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Greenpeace is an independent global campaigning network, founded in Canada in 1971 by a group of environmental activists. Greenpeace states its goal is to "ensure the ability of the Earth to nurture life in all its diversity",[3] and focuses its campaigning on worldwide issues such as climate change, deforestation, overfishing, commercial whaling, genetic engineering, anti-war,[4] and anti-nuclear issues.[5] It uses direct action, advocacy, research, and ecotage[6] to achieve its goals. The network comprises 26 independent national/regional organisations in over 55 countries across Europe, the Americas, Africa, Asia, Australia and the Pacific, as well as a coordinating body, Greenpeace International, based in Amsterdam, Netherlands.[7]

The global network does not accept funding from governments, corporations, or political parties, relying on three million individual supporters and foundation grants.[8][9] Greenpeace has a general consultative status with the United Nations Economic and Social Council[10] and is a founding member[11] of the INGO Accountability Charter, an international non-governmental organization that intends to foster accountability and transparency of non-governmental organizations.

Greenpeace is known for its nonviolent direct actions and has been described as one of the most visible environmental organizations in the world.[12] It has raised environmental issues to public awareness and knowledge,[13][14][15] and influenced both the private and the public sector.[16][17] The organization has received criticism; it was the subject of an open letter from more than 100 Nobel laureates urging Greenpeace to end its campaign against genetically modified organisms (GMOs).[18]

The organization's direct actions have sparked legal actions against Greenpeace itself and activists. In March 2025, a nine-person North Dakota jury found Greenpeace liable for more than $660 million in damages and defamation for the 2016 to 2017 Standing Rock Protests against the Dakota Access Pipeline.[19][20] Additionally, activists received fines and suspended sentences for destroying a test plot of genetically modified wheat,[21][22][23] and according to the Peruvian Government prosecutors and the court's decision for damaging the Nazca Lines, a UN World Heritage site.[24]

History

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Origins

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Location of Amchitka island in Alaska.
The nuclear device that sparked the creation of Greenpeace being lowered into its firing hole for Cannikin.

In the late 1960s, the U.S. had planned its Cannikin underground nuclear weapon test in the tectonically unstable island of Amchitka in Alaska; the plans raised some concerns of the test triggering earthquakes and causing a tsunami. Some 7,000[25] people blocked the Peace Arch Border Crossing between British Columbia and Washington,[26] carrying signs reading "Don't Make A Wave. It's Your Fault If Our Fault Goes".[27] and "Stop My Ark's Not Finished". The protests did not stop the U.S. from detonating the bomb.[27]

While no earthquake or tsunami followed the test, the opposition grew when the U.S. announced they would detonate a bomb five times more powerful than the first one. Among the opponents were Jim Bohlen, a veteran who had served in the U.S. Navy, and Irving Stowe and Dorothy Stowe, who had recently become Quakers. They were frustrated by the lack of action by the Sierra Club Canada, of which they were members. From Irving Stowe, Jim Bohlen learned of a form of passive resistance, "bearing witness", where objectionable activity is protested simply by mere presence.[27] Jim Bohlen's wife Marie came up with the idea to sail to Amchitka, inspired by the anti-nuclear voyages of Albert Bigelow in 1958. The idea ended up in the press and was linked to The Sierra Club.[27] The Sierra Club did not like this connection and in 1970 the Don't Make a Wave Committee was established for the protest. Early meetings were held in the Shaughnessy home of Robert Hunter and his wife Bobbi Hunter. Subsequently, the Stowe home at 2775 Courtenay Street in Vancouver became the headquarters.[28] As Rex Weyler put it in his chronology, Greenpeace, in 1969, Irving and Dorothy Stowe's "quiet home on Courtenay Street would soon become a hub of monumental, global significance". Some of the first Greenpeace meetings were held there. The first office was opened in a backroom, storefront on Cypress and West Broadway southeast corner in Kitsilano, Vancouver.[29] Within half a year Greenpeace moved in to share the upstairs office space with The Society Promoting Environmental Conservation on the second floor at 2007, 4th Ave. and Maple in Kitsilano.[30]

Irving Stowe arranged a benefit concert (supported by Joan Baez) that took place on 16 October 1970 at the Pacific Coliseum in Vancouver.[31] The concert created the financial basis for the first Greenpeace campaign.[32] Amchitka, the 1970 concert that launched Greenpeace was published by Greenpeace in November 2009 on CD and is also available as an mp3 download via the Amchitka concert website. Using the money raised with the concert, the Don't Make a Wave Committee chartered a ship, the Phyllis Cormack owned and sailed by John Cormack. The ship was renamed Greenpeace for the protest after a term coined by activist Bill Darnell.[27] The complete crew included: Captain John Cormack (the boat's owner), Jim Bohlen, Bill Darnell, Patrick Moore, Dr Lyle Thurston, Dave Birmingham, Terry A. Simmons, Richard Fineberg, Robert Hunter (journalist), Ben Metcalfe (journalist), Bob Cummings (journalist) and Bob Keziere (photographer).[33]

On 15 September 1971, the ship sailed towards Amchitka and faced the U.S. Coast Guard ship Confidence[27] which forced the activists to turn back. Because of this and the increasingly bad weather the crew decided to return to Canada only to find out that the news about their journey and reported support from the crew of the Confidence had generated sympathy for their protest.[27] After this Greenpeace tried to navigate to the test site with other vessels, until the U.S. detonated the bomb.[27] The nuclear test was criticized, and the U.S. decided not to continue with their test plans at Amchitka.

Founders and founding time of Greenpeace

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External videos
video icon The Early Roots of Greenpeace: Bodies On The Line – a 1976 public broadcasting documentary provides an overview of the early founders and campaigns of the organization. (Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, full episode)

Environmental historian Frank Zelko dates the formation of the "Don't Make a Wave Committee" to 1969 and, according to Jim Bohlen, the group adopted the name "Don't Make a Wave Committee" on 28 November 1969.[34] According to the Greenpeace web site, The Don't Make a Wave Committee was established in 1970.[35] The certificate of incorporation of The Don't Make a Wave Committee dates the incorporation to the fifth of October, 1970.[36] Researcher Vanessa Timmer dates the official incorporation to 1971.[37] Greenpeace itself calls the protest voyage of 1971 as "the beginning".[38] According to Patrick Moore, who was an early member and has since mutually distanced himself from Greenpeace, and Rex Weyler, the name of "The Don't Make a Wave Committee" was officially changed to Greenpeace Foundation in 1972.[36][39]

Vanessa Timmer has referred to the early members as "an unlikely group of loosely organized protestors".[37] Frank Zelko has commented that "unlike Friends of the Earth, for example, which sprung fully formed from the forehead of David Brower, Greenpeace developed in a more evolutionary manner. There was no single founder".[40] Greenpeace itself says on its web page that "there's a joke that in any bar in Vancouver, British Columbia, you can sit down next to someone who claims to have founded Greenpeace. In fact, there was no single founder: name, idea, spirit and tactics can all be said to have separate lineages".[35] Patrick Moore has said that "the truth is that Greenpeace was always a work in progress, not something definitively founded like a country or a company. Therefore there are a few shades of gray about who might lay claim to being a founder of Greenpeace."[36] Early Greenpeace director Rex Weyler says on his homepage that the insiders of Greenpeace have debated about the founders since the mid-1970s.[41]

The current Greenpeace web site lists the founders of The Don't Make a Wave Committee as Dorothy and Irving Stowe, Marie and Jim Bohlen, Ben and Dorothy Metcalfe, and Robert Hunter.[35] According to both Patrick Moore and an interview with Dorothy Stowe, Dorothy Metcalfe, Jim Bohlen and Robert Hunter, the founders of The Don't Make a Wave Committee were Paul Cote, Irving and Dorothy Stowe and Jim and Marie Bohlen.[36][42]

Paul Watson, founder of the Sea Shepherd Conservation Society maintains that he also was one of the founders of The Don't Make a Wave Committee and Greenpeace.[43] Greenpeace has stated that Watson was an influential early member, but not one of the founders of Greenpeace.[44] Watson has since accused Greenpeace of rewriting their history.[43] Because Patrick Moore was among the crew of the first protest voyage, Moore also considers himself one of the founders. Greenpeace claims that although Moore was a significant early member, he was not among the founders of Greenpeace.[42][45]

