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Exorcism
Exorcism
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St. Guy Heals a Possessed Man (1474)

Exorcism (from Ancient Greek ἐξορκισμός (exorkismós) 'binding by oath') is the religious or spiritual practice of evicting demons, jinns, or other malevolent spiritual entities from a person, or an area, that is believed to be possessed.[1] Depending on the spiritual beliefs of the exorcist, this may be done by causing the entity to swear an oath, performing an elaborate ritual, or simply by commanding it to depart in the name of a higher power. The practice is ancient and part of the belief system of many cultures and religions.

Christianity

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Exorcising a Mute by Gustave Doré, 1865

In Christianity, exorcism is the practice of casting out or getting rid of demons. In Christian practice, the person performing the exorcism, known as an exorcist, is a member of a Christian Church, or an individual thought to be graced with special powers or skills. The exorcist may use prayers and religious material, such as set formulae, gestures, symbols, sacred images, sacramentals, etc. The exorcist often invokes God, Jesus or several different angels and archangels to intervene with the exorcism. Protestant Christian exorcists most commonly believe the authority given to them by the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit (the Trinity) is the sole source of their ability to cast out demons.[2]

In general, people considered to be possessed are not regarded as evil unto themselves, nor wholly responsible for their actions, because possession is considered to be the unwilling manipulation by a demon resulting in harm to self or others. Therefore, practitioners regard exorcism as more of a cure than a punishment. The mainstream rituals usually take this into account, making sure that there is no violence to the possessed, only that they be tied down if there is potential for violence.[3]: 462 

Requested and performed exorcisms began to decline in the United States by the 18th century, and occurred rarely until the latter half of the 20th century when the public saw a sharp rise due to the media attention exorcisms received. There was "a 50% increase in the number of exorcisms performed between the early 1960s and the mid-1970s".[3]: 120 

Catholicism

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In Catholicism, exorcisms are performed in the name of Jesus Christ.[4] There is a distinction between major exorcisms and minor exorcisms. Minor exorcisms are included in some blessings in which priests create sacramentals, such as blessed salt, and are also found in the ritual Scrutinies of the catechumens. A related practice is deliverance ministry. The distinction between deliverance ministry and exorcism is that exorcism is conducted by priests given special permission from the Catholic Church, while deliverance ministry is prayer for people who are distressed and wish to heal emotional wounds, including those purportedly caused by evil spirits.[5]

The statue of Saint Philip of Agira with the Gospel in his left hand, the symbol of the exorcists, in the May celebrations in his honor at Limina, Sicily

The Catholic rite for a formal exorcism, called a "Major Exorcism", is given in Section 11 of the Rituale Romanum.[6][7] The Ritual lists guidelines for conducting an exorcism and determining when a formal exorcism is required.[8] Priests are instructed to carefully determine that the nature of the condition is not actually a psychological or physical illness before proceeding.[4] The United States Conference of Catholic Bishops state on their website: "the actual determination of whether a member of the faithful is genuinely possessed by the devil is made by the Church."[9]

In Catholic practice, the person performing the exorcism, known as an exorcist, must be an ordained priest. The exorcist recites prayers according to the rubrics of the rite, and makes use of religious materials such as icons, sacramentals (e.g. holy water), and holy relics. The exorcist invokes God—specifically the Name of Jesus Christ—as well as the Most Blessed Virgin Mary, saints of the Church Triumphant and the Archangel Michael to intervene with the exorcism. According to Catholic understanding, several weekly exorcisms over many years are sometimes required to expel a deeply entrenched demon.[8][10]

Saint Michael's Prayer against Satan and the Rebellious Angels, attributed to Pope Leo XIII, is considered the strongest prayer of the Catholic Church against cases of diabolic possession.[11] The Holy Rosary also has an exorcistic and intercessory power.[12]

Eastern Orthodoxy

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The Eastern Orthodox Church has a rich and complex tradition of exorcism.[13] The practice is traced to biblical accounts of Jesus expelling demons and exhorting his apostles to "cast out devils".[14] The church views demonic possession as the devil's primary means of enslaving humanity and rebelling against God. Orthodox Christians believe objects, as well as individuals, can be possessed.[15]

As in other Christian churches, Orthodox exorcists expel demons by invoking God through the name of Jesus Christ.[16] Unlike the Roman Catholic Church, all priests of the Orthodox Church are trained and equipped to perform exorcisms, particularly for the sacrament of baptism. Like their Catholic counterparts, Orthodox priests learn to distinguish demonic possession from mental illness, namely by observing whether the subject reacts negatively to holy relics or places.[15] All Orthodox liturgical books include prayers of exorcism, namely by Saint Basil and Saint John Chrysostom.

Orthodox theology takes a uniquely expansive view of exorcism, believing every Christian undertakes exorcism through their struggle against sin and evil:

The whole Church, past, present and future, has the task of an exorcist to banish sin, evil, injustice, spiritual death, the devil from the life of humanity ... Both healing and exorcising are ministered through prayers, which spring from faith in God and from love for man ... All the prayers of healing and exorcism, composed by the Fathers of the Church and in use since the third century, begin with the solemn declaration: In Thy Name, O Lord.[17]

Additionally, many Orthodox Christians subscribe to the superstition of Vaskania, or the "evil eye", in which those harboring intense jealousy and envy towards others can bring harm to them (akin to a curse) and are, in effect, demonically possessed by these negative emotions.[13] This belief is most likely rooted in pre-Christian paganism, and although the church rejects the notion that the evil eye can have such power, it does recognize the phenomenon as morally and spiritually undesirable and thus a target for exorcism.[15]

Lutheran Churches

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From the 16th century onward, Lutheran pastoral handbooks describe the primary symptoms of demonic possession to be knowledge of secret things, knowledge of languages one has never learned, and supernatural strength.[18] Before conducting a major exorcism, Lutheran liturgical texts state that a physician be consulted in order to rule out any medical or psychiatric illness.[18] The rite of exorcism centers chiefly around driving out demons "with prayers and contempt" and includes the Apostles' Creed and the Lord's Prayer.[18]

Baptismal liturgies in Lutheran Churches include a minor exorcism.[19][20]

The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints

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While a very rare practice in the Church, there are two methods for performing an exorcism. The first is by anointing with consecrated oil and laying on of hands followed by a blessing on a specific person and commanding the spirit to leave.[21] The second and most common method is done by "raising the hand to the square" and then "commanding the spirit away in the name of Jesus Christ and with the power or authority of the Melchizedek priesthood".[21][22] Exorcisms can only be performed by someone holding the Melchizedek priesthood, the higher of the two priesthoods of the Church,[21] and can be performed by anyone holding that priesthood, however they are generally performed by bishops, missionaries, mission presidents, or stake presidents.[21] Exorcisms are not recorded by the Church and therefore the number of exorcisms performed in the religion are unknown.

Demonic possession is rarely talked about in the church. Demonic possession has been talked about twice by Joseph Smith, the founder of the faith. The first time refers to his experience during the First Vision[21] and he recorded the following in his "1831 account of the First Vision":

I kneeled down and began to offer up the desires of my heart to God, I had scarcely done so, when immediately I was seized upon by some power which entirely overcame me and had such astonishing influence over me as to bind my tongue so that I could not speak. Thick darkness gathered around me and it seemed to me for a time as if I were doomed to sudden destruction. But exerting all my powers to call upon God to deliver me out of the power of this enemy which had seized upon me, and at the very moment when I was ready to sink into despair and abandon myself to destruction, not to an imaginary ruin but to the power of some actual being from the unseen world who had such a marvelous power as I had never before felt in any being, just at this moment of great alarm I saw a pillar of light exactly over my head above the brightness of the sun, which descended gradually until it fell upon me.[23]

His second experience comes from a journal entry in which he talks about the time he performed an exorcism on a friend.[24][21][22]

Buddhism

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The practice of reciting or listening to the Paritta began very early in the history of Buddhism. It is a Buddhist practice of reciting certain verses and scriptures from Pali Canon in order to ward off misfortune or danger. The belief in the effective spiritual power to heal, or protect, of the Sacca-kiriyā, or asseveration of something quite true is an aspect of the work ascribed to the paritta.[25] Several scriptures in the Paritta like Metta Sutta, Dhajagga Sutta, or Ratana Sutta can be recited for exorcism purposes, and Āṭānāṭiya Sutta is regarded as particularly effective.[26]

Tibetan Buddhism

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The ritual of the Exorcising-Ghost day is part of Tibetan tradition. The Tibetan religious ceremony 'Gutor' ༼དགུ་གཏོར་༽, literally offering of the 29th, is held on the 29th of the 12th Tibetan month, with its focus on driving out all negativity, including evil spirits and misfortunes of the past year, and starting the new year in a peaceful and auspicious way.

The temples and monasteries throughout Tibet hold grand religious dance ceremonies, with the largest at Potala Palace in Lhasa. Families clean their houses on this day, decorate the rooms and eat a special noodle soup called 'Guthuk'. ༼དགུ་ཐུག་༽ In the evening, the people carry torches, calling out the words of exorcism.[27]

Hinduism

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The image of Lord Hanuman at the Hanuman temple in Sarangpur is said to be so powerful that its gaze drives evil spirits out of victims.[28]

In many Hindu traditions, people can be possessed by bhootas, pretas or pisachas, restless and often malignant beings roughly analogous to ghosts,[29] and to a lesser extent, demons.[30]

Of four Vedas, or holy books, of Hinduism, the Atharva Veda is most focused on knowledge such as exorcism,[31] magic, and alchemy.[32] The basic means of exorcism are the mantra (a sacred utterance of certain phonemes or phrases that is often connected to a particular deity) and the yajna (a sacrifice, offering, or ritual done before a sacred fire). These are performed in accordance with Vedic traditions as well as the Tantra, the later esoteric teachings and practices within Hinduism.

