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Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan[a] (6 February 1890 – 20 January 1988), also known as Bacha Khan,[b] was a Pakistani politician and anti-colonial activist from the North-West Frontier Province. He was the founder and leader of the non-violent Khudai Khidmatgar resistance movement and played a significant role in the Indian independence movement against British rule.

Key Information

He was a political and spiritual leader known for his nonviolent opposition and lifelong pacifism; he was a secular Muslim and an advocate for Hindu–Muslim unity in the subcontinent.[2] Because of his similar ideology and close friendship with Mahatma Gandhi, Khan was nicknamed Sarhadi Gandhi ("Frontier Gandhi")[3][4] In 1929, Khan founded the Khudai Khidmatgar, an anti-colonial nonviolent resistance movement.[5] The Khudai Khidmatgar's success and popularity eventually prompted the colonial government to launch numerous crackdowns against Khan and his supporters; the Khudai Khidmatgar experienced some of the most severe repression of the entire Indian independence movement.[6][7]

Khan strongly opposed the proposal for the partition of India into the Muslim-majority Dominion of Pakistan and the Hindu-majority Dominion of India, and consequently sided with the pro-union Indian National Congress and All-India Azad Muslim Conference against the pro-partition All-India Muslim League.[8][9][10] When the Indian National Congress reluctantly declared its acceptance of the partition plan without consulting the Khudai Khidmatgar leaders, he felt deeply betrayed, telling the Congress leaders "you have thrown us to the wolves."[11] In June 1947, Khan and other Khudai Khidmatgar leaders formally issued the Bannu Resolution to the British authorities, demanding that the ethnic Pashtuns be given a choice to have an independent state of Pashtunistan, which was to comprise all of the Pashtun territories of British India and not be included (as almost all other Muslim-majority provinces were) within the state of Pakistan—the creation of which was still underway at the time. However, the British government refused the demands of this resolution.[12][13] In response, Khan and his elder brother, Abdul Jabbar Khan, boycotted the 1947 North-West Frontier Province referendum on whether the province should be merged with India or Pakistan, objecting that it did not offer options for the Pashtun-majority province to become independent.[14][15]

After the partition of India by the British government, Khan pledged allegiance to the newly created nation of Pakistan, and stayed in the now-Pakistani North-West Frontier Province; he was frequently arrested by the Pakistani government between 1948 and 1954.[16][17] In 1956, he was again arrested for his opposition to the One Unit program, under which the government announced its plan to merge all the provinces of West Pakistan into a single unit to match the political structure of erstwhile East Pakistan (present-day Bangladesh). Khan was jailed or in exile during some years of the 1960s and 1970s. He was awarded Bharat Ratna, India's highest civilian award, by the Indian government in 1987.

Following his will upon his death in Peshawar in 1988, he was buried at his house in Jalalabad, Afghanistan. Tens of thousands of mourners attended his funeral including Afghan President Mohammad Najibullah, marching through the Khyber Pass from Peshawar towards Jalalabad. It was marred by two bomb explosions that killed 15 people; despite the heavy fighting at the time due to the Soviet–Afghan War, both sides, namely the Soviet–Afghan government coalition and the Afghan mujahideen, declared an immediate ceasefire to allow Khan's burial. He was given military honours by the Afghan government.

Early years

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Abdul Ghaffar Khan was born on 6 February 1890 into a prosperous Sunni Muslim Muhammadzai Pashtun family from Utmanzai, Hashtnagar; they lived by the Jindee-a, a branch of the Swat River, in what was then British India's Punjab province.[1][8][18] His father, Abdul Bahram Khan, was a land owner in Hashtnagar. Khan was the second son of Bahram to attend the British-run Edward's Mission School, which was the only fully-functioning school in the region and which was administered by Christian missionaries. At school, Khan did well in his studies, and was inspired by his mentor, Reverend Wigram, into seeing the crucial role education played in service to the local community. In his tenth and final year of secondary school, he was offered a highly prestigious commission in the Corps of Guides regiment of the British Indian Army. Khan declined due to his observational feelings that even Guides' Indian officers were still second-class citizens in their own nation. He subsequently followed through with his initial desire to attend university, and Reverend Wigram (Khan's teacher) offered him the opportunity to follow his brother, Abdul Jabbar Khan, to study in London, England. After graduating from Aligarh Muslim University, Khan eventually received permission from his father to travel to London. However, his mother wasn't willing to let another son go to London, so he began working on his father's lands in the process of figuring out his next steps.[19]

At the age of 20 in 1910, Khan opened a madrasa in his hometown of Utmanzai. In 1911, he joined the independence movement of the Pashtun activist Haji Sahib of Turangzai. By 1915, the British colonial authorities had shut down Khan's madrasa, deeming its pro-Indian independence activism to be a threat to their authority.[20] Having witnessed the repeated failure of Indian revolts against British rule, Khan decided that social activism and reform would be more beneficial for the ethnic Pashtuns. This led to the formation of the Anjuman-e Islāh-e Afghānia (Pashto: انجمن اصلاح افاغنه, 'Afghan Reform Society') in 1921, and the youth movement Pax̌tūn Jirga (پښتون جرګه, 'Pashtun Assembly') in 1927. After Khan's return from the Islamic Hajj pilgrimage to Mecca, Hejaz−Nejd (present-day Saudi Arabia) in May 1928, he founded the Pashto-language monthly political journal Pax̌tūn (پښتون, 'Pashtun'). Finally, in November 1929, Khan founded the Khudāyī Khidmatgār (خدايي خدمتګار, 'Servants of God') movement, which would strongly advocate for the end of British colonial rule and establishment of a unified and independent India.[6]

Early career

[edit]
Khan at a pro-independence rally in Peshawar with Mahatma Gandhi in 1938
Khan leading a march from Peshawar, India to Kabul, Afghanistan during the Khilafat Movement, which sought to restore the Islamic Caliph of the Ottoman Empire after its defeat in World War I (c. 1920)

In response to his inability to continue his own education, Bacha Khan turned to helping others start theirs. Like many such regions of the world, the strategic importance of the newly formed North-West Frontier Province (now Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan), as a buffer for the British Raj from Russian influence was of little benefit to its residents. Opposition to British colonial rule, the authority of the mullahs, and an ancient culture of violence and vendetta prompted Bacha Khan to want to serve and uplift his fellow men and women by means of education. At 20 years of age, Bacha Khan opened his first school in Utmanzai. It was an instant success and he was soon invited into a larger circle of progressively minded reformers. He opened a series of "Azad" schools which were open to all, including girls. Many of these schools were shut down by British colonial authorities, who feared that revolutionary ideas might spread among the Pakhtuns through education. This was also rooted in their colonial belief that the Pakhtuns of the frontiers did not need education and should remain confined to a simple, traditional way of life.[21][22]

While he faced much opposition and personal difficulties, Bacha Khan worked tirelessly to organise and raise the consciousness of his fellow Pashtuns. Between 1915 and 1918 he visited 500 villages in all part of the settled districts of NWFP. It was in this frenzied activity that he had come to be known as Badshah Khan ("King of Chiefs"), which was later shortened to Bacha Khan.[19][23]

Being a secular Muslim he did not believe in religious divisions. He married his first wife Meharqanda in 1912; she was a daughter of Yar Mohammad Khan of the Kinankhel clan of the Muhammadzai tribe of Razzar, a village adjacent to Utmanzai. They had a son in 1913, Abdul Ghani Khan, who would become a noted artist and poet. Subsequently, they had another son, Abdul Wali Khan (17 January 1917 – 2006), and daughter, Sardaro. Meharqanda died during the 1918 influenza epidemic.[24] In 1920, Bacha Khan remarried; his new wife, Nambata, was a cousin of his first wife and the daughter of Sultan Mohammad Khan of Razzar. They had a daughter, Mehar Taj (25 May 1921 – 29 April 2012),[25] and a son, Abdul Ali Khan (20 August 1922 – 19 February 1997). Tragically, in 1926 Nambata died early as well from a fall down the stairs of the apartment where they were staying in Jerusalem.[18]

Khudai Khidmatgar

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Followers of Khan's Khudai Khitmatgar movement (c. 1947)

In time, Bacha Khan's goal came to be the formulation of a united, independent, secular India. To achieve this end, he founded the Khudai Khidmatgar ("Servants of God"), commonly known as the "Red Shirts" (Surkh Pōsh), during the 1920s.

The Khudai Khidmatgar was founded on a belief in the power of Gandhi's notion of Satyagraha, a form of active non-violence as captured in an oath. He told its members:

I am going to give you such a weapon that the police and the army will not be able to stand against it. It is the weapon of the Prophet, but you are not aware of it. That weapon is patience and righteousness. No power on earth can stand against it.[26]

The organisation recruited over 100,000 members and became influential in the independence movement for their resistance to the colonial government. Through strikes, political organisation and non-violent opposition, the Khudai Khidmatgar were able to achieve some success and came to dominate the politics of NWFP. His brother, Dr. Khan Abdul Jabbar Khan (known as Dr. Khan Sahib), led the political wing of the movement, and was the Chief Minister of the province (from 1937 and then until 1947 when his government was dismissed by Mohammad Ali Jinnah of the Muslim League).