After Amchitka

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After the office in the Stowe home, (and after the first concert fund-raiser) Greenpeace functions moved to other private homes and held public meetings weekly on Wednesday nights at the Kitsilano Neighborhood House before settling, in the autumn of 1974, in a small office shared with the SPEC environmental group at 2007 West 4th at Maple in Kitsilano. When the nuclear tests at Amchitka were over, Greenpeace moved its focus to the French atmospheric nuclear weapons testing at the Moruroa Atoll in French Polynesia. The young organization needed help for their protests and were contacted by David McTaggart, a former businessman living in New Zealand. In 1972 the yacht Vega, a 12.5-metre (41 ft) ketch owned by David McTaggart, was renamed Greenpeace III and sailed in an anti-nuclear protest into the exclusion zone at Moruroa to attempt to disrupt French nuclear testing. This voyage was sponsored and organized by the New Zealand branch of the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament.[46] The French Navy tried to stop the protest in several ways, including assaulting David McTaggart. McTaggart was supposedly beaten to the point that he lost sight in one of his eyes. However, one of McTaggart's crew members photographed the incident and went public. After the assault was publicized, France announced it would stop the atmospheric nuclear tests.[27]

In the mid-1970s some Greenpeace members started an independent campaign, Project Ahab, against commercial whaling, since Irving Stowe was against Greenpeace focusing on other issues than nuclear weapons.[47] After Irving Stowe died in 1975, the Phyllis Cormack sailed from Vancouver to face Soviet whalers on the coast of California. Greenpeace activists disrupted the whaling by placing themselves between the harpoons and the whales, and footage of the protests spread across the world. Later in the 1970s, the organization widened its focus to include toxic waste and commercial seal hunting.[27] The "Greenpeace Declaration of Interdependence" was published by Greenpeace in the Greenpeace Chronicles (Winter 1976–77). This declaration was a condensation of a number of ecological manifestos Bob Hunter had written over the years.

Organizational development

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MV Esperanza, a former fire-fighter owned by the Russian Navy, was relaunched by Greenpeace in 2002

Greenpeace evolved from a group of Canadian and American protesters into a less conservative group of environmentalists who were more reflective of the counterculture and hippie youth movements of the 1960s and 1970s.[48] The social and cultural background from which Greenpeace emerged heralded a period of de-conditioning away from Old World antecedents and sought to develop new codes of social, environmental and political behavior.[49][50]

In the mid-1970s independent groups using the name Greenpeace started springing up worldwide. By 1977, there were 15 to 20 Greenpeace groups around the world, including Great Lakes Greenpeace at Michigan State University.[51][52] At the same time the Canadian Greenpeace office was heavily in debt. Disputes between offices over fund-raising and organizational direction split the global movement as the North American offices were reluctant to be under the authority of the Canada office.[52]

After the incidents of Moruroa Atoll, David McTaggart had moved to France to battle in court with the French state and helped to develop the cooperation of European Greenpeace groups.[27] David McTaggart lobbied the Canadian Greenpeace Foundation to accept a new structure bringing the scattered Greenpeace offices under the auspices of a single global organization. The European Greenpeace paid the debt of the Canadian Greenpeace office and on 14 October 1979, Greenpeace International came into existence.[37][52] Under the new structure, the local offices contributed a percentage of their income to the international organization, which took responsibility for setting the overall direction of the movement with each regional office having one vote.[52] Some Greenpeace groups, namely London Greenpeace (dissolved in 2001) and the US-based Greenpeace Foundation (still operational) however decided to remain independent from Greenpeace International.[53][54]

Along with several other NGOs, Greenpeace was the subject of an improper and baseless investigation by the US Federal Bureau of Investigation between 2001 and 2005. The Inspector General of the US Justice Department determined that there was little or no basis for the investigation and that it resulted in the FBI making inaccurate and misleading claims to the United States Congress.[55][56][57] In 2015, Greenpeace UK launched an investigative journalism publication called Unearthed.[58]

Organizational structure

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Governance

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The governance and management structure of Greenpeace.

Greenpeace consists of Greenpeace International (officially Stichting Greenpeace Council) based in Amsterdam, Netherlands, and 25 regional offices operating in 55 countries.[59] The regional offices work largely autonomously under the supervision of Greenpeace International. The executive director of Greenpeace is elected by the board members of Greenpeace International. The current international executive director of Greenpeace International is Mads Flarup Christensen and the current Chair of the Board is David Tong.[60][61][62] Greenpeace has a staff of 2,400,[63] and around 15,000 volunteers globally.[1]

Each regional office is led by a regional executive director elected by the regional board of directors. The regional boards also appoint a trustee to The Greenpeace International Annual General Meeting, where the trustees elect or remove the board of directors of Greenpeace International. The annual general meeting's role is also to discuss and decide the overall principles and strategically important issues for Greenpeace in collaboration with the trustees of regional offices and Greenpeace International board of directors.[64]

Funding

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Annual amounts of "Contributions, Gifts, Grants and Other Similar Amounts" as reported on U.S. tax returns filed by the Greenpeace Fund, Inc.[65]
Greenpeace street fundraiser talking to a passer-by

Greenpeace receives its funding from individual supporters and foundations.[3][8] It screens all major donations in order to ensure it does not receive unwanted donations.[66] Other than the Netherlands' National Postcode Lottery, the biggest government-sponsored lottery in that country, the organization does not accept money from governments, intergovernmental organizations, political parties or corporations in order to avoid their influence.[3][8][66]

Donations from foundations which are funded by political parties or receive most of their funding from governments or intergovernmental organizations are rejected. Foundation donations are also rejected if the foundations attach unreasonable conditions, restrictions or constraints on Greenpeace activities or if the donation would compromise the independence and aims of the organization.[66] Since in the mid-1990s the number of supporters started to decrease, Greenpeace pioneered the use of face-to-face fundraising where fundraisers actively seek new supporters at public places, subscribing them for a monthly direct debit donation.[67][68] In 2008, most of the €202.5 million received by the organization was donated by about 2.6 million regular supporters, mainly from Europe.[63] In 2014, the organization's annual revenue was reported to be about €300 million (US$400 million) although they lost about €4 million (US$5 million) in currency speculation that year.[69]

In September 2003, Public Interest Watch (PIW) complained to the Internal Revenue Service that Greenpeace US's A tax returns were inaccurate and in violation of the law.[70][71] The IRS conducted an extensive review and concluded in December 2005 that Greenpeace USA continued to qualify for its tax-exempt status. In March 2006 The Wall Street Journal reported that PIW's "federal tax filing, covering August 2003 to July 2004, stated that $120,000 of the $124,095 the group received in contributions during that period came from ExxonMobil".[72] In 2013, after the IRS performed a follow-up audit, which again was clean, and, following claims of politically motivated IRS audits of groups affiliated with the Tea Party movement, Greenpeace U.S. Executive Director Phil Radford called for a Congressional investigation into all politically motivated audits – including those allegedly targeting the Tea Party Movement, the NAACP, and Greenpeace.[73]

Digital transformation

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International Executive Director Kumi Naidoo declared the 2009 Copenhagen Climate Change Conference a "colossal failure" and indicated the organization faced a "burning platform" moment. Naidoo encouraged Greenpeace's international executive directors to embrace new strategies and tactics or risk becoming irrelevant.[74]

To implement a new strategy approved in 2010, Greenpeace hired Michael Silberman to build a "Digital Mobilisation Centre of Excellence" in 2011,[74] which turned into the Mobilisation Lab ("MobLab").[75] Designed as a source of best practices, testing, and strategy development, the MobLab also focused on increasing digital capacity and promoting community-based campaigning[76] in 42 countries.[77] In March 2017, the MobLab spun out of Greenpeace through a joint investment by Greenpeace and CIVICUS World Alliance for Citizen Participation."[78]

Summary of priorities and campaigns

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On its International website, Greenpeace defines its mission as the following:

Greenpeace is an independent campaigning organisation, which uses non-violent, creative confrontation to expose global environmental problems, and develop solutions for a green and peaceful future. Our goal is to ensure the ability of the earth to nurture life in all its diversity. That means we want to:

  • Stop the planet from warming beyond 1.5° to prevent the most catastrophic impacts of the climate breakdown.
  • Protect biodiversity in all its forms.
  • Slow the volume of hyper-consumption and learn to live within our means.
  • Promote renewable energy as a solution that can power the world.
  • Nurture peace, global disarmament and non-violence.[79]

Climate and energy

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Tove Maria Ryding, in her then role as Greenpeace Climate Policy Coordinator, at the conference from Bonn to Cancun, 2010
Greenpeace Climate March 2015 in Madrid