Within the dominant Hindu sect of Vaishnava, which reveres Vishnu as the supreme being, exorcisms are performed by reciting the names of Narasimha, a fierce avatar of Vishnu that seeks to destroy evil and restore Dharma, or by reading the Bhagavata Purana, a highly revered text that tells the story of good vanquishing evil. Another resource for exorcisms is the Garuda Purana, a vast corpus of literature mostly centered on Vishnu, deals heavily with topics related to death, disease, good versus evil, and spiritual health.[33]

The devotional hymn known as Hanuman Chalisa advises conducting exorcisms by praying to Lord Hanuman, the most devoted follower of Rama, a major Hindu deity. As according to a chaupai (couplet) (भूत पिशाच निकट नहिं आवै। महावीर जब नाम सुनावै॥) of this hymn, merely uttering Hanuman's name terrifies evil spirits into leaving the possessed. Some Hindu temples, most notably the Mehandipur Balaji Temple in Rajasthan, host exorcism rituals that invoke incarnations of Hanuman.[30]

Islam

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Terms for exorcism practices include ṭard (or dafʿ) al-shayṭān/al-jinn (expulsion of the demon/the spirit), ʿilāj (treatment), and ibrāʾ al-maṣrūʿ (curing the possessed), but also ruḳya (enchantment or cleansing)[34] is used to exorcise various spirits.[35]

The Islamic prophet Muhammad taught his followers to read the last three suras from the Quran, Surat al-Ikhlas (The Fidelity), Surat al-Falaq (The Dawn) and Surat an-Nas (Mankind). The permissibility of exorcism, as well as models for its practice, can be traced to Hadiths reporting Muhammad and Jesus performing exorcism rites.[35]

Islamic exorcisms might consist of the treated person lying down, while a sheikh places a hand on a patient's head and recites verses from the Quran, but this is not mandatory.[36] The drinking or sprinkling of holy water (water from the Zamzam Well) may also take place along with applying of clean, non-alcohol-based perfumes, called attar.[36] Specific verses from the Quran are recited that glorify God (e.g., The Throne Verse (Arabic: آية الكرسي, romanizedAyatul Kursi)) and invoke God's help. In some cases, the adhan (call for daily prayers) is also read, as this has the effect of repelling non-angelic unseen beings or the jinn.[37]

According to a study by Alean Al-Krenawi and John Graham, the process of Quranic healing in order to exorcise spirits can be divided into three stages:

  1. Removing any (haram) distractions, such as music instruments, amulets (tabiz) and golden jewelry. All pictures in the room that (it is believed) would allow angels to enter are removed. The healer then tells the client and the family that everything happens by God's will and that he is merely a mediator, also mentioning that other forms of healing, such as by sorcery, are not acceptable to Islam.
  2. The healer determines if the client is possessed or not and tries to enter a dialogue with the spirit. The healer might ask the spirit about type (Zar ("red wind"), Arwah (ghosts), jinn (genii), shayatin (devils), div (demons)), religion, sex or reason for possession. He also asks the client, not the spirit, about dreams and feelings involved in the dream. After that, the healer cleans himself, the room, and asks the people in the room to do the same.
  3. The actual exorcism begins by reciting Quranic verses such as Al-Fatiha, Al-Baqara, Al-Baqara 255, Al-Jinn and three Qul (Al-Ikhlas, An-Nas and Al-Falaq), depending on the type of spirit. Other treatments include using honey and water, as a purification ritual to clean the soul and body from sins.[38]

Judaism

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Josephus reports exorcisms performed by administering poisonous root extracts and others by making sacrifices.[39]

In more recent times, Rabbi Yehuda Fetaya (1859–1942) authored the book Minchat Yahuda, which deals extensively with exorcism, his experience with possessed people, and other subjects of Jewish thought. The book is written in Hebrew and was translated into English.

The Jewish exorcism ritual is performed by a rabbi who has mastered Kabbalah. Also present is a minyan (a group of ten adult males), who gather in a circle around the possessed person. The group recites Psalm 91 three times, and then the rabbi blows a shofar (a ram's horn).[40]

The shofar is blown in a certain way, with various notes and tones, in effect to "shatter the body" so that the possessing force will be shaken loose. After it has been shaken loose, the rabbi begins to communicate with it and ask it questions such as why it is possessing the body of the possessed. The minyan may pray for it and perform a ceremony for it in order to enable it to feel safe, and so that it can leave the person's body.[40]

Sikhism

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Sikhs do not have a belief in demonic possession. Therefore, exorcism is considered a violation of Sikh Code of Conduct.[41][42]

Taoism and Chinese folk religion

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In Taoism, exorcisms are performed when an individual has been possessed by an evil spirit for one of two reasons: The victim has disturbed a ghost, regardless of intent, and the ghost now seeks revenge, or the victim has been targeted by someone using black magic to conjure a ghost to possess them.[43] The Fashi, who are both Chinese ritual specialists and Taoist priests, are able to conduct particular rituals for exorcism. These rituals will vary between the many sects which are further influenced by the geographic region in which the specific Taoist is from. A Zheng Yi sect Taoist in Beijing may conduct a ritual completely different from a Taoist of the same sect in a southern area such as Hong Kong.

For example, the leaders of these exorcism rituals who are tangki that invited the divine powers from the Deities and conduct a dramatic performance to call out against the demons so the village can once again have peace. The leaders strike themselves with various sharp weapons to show their invincibility to ward off the demons and also to let out their blood. This form of blood is considered to be sacred and powerful, so after the rituals, the blood is blotted with talismans and placed on the door of houses as an act of spiritual protection against evil spirits.[44] Such ritual using blood however is more common among folk sects such as LuShan, and does not take place in more orthodox sects such as QuanZhen or Zheng Yi who are more monastic in nature. However, it is possible that folk Taoists in rural areas descended from orthodox sects may be influenced by local folk religions, so it may be seen.

Historically, all Taoist exorcisms include usage of Fulu, chanting, physical gesture like mudras, and praying as a way to drive away the spirit is common in all sects.[45]

Scientific view

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Demonic possession is not a psychiatric or medical diagnosis recognized by either the DSM-5 or the ICD-10. Those who profess a belief in demonic possession have sometimes ascribed to possession the symptoms associated with physical or mental illnesses, such as hysteria, mania, psychosis, Tourette's syndrome, epilepsy, schizophrenia or dissociative identity disorder.[46][47][48][49][50]

Additionally, there is a form of monomania called demonomania or demonopathy in which the patient believes that they are possessed by one or more demons.[51] According to psychological literature, exorcism may work on people experiencing symptoms of possession by way of placebo effect and the power of suggestion.[52][53] Some cases suggest that supposedly possessed persons are actually narcissists or have low self-esteem and act demonically possessed in order to gain attention.[54]

Within the scientific community, the work of psychiatrist M. Scott Peck, a believer in exorcism, generated significant debate and derision. Much was made of his association with (and admiration for) the controversial Malachi Martin, a Roman Catholic exorcist, despite the fact that Peck consistently called Martin a liar and a manipulator.[55][56] Other criticisms leveled against Peck included claims that he had transgressed the boundaries of professional ethics by attempting to persuade his patients to accept Christianity.[55]

Exorcism and mental illness

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One scholar has described psychosurgery as "Neurosurgical Exorcisms", with trepanation having been widely used to release demons from the brain.[57] Meanwhile, another scholar has equated psychotherapy with exorcism.[58]

United Kingdom

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In the UK, the numbers of exorcisms performed were increasing as of 2017. A Church of England think tank, Theos, stated that the exorcisms mostly took place in charismatic and Pentecostal churches, and also among communities of West African origin. Frequently, the people exorcised were people with mental health problems, who often stopped taking their medications in response to the exorcism. The report described the exorcism as a "well-meaning initiative with the potential for serious harm" with the risk of constituting "psychological abuse".[59]

Anthropological view

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Religious figures would have been presented with an individual and base their diagnosis of possession upon their own knowledge, which would be based on religious understandings. The occurrence of a possession, has similar characteristics of someone who is experiencing a mental illness.[60] Characteristics such as an abrupt change in behaviour and demeanor, loss of faith, thoughts of being chosen by a demonic power, experiences in seeing and hearing evil entities, and persistent fear in demonic forces.[60] These are deemed as unfavorable within religious influence, therefore are treated and diagnosed within religious collectives, as illness.

However, not all possessions were deemed as negative, possessions occurring among the higher classes typically went untreated as they were said to be undertaken by benevolent spirits upholding social order; whereas possessions experienced by the powerless were considered as expressing anti-hegemonic sentiment and needed to be treated immediately.[61]

This reflects a style of dichotomy that establishes spiritual possession as an illness which is socially mediated, and reflective of the social climate in which it is produced. Exorcisms are performed in response to spiritual possessions which cause distress or are found to be challenging the status quo and/or hegemonic values within the individual; otherwise, possessions are treated as holy communication from deities.[61] These illnesses/possessions are culturally constructed as either psychological or spiritual.[62] Spiritual possession and exorcism come as a pair, representative of social expectations of 'normal' functioning, and can often be engaged as a tool to challenge or maintain religious collective values.

The Catholic Church, for example, enters a relationship with the victims of spiritual possession akin to the Shamanistic Complex.[63] The victim also represents what Nancy Scheper Hughes would call the 'individual body', that is, the victims' personal belief system as a Christian would assist in the healing process. In the sense that their belief that there is a demon within their body and that through the power of Christ the demon can be removed, creates a diagnosis and cure for this illness. A non-Christian may respond differently to this healing process. A non-Christian most likely would not even seek out religious intervention based on their symptoms, they would believe them to from a different illness, and would not find an exorcism an effective treatment.

The Shamanistic Complex gives a possible explanation as to what makes an exorcism effective or can increase the effectiveness. Exorcism exists within a realm of cultural healing practices, social processes that are informed by social norms.[64] This much is true of most other healing practices, inclusive of those focussed on spiritual, psychological, and physical health. As such the systems set out by religious communities, like the Catholic Church, to diagnose and combat spiritual possession as a disease, as only effective as the psychological belief within these aspects.