Kissa Khwani Massacre

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Main article: Qissa Khwani massacre

On 23 April 1930, Bacha Khan was arrested during protests arising out of the Salt Satyagraha. A crowd of Khudai Khidmatgar gathered in Peshawar's Kissa Khwani (Storytellers) Bazaar. The colonial government ordered troops to open fire with machine guns on the unarmed crowd, killing an estimated 200–250.[27] The Khudai Khidmatgar members acted in accord with their training in non-violence under Bacha Khan, facing bullets as the troops fired on them.[28] Two platoons of the Garhwal Rifles regiment under Chandra Singh Garhwali refused to fire on the non-violent crowd. They were later court-martialled and sentenced to a variety of punishments, including life imprisonment.[citation needed]

Bacha Khan and the Indian National Congress

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Main article: Indian National Congress
Khan pictured with Mahatma Gandhi (c. 1940s)

Bacha Khan forged a close, spiritual, and uninhibited friendship with Gandhi, the pioneer of non-violent mass civil disobedience in India. The two had a deep admiration towards each other and worked together closely till 1947.

Khudai Khidmatgar (servants of God) agitated and worked cohesively with the Indian National Congress (INC), the leading national organisation fighting for independence, of which Bacha Khan was a senior and respected member. On several occasions when the Congress seemed to disagree with Gandhi on policy, Bacha Khan remained his staunchest ally. In 1931 the Congress offered him the presidency of the party, but he refused saying, "I am a simple soldier and Khudai Khidmatgar, and I only want to serve." He remained a member of the Congress Working Committee for many years, resigning only in 1939 because of his differences with the Party's War Policy. He rejoined the Congress Party when the War Policy was revised.

Bacha Khan was a champion of women's rights [dubious – discuss] and non-violence. He became a hero in a society dominated by violence; notwithstanding his liberal views, his unswerving faith and obvious bravery led to immense respect. Throughout his life, he never lost faith in his non-violent methods or in the compatibility of Islam and non-violence. He recognised as a jihad struggle with only the enemy holding swords. He was closely identified with Gandhi because of his non-violence principles and he is known in India as the 'Frontier Gandhi'. One of his Congress associates was Pandit Amir Chand Boambwal of Peshawar.

O Pathans! Your house has fallen into ruin. Arise and rebuild it, and remember to what race you belong.

— Ghaffar Khan[29]

Khan and Mahatma Gandhi in Peshawar with a leader of the Khaksar Tehrik, an Islamic movement which sought the elimination of British colonial rule in India and the establishment of a joint Hindu−Muslim nation. (6 May 1938)

The Partition

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Main article: Partition of India
See also: Bannu Resolution
Khan at prayer with Mahatma Gandhi (c. 1940s)

Khan strongly opposed the partition of India.[8][9] Accused as being anti-Muslim by some politicians, Khan was physically assaulted in 1946, leading to his hospitalisation in Peshawar.[30] On 21 June 1947, in Bannu, a loya jirga was held consisting of Bacha Khan, the Khudai Khidmatgars, members of the Provincial Assembly, Mirzali Khan (Faqir of Ipi), and other tribal chiefs, just seven weeks before the partition. The loya jirga issueud the Bannu Resolution, which demanded that the Pashtuns be given a choice to have an independent state of Pashtunistan composing all Pashtun territories of British India, instead of being made to join either India or Pakistan. However, the British refused to comply with the demand of this resolution.[12][13]

The Congress Party refused last-ditch compromises to prevent the partition, like the Cabinet Mission Plan and Gandhi's suggestion to offer the position of Prime Minister to Jinnah.

When the July 1947 NWFP Referendum over accession to Pakistan was held, Bacha Khan, the Khudai Khidmatgars, the then Chief Minister Khan Sahib, and the Indian National Congress Party boycotted the referendum. Some have argued that a segment of the population was barred from voting.[14]

Arrest and exile

[edit]
Main article: Pakistan Movement
See also: Babrra massacre, National Awami Party, and One Unit

Bacha Khan took the oath of allegiance to the new nation of Pakistan on 23 February 1948 at the first session of the Pakistan Constituent Assembly.[16][17]

Khan walking with Indian National Congress leader Jawaharlal Nehru after the Cabinet Mission in 1946

He pledged full support to the government and attempted to reconcile with the founder of the new state Muhammad Ali Jinnah. Although initial overtures led to a successful meeting in Karachi, a follow-up meeting in the Khudai Khidmatgar HQ never materialised, allegedly due to the role of NWFP Chief Minister, Abdul Qayyum Khan Kashmiri, who told Jinnah that Bacha Khan was plotting his assassination.[31][32]

Following this, Bacha Khan formed Pakistan's first national opposition party, on 8 May 1948, the Pakistan Azad Party. The party pledged to play the role of constructive opposition and would be non-communal in its philosophy.

However, suspicions of his allegiance persisted and under the new Pakistani government, Bacha Khan was placed under house arrest without charge from 1948 till 1954. In 1954, Bacha Khan split with his elder brother Khan Sahib after the latter joined the Central Cabinet of Muhammad Ali Bogra as Minister for Communications. Released from prison, he gave a speech again on the floor of the National Assembly, this time condemning the massacre of his supporters at Babrra.[33]

Khan with Sheikh Abdullah and Jawaharlal Nehru in Nishat Bagh, Srinagar, Jammu and Kashmir (1945)

I had to go to prison many a time in the days of the Britishers. Although we were at loggerheads with them, yet their treatment was to some extent tolerant and polite. But the treatment which was meted out to me in this Islamic state of ours was such that I would not even like to mention it to you.[34]

He was arrested several times after late 1948. In 1956 he was arrested for opposing the One Unit Scheme.[35] The government attempted in 1958 to reconcile with him and offered him a ministry in the government, after the assassination of his brother, but he refused.[36] He remained in prison till 1957 only to be re-arrested in 1958 until an illness in 1964 allowed for his release.[37]

In 1962, Bacha Khan was named an "Amnesty International Prisoner of the Year". Amnesty's statement about him said, "His example symbolizes the suffering of upward of a million people all over the world who are prisoners of conscience."

In September 1964, the Pakistani authorities allowed him to go to the United Kingdom for treatment. During the winter, his doctor advised him to go to United States. He then went into exile to Afghanistan, he returned from exile in December 1972 to popular support, following the establishment of National Awami Party provincial governments in North West Frontier Province and Balochistan.

He was arrested by Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto's government at Multan in November 1973 and described Bhutto's government as "the worst kind of dictatorship".[38]

In 1984, increasingly withdrawing from politics, he was nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize.[39] He visited India and participated in the centennial celebrations of the Indian National Congress in 1985; he was awarded the Jawaharlal Nehru Award for International Understanding in 1967[40] and later Bharat Ratna, India's highest civilian award, in 1987.[41]

His final major political challenge was against the Kalabagh dam project, fearing that the project would damage the Peshawar valley. His hostility would eventually lead to the project being shelved after his death.[citation needed]

Death

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Bacha Khan died in Peshawar in 1988 from complications of a stroke and was buried in his house at Jalalabad, Afghanistan.[42][43] Over 200,000 mourners attended his funeral, including the Afghan president Mohammad Najibullah. The then Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi went to Peshawar, to pay his tributes to Bacha Khan despite the fact that Zia ul-Haq attempted to stall his attendance citing security reasons. Additionally, the Indian government declared a five-day period of mourning in his honour.[41] Although he had been repeatedly imprisoned and persecuted, tens of thousands of mourners attended his funeral, described by one commentator as "a caravan of peace, carrying a message of love" from Pashtuns east of the Khyber to those on the west,[31] marching through the historic Khyber Pass from Peshawar to Jalalabad. This symbolic march was planned by Bacha Khan, to affirmatively demonstrate his dream of Pashtun unification and to help that dream live on after his death.[citation needed] A cease-fire was announced in the Afghan Civil War to allow the funeral to take place, even though it was marred by bomb explosions killing fifteen people.[43]

Memorial

[edit]

The Banaras Flyover in Karachi and the Bacha Khan Chowk it traverses stand as memorials to Abdul Ghaffar Khan.[44] The chowk, named in his honour, was a cultural and political landmark for the local Pashtun community, is now overshadowed by the flyover.

Pashtunistan

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Abdul Ghaffar Khan took an oath of allegiance to Pakistan in 1948 in the legislation assembly. When during his speech he was asked by the PM Liaquat Ali Khan about Pashtunistan, he replied that it was just a name for the Pashtun province in Pakistan, just as Punjab, Bengal, Sindh, and Baluchistan are the names of provinces of Pakistan as ethno-linguistic names,[45] However, this compromise was apparently contrary to what he believed in and strived for before partition: Pashtunistan as an independent state after the failure of the idea of a united India.

Later on in 1980, during an interview with an Indian journalist, Haroon Siddiqui, in Jalalabad, Abdul Ghaffar Khan said

The idea never helped us. In fact, it was never a reality. Successive Afghan governments just exploited it for their own political ends. It was only towards the end of his regime that Daoud Khan had stopped talking about it. And Taraki in the early part of his regime also didn't mention it. So when I met him, I thanked him for not raising the issue. But later, even he raised the issue because he wanted to continue the problem for Pakistan. Our people suffered greatly because of all this.