Greenpeace was one of the first parties to formulate a sustainable development scenario for climate change mitigation, which it did in 1993.[80] According to sociologists Marc Mormont and Christine Dasnoy, the organization played a significant role in raising public awareness of global warming in the 1990s.[81] Greenpeace has also focused on CFCs, because of both their global warming potential and their effect on the ozone layer. It was one of the leading participants advocating early phase-out of ozone depleting substances in the Montreal Protocol.[16] In the early 1990s, Greenpeace developed a CFC-free refrigerator technology, "Greenfreeze" for mass production together with the refrigerator industry.[16] United Nations Environment Programme awarded Greenpeace for "outstanding contributions to the protection of the Earth's ozone layer" in 1997.[82] In 2011 two-fifths of the world's total production of refrigerators were based on Greenfreeze technology, with over 600 million units in use.[16][83]

Currently Greenpeace considers global warming to be the greatest environmental problem facing the Earth.[84] It calls for global greenhouse gas emissions to peak in 2015 and to decrease as close to zero as possible by 2050. To reach these numbers, Greenpeace has called for the industrialized countries to cut their emissions at least 40% by 2020 (from 1990 levels) and to give substantial funding for developing countries to build a sustainable energy capacity, to adapt to the inevitable consequences of global warming, and to stop deforestation by 2020.[85] Together with EREC, Greenpeace has formulated a global energy scenario, "Energy [R]evolution", where 80% of the world's total energy is produced with renewables, and the emissions of the energy sector are decreased by over 80% of the 1990 levels by 2050.[86]

Using direct action, members Greenpeace have protested several times against coal by occupying coal power plants and blocking coal shipments and mining operations, in places such as New Zealand,[87] Svalbard,[88] Australia,[89] and the United Kingdom.[90] Greenpeace is also critical of extracting petroleum from oil sands and has used direct action to block operations at the Athabasca oil sands in Canada.[91][92]

Green Planet Energy

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In 1999 Greenpeace Germany (NGO) founded Greenpeace Energy, a renewable electricity cooperative that supplied customers with fossil gas starting from 2011. After a 2021 media outcry about an entity associated with Greenpeace selling fossil fuel which has been described as greenwashing,[93] the cooperative changed its name to Green Planet Energy.[94] The Greenpeace Germany NGO retains one share in the cooperative, which has been criticized for "greenwashing" Russian gas.[93]

Kingsnorth court case

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In October 2007, six Greenpeace protesters were arrested for breaking into the Kingsnorth power station in Kent, England; climbing the 200-metre (660-foot) smokestack, painting the name Gordon on the chimney (in reference to former UK Prime Minister, Gordon Brown), and causing an estimated £30,000 damage. At their subsequent trial they admitted trying to shut the station down, but argued that they were legally justified because they were trying to prevent climate change from causing greater damage to property elsewhere around the world. Evidence was heard from David Cameron's environment adviser Zac Goldsmith, climate scientist James E. Hansen and an Inuk leader from Greenland, all saying that climate change was already seriously affecting life around the world. The six activists were acquitted. It was the first case where preventing property damage caused by climate change has been used as part of a "lawful excuse" defense in court.[95] Both The Daily Telegraph and The Guardian described the acquittal as an embarrassment to the Brown Ministry.[96][97] In December 2008 The New York Times listed the acquittal in its annual list of the most influential ideas of the year.[98]

"Go Beyond Oil"

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As part of their stance on renewable energy commercialisation, Greenpeace have launched the "Go Beyond Oil" campaign.[99] The campaign is focused on slowing, and eventually ending, the world's consumption of oil; with activist activities taking place against companies that pursue oil drilling as a venture. Much of the activities of the "Go Beyond Oil" campaign have been focused on drilling for oil in the Arctic and areas affected by the Deepwater Horizon disaster. The activities of Greenpeace in the Arctic have mainly involved the Edinburgh-based oil and gas exploration company, Cairn Energy; and range from protests at the Cairn Energy's headquarters,[100] to scaling their oil rigs in an attempt to halt the drilling process.[101] The "Go Beyond Oil" campaign also involves applying political pressure on the governments who allow oil exploration in their territories; with the group stating that one of the key aims of the "Go Beyond Oil" campaign is to "work to expose the lengths the oil industry is willing to go to squeeze the last barrels out of the ground and put pressure on industry and governments to move beyond oil."[99]

Nuclear power

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Greenpeace is opposed to nuclear power because it views it as "dangerous, polluting, expensive and non-renewable". The organization highlights the Chernobyl nuclear disaster of 1986 and Fukushima nuclear disaster of 2011 as evidence of the risk nuclear power can pose to people's lives, the environment and the economy.[102] Greenpeace views the benefits of nuclear power to be relatively minor in comparison to its major problems and risks, such as environmental damage and risks from uranium mining, nuclear weapons proliferation, and unresolved questions concerning nuclear waste.[103]

The organization argues that the potential of nuclear power to mitigate global warming is marginal, referring to the IEA energy scenario where an increase in world's nuclear capacity from 2608 TWh in 2007 to 9857 TWh by 2050 would cut global greenhouse gas emissions less than 5% and require 32 nuclear reactor units of 1000 MW capacity built per year until 2050. According to Greenpeace, the slow construction times, construction delays, and hidden costs all negate nuclear power's mitigation potential. This makes the IEA scenario technically and financially unrealistic. They also argue that binding massive amounts of investments on nuclear energy would take funding away from more effective solutions.[86] Greenpeace views the construction of Olkiluoto 3 nuclear power plant in Finland as an example of the problems on building new nuclear power.[104]

In 2022, Greenpeace threatened to sue the European Union after it proposed to categorize nuclear power as a "green" technology that helps countries reduce CO2 emissions.[105] Greenpeace celebrated the phaseout of nuclear power in Germany in 2023.[106] At the time, Germany was experiencing an energy crisis and relying heavily on coal and gas for power generation.[107][108]

Anti-nuclear advertisement

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In 1994, Greenpeace published an anti-nuclear newspaper advert which included a claim that nuclear facilities in Sellafield would kill 2,000 people in the next 10 years, and an image of a hydrocephalus-affected child said to be a victim of nuclear weapons testing in Kazakhstan. Advertising Standards Authority viewed the claim concerning Sellafield as unsubstantiated, lacking any scientific base. This resulted in the banning of the advert. Greenpeace did not admit fault, stating that a Kazakhstan doctor had said that the child's condition was due to nuclear testing even though no nuclear weapons testing is performed in Sellafield.[109]

EDF spying conviction and appeal

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In 2011, a French court fined Électricité de France (EDF) €1.5m and jailed two senior employees for spying on Greenpeace, including hacking into Greenpeace's computer systems. Greenpeace was awarded €500,000 in damages.[110] Although EDF claimed that a security firm had only been employed to monitor Greenpeace, the court disagreed, jailing the head and deputy head of EDF's nuclear security operation for three years each. EDF appealed the conviction, the company was cleared of conspiracy to spy on Greenpeace and the fine was cancelled.[111] Two employees of the security firm, Kargus, run by a former member of France's secret services, received sentences of three and two years respectively.[112]

Ozone layer and Greenfreeze

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Peter Melchett, right, (then ED of Greenpeace UK) with Malcolm Walker, (Chairman Iceland Frozen Foods) and a Greenfreeze fridge, 1998

The ozone layer surrounding the Earth absorbs significant amounts of ultraviolet radiation. A 1976 report by the US Academy of Sciences supported the ozone "depletion hypothesis".[113] Its suffering large losses from chlorinated and nitrogenous compounds was reported in 1985.[114] Earlier studies had led some countries to enact bans on aerosol sprays, so that the Vienna Convention was signed in 1985[115] the Montreal Protocol was signed in 1987 to go in force two years later.[116] The use of CFCs and HCFCs in refrigeration were and are among the banned technologies.