Notable exorcisms and exorcists in history

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  • (1578) Martha Brossier was a young woman who was made infamous around the year of 1578 for her feigned demonic possession discovered through exorcism proceedings.[65]: 132 
  • (1619) Mademoiselle Elizabeth de Ranfaing, who having become a widow in 1617 was later sought in marriage by a physician (afterwards burned under judicial sentence for being a practicing magician). After being rejected, he gave her potions to make her love him which occasioned strange developments in her health and proceeded to continuously give her some other forms of medicament. The maladies which she had were incurable by the various physicians that attended her and eventually led to a recourse of exorcisms as prescribed by several physicians that examined her case. They began to exorcise her in September, 1619. During the exorcisms, the demon that possessed her purportedly made detailed and fluid responses in varying languages including French, Greek, Latin, Hebrew and Italian and was able to know and recite the thoughts and sins of various individuals who examined her. She was further also purported to describe in detail with the use of various languages the rites and secrets of the church to experts in the languages she spoke. There was even a mention of how the demon interrupted an exorcist, who after making a mistake in his recital of an exorcism rite in Latin, corrected his speech and mocked him.[65]: 138–143 
  • (1778) George Lukins[66]
  • (1842–1844) Johann Blumhardt performed the exorcism of Gottliebin Dittus over a two-year period in Möttlingen, Germany, from 1842 to 1844. Pastor Blumhardt's parish subsequently experienced growth marked by confession and healing, which he attributed to the successful exorcism.[67][68]
  • (1906) Clara Germana Cele was a South African school girl who claimed to be possessed.[69]
  • (1947) Art expert Armando Ginesi claims Salvador Dalí received an exorcism from Italian friar Gabriele Maria Berardi while he was in France. Dalí would have created a sculpture of Christ on the cross that he would have given to the friar in thanks.[70]
  • (1949) A boy identified as Robbie Mannheim[71][72] was the subject of an exorcism in 1949, which became the chief inspiration for The Exorcist, a horror novel and movie written by William Peter Blatty, who heard about the case while he was a student in the class of 1950 at Georgetown University. Robbie was taken into the care of Rev. Luther Miles Schulze, the boy's Lutheran pastor, after psychiatric and medical doctors were unable to explain the disturbing events associated with the teen; the minister then referred the boy to Rev. Edward Hughes, who performed the first exorcism on the teen.[73] The subsequent exorcism was partially performed in both Cottage City, Maryland, and Bel-Nor, Missouri,[74] by Father William S. Bowdern, S.J., Father Raymond Bishop S.J. and a then Jesuit scholastic Fr. Walter Halloran, S.J.[75]
  • (1974) Michael Taylor[76]
  • (1975) Anneliese Michel was a Catholic woman from Germany who was said to be possessed by six or more demons and subsequently underwent a secret, ten-month-long voluntary exorcism. Two movies, The Exorcism of Emily Rose and Requiem, are loosely based on Anneliese's story. The documentary movie Exorcism of Anneliese Michel[77] (in Polish, with English subtitles) features the original audio tapes from the exorcism. The two priests and her parents were convicted of negligent manslaughter for failing to call a medical doctor to address her eating disorder as she died weighing only 68 pounds (31 kg).[78] The case has been labelled a misidentification of mental illness, negligence, abuse, and religious hysteria.[79]
  • Bobby Jindal, former governor of Louisiana, wrote an essay in 1994 about his personal experience of performing an exorcism on an intimate friend named "Susan" while in college.[80][81]
  • Mother Teresa allegedly underwent an exorcism late in life under the direction of the Archbishop of Calcutta, Henry D'Souza, after he noticed she seemed to be extremely agitated in her sleep and feared she "might be under the attack of the evil one."[82]
  • (2005) The Tanacu exorcism is a case in which a mentally ill Romanian nun was killed during an exorcism by priest Daniel Petre Corogeanu. The case inspired the movies Beyond the Hills and The Crucifixion.
  • The October 2007 mākutu lifting (ceremonial lifting of a sorcery or witchcraft curse) in the Wellington, New Zealand, suburb of Wainuiomata led to a death by drowning of a woman and the hospitalization of a teen. Five family members were convicted and sentenced to non-custodial sentences.[83]

See also

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References

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia

Exorcism is the act of invoking divine or spiritual to expel malevolent entities, such as demons or spirits, believed to possess persons, places, or objects, a practice documented across ancient and contemporary religious traditions. Originating in prehistoric shamanistic beliefs and formalized in texts like the Hindu Vedas, exorcism involves prayers, incantations, , and sometimes physical confrontations to restore the afflicted to normalcy.
In Christianity, exorcism draws from New Testament accounts of expelling demons, with the maintaining official rites in the , requiring trained priests and episcopal approval for major exorcisms to combat perceived satanic influence. Parallel practices appear in , where ruqyah recitations from the aim to驱除 jinn possessions, and in , through tantric rituals targeting bhutas or pretas using mantras and offerings. These rituals persist globally, often surging in response to cultural anxieties or unexplained afflictions, though formal oversight varies. Empirical scrutiny reveals no verifiable evidence for possession, with symptoms—convulsions, altered voices, aversion to sacred objects—aligning closely with , , or , treatable via psychiatric intervention rather than . Studies indicate exorcism's apparent successes stem from suggestion, responses, or remission of underlying conditions, while risks include physical injury, , and fatal delays in medical care, as seen in documented cases of harm during unsupervised sessions. Despite theological assertions, causal mechanisms remain unproven outside faith-based interpretations, underscoring tensions between religious conviction and scientific .

Definition and Historical Origins

Etymology and Fundamental Concepts

The term exorcism entered English in the early , denoting "a calling up or driving out of evil spirits," derived from exorcismus. This traces to exorkismós, originally meaning the "administration of an ," which in contexts evolved to signify the expulsion of spirits. The root exorkízein combines the prefix ex- ("out of") with horkízein ("to make swear" or "bind by "), from hórkos (""), emphasizing the conceptual act of compelling a spirit to depart through authoritative adjuration rather than mere . At its core, exorcism embodies the belief in autonomous malevolent spiritual entities—such as demons or unclean spirits—that can invade and dominate human persons, places, or objects, disrupting natural order and requiring intervention for restoration. This presupposes a dualistic distinguishing material and immaterial realms, where possession manifests through empirical signs like unexplained physical phenomena (e.g., convulsions, ), aversion to sacred symbols, or (speaking unknown languages), though modern psychological assessments often attribute such symptoms to or rather than metaphysical causes. The ritual's efficacy hinges on the exorcist's delegated authority from a higher divine power, invoking names or attributes of deities to override the intruder's influence, as seen in Abrahamic traditions where God's subjugates adversarial forces. Fundamental to the practice is the principle of adjuration, wherein the exorcist issues direct commands under oath to the entity, compelling obedience through hierarchical spiritual compulsion rather than negotiation or coercion via physical means. Protective elements, including prayers, sacramentals (e.g., holy water, relics), and communal witness, reinforce the ritual's framework, aiming not only at expulsion but at holistic liberation from bondage, often integrating repentance and spiritual fortification to prevent recurrence. While religious adherents cite historical accounts—like Jesus' exorcisms in the Gospels as paradigmatic—empirical scrutiny reveals no controlled verification of supernatural agency, with outcomes frequently aligning with placebo effects or therapeutic catharsis in clinical contexts.

Pre-Christian and Ancient Practices

In ancient , from the third millennium BCE onward, exorcistic practices formed a core component of expertise, primarily addressing illnesses and misfortunes attributed to incursions or . Professional exorcists known as āšipu (or mašmaššu) employed series such as Maqlû ("Burning"), which involved burning effigies of witches and reciting spells to counteract sorcery-induced demonic attacks, and Šurpu ("Burning"), focused on purification rites to remove impurities and expel harmful spirits. These rituals often combined verbal formulas invoking protective deities like Ea or , manipulation of figurines representing , fumigation with herbs and resins, and the use of apotropaic amulets depicting figures such as —a windswept invoked to ward off other malevolent entities like , who targeted pregnant women and infants. Empirical tablets from sites like , dating to the seventh century BCE under Ashurbanipal's library, preserve thousands of such texts, indicating a systematic corpus canonized by the late second millennium BCE. Parallel practices emerged in , where execration rituals from (circa 2686–2181 BCE) aimed to neutralize chaotic forces, including demonic entities or hostile netjeri (divine but potentially malevolent beings), through the destruction of inscribed figurines or pots symbolizing enemies. Texts like the Harris Papyrus and magical papyri from the New Kingdom (1550–1070 BCE) detail spells for expelling disease-causing demons, often invoking deities such as or for protection, with methods including recitation, ritual breakage of objects, and offerings to restore cosmic order. Unlike Mesopotamian emphasis on professional exorcists, Egyptian approaches integrated demon expulsion into broader priestly magic, as seen in and the , where spells warded off threats like serpentine demons during the soul's judgment. However, scholars note that applying modern "" to Egyptian entities risks , as malevolent forces were often extensions of divine rather than wholly independent evils. In the broader , including Hittite , apotropaic magic supplemented exorcism, with s from the second millennium BCE using red threads, substitution figurines, and invocations to purify individuals from demonic pollution, influencing later traditions. Greco-Roman practices, predating Christian adoption, were less codified, drawing from folk beliefs in daimones—neutral or mischievous spirits—where possession was sporadically reported in medical texts like those of (fifth century BCE), treated via herbs, purges, or incantations rather than dramatic expulsion. Roman sources, such as Pliny the Elder's (first century CE), describe amulets and fumigations against spirits, echoing Eastern imports, but elite philosophy often rationalized such events as psychological or humoral imbalances, limiting formalized exorcism to mystery cults or oracular sites. These pre-Christian methods prioritized prophylaxis and empirical symptom alleviation over ontological battles with indwelling entities, reflecting causal attributions to visible manipulations of agents.