[46] He also said in the same interview that "I'll live here. I'm now (for all intents and purposes) an Afghan. I'm not even permitting my son, Khan Abdul Wali Khan, political leader of Pakistan's North West Frontier Province, to visit me because he'll insist that I go with him to Pakistan. But I don't want to go."

Family

[edit]
Image published in Modern Review (1939)

Bacha Khan married his first wife Meharqanda in 1912; she was a daughter of Yar Mohammad Khan of the Kinankhel clan of the Mohammadzai tribe of Razzar, a village adjacent to Utmanzai. They had a son in 1913, Abdul Ghani Khan, who would become a noted artist and poet. Subsequently, they had another son, Abdul Wali Khan (17 January 1917 – 2006), and daughter, Sardaro. Meharqanda died during the 1918 influenza epidemic.

In 1920, Bacha Khan remarried; his new wife, Nambata, was a cousin of his first wife and the daughter of Sultan Mohammad Khan of Razzar. They had a daughter, Mehar Taj (25 May 1921 – 29 April 2012),[25] and a son, Abdul Ali Khan (20 August 1922 – 19 February 1997). Tragically, in 1926 Nambata died early as well from a fall down the stairs of the apartment where they were staying in Jerusalem.[18] Bacha Khan believed in girls' education, so he provided his daughter an education as good as his sons.[22]

Legacy

[edit]
Khan with Mahatma Gandhi (c. 1940)

Bacha Khan's political legacy is renowned amongst Pashtuns and those in modern Republic of India as a leader of a non-violent movement. He is often regarded as one of the leading figures of Pashtun nationalism.[47] Within Pakistan, however, the vast majority of society have questioned his stance with the All India Congress over the Muslim League as well as his opposition to the partition of India and Jinnah. In particular, people have questioned where Bacha Khan's patriotism rests.

His eldest son Ghani Khan was a poet. Ghani Khan's wife, Roshan, was from a Parsi family and was the daughter of Nawab Rustam Jang, a prince of Hyderabad.[48] His second son, Abdul Wali Khan, was the founder and leader of the Awami National Party from 1986 to 2006, and was the Leader of the Opposition in the Pakistan National Assembly from 1988 to 1990.

His third son Abdul Ali Khan was non-political and a distinguished educator, and served as Vice-Chancellor of University of Peshawar. Ali Khan was also the head of Aitchison College in Lahore and Fazle Haq College in Mardan.

His niece Mariam married Jaswant Singh in 1939. Jaswant Singh was a young British Indian airforce officer and was Sikh by faith. Mariam later converted to Christianity.[49]

Mohammed Yahya, Education Minister of Khyber Pukhtunkhwa, was the only son-in-law of Bacha Khan.

Asfandyar Wali Khan is the grandson of Abdul Ghaffar Khan, and was the leader of the Awami National Party. The party was in power from 2008 to 2013.

Zarine Khan Walsh, who lives in Mumbai, is the granddaughter of Abdul Ghaffar Khan and was the second daughter of Abdul Ghaffar Khan's eldest son Abdul Ghani Khan.[50]

The All India Pakhtoon Jirga-e-Hind is chaired by Yasmin Nigar Khan, who claims to be the great-granddaughter of Abdul Ghaffar Khan.[51][52] Awami National Party leader Asfandyar Wali Khan rejected the claim, though a cultural ministry official clarified that Yasmin Nigar Khan was a descendant of Abdul Ghaffar Khan's "adopted" son.[50]

Salma Ataullahjan is the great-grandniece of Abdul Ghaffar Khan and a member of the Senate of Canada.

Film, literature and society

[edit]
Ghaffar Market (named after Khan) in Karol Bagh, Delhi.

In 2008, a documentary, titled The Frontier Gandhi, by film-maker and writer T.C. McLuhan, premiered in New York. The film received the 2009 award for Best Documentary Film at the Middle East International Film Festival (see film page).

In 1990, Abdul Kabeer Siddiqui of Indian National TV made a 30-minute English-language biographical documentary film on Bacha Khan, titled The Majestic Man. It was telecast on Doordarshan.

In Richard Attenborough's 1982 epic Gandhi, Bacha Khan was portrayed by Dilsher Singh.

In his home city of Peshawar, the Bacha Khan International Airport is named after him.

In his hometown Charsadda, the Bacha Khan University is named after him.

Bacha Khan was listed as one of 26 men who changed the world in a recent children's book published in the United States, alongside Tiger Woods and Yo-Yo Ma.[53] He also wrote an autobiography (1969), and has been the subject of biographies by Eknath Easwaran (see article) and Rajmohan Gandhi (see "References" section, below). His philosophy of Islamic pacifism was recognised by US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, in a speech to American Muslims.[54]

In the Indian city of Delhi, the popular Khan Market is named in his honour, along with Ghaffar market in the Karol Bagh area of New Delhi.[55][56] In Mumbai, a seafront road and promenade in the Worli neighbourhood was named Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan Marg after him.

Notes

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See also

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Footnotes

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References

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[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Abdul Ghaffar Khan

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Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan (6 February 1890 – 20 January 1988), also known as Bacha Khan or Badshah Khan, was a Pashtun leader from the North-West Frontier Province of British India (now Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan) who advocated non-violent resistance against British colonial rule and pursued social reforms to curb tribal feuds and promote education among Pashtuns. In 1929, he founded the Khudai Khidmatgar ("Servants of God"), a non-violent volunteer force that grew to over 100,000 members, organized as "Red Shirts" to conduct civil disobedience campaigns, including mass arrests during the 1930s, while emphasizing communal harmony and opposition to revenge-based Pashtunwali customs. Allied with Mahatma Gandhi and the Indian National Congress, Khan rejected the All-India Muslim League's Two-Nation Theory, opposing India's 1947 partition and favoring either a united India or an independent Pashtunistan, which positioned him against the creation of Pakistan. Following the partition of India referendum in the NWFP, which he boycotted, Khan endured repeated imprisonments totaling over 30 years—by the British for anti-colonial activities and later by Pakistani governments for alleged sedition—reflecting his persistent advocacy for Pashtun autonomy amid post-independence reprisals against his movement. His commitment to non-violence, rare in Pashtun martial culture, earned him international recognition, including the 1962 Jawaharlal Nehru Award for International Understanding, though his legacy remains contested in Pakistan due to perceptions of disloyalty to the state.

Early Life and Education

Birth and Family Background

Abdul Ghaffar Khan was born on 6 1890 in Utmanzai village, located in the Hashtnagar region of Charsadda District, then part of the under British India (now , ). He belonged to a Pashtun family of the Muhammadzai subtribe, which held landownership in the settled areas around Utmanzai and Valley. His father, Bahram Khan (also spelled Behram Khan), was an uneducated landowner who managed family estates but adhered to traditional Pashtun values without formal British collaboration. Khan's older brother, Abdul Jabbar Khan, was eight years his senior and later pursued a career in provincial administration. Little is documented about his mother, though the family's status afforded Khan early exposure to local tribal customs and Islamic teachings amidst the socio-economic challenges of frontier life under colonial rule.

Formal Education and Early Influences

Abdul Ghaffar Khan began his formal education at a local mosque-based maktab in Utmanzai, where basic religious instruction was provided in the traditional Pashtun village setting. Around 1892 or 1893, at approximately age two or three, he enrolled at in , a British-run institution that was the only accessible formal school in the region, though his father initially resisted due to its Christian missionary affiliation. He performed exceptionally well in his studies there, completing his schooling by his late teens. At Edwardes, Khan was particularly influenced by his mentor, Reverend Wigram, whose teachings highlighted education's potential for societal improvement and service to the community, instilling in him a lifelong dedication to amid the Pashtun region's low educational attainment. Following this, he briefly attended but left without completing his studies, prioritizing family obligations over further academic pursuits. Upon finishing school, British authorities offered him a to study in and a military commission, both of which he declined to care for his ailing mother. Khan's early influences stemmed from his upbringing in a prosperous Muhammadzai Pashtun family, where his father, Bahram Khan, a local landowner and tribal leader, emphasized values of honor and responsibility rooted in , the Pashtun . Islamic teachings, including interpretations of non-violence and from the , further shaped his worldview, contrasting with prevalent tribal feuds and illiteracy rates below 5% in the during his youth. The exposure to disciplined missionary schooling introduced modern organizational ideas, fostering his later efforts to adapt education for Pashtun empowerment without compromising cultural or religious identity.

Initial Social Reforms in Pashtun Society

Upon returning to his native Utmanzai after studies in Aligarh, Abdul Ghaffar Khan observed the pervasive illiteracy, tribal feuds, and social vices such as purdah, child marriages, and extravagant customs that hindered Pashtun progress under British colonial rule. He concluded that without addressing these internal weaknesses through education and ethical reform rooted in Islamic teachings, external political agitation would fail. In 1921, following the collapse of the mass Hijrat migration to , Khan established the Anjuman-i-Islah-ul-Afghania (Society for the Reformation of Afghans) to foster social upliftment among . The organization focused on eradicating social evils, including blood vendettas and gender discrimination, by promoting unity, temperance, and moral conduct aligned with Pashtunwali's emphasis on honor but tempered by non-revengement. Central to these reforms was Khan's initiative to expand , rejecting British missionary schools in favor of independent Azad Islamia institutions that integrated religious instruction with modern subjects. By the late 1920s, the Anjuman had established over 100 such schools across settled and tribal areas, modestly raising literacy rates in the from approximately 4% in 1921 to 5.1% by 1931. These efforts involved , with volunteers conducting lectures, reformist , and organizing against superstitions and excessive ceremonial spending. Khan's campaigns also targeted women's seclusion and early marriages, advocating for greater female participation in education and society while respecting Islamic norms, though resistance from conservative tribal leaders persisted. Through tireless travel and personal example, he sought to instill and , laying the groundwork for broader non-violent mobilization.

