court ordered a retrial for title determination, emphasizing that title includes inherent limits against economically unviable uses destructive of the land's character. In Tsilhqot'in Nation v. British Columbia (2014), the Supreme Court granted the first judicial declaration of aboriginal title over a specific, continuous territory of 1,750 square kilometers in central British Columbia, confirming that title extends beyond village sites to areas of exclusive, intensive use for sustenance, without requiring each square inch of proof.[63] The unanimous ruling refined the test from Delgamuukw, holding that British Columbia's logging authorizations breached the duty to consult and infringed title without justification, as post-title infringements demand deeper reconciliation including consent for significant developments, though not a veto.[150] This decision underscored title's proprietary dimensions, obligating the Crown to prioritize title-holders' interests in decision-making affecting the land.Implementation of UNDRIP and Recent Legislation
Canada initially opposed the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), adopted by the UN General Assembly on September 13, 2007, citing concerns over provisions on self-determination and land rights that could undermine national sovereignty.[24] The federal government endorsed UNDRIP on November 12, 2010, with qualifications preserving the Canadian Constitution's division of powers, and reaffirmed full support without reservations on May 10, 2016, under Prime Minister Justin Trudeau.[151] This shift aligned with broader reconciliation efforts but did not immediately alter domestic law, as UNDRIP remains a non-binding interpretive framework rather than enforceable treaty.[152] Federal implementation advanced through Bill C-15, introduced on December 3, 2020, and receiving royal assent on June 21, 2021, as the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Act.[153] The Act mandates the government to align federal laws, policies, and practices with UNDRIP principles, including developing an action plan in consultation with Indigenous peoples, but explicitly does not create a cause of action in courts or amend the Constitution.[154] [155] It emphasizes free, prior, and informed consent (FPIC) as a matter of high importance without granting veto rights over government decisions, consistent with Supreme Court precedents limiting Indigenous consent to absolute requirements only in cases of established title.[156] A joint action plan, titled "The Roadmap to UNDRIP Act," was released on June 21, 2023, outlining over 100 initiatives across justice, lands, and self-determination, with progress tracked in annual reports, including the fourth issued on August 20, 2025.[151] [157] Provincially, British Columbia led with the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Act (DRIPA), enacted on November 28, 2019, which commits to legislative alignment and has influenced negotiations, such as the Haida Nation Recognition Act passed in April 2024, acknowledging Haida title over Haida Gwaii without extinguishing Crown sovereignty.[158] Related federal measures include the 2019 Act respecting First Nations, Inuit and Métis children, youth and families (Bill C-92), upheld unanimously by the Supreme Court in 2024, prioritizing Indigenous jurisdiction over child welfare to address overrepresentation in care systems.[159] Critics, including some Indigenous leaders and policy analysts, argue implementation remains largely symbolic, with insufficient funding, vague FPIC application risking litigation, and limited empirical progress in resolving land disputes or economic disparities, as government consultations have faced accusations of inadequacy.[160] [161] Others contend UNDRIP's collective rights framework conflicts with individual constitutional protections, potentially complicating resource development without delivering measurable sovereignty gains.[152] Despite these debates, the framework has facilitated over 50 modern agreements by 2025, though effectiveness hinges on ongoing judicial interpretations rather than legislative fiat alone.[158]Economic Conditions
Employment, Income, and Poverty Rates
In 2021, the employment rate for Indigenous peoples aged 25 to 64 was substantially lower than for non-Indigenous Canadians, at 58.8% overall compared to 74.1%, with the largest gaps observed among Registered Indians on reserve (47.1%) and Inuit (55.2%).[75] Métis had the highest rate among Indigenous groups at 69.1%, while Registered Indians off reserve stood at 58.7%.[75] Recent Labour Force Survey data for off-reserve Indigenous populations aged 15 and over indicate employment rates hovering around 58% in 2025, slightly below the non-Indigenous rate of approximately 61%.[162] These disparities reflect geographic isolation in remote communities, lower educational attainment, and limited local opportunities, though off-reserve and urban Indigenous individuals show narrower gaps.[75]| Indigenous Group (Aged 25-64, 2021) | Employment Rate (%) | Gap vs. Non-Indigenous (74.1%) |
|---|---|---|
| Registered Indians (on reserve) | 47.1 | -27.0 |
| Registered Indians (off reserve) | 58.7 | -15.4 |
| Inuit | 55.2 | -18.9 |
| Métis | 69.1 | -5.0 |
Resource Development and Disputes