Exorcism Across Religious Traditions

Abrahamic Faiths

In Abrahamic traditions, exorcism refers to rituals aimed at expelling malevolent spiritual entities, such as demons or evil spirits, from possessed individuals, grounded in scriptural narratives of divine authority over forces. These practices emphasize invocation of God's power, often through , sacred texts, and symbolic acts, distinguishing them from pre-Abrahamic magical rites by their monotheistic framework. Historical accounts trace such interventions to ancient Jewish exorcistic methods, which influenced early Christian and later Islamic approaches, though empirical verification of possession remains contested, with modern critiques attributing many cases to psychological disorders rather than causes. Jewish exorcism, known historically as the expulsion of shedim (demons) or later dybbuks (displaced souls), drew from Second Temple-era practices described by Flavius Josephus, who recounted a method attributed to King Solomon involving a magical ring, herbal fumigation with roots, and incantations to draw out demons through the possessed person's nostrils. In one documented case around 1st century CE, the exorcist Eleazar used a root and Solomon's seal to expel a demon in the presence of Emperor Vespasian, causing the spirit to knock over a basin as proof of exit. Medieval and early modern Ashkenazi communities reported dybbuk possessions, where rabbis like those in 16th-century Safed performed exorcisms through interrogation to identify the spirit, recitation of Psalms, and commands in God's name, often requiring a minyan (quorum of ten pious men) for efficacy; these rituals declined post-Enlightenment but persist in ultra-Orthodox circles as rare, scholarly interventions. Unlike Christian counterparts, Jewish practices avoided sacramental formalism, focusing on mystical adjurations and ethical purification of the possessed. Christian exorcism originates in the , where performed approximately six recorded expulsions of s, such as the Gerasene demoniac (Mark 5:1-20), granting authority to apostles to cast out demons in his name (:1). The formalized the major rite in the Rituale Romanum of 1614, requiring episcopal permission, medical and to rule out natural causes, and performance by a designated using prayers, , crucifixes, and invocations like "I command you, , whoever you are, to bow down before the true ." Revised in 1999, the rite incorporates discernment criteria, such as aversion to sacred objects and , with the , founded in 1990, reporting over 500,000 sessions annually worldwide by 2020, though skeptics highlight placebo effects or misdiagnosed conditions like . Eastern Orthodox traditions employ similar liturgical prayers from texts like the Trebnik, emphasizing icons and the , while most Protestant denominations reject formal exorcism, favoring informal deliverance prayers based on biblical precedent, as seen in Pentecostal practices involving laying on hands. In , exorcism manifests as ruqyah, a prophetic practice of reciting Quranic verses, particularly Surahs Al-Fatihah, , , and An-Nas, alongside supplications to expel jinn (supernatural beings capable of possession) or counter sihr (). Hadiths record the Prophet performing ruqyah on possessed individuals, such as blowing over the afflicted while reciting, a method authenticated in Sahih Bukhari (e.g., Volume 7, Book 71, Hadith 658), restricting it to sharia-compliant invocations without amulets or innovations. Performed by knowledgeable reciters (raqis), sessions may involve and repetition until the jinn submits or exits, often manifesting as convulsions; a 2020 comparative study notes ruqyah's emphasis on over ritual objects, differing from Catholic sacramentals, with widespread use in regions like where official fatwas endorse it for verified cases excluding mental illness. Empirical data from clinical observations suggest ruqyah yields subjective relief in some, akin to therapeutic suggestion, though uncontrolled possessions raise safety concerns in unregulated settings.

Judaism and Early Influences

In the Hebrew Bible, evil spirits (ruach ra'ah) afflict individuals as instruments of divine will, such as the spirit tormenting King Saul after the Lord's withdrawal of favor, which David temporarily repelled through lyre music rather than direct command or ritual expulsion (1 Samuel 16:14–23). Comparable instances occur in Judges 9:23, where a spirit incites discord, and 1 Kings 22:19–23, depicting a lying spirit in prophetic councils, underscoring spirits as extensions of God's sovereignty rather than autonomous entities requiring specialized exorcism. These accounts lack formalized expulsion procedures, prioritizing prophetic intervention or obedience to mitigate affliction. The deuterocanonical , composed between the 3rd and 2nd centuries BCE, provides an early narrative of demon expulsion, where , guided by the angel , burns the heart and liver of a fish in the bridal chamber to produce smoke that binds and drives out , who had slain Sarah's prior husbands out of jealous lust (Tobit 6:14–17; 8:2–3). then binds the fleeing demon in , highlighting ritual use of natural substances, angelic authority, and prayer over brute confrontation. This reflects Persian-influenced from the Babylonian exile, where malevolent beings like embody lust and destruction, countered through purity and heavenly aid. By the 1st century CE, Jewish exorcistic practices invoked Solomonic traditions, as detailed by Flavius Josephus in Antiquities of the Jews (8.2.5), where exorcised a before Vespasian's using a root from 's herbal lore to agitate the spirit, a ring bearing placed on the possessed's nostrils to extract it, and adjurations to the God of Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, and himself. The exited via sneeze, verified by witnesses who tested the cure's permanence, attributing efficacy to 's composed incantations and demon-subduing wisdom. Josephus links this to biblical precedents like David's music (1 Samuel 16), framing exorcism as empirical and rooted in ancestral authority. Talmudic sources (3rd–6th centuries CE), shaped by Babylonian folklore during , record rabbis expelling spirits through divine names, herbal , and verbal commands, as in Pesachim 112b, where roots are burned under the afflicted to force departure, or Me'ilah 17b, invoking "go out" adjurations. Pious figures like Shimon bar Yohai compelled cooperation via oaths, emphasizing knowledge and ritual purity over dramatic theater. These methods influenced , where exorcisms mirrored Jewish adjurations and Solomonic claims but centered messianic authority, as seen in itinerant Jewish exorcists invoking Jesus' name (Acts 19:13). Jewish approaches prioritized prevention via amulets and bowls—clay vessels inscribed with Aramaic spells against liliths and , buried under homes in Sassanid-era (ca. 3rd–7th centuries CE)—reflecting pragmatic integrated with .

Christianity

In , exorcism is rooted in the New Testament accounts of Christ expelling demons, portraying such acts as manifestations of divine authority over evil spirits. The describe numerous instances, such as the exorcism of a demon-possessed man in the Capernaum (Mark 1:23-27) and the Gerasene demoniac from whom a legion of demons was cast into swine (Mark 5:1-20). These narratives emphasize ' commands alone sufficing to compel obedience from the spirits, without reliance on rituals, herbs, or incantations common in contemporaneous Jewish or pagan practices. The apostles received similar authority, as instructed in :1 and demonstrated in Acts, such as Philip's exorcisms in (:6-7). Early Christian communities continued these practices, with exorcisms performed by believers as a hallmark of faith, often preceding to renounce . Church Fathers like (c. 150 AD) and (c. 200 AD) documented exorcisms expelling demons through of Christ's name, attributing the church's success to the spirits' recognition of Jesus' power. By the third century, formalized roles emerged, including exorcists among , though initially accessible to . This tradition persisted through centuries, evolving into structured rites amid theological emphasis on discernment to differentiate genuine possession from psychological or medical conditions. Christian exorcism today varies by denomination but centers on , scripture, and in Christ's victory over evil, with major rites reserved for verified cases of possession involving phenomena like or knowledge of hidden facts. While for demonic agency remains absent in , proponents cite anecdotal reports and historical consistency as validation within the faith framework. Practices underscore , as articulated in :12, prioritizing liberation through divine intervention over human technique.
Catholic Rites and Protocols
In the , exorcism rites are classified into minor and major forms, with major exorcism reserved for cases of genuine demonic possession requiring the expulsion of evil spirits through the Church's authority. Minor exorcisms, such as those incorporated into the Rite of Baptism or supplications against evil influences, may be prayed by authorized ministers including deacons or even the laity in certain contexts, but lack the solemn imperatives directed at demons. The major rite, governed by Canon 1172 of the Code of Canon Law, demands explicit permission from the and is performed solely by a designated , emphasizing the Church's caution to avoid mistaking natural disorders for affliction. Protocols for initiating a major exorcism prioritize discernment and exclude medical or psychological explanations, mandating thorough evaluations by physicians, psychiatrists, and spiritual advisors to achieve moral certitude of possession before proceeding. The selected must exhibit , knowledge of exorcism theory and practice, in execution, and personal integrity, as stipulated in Canon 1172 §2; bishops often train or appoint priests experienced in assisting prior exorcisms. The rite occurs in a sacred or discreet location like an oratory, with the possessed ideally consenting if capable, and involves for restraint if needed, while prohibiting public spectacles to safeguard and . The current major exorcism rite, titled De Exorcismis et Supplicationibus Quibusdam ("Of Exorcisms and Certain Supplications"), was revised and promulgated by the Congregation for Divine Worship in 1999, with an approved English translation implemented in the United States on June 29, 2017. It integrates deprecative prayers beseeching God's intervention and imperative commands ordering the demon's departure in Christ's name, accompanied by sacramentals such as , the imposition of hands, and repeated Signs of the over the afflicted. The prepares through , if feasible, and of saints, then proceeds with litanies, Scripture readings (e.g., Gospel accounts of Christ's exorcisms), and protective blessings for participants and environs, repeating elements as resistance persists until liberation is evident. ![Saint Guy healing a possessed]float-right This structured approach underscores the rite's theological foundation in Christ's victory over evil (, no. 1673), directing authority not from the priest personally but from the Church's mission, while cautioning against overuse to prevent fostering or undue fear. Post-exorcism, follow-up includes ongoing , sacraments, and monitoring for relapse, reflecting the rite's aim at holistic restoration rather than mere expulsion.
Eastern Orthodox and Protestant Approaches
In the , exorcism is understood as a prayerful of divine power to expel demonic influences, rooted in practices dating to the third century. These rites are documented in the Euchologion, the service book containing prayers recited by ordained priests over individuals suspected of possession or afflicted spaces, emphasizing renunciation of evil spirits such as those of error, , and lust. Minor exorcisms form part of the baptismal , where candidates explicitly reject and affirm faith in Christ, symbolizing liberation from pre-baptismal bondage to evil; this reflects a theological view that the entire Christian life constitutes an ongoing against demonic forces. Major exorcisms require episcopal oversight and discernment to distinguish possession from mental illness, with priests employing scriptural readings, , and invocations rather than dramatic confrontations. Protestant approaches to exorcism diverge significantly by denomination, generally favoring scriptural authority and personal faith over formalized Catholic or Orthodox rituals, with historical roots in the Reformation's rejection of perceived superstitious elements. Martin Luther, who confronted demonic activity personally, advocated commanding spirits to depart in Christ's name through and Scripture, influencing early Lutheran practices that included exorcistic elements in baptismal rites to signify from sin's . Modern Lutherans, such as those in the Evangelical Lutheran Synod, retain baptismal exorcisms symbolically but discourage standalone rites, prioritizing pastoral counseling, medical evaluation, and direct application of God's Word against evil, with exorcism authorized only after exhausting natural explanations and under synodical guidance. Anglican and Reformed traditions similarly emphasize discernment and simplicity, viewing exorcism as rare prayerful rather than a office; the historically omitted explicit exorcism due to concerns over abuse, though some dioceses permit bishops to authorize prayers for the oppressed after psychiatric assessment. Baptists and other evangelical groups often reject institutional exorcism in favor of congregational "" ministries, particularly among Pentecostals, where believers invoke ' authority through , anointing with oil, and communal intercession, reporting cases resolved without priestly . Cessationist Protestants, doubting ongoing miraculous gifts, attribute most "possessions" to psychological or spiritual treatable by counseling and , avoiding to prevent . Across these traditions, empirical caution prevails, with 20th-century revivals in practice linked to encounters in non-Western contexts, though formal training remains limited compared to Orthodox or Catholic structures.