Emergence as a Political Activist

Pre-Khudai Khidmatgar Activities

In 1910, at the age of 20, Abdul Ghaffar Khan established his first school, a mosque-based institution in his hometown of Utmanzai, , to promote and education among amid widespread illiteracy and tribal divisions. This initiative faced opposition from local mullahs and British authorities, who viewed education as a threat to traditional power structures, leading to early arrests for Khan. By April 1, 1921, Khan founded the Azad School in Utmanzai as an expansion of his educational efforts, emphasizing Pashto-language instruction in subjects including , , the Qur'an, , and vocational skills; over time, similar schools proliferated to around 70 across the region, targeting both boys and girls to challenge customs like . Concurrently, he launched the Anjuman-e-Islah-ul-Afghania (Society for the Reform of Afghans) in 1921, an organization dedicated to social, economic, and cultural reforms aimed at fostering Pashtun unity, reducing blood feuds, and uplifting the community through and ethical reinterpretations of and Islamic principles. Khan supported these reforms by publishing the magazine Pashtoon to disseminate ideas on , cultural preservation, and anti-colonial awareness to a broader Pashtun under British . He toured villages in the Settled Districts, delivering hundreds of speeches that highlighted colonial injustices, the need for , and communal harmony, drawing on Islamic teachings to advocate non-violent . During the around 1919–1920, Khan engaged in political activism by joining the local Khilafat Committee and later becoming its president, which exposed him to pan-Islamic solidarity efforts and facilitated his first meeting with Mohandas Gandhi, influencing his shift toward organized non-violent resistance. These activities laid the groundwork for broader mobilization by addressing Pashtun societal issues like factionalism and economic backwardness without direct confrontation, though they increasingly drew British scrutiny.

Development of Non-Violent Ideology from Islamic Roots

Abdul Ghaffar Khan, observing the entrenched culture of vendettas and tribal feuds among governed by , attributed their propensity for violence to ignorance and deviation from core ic teachings rather than inherent traits. In the early 1920s, during his efforts to establish schools and promote literacy through organizations like the Anjuman-i-Islami (Society of Islam) founded in 1921, Khan began emphasizing self-discipline and moral reform as antidotes to cyclical bloodshed, drawing directly from Islamic injunctions against uncontrolled anger and retaliation. He argued that true strength lay in restraint, citing Quranic verses such as Surah Ash-Sharh (94:5-6), which promises relief after hardship, to foster patience over impulsive revenge. Khan reframed jihad—traditionally understood in Pashtun contexts as armed struggle—as primarily an internal battle against one's base impulses, aligning with the Islamic concept of the "greater jihad" ( al-nafs), the struggle for self-purification referenced in hadiths where the Prophet Muhammad described returning from battle as a minor jihad compared to the soul's conquest. He taught followers that non-violence demanded superior courage, declaring, "Anyone can do violence but only strong people can practice nonviolence because nonviolence needs courage," positioning it as a rigorous spiritual discipline rooted in submission to rather than weakness. This interpretation rejected militant distortions of prevalent in frontier regions, insisting that violence in religion's name contradicted the Prophet's examples of forgiveness, such as at the in 630 CE, where no reprisals occurred despite prior persecutions. By the mid-1920s, as Khan organized mass literacy campaigns reaching over 100,000 Pashtuns by 1928, he integrated these principles into practical ethics, urging service to humanity as worship (khidmat), inspired by Islamic notions of ummah (community) and brotherhood transcending tribal lines. He critiqued British colonial divide-and-rule tactics that exacerbated Hindu-Muslim tensions but maintained that Islamic non-violence precluded hatred, even toward oppressors, promoting instead active resistance through moral example and self-sacrifice. This foundation preceded his deeper alliance with Gandhi's satyagraha in 1930, serving as an indigenous Islamic scaffold that made non-violence culturally resonant for armed Pashtun warriors, whom he convinced to forswear arms for ethical service.

Founding and Growth of Khudai Khidmatgar

Establishment and Organizational Structure

Abdul Ghaffar Khan established the , meaning "Servants of God," in 1929 in the of British India, building on his earlier social reform initiatives such as the Anjuman-i-Islahul Afghania founded in 1921. The organization initially focused on uplifting Pashtun society through education, village development projects, and moral reform, while promoting non-violent resistance against colonial rule, drawing inspiration from Khan's interpretation of Islamic principles and Gandhian . Membership required recruits to swear a formal oath pledging service to humanity as service to God, strict adherence to non-violence even under provocation, abstinence from alcohol and drugs, obedience to leaders, and dedication of at least two hours daily to social service. Volunteers underwent training in camps to internalize the movement's goals, emphasizing discipline and self-control amid Pashtun cultural traditions of tribal warfare. By the early 1930s, membership swelled to an estimated 100,000 Pashtuns, identifiable by their red uniforms, which symbolized unity and readiness for selfless action. The structure resembled a disciplined volunteer with military-like elements adapted for non-violence, including a of ranks, drills, badges, a , and even a bagpipe band to foster regimentation without armament. Local units operated through democratic village councils (jirgas) for , alongside an activist wing for coordinated campaigns such as boycotts and parallel governance institutions like schools. Khan served as the supreme leader, enforcing centralized guidance while decentralizing operations to align with Pashtun communal norms, enabling rapid mobilization for social upliftment and anti-colonial protests.

Principles of Non-Violence Adapted to Pashtunwali

Abdul Ghaffar Khan reconciled non-violence with Pashtunwali by redefining core elements of the Pashtun code of honor, such as badal (revenge or reciprocity), to emphasize forgiveness, patience (sabat), and communal justice over retaliation. Traditionally, Pashtunwali valorized martial bravery and vendetta as markers of nang (honor), yet Khan argued that true courage lay in enduring oppression without violent response, thereby channeling the Pashtun warrior ethos into disciplined self-sacrifice and moral restraint. This adaptation portrayed non-violence not as weakness but as a superior form of strength, countering colonial stereotypes of Pashtuns as inherently violent while preserving cultural pride in resilience and hospitality (nanawatai). Central to this framework was the Khudai Khidmatgar oath, which recruits swore in mosques, pledging lifelong commitment to non-violence, truthfulness, non-retaliation, and service (khidmat) to society without enmity or revenge. This oath integrated Pashtunwali's communal obligations—such as egalitarian assemblies (jirga) and hospitality—into a structured ideology, where volunteers underwent military-style training in discipline and self-regulation but renounced arms, wearing red khaddar uniforms to symbolize readiness for sacrifice akin to bloodshed in battle. Activities like village sweeping, charkha spinning, and education campaigns further embodied honor through selfless labor, fostering unity across tribal factions and promoting women's emancipation to dismantle cycles of patriarchal violence embedded in Pashtun society. By rooting non-violence in Pashtunwali's existing values of endurance and justice, Khan's principles enabled the movement to grow to over 100,000 members by the 1930s, demonstrating that Pashtun honor could manifest in non-retaliatory resistance, as evidenced in events like the 1930 Qissa Khwani Bazaar massacre where unarmed protesters maintained discipline amid British gunfire. This approach also leveraged systems for dialogue-based conflict resolution, reforming tribal feuds into opportunities for (malgəray) and pan-Pashtun solidarity, thus adapting the code to without erasing its cultural foundations.

Key Events and British Repression, Including Kissa Khwani Massacre

The movement, shortly after its founding in 1929, engaged in non-violent actions such as boycotts of British goods and institutions, drawing thousands of into organized protests across the (NWFP). These activities aligned with the Indian National Congress's broader campaign launched in 1930, emphasizing defiance and anti-colonial demonstrations, which prompted British authorities to view the group as a threat to imperial control. British repression escalated in response, involving mass arrests, public floggings, property destruction, and village raids to dismantle the movement's structure. On April 23, 1930, authorities arrested Abdul Ghaffar Khan and several leaders in for allegedly inciting unrest, triggering widespread protests as supporters demanded their release. The protests culminated in the Kissa Khwani Massacre at (Storytellers' Market) in , where an estimated 5,000 to 10,000 unarmed Khudai Khidmatgars gathered peacefully, sitting on the ground and refusing to disperse despite orders. British forces, including Gurkha and Garhwali riflemen reinforced by armored cars, first attempted to scatter the crowd by ramming vehicles into it; when this failed, troops opened with machine guns and rifles on the non-resisting protesters. Casualty figures remain disputed, with British reports claiming 20 to 30 deaths and around 40 wounded, while contemporary Indian and local Pashtun accounts, based on eyewitness testimonies and hospital records, estimate over 200 killed and hundreds injured, many shot while attempting to aid the wounded. Notably, a platoon of Garhwali Rifles soldiers refused direct orders to , citing moral opposition to shooting unarmed civilians, which led to their subsequent and imprisonment. The massacre intensified British countermeasures, including a province-wide ban on public assemblies, further arrests of over 1,000 Khudai Khidmatgars, and punitive actions such as burning crops and seizures in Pashtun villages to suppress support networks. Despite this, the event paradoxically boosted recruitment, swelling membership from about 1,200 before to over 25,000 by mid-year, as the non-violent martyrdom narrative resonated deeply within Pashtun society. Abdul Ghaffar Khan, released briefly before rearrest, faced repeated detentions throughout , enduring and harsh prison conditions as part of systematic efforts to neutralize his leadership.