A German technological institute developed an ozone-safe hydrocarbon alternative refrigerant that came to a Greenpeace campaigner's attention around 1992.[117][118] The rights to the technology were donated to Greenpeace, which maintained it as an open source patent. The technology was subsequently used in Germany, then China, elsewhere in Europe, and after some years in Japan and South America, and finally in the US by 2012.[119]

Action against new oil licences in the UK

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In August 2023, Greenpeace highlighted the grant of new oil exploration licences in the United Kingdom, in an action in Yorkshire where they covered the facade of the home of the Prime Minister Rishi Sunak, in black fabric.[120]

Forest campaign

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The March For Forests, 2019
Greenpeace event in Switzerland to bring awareness to protect forests, 2023

Greenpeace aims to protect intact primary forests from deforestation and degradation with the target of zero deforestation by 2020. The organization has accused several corporations, such as Unilever,[121] Nike,[122] KFC, Kit Kat and McDonald's[123] of having links to the deforestation of the tropical rainforests, resulting in policy changes in several of the companies.[124][125][126] Greenpeace, together with other environmental NGOs, also campaigned for ten years for the EU to ban import of illegal timber. The EU decided to ban illegal timber in July 2010.[127] As deforestation contributes to global warming, Greenpeace has demanded that REDD (Reduced Emission from Deforestation and Forest Degradation) should be included in the climate treaty following the Kyoto Protocol.[128]

Another Greenpeace movement concerning the rain forests is discouraging palm oil industries.[129] The movement has been the most active in Indonesia where already 6 million hectares (23,000 sq mi) are used for palm oil plantation and had plans for another 4 million hectares (15,000 sq mi) by 2015. Acknowledging that mass production of palm oil may be disastrous on biodiversity of forests, Greenpeace is actively campaigning against the production, urging the industries and the government to turn to other forms of energy resources. One of the positive results of the campaign was GAR (Golden Agri-Resources),[130] the world's second largest palm oil production company, deciding to commit itself to forest conservation. The company signed an agreement which prevents them from developing plantations in areas where large amounts of carbon are locked up.

On the promotional side, an example of Greenpeace's success in the area is a viral video from 2016 protesting Nestlé's use of palm oil in Kit Kat bars. The video received over 1 million views, and resulted in a public statement by Nestlé claiming to no longer use such practices in their products.[131] In 2018, Greenpeace released an animated short starring a fictional orangutan named Rang-tan ahead of the World Orangutan Day.[132] In November 2018, UK's Clearcast have denied a version of Rang-tan video as submitted by Iceland Foods Ltd.[133]

Removal of an ancient tree

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In June 1995, Greenpeace took a trunk of a tree from the forests of the proposed national park of Koitajoki[134] in Ilomantsi, Finland and put it on display at exhibitions held in Austria and Germany. Greenpeace said in a press conference that the tree was originally from a logged area in the ancient forest which was supposed to be protected. Metsähallitus accused Greenpeace of theft and said that the tree was from a normal forest and had been left standing because of its old age. Metsähallitus also said that the tree had actually crashed over a road during a storm.[135] The incident received publicity in Finland, for example in the large newspapers Helsingin Sanomat and Ilta-Sanomat.[136] Greenpeace replied that the tree had fallen down because the protective forest around it had been clearcut, and that they wanted to highlight the fate of old forests in general, not the fate of one particular tree.[137] Greenpeace also highlighted that Metsähallitus admitted the value of the forest afterwards as Metsähallitus currently refers to Koitajoki as a distinctive area because of its old growth forests.[138][139]

Wilmar International palm-oil issue

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A 2018 investigation conducted by Greenpeace International found that Wilmar International (the world's largest palm-oil trader) was still linked to forest destruction in the Indonesian province of Papua. The connected company, Gama, run by senior Wilmar executives, had caused deforestation twice the size of Paris. Greenpeace also called Wilmar out for breaking their 2013 commitment to end deforestation, in which they promised to incorporate organic and sustainable ways to collect palm oil.[140] Greenpeace press releases connected Gama-produced palm oil to global brands including Procter & Gamble, Nestlé and Unilever.[141]

Resolute Forest Products issue

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The logging company Resolute Forest Products sued Greenpeace several times since 2013. In 2020, a court in California ordered Resolute to pay US$816,000 to the organization to cover the costs of the legal process after the claims of the company were mostly rejected in one 2019 lawsuit.[142] Greenpeace claims that the activity of the company is hurting the Boreal forest of Canada. Greenpeace claims that Boreal Forests contain even more carbon than Tropical Forests and therefore are very important to protecting the global climate.[143]

Tokyo Two

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In 2008, two Greenpeace anti-whaling activists, Junichi Sato and Toru Suzuki, stole a case of whale meat from a delivery depot in Aomori prefecture, Japan. Their intention was to expose what they considered embezzlement of the meat collected during whale hunts. After a brief investigation of their allegations was ended, Sato and Suzuki were charged with theft and trespassing.[144] Amnesty International said that the arrests and following raids on Greenpeace Japan office and homes of five of Greenpeace staff members were aimed at intimidating activists and non-governmental organizations.[145] They were convicted of theft and trespassing in September 2010 by the Aomori District Court.[146]

Genetically modified organisms (GMOs)

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European Union members in Brussels presented with a petition of 1 million signatures against GMO, 2010

Greenpeace has also supported the rejection of GM food from the US in famine-stricken Zambia as long as supplies of non-genetically engineered grain exist, stating that the US "should follow in the European Union's footsteps and allow aid recipients to choose their food aid, buying it locally if they wish. This practice can stimulate developing economies and creates more robust food security", adding that, "if Africans truly have no other alternative, the controversial GE maize should be milled so it can't be planted. It was this condition that allowed Zambia's neighbours Zimbabwe and Malawi to accept it."[147]

After Zambia banned all GM food aid, the former agricultural minister of Zambia criticized, "how the various international NGOs that have spoken approvingly of the government's action will square the body count with their various consciences."[148] Concerning the decision of Zambia, Greenpeace has stated that, "it was obvious to us that if no non-GM aid was being offered then they should absolutely accept GM food aid. But the Zambian government decided to refuse the GM food. We offered our opinion to the Zambian government and, as many governments do, they disregarded our advice."[149]

In 2007 Greenpeace funded research by Gilles-Éric Séralini into MON 863 genetically engineered maize which concluded it caused health issues to the rats used in the study. European Food Safety Authority (EFSA) and French Commission du Génie Biomoléculaire (AFBV) evaluation indicated serious methodological errors in the publication.[150][151] Further research by Séralini on GMO resulted in widespread criticism of scientific fraud and retractions of his publications.

Also in 2007, Greenpeace similarly publicized results of Árpád Pusztai which were retracted too.[152]

Greenpeace on golden rice

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Greenpeace opposes the planned use of golden rice, a variety of Oryza sativa rice produced through genetic engineering to biosynthesize beta-carotene, a precursor of pro-vitamin A in the edible parts of rice. The addition of beta-carotene to the rice is seen as preventive to loss of sight in poverty stricken countries where golden rice is intended for distribution. According to Greenpeace, golden rice has not managed to do anything about malnutrition for 10 years during which alternative methods are already tackling malnutrition. The alternative proposed by Greenpeace is to discourage monocropping and to increase production of crops which are naturally nutrient-rich (containing other nutrients not found in golden rice in addition to beta-carotene). Greenpeace argues that resources should be spent on programs that are already working and helping to relieve malnutrition.[153] The renewal of these concerns coincided with the publication of a paper in the journal Nature about a version of golden rice with much higher levels of beta carotene.[154] This "golden rice 2" was developed and patented by Syngenta, which provoked Greenpeace to renew its allegation that the project is driven by profit motives and to serve as propaganda aimed at increasing public opinion of GMO products.[155][156]

Although Greenpeace stated that the golden rice program's true efficiency in treating malnourished populations was its primary concern as early as 2001,[157] statements from March and April 2005 also continued to express concern over human health and environmental safety.[158][159] In particular, Greenpeace has expressed concern over the lack of safety testing being done on GMO crops such as golden rice and of "playing with the lives of people...using Golden Rice to promote more GMOs".[155] In June 2016, a conglomeration of 107 Nobel Laureates signed an open letter[18] urging Greenpeace to end its campaign against genetically modified crops and Golden Rice in particular.[160][161] In the letter, they also called upon governments of the world to "do everything in their power to oppose Greenpeace's actions and accelerate the access of farmers to all the tools of modern biology, especially seeds improved through biotechnology." The letter states: "Opposition based on emotion and dogma contradicted by data must be stopped."[18] Greenpeace responded stating that "Accusations that anyone is blocking genetically engineered 'Golden' rice are false" and that they support "investing in climate-resilient ecological agriculture and empowering farmers to access a balanced and nutritious diet, rather than pouring money down the drain for GE 'Golden' rice."[162]

Toxic waste

[edit]