Islam

In Islamic theology, exorcism is conducted through ruqyah, a form of spiritual healing involving the recitation of and prophetic supplications to expel —supernatural entities created from smokeless fire ( 15:27)—believed capable of possessing humans and causing physical or psychological distress. Possession (mass or sar') is recognized by a of Muslim scholars as a real , with symptoms including sudden behavioral changes, , knowledge of hidden matters, aversion to Quran recitation, and epileptic-like seizures, as documented in classical texts and contemporary case reports. Ruqyah emphasizes (monotheism), prohibiting any invocation of entities besides to avoid shirk, and is rooted in the Muhammad's practices, such as treating afflicted companions with verses like Al-Fatihah and the last two surahs (). The procedure typically begins with diagnosis via recitation, where the possessed may exhibit reactions like screaming or convulsion, confirming influence; a qualified raqi (practitioner) then intensifies recitation of protective verses, including Ayat al-Kursi ( 2:255) and the final verses of Al-Baqarah (2:285-286), while commanding the to depart in Allah's name. narrations, such as those in Sahih Bukhari, record the authorizing ruqyah for ailments including effects, often combined with physical aids like or infused with recited verses for application or . In severe cases, restrained physical intervention may occur, but emphasis remains on , , and avoidance of sins that invite , as per Ibn Taymiyyah's rulings. While predominant, not all Islamic scholars affirm literal possession; a minority, drawing on rationalist interpretations, argue symptoms stem from natural causes like mental illness, citing Quranic verses on jinn's limited power (e.g., 67:1) and rejecting empirical evidence for takeover of the soul. Modern psychiatric studies in Muslim-majority contexts note ruqyah's role alongside medical care, with reported successes in alleviating symptoms attributed to , cultural expectation, or genuine spiritual efficacy, though rigorous clinical trials remain scarce. Practices vary by school—Sunnis favor scriptural ruqyah, while some Sufi traditions incorporate additional —but orthodoxy stresses verification to distinguish genuine cases from sihr (sorcery) or psychological disorders.

Eastern and Indigenous Traditions

Hinduism and Buddhism

Hindu exorcism practices, often termed bhuta vidya or remedies for badha (spiritual affliction), employ Vedic mantras chanted by priests to expel possessing entities, frequently invoking deities like , , or for protection and expulsion. These rituals may incorporate yajnas (sacred fire offerings) and aim to secure liberation for both the afflicted individual and the spirit, reflecting Hinduism's doctrinal emphasis on guiding entities toward mukti (spiritual release). Such methods persist in regions like , where temple-based rites address possession through specialized pujas. Buddhist traditions approach spirit expulsion with compassion rather than confrontation, utilizing paritta recitations—protective suttas—to calm and persuade malevolent beings to depart, as practiced in contexts for safeguarding against ghosts or curses. In Tibetan Buddhism, rituals like za-dre kha sgyur invoke wrathful deities such as to threaten and banish death-bringing demons, combining visualization, mudras, and to enforce compliance. Core Buddhist teachings often frame possessions as manifestations of karma or illusion, minimizing literal , though protective rites remain integral to monastic responses to reported disturbances.

Taoism, Sikhism, and Folk Practices

Taoist exorcism rituals structure spirit eviction through hierarchical invocation: priests summon celestial deities to identify, command, and subdue unruly ghosts or fox spirits, employing talismans, incantations, and purification to restore cosmic balance. These practices, rooted in texts like the Lingbao scriptures, emphasize the exorcist's ritual purity and may involve physical restraints during possession episodes, as documented in historical Chinese accounts. Sikhism eschews dedicated exorcism rites, viewing spiritual afflictions from bhuts (ghosts) or pret (restless souls) as resolvable through Gurbani recitation, Ardas prayer, and devotion to the Guru Granth Sahib, which purportedly grants mukti to wandering entities without need for specialists. This stance aligns with Sikh rejection of intermediaries, prioritizing direct connection to over ritualistic expulsion. Eastern folk practices, including Taoist-influenced Chinese traditions, reserve exorcism for aggressive spirits, using offerings or symbolic bridges to lure and trap entities, as in Thai rituals where black strings guide to vessels for containment. Indigenous shamanic methods across Asian and global traditions induce via drumming, herbs, or to journey into spirit realms, negotiating retrieval of lost souls or combat of intruders through purification and allied spirit invocation. These approaches prioritize with animistic forces over outright destruction, differing from monotheistic confrontations.

Hinduism and Buddhism

In Hinduism, possession is attributed to malevolent entities known as bhūtas (ghosts), pretas (unappeased ancestral spirits), or piśācas (flesh-eating demons), which are believed to afflict individuals through unresolved karmic debts or environmental disturbances. Rituals to expel these spirits, rooted in Vedic and Tantric texts like the Garuda Purana, emphasize pacification rather than destruction, involving recitation of protective mantras, fire offerings (homam), and invocation of deities such as Hanuman or Bhairava for their reputed power over supernatural forces. Bhūtavidyā, an Ayurvedic branch documented in classical texts like the Charaka Samhita, integrates herbal remedies, incantations, and diagnostic methods to address symptoms interpreted as spirit-induced ailments, such as sudden behavioral changes or unexplained illnesses. Tantric practitioners may employ yantras (geometric diagrams) and specialized sādhana (disciplines) to bind and redirect entities, often at sacred sites or during auspicious lunar phases, with historical accounts from South Indian traditions describing communal ceremonies where afflicted persons are isolated and ritually cleansed. These practices persist in rural areas, where shamans (tantriks) use tools like bells, ashes, and blood offerings to compel spirits to reveal grievances and depart, though efficacy relies on the practitioner's spiritual authority rather than empirical verification. In , exorcism-like practices focus on protective recitations and transformative rituals rather than direct confrontation, viewing malevolent influences as manifestations of ignorance or karmic obstacles rather than independent demons. traditions employ paritta chanting—protective verses from the , such as the —recited by monks to ward off misfortune or spirits, a method traced to the Buddha's own use in subduing nāgas (serpent beings) around 500 BCE. In Buddhism, particularly Tibetan lineages, rituals invoke wrathful deities like or through visualization, mantras, and implements such as the phurba ( dagger) to pin down and liberate obstructing entities, as described in tantric texts like the Guhyasamaja Tantra from the 8th century CE. These methods, including effigy offerings (gtor-ma) and threat-based exorcisms like za-dre kha sgyur to expel death-bringing spirits, aim at compassionate conversion of the entity rather than annihilation, performed by qualified lamas in secluded settings to avoid karmic backlash. Historical records from 11th-century Tibetan monasteries document such rites during epidemics or possessions, emphasizing ethical preparation and guru transmission to ensure ritual potency. Across both traditions, outcomes are interpreted through subjective testimonies, with no controlled studies confirming supernatural expulsion over psychological or effects.

Taoism, Sikhism, and Folk Practices

In Taoism, exorcism rituals address afflictions attributed to gui (restless spirits or demons) believed to cause illness or misfortune, often through structured ceremonies invoking celestial forces. Taoist priests, known as daoshi, employ talismans (fu), incantations, and invocations of thunder deities like Leigong to bind and expel malevolent entities, emphasizing harmony restoration via cosmic order. These practices, rooted in Heavenly Masters Taoism, include devices such as the "Prison of Fire for Demons," where effigies or symbolic prisons roast intrusive spirits under divine mandate, as documented in historical exorcist manuals. Specific rites may involve interrogating the possessing entity to compel submission by name, followed by expulsion through sacred seals and communal rituals to prevent recurrence. Sikhism rejects exorcism as a formal practice, viewing beliefs in demonic possession as incompatible with its monotheistic emphasis on (the one God) and rational devotion, often interpreting such states as psychological or karmic issues resolvable through prayer, meditation on Naam (divine name), and ethical living. The Sikh Rehat Maryada (Code of Conduct), codified in the 20th century by the , explicitly prohibits rituals resembling exorcism, deeming them superstitious violations that undermine reliance on scripture like the . Despite this orthodoxy, anecdotal reports from communities describe informal "exorcism-related" interventions blending folk elements with Sikh terminology, though these are criticized as deviations prone to abuse, particularly affecting women, and lack endorsement from Sikh authorities. Folk practices in East and frequently integrate shamanic or animistic elements to expel spirits, distinct from organized Taoist or Sikh frameworks, often involving mediums (wu in Chinese contexts) who enter trances to negotiate or banish entities through offerings, dances, or physical ordeals. In , rituals target gui via household altars, incense, and symbolic beatings to drive out impurities, reflecting syncretic beliefs in ancestral unrest rather than doctrinal . Thai folk exorcisms, for instance, enclose the afflicted with food-laden pots and holy water sprinkling to lure and trap spirits, performed by lay practitioners without institutional oversight. These methods prioritize empirical appeasement over metaphysical confrontation, with efficacy claimed through observed recoveries, though they vary regionally and risk exploitation absent standardized protocols.