Partnership with the Indian National Congress

Alignment with Gandhi and INC Policies

Abdul Ghaffar Khan aligned with and the (INC) through a profound ideological convergence on non-violence as a means to achieve independence from British rule. Khan, who first encountered Gandhi's philosophy during the 1919 Rowlatt agitations, adapted to Pashtun society by emphasizing its compatibility with Islamic principles of peace and Pashtunwali's , rejecting armed resistance in favor of disciplined . This alignment was formalized after Khan's personal meeting with Gandhi in 1928, which deepened his commitment to Gandhian methods, leading to the Khudai Khidmatgar's active endorsement of INC's non-cooperation and self-rule objectives. The Khudai Khidmatgar's principles mirrored INC policies by promoting Hindu-Muslim unity, social reform, and boycott of British goods and institutions, viewing these as essential for . Khan's movement pledged loyalty to the INC in 1929, participating in nationwide campaigns that prioritized truth-force over violence, even amid British repression. By August 9, 1931, the Khudai Khidmatgar federated with the INC, with Khan designated as its leader in the , enabling joint strategies against colonial laws like the . This partnership extended to economic and reforms aligned with INC's constructive program, as Khan's schools and cooperatives echoed Gandhi's vision of village-centric development. Despite occasional tensions, such as Khan's 1939 resignation from the INC over its World War II stance, the core alignment persisted, with Khan rejoining efforts like the in 1942, underscoring a sustained dedication to non-violent nationalism over communal division.

Participation in Civil Disobedience Movements

Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan committed the to supporting the Indian National Congress's Civil Disobedience Movement launched by on March 12, 1930, with the Dandi March, adapting non-violent tactics to the through mass boycotts of British goods, liquor shops, and government institutions, as well as refusals to pay taxes and serve in forces. By early 1930, the organization had mobilized over 100,000 Pashtun volunteers, who wore distinctive red shirts symbolizing their readiness for sacrifice and participated in disciplined actions, including peaceful marches and picketing, which peaked in as a parallel front to the national salt . Following Gandhi's arrest on May 5, 1930, Khan intensified mobilization, delivering a speech on April 23, 1930, in Utmanzai to over 50,000 supporters urging steadfast non-violent resistance, which prompted his immediate arrest by British authorities under sedition charges, alongside thousands of members. Released briefly after the Gandhi-Irwin Pact in March 1931, which suspended the movement nationally, Khan faced renewed British crackdowns when sporadic resumed in 1932, leading to his rearrest and the internment of key lieutenants, with the provincial government imposing in parts of the to suppress ongoing protests. Khan and the extended their non-violent commitment to the of August 8, 1942, endorsing Gandhi's call for immediate British withdrawal through resolutions and volunteer mobilization in the Frontier, despite internal divisions and wartime restrictions, resulting in mass arrests including Khan's detention from October 1942 until June 1945. This participation underscored Khan's alignment with non-cooperation policies, contrasting with Muslim League demands, and sustained Pashtun involvement in the struggle amid heavy British repression involving over 20,000 arrests in the province by 1931.

Electoral and Organizational Successes in NWFP

The Khudai Khidmatgar movement's organizational structure, characterized by oath-bound units of Red Shirts committed to non-violence and social service, enabled widespread mobilization across rural Pashtun areas of the (NWFP). By the 1930s, membership exceeded 100,000, fostering village-level networks that promoted education, dispute resolution, and anti-colonial awareness without reliance on tribal feuds. This disciplined cadre allied with the in 1931, forming the Frontier Congress to contest elections, leveraging the movement's influence to challenge British-favored elites and emerging communal parties. In the February 1937 provincial elections under the , the Frontier Congress secured 19 of the 50 seats in the NWFP (15 Muslim reserved and 4 general), outperforming rivals including independents and Hindu-Sikh groups. With backing from additional independents, Abdul Ghaffar Khan's brother, Dr. , assumed the premiership on September 18, 1937, establishing the first non-Muslim League government in the Muslim-majority province. The ministry prioritized tenant land rights, Pashto-medium schooling, and infrastructure development, drawing on volunteers for implementation and sustaining public support amid British reprisals. The resigned in November 1939 alongside the national Congress's against unconsulted wartime , yielding to provincial governor's rule until 1945. Reinvigorated by the movement's enduring village committees, the captured an absolute majority in the January 1946 elections—approximately 30 seats—defying the All-India Muslim League's Pakistan campaign and reflecting voter endorsement of secular nationalism over partition. Dr. reformed the ministry on March 9, 1946, advancing further reforms until its dismissal by the in August 1947 following the province's accession to . These outcomes underscored the Khudai Khidmatgar's capacity to translate organizational into electoral dominance, bucking communal trends in other Muslim-majority regions.

Stance on Partition and Hindu-Muslim Relations

Advocacy for United India and Secularism

Abdul Ghaffar Khan advocated for a united India as a means to preserve territorial integrity and foster inter-communal harmony, rejecting the partition proposed by the All-India Muslim League as divisive and un-Islamic. He argued that Islam's emphasis on universal brotherhood precluded the creation of religiously exclusive states, positioning a composite, secular nation as compatible with Pashtun values and Islamic principles. Through the Khudai Khidmatgar movement, Khan promoted Hindu-Muslim unity by organizing joint activities and education campaigns that transcended religious boundaries, aiming to build a pluralistic society where faith remained a personal matter rather than a basis for political separation. Khan's vision of stemmed from his interpretation of — the Pashtun code of honor—integrated with non-violent resistance, which he extended to advocate for equal rights across religious lines in a federal united . He supported the Indian National Congress's 1946 Cabinet Mission Plan, which proposed a loose preserving unity while granting provincial , including for the (NWFP). This stance contrasted with the Muslim League's , which Khan criticized for sowing enmity and ignoring the historical coexistence of communities in the subcontinent. His efforts included public speeches and organizational work emphasizing that true independence required solidarity among Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs, and others, rather than fragmentation along confessional lines. Following the Congress's acceptance of partition on June 3, 1947, Khan expressed profound dismay, reportedly lamenting that his people had been "thrown to the wolves" by the division that ignored Pashtun aspirations for within a united framework. Despite the outcome, he continued to champion secular ideals post-partition, urging reconciliation and warning against the perils of in both and the newly formed . His advocacy highlighted a pragmatic rooted in empirical observation of multi-religious societies, prioritizing causal factors like shared economic interests and cultural ties over ideological .

Opposition to Muslim League and Two-Nation Theory


Abdul Ghaffar Khan rejected the , which asserted that Hindus and Muslims constituted separate nations necessitating partition, as fundamentally divisive and contrary to his vision of composite uniting diverse communities under a secular framework. He argued that such religious separatism undermined Pashtun interests, Hindu-Muslim brotherhood, and the territorial integrity of the (NWFP), advocating instead for Pashtun autonomy within a federated, undivided . Khan's stance aligned with the Jami‘at ‘Ulama-i-Hind's emphasis on a shared Indian homeland irrespective of faith, viewing as compatible with pluralistic coexistence rather than exclusive Muslim statehood. Khan critiqued the as a British-engineered entity designed to exacerbate communal tensions against , lacking authentic grassroots anti-colonial mobilization and prioritizing elite power over non-violent decolonization. After the League rebuffed Pashtun appeals for support during the 1930 Peshawar riots, he described it as "a faction the English have created to oppose the ," highlighting its reluctance to challenge colonial authority directly. He further condemned the League's embrace of coercive tactics and fear-mongering, contrasting these with the non-violent principles of his movement, which drew on Pashtunwali codes of honor and intercommunal friendship. Khan refused Muhammad Ali Jinnah's invitations to join the League, citing irreconcilable differences over , and participated in counter-initiatives like the 1940 All-India Azad Muslim Conference, which affirmed India's indivisibility as a common homeland for all citizens regardless of religion. This opposition manifested electorally and politically, as the agitated against Khan's influence in the NWFP, accusing him of forsaking Islamic priorities for alignment—such as in the Ganj mosque dispute and reductions in Muslim educational funding—while branding him "Sarhadi Gandhi" for adopting non-violent, interfaith strategies. In the 1945–1946 provincial elections, Khan's , allied with the , won a (30 of 50 seats) in the Muslim-majority NWFP assembly, defeating the 's 17 seats and underscoring regional resistance to partition amid violent clashes with supporters. Khan boycotted the 1947 NWFP referendum on joining , deeming it undemocratic and a of Pashtun aspirations for within , a position that intensified conflicts with proponents who viewed his secular as a threat to Muslim homogeneity.