In July 2011, Greenpeace released its Dirty Laundry report accusing some of the world's top fashion and sportswear brands of releasing toxic waste into China's rivers. The report profiles the problem of water pollution resulting from the release of toxic chemicals associated with the country's textile industry. Investigations focused on industrial wastewater discharges from two facilities in China; one belonging to the Youngor Group located on the Yangtze River Delta and the other to Well Dyeing Factory Ltd. located on a tributary of the Pearl River Delta. Scientific analysis of samples from both facilities revealed the presence of hazardous and persistent hormone disruptor chemicals, including alkylphenols, perfluorinated compounds and perfluorooctane sulfonate. The report goes on to assert that the Youngor Group and Well Dyeing Factory Ltd. (the two companies behind the facilities) have commercial relationships with a range of major clothing brands, including Abercrombie & Fitch, Adidas, Bauer Hockey, Calvin Klein, Converse, Cortefiel, H&M, Lacoste, Li Ning, Metersbonwe Group, Nike, Phillips-Van Heusen ,and Puma.[163]

In 2013, Greenpeace launched the "Detox Fashion" campaign, which signed up some fashion brands to stop the discharge of toxic chemicals into rivers as a result of the production of their clothes.[164] Greenpeace's Detox Fashion campaign successfully led to commitments from several global brands to eliminate hazardous chemicals like nonylphenol ethoxylates from their supply chains. The campaign also brought attention to the broader issue of water pollution caused by textile production, urging industry-wide transparency and the adoption of zero-discharge policies.[165][166]

Guide to Greener Electronics

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In August 2006, Greenpeace released the first edition of Guide to Greener Electronics, a magazine where mobile and PC manufacturers were ranked for their green performance, mainly based on the use of toxic materials in their products and e-waste.[167] In November 2011, the criteria were updated, as the industry had progressed since 2006, with the objective to get companies to set goals for greenhouse gas reduction, the use of renewable power up to 100 percent, producing long-lasting products free of hazardous substances and increasing sustainable practices. To ensure the transparency of the ranking the companies are assessed based only on their public information. For proving companies' policies and practices, Greenpeace uses chemical testing of products, reports from industry observers, media reports and testing of consumer programs to check if they match with their actions. Since the Guide was released in 2006, along with other similar campaigns has driven numerous improvements, when companies ranked eliminate toxic chemicals from their products and improve their recycling schemes. The last published edition of Guide to Greener Electronics was in 2017. The 2017 version included 17 major IT companies and ranked them on three criteria: energy use, resource consumption and chemical elimination.[168]

Save the Arctic

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Polar bear outside Shell's office in London in September, 2015

In continuity of the successful campaign to reach the Antarctic-Environmental Protocol, in 2012 and 2013 protests with "Save the Arctic" banners were started. To stop oil- and gas-drilling, industrial fishing and military operations in the Arctic region completely, a "global sanctuary in the high arctic" was demanded from the World leaders at the UN General Assembly: "We want them to pass a UN resolution expressing international concern for the Arctic." A resolution to protect the very vulnerable wildlife and ecosystem.[169] 30 activists from MV Arctic Sunrise were arrested on 19 September 2013 by the Russian Coast Guard while protesting at Gazprom's Prirazlomnaya platform.[170] Greenpeace members were originally charged with piracy, then later downgraded to hooliganism, before being dropped altogether following the passage of an amnesty law by the Russian government.[171]

In July 2014, Greenpeace launched a global boycott campaign to persuade Lego to cease producing toys carrying the oil company Shell's logo in response to Shell's plans to drill for oil in the Arctic.[172] The organisation launched a video with over 9 million views (on YouTube alone) denouncing the impacts of this alliance. The video was entitled "LEGO: Everything is NOT awesome".[173] Lego's partnership with Shell dates back to the 1960s, although the LEGO company created a fictional oil company called Octan. Octan has appeared in countless sets, computer and console games, can be seen at Legoland parks, and is featured as the corporation headed by the villain President Business in The Lego Movie.[174]

Norway

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There is a conflict over oil rigs in the Arctic Ocean between the Norwegian Government and Greenpeace. In 2013, three activists of Greenpeace got on a Statoil's oil rig, wearing bear suits. According to a spokesman from Greenpeace Russia, they stayed on the rig for about three hours. The activists in bear suits "were escorted" to the shore. Statoil reportedly did not intend to file a suit against them.[175] Greenpeace had argued that Statoil's drilling plans posed a threat to Bear Island, an uninhabited wildlife sanctuary that is home to rare species including polar bears, because an oil spill would be nearly impossible to clean up in the Arctic due to the harsh conditions.[176] Greenpeace regards the petroleum activities of Statoil as "illegal".[177] Statoil denies the Greenpeace statement. According to The Maritime Executive (2014),[178] Statoil says "Statoil respects people's right to make a legal protest, and we feel it is important to have a democratic debate around the oil industry. We have established robust plans for the operation, and feel confident they can be carried out safely and without accidents."

On 27 May 2014, Greenpeace's ship, MV Esperanza, took over Transocean Spitsbergen, oil rig of Statoil[179] in the Barents Sea such that it became incapable of operating. After that, the manager of Greenpeace Norway Truls Gulowsen answered a phone interview, stating that "Five protesters left the rig by helicopter last night and three returned to a nearby Greenpeace ship."[180] There were seven more protesters on the rig at the time, but the Norwegian police could not remove them immediately because the rig was a flag of convenience ship registered in the Marshall Islands and thus regarded as a ship in the open sea, as long as it did not begin drilling. On 29 May, however, the seven activists from Greenpeace were peacefully captured by Norwegian police on the rig. Soon after, according to Reuters, all the activists were set free without any fine. On 30 May, the Norwegian Coast Guard finally towed away Esperanza, though in the morning Greenpeace submitted a plea on which more than 80,000 signatures to the Norwegian Environment Minister Tine Sundtoft in Oslo were written. Norwegian government and police reportedly allowed the coast guard to tow the Greenpeace ship.[181]

The Norwegian police stated that Statoil asked Greenpeace to stop preventing its activities, but Greenpeace ignored the warning. The police have stated that Greenpeace's interference with the petroleum activities of Statoil was the contrary to Norwegian law and ordered Greenpeace to leave the Barents Sea site.[177] Statoil said delays to the start of drilling cost the company about $1.26 million per day.[181] According to Reuters, Statoil was slated to begin drilling "three oil wells in the Apollo, Atlantis and Mercury prospects in the Hoop area, [which is] some 300 km away from the mainland [of Norway]" in the summer of 2014. Greenpeace has continued to criticize the big oil company for their "green wash", arguing that Statoil hid the truth that it is doing the risky oil drilling by sponsoring FIRST Lego League and distracting people's attention from the company's project; it also argues that Statoil has to alter its attitude toward environments.[182]

Moratorium on deep sea mining in international waters

[edit]

Greenpeace has joined with other environmental organizations to call for a moratorium on exploratory deep sea mining authorized by the International Seabed Authority (ISA) under the auspices of the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS).[183] Greenpeace says exploratory and commercial mining of polymetallic nodules could wreak havoc on the world's oceans, which act as a carbon sink absorbing a quarter of the world's carbon emissions each year.[184] The organization says deep sea mining also disrupts the habitats of newly reported species, from crabs to whales to snails that survive without eating and congregate near bioluminescent thermal vents. Greenpeace has urged the International Seabed Authority to further develop UNCLOS' foundational Article 136 principle "of common heritage to all mankind" to revise regulations and set conservation targets. In a 2018 Greenpeace Research Laboratories report the organization stressed the importance of protecting marine biodiversity from toxins released during seabed mining for natural gas and rare metals for photovoltaic cells.[185]

Greenpeace maintains the "pro-exploitation" ISA is not the appropriate authority to regulate deep sea mining (DSM). In 2019 Greenpeace activists protested outside the annual meeting of the International Seabed Authority in Jamaica, calling for a global ocean treaty to ban deep sea mining in ocean sanctuaries. Some of the activists had sailed to Jamaica aboard Greenpeace's ship, the Esperanza, which travelled from the "Lost City in the mid-Atlantic", an area Greenpeace says is threatened by exploratory mining.[186]

Alternative economy

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Greenpeace promotes alternatives to the current economic and social system. According to the organization, the current system is not friendly to people and the planet, so Greenpeace tries to find a better alternative in collaboration with "communities, academics and organisations".[187]

Ships

[edit]

Since Greenpeace was founded, seagoing ships have played a vital role in its campaigns. Greenpeace has chartered additional ships as needed. At least one non-Greenpeace owned ship was used during the organization's 2008–11 campaign to disrupt trawling in the North Sea by placing large boulders on the seafloor and then providing local authorities with updated charts of where the boulders were placed.

In service

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Greenpeace's ship MV Arctic Sunrise in the harbour of Helsinki.