The Crown's constitutional duty to consult Indigenous peoples, affirmed by the Supreme Court in Haida Nation v. British Columbia (2004), mandates meaningful engagement and potential accommodation prior to resource development that may infringe on asserted Aboriginal or treaty rights, but explicitly rejects a veto power over projects.[166] [167] This framework contrasts with free, prior, and informed consent (FPIC) under the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, enacted domestically in 2021, which some Indigenous advocates interpret as requiring affirmative agreement, though federal policy and jurisprudence subordinate it to the duty to consult without elevating it to veto status.[156] [168] Disputes frequently arise from differing interpretations, internal Indigenous governance divisions (e.g., elected band councils versus hereditary leaders), and competing priorities between environmental protection and economic gains from sectors like oil, gas, mining, and forestry.[169] Pipeline projects exemplify recurrent conflicts. The Trans Mountain Expansion (TMX), doubling capacity from Edmonton to Burnaby, British Columbia, secured consent from over 50 Indigenous communities through impact benefit agreements (IBAs) promising jobs, training, and equity ownership, with the federal government acquiring the project for $4.5 billion in 2018 amid delays from legal challenges and protests.[170] [171] Opposition from groups like the Secwepemc Nation cited risks to unceded territories, including a trenched burial site, yet the project, operational by May 2024, has facilitated Indigenous-led ownership bids to address community poverty.[172] Similarly, the Coastal GasLink pipeline, supplying the LNG Canada facility, obtained support from 20 elected First Nations via IBAs valued at over $1 billion in benefits, but faced blockades by Wet'suwet'en hereditary chiefs asserting title over unceded lands, leading to 2020 rail disruptions estimated at $425 million daily in stranded goods by industry analysts, though the Parliamentary Budget Officer found negligible national GDP effects.[169] [173] Mining and forestry disputes parallel these tensions, as in Ontario's Ring of Fire chromite deposit, where First Nations negotiations stalled development despite potential billions in revenues, or British Columbia's revenue-sharing pacts distributing $26 million in mineral taxes to communities since 2010.[174] Economic analyses indicate that resolved IBAs yield substantial First Nations gains—e.g., pipeline proximity correlating with higher per capita incomes in supportive communities—but prolonged litigation and protests inflate project costs by up to 20-30%, deterring investment and perpetuating reserve underdevelopment.[169] [175] Nationally, Indigenous gross domestic income from resources grew 57.6% between 2012 and 2021, comprising 2.4% of Canada's total, yet uneven revenue distribution and veto-like assertions in disputes hinder broader prosperity, with Treaty 8 chiefs demanding at least 2% shares from provincial royalties as of 2025.[176] [177]Entrepreneurship and Off-Reserve Successes
Indigenous-owned businesses in Canada, many operated off-reserve, number over 50,000 and contribute more than $31 billion annually to the national GDP, with total economic activity exceeding $100 billion according to analyses by the Indigenomics Institute.[178] These enterprises are launching at five times the rate of non-Indigenous counterparts, reflecting rapid growth in sectors such as technology, construction, clean energy, and tourism.[178] Indigenous small and medium-sized enterprises generate $48.9 billion in economic value, often demonstrating stronger sales growth compared to the broader Canadian SME average.[179] Off-reserve Indigenous populations, comprising about 62.5% of Registered Indians as of the 2021 Census, show elevated entrepreneurial activity relative to on-reserve counterparts, with self-employment rates among First Nations women off-reserve at 7% and Métis women at 10% in 2021.[180][75] This trend aligns with higher overall employment rates off-reserve and increased self-employment across Indigenous groups since 2016, facilitated by proximity to urban markets and fewer land-use restrictions.[179][181] Métis entrepreneurs, frequently off-reserve, exhibit labour force participation rates surpassing non-Indigenous averages, underscoring the advantages of operating outside reserve boundaries.[179] Notable off-reserve successes include Bobbie Racette's Virtual Gurus in Calgary, Alberta, which provides virtual administrative services and has scaled nationally, earning recognition for Indigenous business leadership in 2022.[182] Similarly, Animikii Indigenous Technology, based in Victoria, British Columbia, has expanded into the U.S. market since its founding in 2003, specializing in software solutions for government and enterprise clients.[183] These examples illustrate how off-reserve Indigenous entrepreneurs leverage diverse industries for sustainable growth, contributing to broader economic integration.[182][183]Social and Health Challenges
Health Disparities: Mortality, Chronic Diseases