Consequences of Partition for Pashtuns

The partition of British India in 1947 incorporated the North-West Frontier Province (NWFP) into Pakistan despite significant Pashtun opposition led by Abdul Ghaffar Khan, who had secured a decisive electoral victory for the Indian National Congress in the 1945–1946 provincial elections, winning all 50 Muslim seats in the assembly. Khan advocated for an independent Pathanistan or union with India, passing a resolution to that effect on June 20, 1947, but the Congress leadership's acceptance of partition on May 1, 1947, undermined this position. A referendum held from July 6 to 17, 1947, offered only the choice between India and Pakistan, excluding autonomy; boycotted by Khan's Khudai Khidmatgar supporters, it recorded 289,244 votes for Pakistan and just 2,874 against, amid low turnout influenced by threats to non-Muslims and an influx of non-local Muslim League activists. The NWFP was thus annexed to Pakistan on August 14, 1947, with the elected Congress ministry dismissed on August 22 and replaced by a Muslim League government, marking the effective disenfranchisement of secular Pashtun nationalists. Communal violence in the NWFP escalated in the lead-up to and aftermath of partition, targeting Hindu and Sikh minorities despite Khan's calls for non-violence and protection of communities. Riots broke out in Peshawar in March 1947, Dera Ismail Khan in mid-April 1947, and Haripur in August 1947, resulting in approximately 300 deaths in Haripur alone, widespread attacks on temples and gurdwaras, and the exodus of an estimated 100,000–150,000 non-Muslims from the province. While Pashtun casualties were limited compared to Punjab's scale—where partition violence overall displaced 14–15 million and killed up to 1 million across the subcontinent—the events fostered internal divisions, with Muslim League supporters clashing against Khudai Khidmatgar adherents who resisted the two-nation theory. Khan viewed the partition as a profound tragedy for Pashtuns, exacerbating Hindu-Muslim tensions and betraying the secular unity he had championed, though his movement's non-violent stance mitigated some localized reprisals against Pashtuns. The partition entrenched the Durand Line of 1893 as the Pakistan-Afghanistan border, permanently dividing Pashtun tribal populations and territories, with roughly half of ethnic Pashtuns residing in Pakistan's NWFP (later Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) and the rest in Afghanistan, preventing any unified homeland. This division fueled immediate cross-border tensions, including Afghan-backed tribal incursions into Pakistani territory in 1947–1948, and long-term marginalization, as Pakistan inherited and amplified British perceptions of Pashtuns as a "nuisance" frontier population, leading to underinvestment in the region and suppression of autonomy demands. Khan's Khudai Khidmatgar was dismantled as a political force, with its leaders facing arrests—Khan himself imprisoned for sedition in 1948—heralding decades of state repression against Pashtun nationalist aspirations. Economically, the NWFP's integration prioritized Punjab-centric policies, contributing to persistent underdevelopment, such as lower literacy rates and vulnerability to disasters like floods costing billions in damages.

Post-Partition Life in Pakistan

Initial Marginalization and Arrests

Following the creation of in , Abdul Ghaffar Khan, who had vocally opposed partition and the , chose to reside in the (NWFP) and affirmed his loyalty to the new state during the inaugural session of Pakistan's . Despite this pledge, the Muslim League-led central government, under , regarded Khan and his movement with distrust due to their longstanding alliance with the , advocacy for provincial autonomy, and rejection of religiously motivated separatism, which clashed with the dominant narrative of Islamic unity central to Pakistan's founding ideology. This suspicion intensified amid post-partition in the NWFP, where Khudai Khidmatgar supporters faced attacks from Muslim League affiliates and tribal elements aligned with the government, resulting in hundreds of deaths and the displacement of Khan's followers, who were often branded as pro-India traitors in official rhetoric. In June 1948, Pakistani authorities arrested Khan on charges of , citing alleged and against the state amid escalating unrest, including protests against the central government's policies. The arrest triggered widespread demonstrations by his supporters, culminating in the Babrra incident on August 12, 1948, where police fired on unarmed gatherings in , killing between 150 and 600 people according to varying accounts from government records and eyewitness reports. In September 1948, the government formally banned the organization, labeling it a threat to and seizing its properties, which effectively dismantled Khan's grassroots network built over two decades. Khan's imprisonment, initially without formal trial in some descriptions, lasted until July 1954, during which he endured harsh conditions typical of political detainees under the Public Safety Ordinance and Case frameworks, which targeted perceived subversives. This period represented the onset of systematic marginalization, as the Pakistani establishment sidelined Pashtun nationalist voices in favor of centralized control, portraying Khan's non-violent, secular Pashtun reformism as antithetical to the state's Islamist-leaning identity; his prior 14 years of incarceration under British rule for similar advocacy underscored a continuity of repression now transferred to the postcolonial regime. The government's actions reflected a broader to consolidate power by neutralizing regional autonomist movements, with Khan's popularity among —evident in his party's strong performance in pre-partition elections—posing a direct challenge to federal authority.

Promotion of Pashtun Autonomy and Pashtunistan

Following the on August 14, 1947, Abdul Ghaffar Khan, despite initial reservations, pledged allegiance to the new state of during a meeting in Sardaryab on September 3-4, 1947, while emphasizing the need for Pashtun rights and within its framework. His earlier advocacy for , crystallized in the Bannu Resolution of June 21, 1947—passed by a loya including members and tribal leaders—had demanded a offering Pashtuns the choice of independence as a sovereign , alongside options to join or , rejecting the binary imposed by British authorities. Khan boycotted the official July 6-17, 1947 in the (NWFP), which resulted in accession to with 50.99% favoring it, arguing it lacked legitimacy by excluding the option. In the post-partition period, Khan reframed not as full secession but as a demand for maximum provincial within , including cultural preservation, resource control, and federal to protect Pashtun interests against Punjabi-dominated central authority. He founded Pakistan's first national opposition party, the Pakistan Azad (or Awami) Party, on May 8, 1948, positioning it as a constructive force to advocate non-violently for Pashtun regional rights, including a 1948 speech proposing to rename the NWFP as to affirm ethnic identity. This initiative faced immediate suppression; Khan was arrested near shortly after and sentenced to three years for , reflecting state sensitivity to perceived separatist undertones. Khan's efforts persisted through the formation of the (NAP) in 1957, which he co-led to push for provincial autonomy, opposing the 1955 that merged provinces into a centralized unit and diluted regional voices. The NAP platform emphasized with strong provincial powers, drawing from Khan's vision of Pashtun self-rule while remaining within Pakistan, though it led to further imprisonments totaling over 15 years across multiple terms. These campaigns, rooted in non-violent mobilization via successors to the , sought to address Pashtun marginalization but yielded limited immediate gains, with NWFP autonomy demands influencing later constitutional debates, such as the 18th Amendment in 2010 that renamed it .

Conflicts with Pakistani State and Islamist Elements

Following the in 1947, the Pakistani government viewed Abdul Ghaffar Khan's advocacy for Pashtun autonomy and his prior opposition to the creation of as threats to national unity, leading to the suppression of his movement, which was banned as traitorous. Khan's followers faced violent crackdowns, including the Babrra incident on August 12, 1948, in , where state police fired on a gathering of supporters protesting government policies, resulting in hundreds of deaths according to contemporary accounts, though official reports claimed fewer casualties. This event marked an early escalation in state efforts to dismantle his organizational base in the (NWFP). Khan himself was placed under from 1948 to 1954 for perceived disloyalty and continued agitation for Pashtun rights. In 1956, he was imprisoned again for opposing the , a centralizing policy that merged West Pakistan's provinces and diminished provincial autonomy, which he argued undermined Pashtun interests. Further detentions occurred in the under military rule, culminating in his exile to in 1964 amid accusations of for promoting —an autonomous Pashtun entity—as an alternative to full integration into Pakistan's unitary framework. These measures reflected the state's prioritization of over regional , with Khan's non-violent resistance framed as subversive. Khan's emphasis on non-violence as a form of —reinterpreting Islamic struggle as self-purification and service rather than armed conflict—clashed with conservative religious leaders and emerging Islamist ideologies that favored militant interpretations of faith. His campaigns for , , , and interfaith harmony threatened ulema aligned with Pakistan's Islamic identity, who rejected his schools and viewed his secular-leaning pluralism as diluting orthodox . During the pre-partition era, such opposition had manifested in physical assaults on Khan by religious hardliners, and post-1947, it persisted through fatwas and portraying his movement as un-Islamic, exacerbating state persecution by framing it as a defense of religious purity. This ideological rift highlighted tensions between Khan's reformist Pashtun-Islamic ethic and the theocratic undercurrents bolstered by Pakistan's founding narrative.

Imprisonments, Exile, and Persecution

Cumulative Terms Under British and Pakistani Rule

Abdul Ghaffar Khan endured repeated detentions by British colonial authorities and successive Pakistani governments, accumulating approximately 37 years in across both regimes due to his for non-violent resistance, Pashtun , and opposition to perceived authoritarian policies. This figure encompasses multiple arrests often without trial, reflecting the authorities' view of him as a to centralized control, though Pakistani records sometimes conflate time with periods of or . Under British rule from 1921 to 1947, Khan faced initial arrest on December 17, 1921, for organizing educational and reform activities deemed seditious under Section 40 of the . Subsequent imprisonments followed his leadership in the movement's campaigns, including the 1930 Salt Satyagraha, where mass arrests of followers prompted brutal crackdowns like the massacre on April 23, 1930. He spent a total of about 15 years in British prisons, often in , for promoting Gandhian non-violence against colonial exploitation in the . In Pakistan after 1947, detentions intensified over his rejection of the and calls for Pashtun autonomy, beginning with his arrest in June 1948 on sedition charges amid the Babra massacre of supporters. He was held without formal charge from 1948 to 1954, followed by further imprisonment from 1958 to 1964 under Ayub Khan's regime for protesting the that diminished provincial powers. Additional arrests occurred in 1973 under and house arrest in 1982 under Zia-ul-Haq, contributing to roughly 22 years of cumulative restriction, during which he endured harsh conditions including denial of medical care. These terms, totaling over half his adult life in custody, underscored the Pakistani state's intolerance for his secular, federalist vision, contrasting with his earlier anti-colonial stance.