Previously in service

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First Rainbow Warrior

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In 1978, Greenpeace launched the original Rainbow Warrior, a 40-metre (130 ft), former fishing trawler named after the book Warriors of the Rainbow, which inspired early activist Robert Hunter on the first voyage to Amchitka. Greenpeace purchased the Rainbow Warrior (originally launched as the Sir William Hardy in 1955) at a cost of £40,000. Volunteers restored and refitted it over a period of four months. First deployed to disrupt the hunt of the Icelandic whaling fleet, the Rainbow Warrior quickly became a mainstay of Greenpeace campaigns. Between 1978 and 1985, crew members also engaged in direct action against the ocean-dumping of toxic and radioactive waste, the grey seal hunt in Orkney and nuclear testing in the Pacific. In May 1985, the vessel was instrumental for 'Operation Exodus', the evacuation of about 300 Rongelap Atoll islanders whose home had been contaminated with nuclear fallout from a US nuclear test two decades earlier which had never been cleaned up and was still having severe health effects on the locals.[189]

Later in 1985 the Rainbow Warrior was to lead a flotilla of protest vessels into the waters surrounding Moruroa atoll, site of French nuclear testing. The sinking of the Rainbow Warrior occurred when the French government secretly bombed the ship in Auckland harbour on orders from François Mitterrand himself. This killed Dutch freelance photographer Fernando Pereira, who thought it was safe to enter the boat to get his photographic material after a first small explosion, but drowned as a result of a second, larger explosion.[190] The attack was a public relations disaster for France after it was quickly exposed by the New Zealand police. The French Government in 1987 agreed to pay New Zealand compensation of NZ$13 million and formally apologised for the bombing. The French Government also paid 2.3 million compensation to the family of the photographer. Later, in 2001, when the Institute of Cetacean Research of Japan called Greenpeace "eco-terrorists", Gert Leipold, then executive director of Greenpeace, detested the claim, saying "calling non-violent protest terrorism insults those who were injured or killed in the attacks of real terrorists, including Fernando Pereira, killed by State terrorism in the 1985 attack on the Rainbow Warrior".[191]

Second Rainbow Warrior

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Greenpeace's second Rainbow Warrior ship arrives in Bali for the 2007 UN climate conference.

In 1989 Greenpeace commissioned a replacement Rainbow Warrior vessel, sometimes referred to as Rainbow Warrior II. It retired from service on 16 August 2011, to be replaced by the third generation vessel. In 2005 the Rainbow Warrior II ran aground on and damaged the Tubbataha Reef in the Philippines while inspecting the reef for coral bleaching. Greenpeace was fined US$7,000 for damaging the reef and agreed to pay the fine saying they felt responsible for the damage, although Greenpeace stated that the Philippines government had given it outdated charts. The park manager of Tubbataha appreciated the quick action Greenpeace took to assess the damage to the reef.[192]

Others

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Reactions and responses to Greenpeace activities

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Lawsuits have been filed against Greenpeace for lost profits,[193] reputation damage,[194] and "sailormongering". The latter case, brought under a law not prosecuted since 1890, was widely viewed as an attempt at revenge by the Bush administration for Greenpeace's criticism of its environmental policies. The case was dismissed when the prosecution rested, having failed to prove its case.[195] In 2004 it was revealed that the Australian government was willing to offer a subsidy to Southern Pacific Petroleum on the condition that the oil company would take legal action against Greenpeace, which had campaigned against the Stuart Oil Shale Project.[196] In March 2024, a lawsuit of Total, following Greenpeace publication about the underestimate of Total's GHG emissions in 2019, was dismissed in the Parisian court.[197] Greenpeace said the decision is important because there are other similar cases pending in courts.[198]

Some corporations, such as Royal Dutch Shell, BP, and Électricité de France have reacted to Greenpeace campaigns by spying on Greenpeace activities and infiltrating Greenpeace offices.[199][200] Greenpeace activists have also been targets of phone tapping, death threats, violence[37] and even state terrorism in the case of the bombing of the Rainbow Warrior.[201][202] On 19 May 2023, Russia's Prosecutor-General's Office designated Greenpeace as an undesirable organisation, accusing it of interfering with Russia's internal affairs, undermining the country's economy, and financing the activities of Russian organizations recognized as "foreign agents".[203]

Criticism

[edit]

By Patrick Moore

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Patrick Moore, an early Greenpeace member, left the organization in 1986 when it, according to Moore, decided to support a universal ban on chlorine[204] in drinking water.[205] Moore has argued that Greenpeace today is motivated by politics rather than science and that none of his "fellow directors had any formal science education".[205] Bruce Cox, Director of Greenpeace Canada, responded that Greenpeace has never demanded a universal chlorine ban and that Greenpeace does not oppose use of chlorine in drinking water or in pharmaceutical uses, adding that "Mr. Moore is alone in his recollection of a fight over chlorine and/or use of science as his reason for leaving Greenpeace."[206] Paul Watson, an early member of Greenpeace has said that Moore "uses his status as a so-called co-founder of Greenpeace to give credibility to his accusations. I am also a co-founder of Greenpeace and I have known Patrick Moore for 35 years. ... Moore makes accusations that have no basis in fact."[207]

Patrick Moore reversed his position on nuclear power in 1976,[208] first opposing it and now supporting it.[209][210][211] In Australian newspaper The Age, he writes "Greenpeace is wrong—we must consider nuclear power".[212] He argues that any realistic plan to reduce reliance on fossil fuels or greenhouse gas emissions needs increased use of nuclear energy.[209] Phil Radford, executive director of Greenpeace US responded that nuclear energy is too risky, takes too long to build to address climate change, and claims that most countries, including the U.S., could shift to nearly 100% renewable energy while phasing out nuclear power by 2050.[213][214] In 2013, Moore criticized Greenpeace's stance on golden rice, an issue where Moore has been joined by other environmentalists such as Mark Lynas,[215] stating that Greenpeace has "waged a campaign of misinformation, trashed the scientists who are working to bring Golden Rice to the people who need it, and supported the violent destruction of Golden Rice field trials."[216]

Brent Spar tanker

[edit]

An editorial comment in natural science journal Nature accused Greenpeace of not caring for facts when it criticized the dumping of the Brent Spar tanker, and accused the group of exaggerating the volume of oil that was stored in the tanker.[217] Greenpeace had claimed that the tanker contained 5,500 tonnes of crude oil, while Shell estimated it only contained 50 tonnes.[218] However, the measurements had been made under duress during a protest occupation of the platform, since Shell had refused permission, and Greenpeace activists had been under attack by water cannons and the like.[219][220] The BBC issued an apology to Greenpeace for having reported that the NGO lied.[221]

Shell UK took three years to evaluate the disposal options, concluding that the disposal of the tanker in the deep ocean was the "Best Practicable Environmental Option" (BPEO), an option which gained some support within some portion of the scientific community, as it was found by some to be of "negligible" environmental impact.[218] British government and Oslo and Paris Commissions (OSPAR) accepted the solution.[218]

The resulting NGO campaign against Shell's proposals included letters, boycotts which escalated to vandalism in Germany, and lobbying at intergovernmental conferences. Binding moratoriums supporting Greenpeace's, ecosystem protection, and the precautionary principle position were issued in more than one intergovernmental meeting, and at the 1998 OSPAR Convention, WWF presented a study of toxic effects on deep sea ecosystems. The meeting confirmed a general prohibition on ocean dumping.[222] Shell had transported the rig to the dumping site, but in the last hours canceled the operation and announced that it had failed in communicating its plans sufficiently to the public, admitting they had underestimated the strength of public opinion.[218] In January 1998, Shell issued a new BPEO indicating recycling the rig as a quay in Norway.[223]

In 1999, the Brent Spar container was decommissioned and one side issue that emerged was that the legs of the structure were found to contain cold-water coral species (Lophelia pertusa). As a result, the possibility was suggested of keeping the legs of such platforms on the sea bed in future, to serve as habitat.[218][224][225] A Greenpeace representative opposed the suggestion, citing the fact that the reefs formed by the coral are at risk, not the coral itself, and that such a move would not promote development of such reefs, and expose coral species to toxic substances found in oil. "If I was to dump a car in a wood, moss would grow on it, and if I was lucky a bird may even nest in it. But this is not justification to fill our forests with disused cars," said Greenpeace campaigner Simon Reddy.[226]

Pascal Husting commute

[edit]

In 2013 reports noted that Pascal Husting, the director of Greenpeace International's "international programme" was commuting 400 km (250 mi) to work by plane, despite Greenpeace's activism to reduce air travel due to carbon footprint.[227][228] Greenpeace has said "the growth in aviation is ruining our chances of stopping dangerous climate change".[229] After a "public uproar" Greenpeace announced that Husting would commute by train.[230][231]