Signs of Possession and Diagnostic Criteria

Traditional Indicators Across Cultures

In Christian traditions, particularly within Catholicism and early Church accounts, traditional indicators of demonic possession include aversion to sacred objects or prayers, manifestation of supernatural knowledge such as revealing hidden sins or future events, speaking in unknown languages, and physical phenomena like convulsions or superhuman strength. These signs draw from New Testament descriptions, such as the Gerasene demoniac's self-harm, inability to be bound, and recognition of Jesus' authority despite the possessed individual's ignorance. Islamic traditions identify jinn possession through symptoms like intense repulsion or physical distress upon hearing Quranic recitation or the (), episodes of epilepsy-like seizures without medical cause, sudden personality shifts including hatred toward worship, and unexplained illnesses such as persistent headaches or . Additional markers include fainting during religious rituals and voicing blasphemous or animalistic sounds, often interpreted as the jinn's resistance to expulsion. In Hindu practices, (bhoot-pret badha or devta aavahan) manifests as chronic depression, absent-mindedness, involuntary body movements, and loss of consciousness, sometimes accompanied by speaking in archaic or foreign tongues attributed to ancestral spirits or deities. Convulsions (ghurni or kampan) and dramatic behavioral changes, such as aggressive outbursts or states, are viewed as signs of negative entities like pisachas or positive divine influences requiring discernment. Indigenous shamanic traditions, such as those among Siberian or South American groups, recognize possession indicators through prolonged illness unresponsive to herbal remedies, auditory or visual hallucinations of spirits, and ecstatic trances involving rhythmic movements or glossolalia, often signaling a shamanic calling rather than malevolent control. Anthropological observations note cross-cultural consistencies like altered and communal validation of these states as spirit intrusion, though interpretations vary from affliction to . Common threads across these cultures include physiological anomalies (e.g., seizures, unexplained pain), psychological disruptions (e.g., identity dissociation), and feats (e.g., strength or prescience), traditionally distinguished from ordinary illness by resistance to secular treatments and responsiveness to spiritual interventions. These indicators, while culturally contextualized, reflect shared human patterns in attributing anomalous behaviors to non-material agencies.

Modern Religious Discernment Processes

In contemporary Catholic practice, the discernment of potential demonic possession begins with comprehensive medical and psychiatric evaluations to rule out natural explanations, including mental disorders like or . This requirement was formalized in the 1999 revision of the De Exorcismis et Supplicationibus Quibusdam, which mandates consultation with experts before proceeding to spiritual assessment. Priests then evaluate for indicators, such as unexplained knowledge, aversion to sacred objects or prayers, abnormal strength, and internal voices or intelligences manifesting as distinct personalities that identify themselves as demonic. Collaboration among clergy, psychiatrists, and sometimes legal advisors ensures exclusion of trauma-induced behaviors or entry points like prior involvement in cults or rituals. The , founded in 1990, further standardizes training for appointed exorcists, emphasizing prolonged observation over hasty judgments. Eastern Orthodox discernment processes are less centralized but typically start with a or spiritual elder assessing the supplicant's life history, sins, and responses to basic prayers or sacraments during . Formal exorcisms require the local bishop's approval and are performed by experienced using texts from the Euchologion, focusing on of Christ's rather than direct confrontation. Psychological factors are considered, often through referral to professionals, though emphasis remains on spiritual diagnosis via manifestations during preliminary rites, such as resistance to or icons, or relief following initial prayers against the evil eye (vaskania). Unlike Catholic protocols, Orthodox practice views all believers as participating in exorcism through ascetic struggle, with rare solemn rites reserved for extreme cases confirmed by multiple . Among Protestant denominations, particularly charismatics and Pentecostals, discernment relies on the biblical gift of "discerning of spirits" (1 Corinthians 12:10), exercised through prayerful discernment by ministry leaders to detect demonic oppression or possession after initial medical screening. Processes involve interviewing for spiritual "doorways" like unrepented sin or trauma, followed by testing via authoritative commands in Jesus' name, observing reactions such as violent manifestations or confessions from the entity. Deliverance ministries, such as those influenced by Derek Prince's teachings since the 1960s, prioritize inner healing and breaking "legal rights" held by demons, distinguishing full possession (rare in believers) from oppression via group prayer sessions. Mainline Protestants often defer to counseling, viewing extreme cases as psychological rather than requiring ritual discernment. In , ruqyah—recitation of specific Quranic verses (e.g., Al-Falaq, An-Nas, and Ayat al-Kursi)—functions as the primary diagnostic tool, with possession indicated by adverse physical or verbal reactions from the afflicted, such as convulsions, growling, or the speaking through the person to reveal itself. Modern practitioners, following Sunni consensus, first exclude medical illnesses through clinical assessment, then apply self-ruqyah or seek raqis (healers) for extended sessions, where lack of response to verses rules out influence. Rationality is key: if the individual retains , they participate actively; severe cases resembling prompt immediate treatment without blame. Organizations like Ruqyah Central emphasize verifiable signs like unexplained pain or hatred of (remembrance of ), avoiding unsubstantiated claims.

Rituals and Methods of Exorcism

Preparation and Prerequisites

In the , the Rite of Major Exorcism requires the performer to be an ordained or bishop who has obtained special and express permission from the diocesan bishop, as stipulated in Canon 1172 of the Code of Canon Law. The must demonstrate piety, theological knowledge of demonic phenomena, prudence in discernment, and personal integrity, often gained through specialized training such as apprenticeships under experienced exorcists or courses offered by institutions like the Pontifical Athenaeum Regina Apostolorum. This permission is not granted lightly; bishops typically appoint a limited number of exorcists per , prioritizing those with pastoral experience and spiritual discipline, including regular and direction. Prior to initiating the rite, a rigorous discernment process is mandatory to confirm genuine demonic possession and exclude medical or psychological explanations, involving comprehensive evaluations by psychiatrists, psychologists, and physicians to achieve "moral certitude." The afflicted individual, if capable, must provide , and the Church emphasizes ruling out conditions like or through repeated assessments, often coordinated via diocesan protocols. For the afflicted, preparatory spiritual steps include frequent reception of sacraments such as and , participation in , and renunciation of practices, which are seen as potential entry points for demonic influence. Logistical preparations encompass selecting a sacred space like an oratory or for and efficacy, rather than the afflicted's home, and assembling a including assistants, medical observers, and witnesses to ensure safety and documentation. The exorcist personally prepares through intensified , , and invocation of protective saints, while ritual items such as , a , relics, and the approved ritual book are readied. In Eastern Orthodox traditions, similar prerequisites apply, requiring a bishop's for hieromonks (priest-monks) and medical vetting, though protocols are less centralized than in Catholicism. Protestant approaches vary widely, often lacking formal prerequisites beyond authority and prayerful discernment, with deliverance ministries emphasizing communal and scriptural invocation without mandatory episcopal oversight.

Execution of the Rite

In the Roman Catholic tradition, execution of the solemn rite of exorcism follows the procedures outlined in the Rituale Romanum, with the 1999 revision emphasizing prayers of supplication alongside direct adjurations. The exorcist, having obtained episcopal permission, commences by reciting the to invoke heavenly intercession, followed by for protection and readings from the Gospels depicting Christ's exorcisms, such as Mark 5:1-20. These initial prayers aim to safeguard participants and invoke divine authority before confrontation. The core of the rite involves the exorcist directly addressing the , employing imperative commands in Christ's name, such as "I adjure you, , by the power of Almighty... to depart from this creature of ." is sprinkled on the possessed, the is traced repeatedly over them, and physical contact via imposition of hands may occur to expel the entity. Relics of saints or a held by the possessed amplify the ritual's elements, as the reportedly manifests aversion to these objects during genuine cases. The exorcist may probe the for its name and rank to weaken its hold, a technique detailed by Chief Exorcist Fr. , who conducted over 60,000 sessions and found such interrogations essential for identifying infernal hierarchies. Sessions typically endure several hours, marked by the possessed exhibiting convulsions, blasphemies, or supernatural strength, prompting repeated recitations of the , Creed, and specific exorcistic formulas until signs of demonic fatigue or departure emerge, such as vomiting unnatural objects or cessation of manifestations. Amorth emphasized the superiority of the pre-1999 rite's forceful language over the revised version's milder supplications, arguing the former yielded higher success rates based on decades of empirical practice. Multiple rites may be required, as full liberation often demands persistence amid demonic resistance. In Eastern Orthodox practice, execution mirrors Catholic forms but incorporates additional troparia and the , with the exorcist wielding a and holy oil while commanding departure in Christ's name, as described in the Euchologion. Islamic ruqyah involves reciting Quranic surahs like and An-Nas over the afflicted, blowing upon them, without physical confrontation, focusing on Allah's sovereignty to dispel . These variations underscore a common reliance on sacred , though Catholic rites remain the most codified with documented protocols.