Conditions of Detention and Health Impacts

Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan endured prolonged periods of during his imprisonments under both British colonial rule and successive Pakistani governments, often in facilities characterized by deplorable conditions including inadequate , corrupt administration, and routine hardships for inmates. In Pakistani prisons, such as those during his detentions in the and , he faced extensions of imprisonment every six months without trial, exacerbating physical strain on his aging body. Amnesty International highlighted his case in the 1970s, noting his detention at age 86 in 1975 under preventive measures, where inadequate medical access contributed to his vulnerability. These conditions directly impaired Khan's health, leading to multiple releases on medical grounds, including in and after noticeable deterioration during incarceration. While imprisoned, he experienced untreated dental issues and required transfer from Haripur jail to hospital for unspecified ailments, reflecting denial of timely care. Over three decades of cumulative detention, spanning harsh British-era cells and Pakistani facilities, contributed to his overall physical decline, including neglect of chronic conditions amid political isolation. Despite these impacts, Khan's resilience allowed him to outlive many contemporaries, though designated him a in 1962, citing the punitive extensions as harmful to his well-being.

Release and Final Years in Afghanistan and India

Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan was released from Pakistani on 30 1964, after serving extended terms totaling over 15 years post-Partition, primarily due to his failing health amid harsh detention conditions. The Pakistani government under Ayub Khan issued him a specifically to facilitate medical treatment abroad, marking the beginning of a period of that underscored his ongoing marginalization by the state. In September 1964, Khan traveled to the for initial medical care, following which he relocated to , arriving in on 12 December 1964 to a warm reception from the Afghan authorities and Pashtun supporters. He resided there in until December 1972, during which time he maintained advocacy for Pashtun rights and non-violence while avoiding direct confrontation with Pakistani authorities; this period allowed limited political engagement, including receipt of India's for International Understanding in 1967 for his lifelong commitment to peace. Khan made several visits to during this exile, including one prior to February 1970, when he returned to Afghanistan from there, reflecting his enduring ties to Indian secular and Gandhian circles despite Pakistan's restrictions on his movements. In his final years, following intermittent releases from further detentions in the —including his last imprisonment from 1972 to 1976—Khan continued to shuttle between , and amid health decline and political persecution under regimes like Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's and later Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq's. He visited in 1985 and again in 1987 for advanced treatment in and at Delhi's All India Institute of Medical Sciences, occasions that highlighted his status as a revered figure in ; during the 1987 visit, the conferred upon him the , its highest civilian award, recognizing his contributions to non-violence and unity—making him the first non-Indian recipient. These trips provided respite from in and opportunities to engage with supporters, though Pakistani authorities often opposed or monitored his travels to and for treatment. Khan's time in during these years included stays that reinforced his cultural and ethnic affinities, as evidenced by a 1980 interview there critiquing religious extremism's rise.

Death, Family, and Personal Aspects

Final Illness and Death

Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan suffered a in August 1987, shortly after traveling to to receive the , the country's highest civilian honor. Following initial treatment there, he returned to and was admitted to in , where he lapsed into a lasting six months. He died from complications of the stroke on January 20, 1988, at 6:45 a.m., at age 98. A public prayer service occurred in the next day, after which his remains were transported approximately 100 miles to , , for burial at his home, in accordance with his will. The funeral drew over 50,000 mourners, and a one-day was declared in the Soviet-Afghan War to allow safe passage of the procession through contested areas. Despite the truce, car bombs exploded near the burial site on , killing at least six people.

Family Members and Their Roles

Abdul Ghaffar Khan's elder brother, Khan Abdul Jabbar Khan (1883–1958), known as Dr. Khan Sahib, was a prominent politician who served three terms as Chief Minister of the North-West Frontier Province (1937–1939, 1943–1945, and 1945–1947), advocating for Pashtun rights and initially opposing partition before aligning with Pakistan post-independence. He played a key role in mainstream politics alongside his brother, focusing on provincial governance and reform. Khan's eldest son, (1914–1996), was a renowned Pashtun poet and philosopher whose works emphasized , , and critiques of , often drawing from his father's non-violent ideals while pursuing an independent artistic path. His second son, (1917–2006), became a major political figure as the founder of the and later the (ANP), leading opposition efforts for Pashtun autonomy and secular democracy in Pakistan, enduring multiple imprisonments for his activism. The youngest son, (1922–1997), worked as an educationist, contributing to literacy and schooling initiatives in Pashtun areas, though less prominently in politics. Khan's political legacy extended through his grandson Asfandyar Wali Khan (born 1949), son of , who led the ANP as president from 1999 to 2018, governing province from 2008 to 2013 and continuing advocacy for non-violence and regional rights amid security challenges. This familial involvement underscores a multi-generational commitment to , though often in tension with Pakistani state policies.

Personal Practices and Daily Life

Abdul Ghaffar Khan exemplified personal austerity, traveling light with a small cloth bundle containing essentials like a change of clothes and maintaining habits that eschewed material comforts or ostentation. He preferred walking distances when possible, opted for the cheapest conveyances otherwise, and sustained himself on plain, unelaborate meals, avoiding indulgences such as smoking entirely. A practicing Muslim, Khan adhered rigorously to Islamic rituals, performing the five daily namaz prayers without fail and observing Ramadan fasts annually, barring instances of illness; Gandhi noted this consistency during a year spent in Khan's company. He incorporated meditation after prayers, a discipline rooted in childhood guidance from his mother, and during imprisonments spanning over three decades, he cooked his own simple meals to uphold self-reliance. Khan's dietary practices evolved under Gandhian influence: in 1922, while incarcerated, he forwent for more than six months to accommodate vegetarian co-prisoners, arranging separate cooking to prevent discord; he later committed to permanent following a shared fast with Gandhi, resuming only in rare, unavoidable circumstances. In jail, he instituted weekly fasts and vows of for spiritual , and in 1969, at age 79, undertook a three-day water-only fast—from 7 a.m. daily—to express remorse over intercommunal violence in . These routines aligned with the ethos of the Khudai Khidmatgar movement he founded in 1929, whose members pledged at least two hours daily for selfless service—a commitment Khan embodied through lifelong focus on education, village upliftment, and non-violent reform amid tribal norms favoring armed retribution.

Ideological Legacy

Islamic Interpretation of Non-Violence and Jihad

Abdul Ghaffar Khan interpreted non-violence as inherently compatible with Islamic teachings, deriving it from the Quran, Hadith, and the Prophet Muhammad's example rather than solely from external influences like Gandhian satyagraha. He emphasized that the Prophet endured 13 years of persecution in Mecca without resorting to violence, employing patience (sabr) and righteousness (taqwa) as superior weapons against oppression, stating, "That weapon is patience and righteousness. No power on earth can stand against it." This approach, Khan argued, aligned with Quranic injunctions against unjust killing, such as in Surah Al-Ma'idah (5:28), where the son of Adam (Abel) refuses to strike his brother out of fear of God, prioritizing moral restraint over physical retaliation. Khan reframed jihad—traditionally understood in Islam as striving or struggle—primarily as the "greater jihad" of internal self-purification and restraint, which he saw as foundational to any legitimate external action against injustice. He presented non-violent resistance as a rigorous form of this jihad, demanding greater discipline than armed conflict, as it required followers to absorb violence without retaliation while upholding truth and justice. In speeches and writings, Khan urged Pashtuns to view service to humanity (khidmat) through organizations like the Khudai Khidmatgars as fulfillment of Islamic duty, countering tribal warrior codes (Pashtunwali) that glorified revenge and feuds by invoking Quranic calls for unity and opposition to tyranny without unnecessary bloodshed. This interpretation enabled Khan to mobilize over 100,000 Pashtun adherents by 1930, framing their non-violent campaigns against British rule—such as the 1930 Qissa Khwani Bazaar massacre, where protesters held firm without arms—as an Islamic imperative superior to militarism. He rejected violence in Islam's name, insisting true faith prohibited harming innocents and demanded preparation through moral and spiritual struggle before any defensive action, thus distinguishing his movement from contemporaneous militant responses to colonialism. Khan's emphasis on non-violence as persisted in his post-independence advocacy, where he critiqued partition-era as un-Islamic, advocating coexistence rooted in prophetic forbearance.