Indigenous populations in Canada experience significantly lower life expectancy compared to the non-Indigenous population. Between 2016 and 2021, life expectancy at birth for the total Indigenous population stood at 77.20 years, versus 84.99 years for non-Indigenous Canadians.[184] Disparities vary by group: Métis at 80.47 years, registered First Nations at 73.98 years (71.42 years on-reserve and 76.04 years off-reserve), and Inuit at 71.91 years.[184] Infant mortality rates are also higher among Indigenous groups, with reductions observed over time but persistent gaps relative to non-Indigenous rates from 1994-1996 to 2014-2016.[185] Age-standardized mortality rates for First Nations on-reserve were 581 per 100,000 person-years from 2006 to 2016, compared to 335 for non-Indigenous populations.[186] Key contributors to excess mortality include chronic conditions such as diabetes and heart diseases, alongside injuries, alcohol- and drug-related disorders.[187] Avoidable deaths among First Nations adults are disproportionately driven by diabetes, substance use disorders, and injuries, highlighting preventable factors beyond access barriers.[188] Behavioral risk factors like higher smoking prevalence, obesity, and alcohol consumption empirically correlate with these outcomes; for instance, on-reserve First Nations exhibit elevated rates of these risks, exacerbating mortality gaps.[189] Recent declines in First Nations life expectancy, such as a 6.1-year drop in British Columbia (6.8 years for males, 5.2 for females), have been linked to pandemic effects compounding underlying vulnerabilities.[190] Chronic disease prevalence is markedly higher among Indigenous groups, with diabetes affecting First Nations adults off-reserve at 1.72 times the general population rate, Métis at 1.22 times, and Inuit at 1.18 times.[191] On-reserve First Nations diabetes rates reached 17.2% in 2011 data, with diagnoses occurring at younger ages and more severe presentations than in non-Indigenous Canadians.[192] Cardiovascular disease (CVD) prevalence among First Nations is approximately 2.5 times that of non-First Nations, with heart disease rates up to 50% higher and stroke mortality twice the national average.[193] [194] These disparities persist across groups, though Métis show stable heart failure incidence around 0.4 per 100 from 2012 to 2020.[195] Respiratory conditions like asthma affect 6-12% of First Nations, Inuit, and Métis children.[196] Causal factors for chronic disease burdens include elevated obesity, physical inactivity, poor diet, and smoking, which are more prevalent in Indigenous communities, particularly on-reserve, independent of historical narratives.[197] [198] These risks drive downstream complications, such as ischemic heart disease deaths, which declined annually by 4.4% among First Nations from event data, yet remain elevated overall.[199] Interventions targeting modifiable behaviors have shown potential to narrow gaps, as evidenced by regional life expectancy gains pre-2016.[185]Education Outcomes and Literacy
Indigenous peoples in Canada exhibit significantly lower education outcomes compared to the non-Indigenous population, with persistent gaps in high school completion, postsecondary attainment, and literacy skills. According to 2021 Census data analyzed by Statistics Canada, 63% of First Nations youth aged 19 to 30 had completed high school, compared to 91% of non-Indigenous youth.[200] Overall postsecondary completion rates for Indigenous adults aged 25 to 64 stood at 49.2% in 2021, with First Nations at 45.3%, Métis at 56.3%, and Inuit at 33.6%, all below the non-Indigenous rate of approximately 70%.[201] University degree attainment is particularly low, at 16% for Indigenous peoples versus 36% for the general population.[202] These disparities vary by subgroup and location. On-reserve First Nations students face steeper challenges, with high school completion rates historically lagging behind off-reserve counterparts, though recent data show increases from 2016 to 2021 in remote communities for both First Nations and Inuit.[203] Métis outcomes are relatively stronger, reflecting greater urban integration, while Inuit postsecondary rates remain the lowest, influenced by geographic isolation in Nunavut and the Northwest Territories.[201] Despite federal investments exceeding billions annually in Indigenous education programs, such as the Post-Secondary Student Support Program, gaps have narrowed only modestly since the 2016 Census, with high school completion rising but still trailing national averages by nearly 30 percentage points.[204] Literacy proficiency among Indigenous adults is also suboptimal, correlating with broader socioeconomic barriers. In 2012, only 35% of off-reserve First Nations people aged 25 to 65 achieved literacy level 3 or higher on the Programme for the International Assessment of Adult Competencies (PIAAC), compared to 56% of the overall Canadian population, indicating limitations in prose literacy for everyday tasks like interpreting forms or instructions.[205] More recent provincial assessments, such as in Atlantic Canada, report early literacy rates for Indigenous learners at around 63% for females in reading comprehension, underscoring foundational skill deficits that persist into adulthood.[206] Empirical analyses attribute these outcomes to multifaceted factors, including family socioeconomic status, community remoteness, and school absenteeism rates exceeding 20% in some First Nations schools, rather than solely historical policies.[207] Government statistics, while comprehensive, may understate on-reserve challenges due to self-reported data and definitional variations in "completion."[203]| Indicator | Indigenous Rate | Non-Indigenous Rate | Source Year |
|---|---|---|---|
| High School Completion (Youth 19-30) | 63% (First Nations) | 91% | 2016/2021[200] |
| Postsecondary Attainment (Adults 25-64) | 49.2% overall | ~70% | 2021[201] |
| University Degree (All Ages) | 16% | 36% | 2021[202] |
| Literacy Level 3+ (Off-Reserve First Nations, 25-65) | 35% | 56% | 2012[205] |