Nazca Lines

[edit]

In December 2014, Greenpeace activists damaged rock related to the Nazca Lines in Peru while setting up a banner within the lines of one of the famed geoglyphs, and there were concerns that the harm might be irreparable. The activists damaged an area around the hummingbird by walking near the glyph without regulation footwear. Access to the area around the lines is strictly prohibited and[24][232] special shoes must be worn to avoid damaging the UN World Heritage site. Greenpeace said the activists were "absolutely careful to protect the Nazca lines,"[233] but this is contradicted by video and photographs showing the activists wearing conventional shoes (not special protective shoes) while walking on the site.[234][235]

Greenpeace has apologized to the Peruvian people,[236] but Loise Jamie Castillo, Peru's Vice Minister of Cultural Heritage called the apology "a joke", because Greenpeace refused to identify the vandals or accept responsibility.[237] Culture Minister Diana Álvarez-Calderón said that evidence gathered during an investigation by the government will be used as part of a legal suit against Greenpeace. At a news conference, she said: "The damage done is irreparable and the apologies offered by the environmental group aren't enough."[24] By January 2015, Greenpeace had presented statements of four members of the NGO involved in the action.[238]

Anti-whaling campaign in Norway in the 1990s

[edit]

During the 1990s Greenpeace conducted many anti-whaling expeditions in Norway. Critics have said that Greenpeace only campaigned against whaling to gain economic donations from the U.S., and it had little to do with saving the environment or the lives of the whales. For example, shark hunting was a more pressing issue at the time, but since sharks are widely feared in the United States, activism to help sharks does not receive as much financial support. Greenpeace has rejected this claim. However, in Norwegian newspaper Dagbladet on 11 April 2015, then–International Executive Director Kumi Naidoo admitted that the anti-whaling campaign was a "miscalculation."[239] Greenpeace holds that whaling was only resumed by Norway after the IWC[clarification needed] ban because of political election motives, and faces many explicit hurdles, including decreased demand in Japan and toxic chemical contamination.[240]

Open letter from Nobel laureates

[edit]

In June 2016, 107 Nobel laureates signed an open letter, urging Greenpeace to end its opposition to genetically modified organisms (GMOs).[241] The letter stated:

We urge Greenpeace and its supporters to re-examine the experience of farmers and consumers worldwide with crops and foods improved through biotechnology, recognize the findings of authoritative scientific bodies and regulatory agencies, and abandon their campaign against "GMOs" in general and Golden Rice in particular. Scientific and regulatory agencies around the world have repeatedly and consistently found crops and foods improved through biotechnology to be as safe as, if not safer than those derived from any other method of production. There has never been a single confirmed case of a negative health outcome for humans or animals from their consumption. Their environmental impacts have been shown repeatedly to be less damaging to the environment, and a boon to global biodiversity. ... We call upon governments of the world to ... do everything in their power to oppose Greenpeace's actions and accelerate the access of farmers to all the tools of modern biology, especially seeds improved through biotechnology. ... Opposition based on emotion and dogma contradicted by data must be stopped.

Greenpeace responded stating "[a]ccusations that anyone is blocking genetically engineered 'Golden' rice are false" and that they support "investing in climate-resilient ecological agriculture and empowering farmers to access a balanced and nutritious diet, rather than pouring money down the drain for GE 'Golden' rice."[18][162]

Efforts to curb Arctic oil exploration

[edit]

In December 2020, Norway's Supreme Court refused to interfere in the work of ongoing oil exploration endeavors which was challenged jointly by Greenpeace and Nature and Youth Norway on the ground that the activity related to oil explorations violate human rights due to its contributing aspect towards carbon emission. The ruling said that the permission granted during 2016 will remain valid as it was not found to violate either Norwegian Constitution's rights or the European Convention on Human Rights. Greta Thunberg reportedly contributed $29,000 as the lawsuit cost on behalf of the plaintiff Greenpeace and Nature and Youth Norway.[242][243][244]

Archives

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There is a Greenpeace Canada fonds at Library and Archives Canada.[245] Archival reference number is R4377.

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See also

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References

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Further reading

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[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Greenpeace is an international non-governmental organization dedicated to environmental protection and conservation, founded on September 15, 1971, in Vancouver, Canada, by a small group of activists who sailed to protest United States nuclear weapons testing at Amchitka Island in the Aleutians.[1] The organization employs non-violent direct action tactics, including civil disobedience, ship blockades, and high-profile occupations, to challenge perceived threats such as nuclear proliferation, commercial whaling, toxic pollution, deforestation, and fossil fuel extraction.[2] Operating through over 25 national and regional offices coordinated by Greenpeace International in Amsterdam, it claims a global network supported primarily by approximately three million individual donors, rejecting funding from governments, corporations, or political parties to maintain independence.[3][4] Among its notable campaigns, Greenpeace contributed to halting underground nuclear testing at Amchitka after publicizing the 1971 voyage, helped pressure the International Whaling Commission toward a commercial whaling moratorium in 1982, and advocated for the Montreal Protocol's phase-out of chlorofluorocarbons to protect the ozone layer, earning United Nations recognition in 1997.[2] It has also pioneered innovations like the Greenfreeze natural refrigerant technology in the 1990s, adopted by manufacturers to reduce hydrofluorocarbon use.[2] However, the group's confrontational methods have sparked controversies, including the 1995 Brent Spar platform campaign against Shell's planned deep-sea disposal, where Greenpeace later admitted overstating toxic waste estimates by a factor of up to 100, leading to an apology and policy review on scientific accuracy.[5] Critics, including scientists and aid organizations, have faulted its opposition to genetically modified crops like Golden Rice, engineered to combat vitamin A deficiency blindness affecting millions in developing regions, arguing that such stances prioritize ideological purity over evidence-based nutritional interventions despite peer-reviewed efficacy data.[6] These incidents highlight tensions between Greenpeace's advocacy for rapid systemic change and accusations of selective data use or disruption of verifiable progress, though the organization maintains its actions have amplified empirical environmental risks and catalyzed policy shifts.[2]

History

Founding and Early Anti-Nuclear Campaigns

Greenpeace originated from the Don't Make a Wave Committee, formed in Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada, in 1970 by a coalition of Quakers, Sierra Club members, and other activists opposed to U.S. nuclear testing at Amchitka Island in the Aleutian chain, Alaska.[7][1] The committee's explicit goal was to halt a planned second nuclear detonation at the site, following earlier tests Long Shot in 1965 and Milrow in 1969, amid fears that seismic activity from blasts could trigger tsunamis affecting coastal populations.[7][1] The inaugural action occurred on September 15, 1971, when 12 activists departed Vancouver aboard the chartered fishing vessel Phyllis Cormack, which was renamed Greenpeace en route to symbolize their pacifist, nonviolent confrontation with nuclear weapons.[8][7] The crew, including captain John Cormack, aimed to sail into the exclusion zone around Amchitka to protest the upcoming Cannikin test—a 5-megaton underground explosion scheduled for November 6, 1971, the largest such U.S. detonation to date.[8][7] U.S. Coast Guard vessels intercepted the boat 35 miles from Amchitka, forcing a turnaround, but extensive media coverage of the voyage amplified public opposition to the tests.[8] Despite failing to prevent Cannikin, which proceeded as planned and registered 6.9 on the Richter scale without immediate environmental catastrophe, the protest catalyzed broader awareness and policy shifts.[8] The U.S. ceased nuclear testing at Amchitka by 1972, relocating operations to Nevada, and the island was designated a national refuge, though long-term groundwater contamination persists from the blasts.[8][9] This publicity transformed the ad hoc committee into the Greenpeace Foundation, formalized in 1972, with initial focus on nonviolent direct action against nuclear threats.[7] In the early 1970s, Greenpeace extended anti-nuclear efforts beyond Amchitka, targeting French atmospheric tests in the South Pacific and U.S. nuclear activities, employing similar sail-in tactics to generate international scrutiny and pressure governments toward test bans.[7] These campaigns emphasized empirical risks of radiation and seismic fallout over ideological appeals, drawing on Quaker-inspired pacifism to prioritize human and ecological safety.[1] By mid-decade, such actions contributed to the 1974 U.S.-Soviet threshold test ban treaty limiting underground blasts, underscoring the strategy's causal leverage through media amplification rather than physical obstruction.[10]