Evidence Supporting Supernatural Reality

Documented Physical and Paranormal Phenomena

Reported phenomena in exorcism cases include manifestations that exceed known physiological limits, such as , , and (speaking verifiable foreign languages unknown to the individual). These are distinguished from psychological or medical conditions by trained evaluators, including psychiatrists, through criteria like aversion to sacred objects and revelation of concealed knowledge. In rare instances, multiple witnesses, including medical professionals, have documented such events during exorcisms, suggesting causal mechanisms beyond natural explanations. One historical case involves , a 16-year-old South African student in 1906, who reportedly levitated up to five feet off the ground multiple times, observed by nuns and exorcists; she also exhibited , twisting metal bars and breaking restraints, and spoke in Zulu and other languages she had not learned. Eyewitness accounts from the St. Michael's Mission recorded these events over two days of exorcism, with the phenomena ceasing after the rite's completion. In the 1949 case of Roland Doe (pseudonym for a 14-year-old boy in the U.S.), a team of Jesuit priests documented physical marks appearing spontaneously on his body, violent shaking of furniture without contact, and guttural voices emerging from him, corroborated by a 26-page kept by the lead , Fr. Raymond J. Bishop. These occurred over months, with the boy displaying strength sufficient to overpower multiple adults. Contemporary psychiatrist Dr. Richard Gallagher, who has evaluated over 500 possession claims since the 1990s, reports firsthand observations of , objects hurled across rooms without human agency, and revealing specific sins of witnesses unknown to them. In one case detailed in his 2020 book Demonic Foes, a levitated during a session attended by Gallagher and , defying her diagnosed psychiatric conditions. Gallagher emphasizes that such cases involve empirical anomalies not replicable by mental illness alone, based on his differential diagnoses excluding or . Xenoglossy has been noted in cases like Anna Ecklund's 1928 exorcism, where the American woman spoke Latin and German fluently despite illiteracy and no prior exposure, verified by attending priests. Similar linguistic feats appear in Gallagher's consultations, where patients uttered phrases in ancient dialects unrecognized by them in normal states. These reports, while reliant on , persist across cultures and eras, challenging naturalistic reductions due to the specificity and verifiability of details.

Testimonies from Exorcists and Witnesses

Father , appointed chief exorcist of the in 1986 and serving until his death on September 16, 2016, claimed to have conducted over 60,000 exorcisms during his career. In his accounts, Amorth described instances of in possessed individuals, such as an 11-year-old child who threw off four strong adult men restraining him during a rite. He also witnessed a 10-year-old boy effortlessly lift a heavy table that required multiple adults to move under normal circumstances. Amorth further reported levitation phenomena, including a case where a possessed person's body stiffened rigidly and rose several feet off the ground despite restraints. In another exorcism, an individual while held down by four robust men, requiring additional intervention to control. He attributed such events, along with glossolalia in ancient languages and of concealed personal sins, to demonic influence in authentic possessions, distinguishing them from psychological disorders through repeated observation. Msgr. Stephen Rossetti, a licensed and for the Archdiocese of Washington, D.C., from 2005 to 2018, documented similar phenomena in his ministry, performing dozens of major exorcisms weekly at peak. In his 2024 book My Confrontation with Hell, Rossetti recounts firsthand encounters, including three detailed testimonies from individuals who exhibited aversion to sacred objects, violent reactions to prayers, and knowledge of exorcists' private information unattainable by natural means. Father Vincent Lampert, the designated exorcist for the Archdiocese of Indianapolis since 2005, has conducted over 3,000 exorcisms or deliverance sessions by 2023. Lampert reports observing physical manifestations like unexplained bruises and scratches appearing during sessions, as well as possessed persons displaying strength disproportionate to their build, though he emphasizes these occur in fewer than 1% of cases evaluated as genuine possession after medical and psychological screening. He notes demons' reactions to sacramentals, such as howling at the mention of Jesus' name, corroborated by assisting witnesses including medical professionals. In the 2011 case of Latoya Ammons in , multiple witnesses—including a Department of Child Services caseworker, a nurse, and police officers—observed her 9-year-old son levitate backward up a wall and speak in a deep, demonic voice during an assessment on April 19, 2012. Subsequent exorcisms by Father Michael Maginot involved the boy contorting unnaturally and the family reporting objects moving autonomously, with Ammons herself witnessing black, shadowy figures. These accounts, while self-reported and lacking video evidence, were affirmed under oath in legal proceedings. The 1949 exorcism of "Roland Doe" (pseudonym for Ronald Hunkeler), documented in a 26-page diary by attending Jesuit priests, included witnesses reporting guttural voices from the 14-year-old's abdomen, unexplained scratches forming words like "evil" on his skin, and objects flying across rooms during rites at St. Louis University Hospital from March to April 1949. Father Raymond J. Bishop, the primary diarist, noted the boy's bed shaking violently and superhuman resistance requiring restraints, with relief following the final exorcism on April 18, 1949.

Skeptical and Scientific Perspectives

Psychological Explanations for Possession-Like Symptoms

Psychological explanations posit that symptoms traditionally attributed to demonic possession, such as altered voice, knowledge of hidden information, aversion to religious symbols, and convulsions, often correspond to manifestations of , psychotic, or trauma-related disorders. These conditions arise from neurobiological, environmental, and experiential factors rather than influence, with from clinical diagnostics emphasizing verifiable psychiatric criteria over anecdotal spiritual claims. For instance, a 2024 review highlights how such symptoms cluster with , including states and hallucinations, treatable through and . Dissociative identity disorder (DID), previously known as multiple personality disorder, frequently presents in a "possession form" where alternate identities manifest as external entities controlling the host's behavior, speech, and mannerisms, mimicking reports of spirit takeover. In this subtype, individuals may exhibit sudden shifts in personality, amnesia for events, and behaviors perceived as autonomous by observers, often rooted in severe that fragments self-identity as a mechanism. Diagnostic manuals note that possession experiences in DID involve the intrusion of alters experienced as spirits or demons, with symptoms resolving via trauma-focused therapies like (EMDR), rather than ritual intervention. A 2022 case study of possession trance disorder, a dissociative variant, documented symptom remission after treatment, underscoring how cultural beliefs can shape but not originate the underlying dissociation. Psychotic disorders, particularly , account for possession-like hallucinations and delusions of external control, where auditory commands or voices are interpreted as demonic entities issuing orders or revealing secrets. Patients may report bodily possession, with symptoms like catatonia or violent outbursts resembling exorcism accounts, yet reveals dysregulation and hyperactivity, not . A 2021 study of patients with possession delusions found these beliefs reinforced by religious coping but alleviated by antipsychotics like , which target hallucinatory experiences without addressing supposed spirits. Such cases illustrate how cultural priming—exposure to possession narratives—can amplify misattribution of internal mental events to supernatural causes, a phenomenon observed in 15-20% of psychotic episodes involving religious content. Additional mechanisms include and , where individuals, influenced by media or communal expectations, simulate or internalize possession symptoms for attention or identity reinforcement. Historical analyses link outbreaks of collective possession to mass hysteria, as in 19th-century where convulsive epidemics resolved with social intervention, not exorcism. Trauma histories, present in up to 90% of DID cases, provide a causal foundation, with dissociation serving as an adaptive response to that later manifests as fragmented agency. While these explanations do not preclude all cases, clinical differentiation via standardized assessments like the Disorders (SCID) prioritizes empirical etiology over untestable hypotheses.

Medical and Neurological Correlates

Symptoms attributed to demonic possession, such as convulsions, vocal alterations, claims of , and aversion to sacred objects, frequently overlap with manifestations of (TLE). In TLE, paroxysmal electrical discharges in the temporal lobes can induce hyper-religiosity, intense emotional auras, auditory hallucinations, and automatisms that individuals or observers may interpret as influence. Peer-reviewed analyses indicate that TLE patients experience elevated rates of profound spiritual or ecstatic states during ictal or interictal periods compared to those with extra-temporal epilepsies, with incidence of religious visions reported in up to 1% of TLE cases in clinical cohorts. Schizophrenia spectrum disorders exhibit neurological underpinnings, including dopaminergic dysregulation and prefrontal hypoactivity observable via functional MRI, which correlate with possession-like delusions such as beliefs in external control by malevolent entities, command hallucinations prompting erratic behavior, and catatonia resembling ritualistic resistance. In documented cases, patients seeking exorcism for these symptoms often meet DSM criteria for , with exorcism practices exacerbating and rather than resolving core . Multiple studies of exorcism attendees reveal high with psychotic disorders, where delusions of possession serve as culturally framed expressions of underlying neurochemical imbalances. Dissociative and trance disorders, involving transient alterations in and identity fragmentation, mirror reported possession states through for episodes, adoption of alternate personas with distinct or mannerisms, and involuntary motor behaviors. Neuroimaging in shows variability in brain activation patterns akin to task-switching deficits, potentially linked to trauma-induced hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal axis dysregulation. Clinical evaluations of trance-possession cases, including follow-ups exceeding three years, demonstrate symptom persistence tied to unresolved or trauma rather than external agents, with therapeutic interventions favoring over ritual expulsion. Autoimmune encephalopathies, such as , present with subacute onset of psychiatric symptoms—including agitation, delusions, and speech disturbances—coupled with seizures and dyskinesias that have been historically misconstrued as possession in pre-modern diagnostics. These conditions stem from autoantibodies targeting synaptic receptors, disrupting glutamatergic signaling and yielding autonomic instability and cognitive fragmentation; analysis confirms inflammation in over 80% of cases, with yielding remission rates above 75% when diagnosed promptly via EEG and antibody testing. Such neurological etiologies underscore the necessity of in possession claims, as untreated progresses to coma in untreated cases.