Influence on Pashtun Nationalism and Regional Politics

Abdul Ghaffar Khan profoundly shaped through the movement, founded on February 3, 1929, which emphasized non-violent resistance, education, and social reform to counter tribal feuds and British colonial dominance in the (NWFP). By recruiting over 100,000 members, primarily clad in red shirts, the organization promoted unity under Pashtunwali's principles of honor and hospitality, reinterpreted as collective service and discipline, fostering a modern Pashtun identity detached from violence. This mobilization led to significant electoral success, with Khan's associates securing a majority in the 1937 NWFP provincial elections, enabling policies for Pashtun upliftment and anti-colonial agitation. Khan's opposition to the 1947 stemmed from his vision of Pashtun within a united, secular framework, rejecting the Muslim League's as divisive and un-Islamic for . He advocated for a in the NWFP and tribal areas to choose between , or , but British haste and forced integration into , where his movement faced immediate suppression, including the 1948 Babrra killing hundreds of members. Post-partition, Khan endorsed —a proposed independent Pashtun state encompassing NWFP, tribal agencies, and parts of —intensifying regional tensions by aligning with Afghan irredentist claims against the , which strained - relations through the 1950s and fueled cross-border militancy. His legacy endures in Pashtun regional politics, inspiring secular nationalist groups like the (ANP), which traces roots to ideals of non-violence and ethnic autonomy, though diluted by state interventions and Islamist counter-narratives. Khan's emphasis on education and challenged patriarchal norms, contributing to higher literacy and political participation among , yet his non-separatist stance limited irredentist momentum, redirecting nationalism toward federalism demands within amid ongoing disputes. This duality—unifying culturally while complicating interstate dynamics—underscores his causal role in embedding non-violent ethnic assertion into South Asian geopolitics.

Global Recognition Versus Local Suppression

Abdul Ghaffar Khan received international acclaim for his advocacy of non-violence amid prolonged detention, earning designation as an in 1962 for refusing to abandon his principles despite repeated imprisonments by Pakistani authorities. In 1967, he was awarded the for International Understanding by the Indian government, recognizing his lifelong commitment to peace and interfaith harmony in the face of communal strife. Further elevating his global profile, Khan was nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize in 1984 for pioneering non-violent resistance among Pashtun tribes, a feat likened to Gandhi's efforts but rooted in Islamic ethics of self-restraint. The following year, India conferred upon him the Bharat Ratna, its highest civilian honor, marking him as the first non-Indian recipient and honoring his role in fostering Hindu-Muslim unity against colonial rule—a recognition extended despite his Pakistani citizenship and post-partition exile periods. In stark contrast, Pakistani state policies systematically curtailed Khan's influence after , driven by his rejection of partition and demands for Pashtun , which authorities viewed as threats to national cohesion. He endured multiple arrests, including a seven-year from 1948 to 1954 and further detentions in the , totaling over 15 years in custody under successive regimes that banned his movement and charged supporters with sedition. This suppression extended to official narratives, where Khan's contributions to anti-colonial struggle were downplayed in textbooks and public discourse, prioritizing figures aligned with the over his vision of a secular, united subcontinent. Even posthumously, efforts to commemorate him, such as renaming streets or erecting monuments in , faced bureaucratic resistance, reflecting enduring suspicion of his pro-India leanings and advocacy for regional autonomy.

Criticisms and Controversies

Effectiveness of Non-Violence in Tribal Contexts

Abdul Ghaffar Khan's advocacy for non-violence confronted the entrenched warrior ethos of Pashtun tribal society, codified in Pashtunwali, which prioritizes badal (revenge) as a mechanism for honor restoration and deterrence against aggression. Khan sought to reconcile this with Islamic principles of patience and greater jihad as internal struggle, forming the Khudai Khidmatgar in 1929 as a "non-violent army" of up to 100,000 members sworn to ahimsa, aiming to curb intra-tribal feuds and redirect Pashtun bravery against colonial rule. Initial successes included disciplined mass protests, such as the 1930 Peshawar Qissa Khwani Bazaar gathering where British forces killed over 200 unarmed demonstrators, galvanizing further recruitment without retaliation. However, non-violence proved vulnerable in contexts of asymmetric power and unrelenting opposition, as evidenced by the 1948 Babra massacre on August 12, when Pakistani forces opened fire on approximately 600-700 unarmed Khudai Khidmatgars protesting government policies in , killing most on site and wounding hundreds more. This event, occurring amid the movement's refusal to arm despite provocations, underscored the limits of restraint against state-sponsored violence, leading to the organization's effective dissolution, mass arrests, and Khan's imprisonment. The failure to deter or mitigate such reprisals highlighted how tribal contexts, reliant on reciprocal deterrence, exposed non-violent actors to exploitation without altering aggressors' incentives. Long-term empirical outcomes further question sustainability: despite temporary reductions in localized feuds through education and oaths, Pashtun regions post-1947 saw resurgent tribal vendettas, communal riots during partition displacing thousands, and later insurgencies, with non-violent frameworks collapsing after Khan's influence waned. In and Pakistan's frontier, ongoing militancy and honor killings persist, suggesting Khan's reforms addressed symptoms but not root causal drivers like decentralized tribal governance and weak state monopoly on force. Analysts note that while mobilization peaked under charismatic leadership, the philosophy's incompatibility with badal's retributive logic contributed to its erosion, as successors reverted to armed resistance amid perceived existential threats.

Perceived Naivety on Communal Divisions and Partition

Abdul Ghaffar Khan maintained a staunch opposition to the , viewing it as un-Islamic and incompatible with the subcontinent's historical interfaith coexistence, even as intensified in . He emphasized communal harmony through the movement, which was open to members regardless of religion, and aligned with the to promote a united, secular where could thrive without religious separation. This stance persisted despite empirical indicators of deepening divisions, such as the Calcutta Killings in August 1946, which killed over 4,000 people and triggered retaliatory riots in Noakhali and , eroding fragile Hindu-Muslim alliances across regions including the (NWFP). Critics, including some historians analyzing the failure of unity efforts in the NWFP, have perceived Khan's approach as naive in underestimating how these riots amplified fears of minority domination and bolstered the All-India Muslim League's appeal for as a safeguard for Muslim interests. In the NWFP, Khan's Frontier secured a majority in the February 1946 provincial elections on an anti-partition platform, reflecting initial support for his vision of inclusive nationalism. However, the post-riot surge in League propaganda framing as a Hindu-dominated entity shifted local Muslim sentiment toward , culminating in the July 1947 referendum where, despite Khan's boycott, 50.99% of participating voters (turnout approximately 50%) opted for inclusion in , underscoring a misjudgment of underlying religious over secular appeals. Khan's reaction to the Congress leadership's acceptance of the Mountbatten Plan on 3 June 1947—described by him as a profound after years of assurances against division—further highlighted this perceived oversight, as it ignored the causal momentum of communal polarization that non-violent rhetoric alone could not reverse. In response, he proposed an independent at the 21 June 1947 Bannu Resolution, seeking conditional autonomy or secession rights from Jinnah, but these overtures failed amid the League's campaigns and the inexorable logic of partition demographics. Post-partition, the rapid dissolution of influence in —marked by arrests and suppression—evidenced how Khan's prioritization of interfaith unity over pragmatic acknowledgment of sectarian fears contributed to his political marginalization.

Accusations of Separatism and Anti-Pakistan Sentiment

Following the in , Abdul Ghaffar Khan faced accusations from Pakistani authorities of fostering separatism through his advocacy for Pashtun autonomy, often framed as the concept of , an independent or semi-autonomous entity encompassing Pashtun-majority areas in present-day and . Despite the 1947 referendum in the (NWFP), where voted by a margin of 289,244 to 2,448 to join amid low turnout partly due to boycotts by Khan's supporters, he persisted in demanding greater provincial rights and cultural preservation, which the central government interpreted as disloyalty. Pakistani officials, including under , accused him of aligning with Indian interests due to his longstanding ties to leaders like Gandhi and Nehru, exacerbating perceptions of . Khan's post-partition activities intensified these charges; in June 1948, he was arrested on charges shortly after forming the Pakistan Azad Party to push for Pashtun , with authorities citing his speeches as against national unity. The Babra incident on August 12, 1948, where Pakistani troops fired on protesters in , killing nearly 600 according to local accounts, was linked by Khan's followers to suppression of his movement, further fueling narratives of state hostility toward perceived separatists. By 1956, he was rearrested for opposing the , a federal reorganization merging West 's provinces to centralize power, which he argued eroded Pashtun identity and autonomy; the government viewed this as subversive, leading to his imprisonment until 1960. Over his lifetime, Khan endured approximately 15 years in Pakistani jails post-1947, often under laws, with officials labeling him a "dangerous revolutionary" for allegedly inciting tribal unrest. These accusations persisted into the 1970s, as Khan's advocated for federal reforms emphasizing ethnic provincialism, drawing parallels to Bengali separatism in ; in 1971, his party distanced itself from the over demands for separate legislatures, yet Pakistani leadership under banned it in 1972 amid fears of Pathan nationalism mirroring Bangladesh's secession. Khan maintained his loyalty to while critiquing its centralizing tendencies as un-Islamic and contrary to Pashtun traditions, but detractors, including military regimes, portrayed his non-violent resistance as veiled favoring unification with Afghan . In self-exile in from 1961 to 1964 and again briefly in the 1970s, he faced charges of collaborating with Kabul's propaganda, though he rejected violence and emphasized democratic reforms within . Such views from Pakistani establishment sources, often documented in declassified records and contemporary reports, reflect a causal tension between Khan's and the state's unitary , prioritizing security over regional pluralism.

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