Risks, Criticisms, and Ethical Concerns

Potential for Harm and Misdiagnosis

Exorcism rituals carry risks of physical injury and death, particularly when involving physical restraint, prolonged sessions, or withholding of food and water. In January 2020, authorities in Panama discovered seven bodies, including a 32-year-old pregnant woman and her five children aged 1 to 11, in a home where a suspected exorcism had occurred, with evidence of dehydration and malnutrition contributing to the fatalities. Similarly, in March 2021, a 3-year-old girl in San Jose, California, died during an exorcism attempted by family members, with the coroner's report citing causes including blunt force trauma from physical handling, dehydration, and neglect of medical intervention. Such incidents often stem from rituals that prioritize spiritual intervention over empirical medical care, leading to preventable deterioration. Misdiagnosis arises when symptoms of psychiatric or neurological disorders—such as auditory hallucinations, convulsions, or altered behavior in or —are interpreted as demonic possession, prompting exorcism instead of clinical evaluation. Psychotic disorders frequently manifest with delusions of external control or demonic influence, mimicking possession narratives without supernatural causation. A 2021 study of patients revealed that beliefs in possession can delay psychiatric treatment, as individuals seek ritual deliverance, thereby worsening prognosis through untreated neurochemical imbalances. In regions with strong religious traditions, this substitution risks entrenching symptoms, as exorcistic practices may reinforce delusional frameworks rather than addressing underlying biological factors like dysregulation. Psychological harms include induced trauma from ritual confrontation, false memory implantation, or heightened anxiety in vulnerable individuals, particularly those with pre-existing conditions like . Failed exorcisms have been linked to severe emotional distress and spiritual disillusionment, exacerbating isolation from professional help. A 2017 analysis documented an "astonishing" surge in exorcism requests, attributing increased deterioration to unqualified practitioners misapplying rituals to anxiety or psychotic episodes. Empirical reviews underscore that while some report subjective relief, the net risk profile favors medical discernment to avert iatrogenic harm from non-evidence-based interventions. In the 1976 case of in , a 23-year-old woman died from and following 67 exorcism rituals performed by two Catholic priests with her parents' consent, despite her concurrent diagnosis and malnutrition evident in medical records. The district court convicted the priests, Ernst Alt and Arnold Renz, along with Michel's parents, of negligent manslaughter in April 1978, sentencing each to six months' imprisonment on , citing their failure to seek timely medical intervention despite observable deterioration. United States courts have similarly prosecuted exorcism-related fatalities under manslaughter, murder, and child endangerment statutes, prioritizing harm prevention over religious claims. In December 2008, Blaine Milam beat 13-month-old Amora Carson to death in , during a self-performed exorcism, believing her possessed; a convicted him of in 2010, sentencing him to death, with execution carried out on September 25, 2025. Milam's girlfriend, who participated, was separately convicted of and received life without . In a 2011 case, Bernard Folkes was convicted of murder and resulting in death for the asphyxiation of 2-year-old Norell Harris during an exorcism ritual involving physical restraint and immersion in water. Internationally, convictions underscore liability for physical harm regardless of religious intent. Five South Korean nationals were convicted in , , in February 2017 of negligent in the 2015 death of a 41-year-old relative during a hotel-room exorcism involving and beating; sentences ranged from suspended terms to three years' . In , two women were convicted of second-degree in October 1997 for paddling a 5-year-old girl to death in a Baldwin Park exorcism, with the court rejecting demonic possession defenses in favor of evidence of prolonged abuse. Regulatory frameworks lack dedicated anti-exorcism laws in most jurisdictions, instead applying general criminal codes for , , or when outcomes involve injury or death, while courts balance First Amendment religious freedoms against public safety. The in 1984 upheld limited protections for and exorcism practices under religious liberty but affirmed prosecutions for resulting fatalities, as in cases where parental beliefs do not excuse harm. In the absence of specific statutes, U.S. states like Washington rely on welfare laws requiring medical care over religious rituals for minors, with no blanket consent exemptions for exorcisms. The , via revisions post-Michel (e.g., 1999 Rite of Exorcism), mandates psychiatric evaluation prior to rites and restricts approvals to bishops, aiming to mitigate legal risks through medical safeguards, though secular authorities enforce independently.

Surge in Requests Post-2020

Requests for exorcisms within the and other Christian denominations reportedly increased markedly after 2020, coinciding with the pandemic's onset and associated lockdowns. Clergy such as Father Vincent Lampert, an appointed exorcist in the Archdiocese of Indianapolis, observed that isolation, economic hardship, and widespread anxiety rendered individuals more susceptible to what they described as demonic oppression or influence, leading to a spike in inquiries. In the United States, the pool of trained Catholic exorcists expanded from around two dozen in the early 2000s to over 150 by 2025, yet practitioners reported being inundated with cases, including from non-Catholics seeking relief from symptoms like unexplained aggression, aversion to religious objects, or auditory hallucinations. Italian exorcists similarly faced overload, with some handling 30 to 50 consultations daily by 2022, prompting church officials to label the shortage of personnel a " emergency." Conferences in , such as one in 2021, highlighted that while genuine possession remains rare—estimated at a fraction of requests—the volume of pleas escalated globally due to pandemic-related stressors exacerbating underlying spiritual or psychological distress. This trend extended beyond Catholicism; Pentecostal and evangelical groups also documented heightened activity, linking it to societal upheavals including 2020's urban protests and cultural shifts toward interests via media and online platforms. In response, the Vatican organized specialized training courses in 2023 to bolster the number of qualified , acknowledging the sustained demand into the mid-2020s despite no comprehensive statistical tracking from the Church. Exorcists emphasized discernment protocols, requiring medical and psychiatric evaluations to rule out natural causes before proceeding, as the majority of cases involved or rather than full possession.

Training and Institutional Responses

In response to the reported surge in exorcism requests following 2020, the has expanded formal training programs for priests authorized to perform solemn exorcisms, emphasizing interdisciplinary preparation that includes theology, , and to distinguish genuine possession from issues. According to Canon 1172 of the , only ordained priests with explicit permission from their may conduct such rites, a requirement reinforced amid rising demands to ensure proper discernment. The Pontifical Athenaeum Regina Apostolorum in offers an annual Course on the Ministry of Exorcism and Deliverance, established in collaboration with the (AIE), which integrates scientific research on spiritual oppression and attracts priests, deacons, and seminarians globally. Similarly, the Pope Institute in , provides comprehensive education for priests, focusing on through seminars held at the University of St. Mary of the Lake Seminary. These programs have seen increased enrollment, with a 2025 global course drawing broader lay participation to address pastoral needs. Institutionally, the Vatican has supported enhanced training via the AIE, founded in 1994 and granted definitive recognition of its statutes in October 2025, now comprising approximately 900 members from 58 countries who convene for bi-annual conferences and share protocols. In 2023, amid a noted "pastoral emergency" from post-pandemic spikes—where requests reportedly soared due to factors like isolation and exposure—the AIE hosted training sessions incorporating Orthodox and Protestant practitioners, urging avoidance of unverified practices such as certain techniques lacking approval. Beyond Catholicism, institutional responses remain less formalized; Protestant denominations often train through informal networks or without centralized rites, while some Anglican and Orthodox bodies participate in ecumenical AIE events but defer to medical evaluations first. Non-Christian traditions, such as certain Buddhist or Hindu practices involving expulsion of malevolent influences, lack equivalent institutional frameworks and rely on individual practitioners rather than standardized .

Notable Cases and Exorcists

Historical Milestones

In 1614, issued the Rituale Romanum, establishing the first standardized Catholic rite for exorcism, titled De Exorcismis et Supplicationibus Quibusdam, which outlined procedures including prayers, , and commands for demons to depart. This manual synthesized earlier traditions and required medical evaluation before proceeding, reflecting the Church's attempt to regulate practices amid rising possession claims during the era. The Loudun possessions from 1632 to 1634 involved up to seven Ursuline nuns in Loudun, France, who exhibited convulsions, blasphemies, and claims of demonic infestation, implicating local priest Urbain Grandier in sorcery. Grandier was convicted after trials marked by torture and spectral evidence, then executed by burning on August 18, 1634, though subsequent analysis attributes the episode to mass hysteria, sexual tensions within the convent, and political maneuvering by Cardinal Richelieu rather than supernatural causes. In the early 20th century, Franciscan priest Theophilus Riesinger emerged as a prominent exorcist, conducting over 20 documented cases, including the 1928 Earling, Iowa, exorcism of Emma Schmidt (also known as Anna Ecklund). Over 23 days from August to December, Schmidt displayed levitation, aversion to sacred objects, and multilingual ranting, with Riesinger employing the 1614 rite until her reported deliverance on December 23. Eyewitness accounts from nuns and priests detailed extreme physical phenomena, though skeptics later suggested underlying psychological disorders. The 1949 St. Louis exorcism of a 14-year-old boy pseudonymously called Roland Doe (or Robbie ) marked a pivotal modern case, involving Jesuit priests led by from April 9 to 18. Relocated from after activity and self-inflicted wounds, the boy exhibited guttural voices, bed-shaking, and scratches forming religious words, culminating in apparent liberation after 30 rites; the events inspired William Peter Blatty's 1971 novel . Church diaries released in 1987 confirmed the priests' belief in genuine possession, while medical experts have proposed or as alternatives.

Recent Documented Incidents (2000-2025)

In 2005, Romanian novice Maricica Irina Cornici, aged 23, died during an exorcism ritual at the Holy Trinity Monastery in Tanacu. Performed by Orthodox Daniel Corogeanu and four , the rite involved binding her to a in an isolated room, gagging her with a towel, and denying her food and water for three days, resulting in death by asphyxiation and dehydration. Corogeanu claimed Cornici exhibited possession symptoms like speaking in unknown voices and rejecting faith, but medical reports attributed her behavior to , for which she had prior treatment including electroshock therapy. The and faced manslaughter charges, with Corogeanu convicted and sentenced to nine years in before release on in 2008. In September 2021, three-year-old Arely Naomi Proctor died in , during an exorcism-like ritual conducted by family members at the Iglesia Apostoles y Profetas church. Her mother, Isabel Proctor, along with grandfather David Vega and uncle Teofilo Figueroa, allegedly bound, beat, and deprived the child of food and water while believing her possessed, leaving her body on an . Arely reportedly fought for her life, pleading "I love you" to her mother amid the abuse. The three were arrested in 2022 on charges including and ; a May 2024 hearing ordered them to stand trial, with prosecutors noting the mother's lack of remorse. In 2015, five South Korean nationals were arrested in for the of 28-year-old Makdalina Nam during an exorcism in a Wiesbaden hotel room. The group, including Nam's relatives, reportedly bound, beat, and withheld water from her for days while attempting to expel demons they believed caused her , leading to her death from and exhaustion. Three were convicted of in 2019, receiving sentences of up to eight years. In January 2020, seven family members were found dead in a rural home near Las Tablas, , following a suspected led by Leopoldo Santos. The victims—a 32-year-old pregnant woman, her partner, and five children aged 1 to 11—were killed by wounds and strangulation, with Santos claiming they were possessed by and demons. Santos was arrested and charged with multiple homicides; investigations confirmed the deaths occurred during the ritual. These cases, often involving non-medical interventions for symptoms later linked to or physical conditions, highlight documented risks in unauthorized or extreme exorcism practices, though Catholic Church protocols emphasize medical evaluation prior to rites.

References

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