Expansion After Amchitka and Institutionalization

Following the 1971 Amchitka campaign, Greenpeace garnered significant media attention, which catalyzed rapid organizational growth through increased volunteer participation, donations, and public support.[7] The publicity from the voyage, despite the U.S. conducting the Cannikin nuclear test on November 6, 1971, contributed to heightened opposition that led the U.S. government to abandon further testing at Amchitka Island by 1972, marking an early perceived victory that bolstered the group's momentum.[2] This success shifted focus from solely anti-nuclear efforts to broader environmental concerns, including commercial whaling and marine mammal protection, with campaigns expanding in scope and geography during the early 1970s.[11] In 1972, Greenpeace formalized its structure by establishing the Greenpeace Foundation as a registered nonprofit entity in Canada, transitioning from the ad-hoc Don't Make a Wave Committee to a more enduring organizational framework capable of sustaining operations and legal activities.[2] That same year, it opened its first office outside Canada in London, England, signaling the onset of international expansion and the adoption of a decentralized model with autonomous national branches coordinated loosely at first.[2] By the mid-1970s, additional offices emerged in key countries, including the United States (San Francisco) and English-speaking nations like Australia and New Zealand, enabling localized campaigns while building a global network.[12] This period saw the acquisition of dedicated vessels, such as the Sirius in 1973, to support sea-based direct actions, further professionalizing operations beyond volunteer-driven voyages.[7] The institutionalization process intensified through the 1970s as Greenpeace developed internal governance, including paid staff, scientific research teams, and lobbying capabilities, evolving from a radical protest collective into a hybrid advocacy organization with formalized tactics like non-violent confrontation and media orchestration.[7] By 1977, the group operated in core English-speaking countries and began penetrating non-English regions, laying groundwork for transnational coordination.[13] This expansion culminated in the establishment of Greenpeace International in Amsterdam around the late 1970s as a central coordinating body, overseeing strategy across emerging national affiliates while maintaining the founding principle of independence from government funding.[2] By the end of the decade, the network supported over 50 campaigns worldwide, reflecting a shift toward scalable, professional activism amid growing bureaucratic elements that some early members critiqued as diluting original spontaneity.[14]

Major Milestones in Global Growth

In the years following the Amchitka campaigns, Greenpeace underwent rapid but unstructured expansion during the 1970s, as independent groups inspired by the original Vancouver model formed in several countries to conduct similar direct-action protests against whaling, sealing, and nuclear issues.[11][13] This decentralized growth created logistical challenges, including financial disputes and uncoordinated efforts among nascent offices in Europe, Australia, and elsewhere.[13] A pivotal milestone occurred on October 14, 1979 with the establishment of Greenpeace International in Amsterdam, Netherlands, which centralized coordination, resolved debts from early operations, and formalized a network structure comprising autonomous national and regional entities.[15][13] This reorganization enabled standardized global strategies, resource sharing, and scaled campaigning, transforming Greenpeace from a loose collection of activists into a cohesive international movement.[3] The 1979 framework accelerated further proliferation in the 1980s and beyond, with new organizations emerging in response to escalating transnational environmental threats like ozone depletion and toxic dumping.[16] By the late 20th century, the network had extended to Asia, Africa, and additional Pacific nations, culminating in 25 independent national/regional groups operating across more than 55 countries as of the 2020s, supported by over 3 million individual donors worldwide.[3][17]

Governance and Operations

Organizational Structure and Leadership

Greenpeace functions as a decentralized federation consisting of Greenpeace International, a coordinating entity based in Amsterdam, Netherlands, and 25 independent national and regional organizations (NROs) operating across more than 55 countries.[3] Greenpeace International, legally structured as Stichting Greenpeace Council, establishes the overarching global campaign framework, coordinates international efforts, manages the organization's fleet of ships, provides shared services such as fundraising, human resources, and information technology, and employs approximately 260 staff members.[3] Each NRO maintains operational autonomy, with local boards elected by volunteers to oversee activities tailored to regional contexts, while adhering to the global strategic direction; NROs must comply with financial and legal standards set by Greenpeace International, including annual audits.[3] Governance at Greenpeace International is overseen by a Board of Directors comprising 5 to 9 members, elected by the Greenpeace Council—composed of trustees from the NROs—at the Annual General Meeting (AGM) for terms of up to three years, with a maximum service of seven years.[18] The Board approves budgets and audited accounts, appoints and supervises the International Executive Director (IED), and establishes strategic and campaign policies to ensure organizational integrity.[18] Board members receive no salary but are reimbursed for expenses and provided attendance fees in accordance with Dutch tax law.[18] As of January 2025, the Board is chaired by Jo Dufay (term ending AGM 2026), with David Tong as Deputy Chair (AGM 2025), Nikhil Aziz as Secretary (AGM 2027), Hann Verheijen as Treasurer (AGM 2026), and members including Marcelo Iniarra, Helga Rainer, Shanice Firmin, and Von Hernandez (various terms ending 2025-2026).[18] The International Executive Director, Mads Flarup Christensen, leads daily operations and reports to the Board; Christensen, who joined Greenpeace as a youth volunteer in 1992 and previously served 15 years as Executive Director of Greenpeace Nordic, was appointed to the permanent IED role on October 1, 2023.[19][20] Christensen is supported by a Strategy and Management Team (SMT) that includes roles such as Programme Director for global strategy development, Operations Director for actions and investigations, Chief Operating Officer for internal functions, and Global Engagement Director for supporter mobilization.[18] Coordination across the network occurs through mechanisms like the Executive Directors’ Meeting, involving NRO leaders and the IED to align on policies, and the Global Leadership Team, comprising seven NRO Executive Directors advising on strategy.[18] This structure emphasizes volunteer-driven decision-making at the national level while centralizing high-level policy through Greenpeace International to facilitate unified global advocacy.[3]

Funding Sources and Financial Transparency

Greenpeace maintains a policy of financial independence by accepting no funding from governments, corporations, political parties, or intergovernmental organizations, relying instead on contributions from individual donors and screened private foundations.[21][4] This approach, a core organizational principle since its founding, seeks to insulate campaigning from external influences that could compromise autonomy.[20] National and regional offices conduct local fundraising, primarily through direct appeals to individuals, and remit portions to Greenpeace International under a contribution model.[22] In 2023, individual donations accounted for 96.2% of Greenpeace's funds in Europe (covering EU countries, the UK, Switzerland, and Norway), with the remainder from small grants and bequests.[4] For Greenpeace USA, a major affiliate, total revenue reached $40.2 million in 2023, derived mainly from individual contributions and grants from the affiliated Greenpeace Fund, Inc., which itself prohibits corporate or governmental support.[23][24] Globally, the network draws support from approximately three million individual contributors, enabling operations across dozens of countries without reliance on institutional funders that might impose agendas.[25] To ensure transparency, Greenpeace International issues combined audited financial statements annually, with the 2023 report covering income primarily from national office contributions and undergoing external audit.[26] US entities file IRS Form 990 disclosures, detailing revenues, expenses, and executive compensation reviewed independently.[27] An internal audit function supplements external reviews, assessing governance and financial controls.[28] However, in 2014, leaked documents revealed internal financial disarray, including a 3.8 million euro loss from an employee's unauthorized risky investment of donations, prompting criticism of oversight despite published reports.[29][30] No comparable recent scandals have emerged, though ongoing litigation, such as a 2025 $667 million judgment against Greenpeace USA related to Dakota Access Pipeline protests, poses potential fiscal strain unrelated to core funding sources.[31]

Operational Methods and Infrastructure

Greenpeace primarily employs non-violent direct action and civil disobedience as its core operational methods, involving physical interventions to disrupt activities deemed environmentally harmful. Tactics include navigating small inflatable boats between whaling vessels and targets to block hunts, occupying coal power plants, and halting shipments or mining operations through blockades and protests.[32][33] These actions target corporations and governments directly, often using creative, media-oriented stunts to amplify visibility while adhering to principles of peacefulness to maintain a narrative of moral authority.[34] Prior to direct interventions, Greenpeace conducts investigations to compile empirical evidence on environmental threats, resorting to civil disobedience only after exhausting research and advocacy phases. This approach integrates scientific documentation with activism, such as monitoring pollution or deforestation, to support claims and influence public opinion.[35][36] The organization's infrastructure comprises a decentralized network of over 50 national and regional offices worldwide, coordinated by Greenpeace International in Amsterdam, enabling localized campaigns alongside global coordination. As of 2024, it employs approximately 3,589 full-time staff across these entities, including dedicated marine crews for ship-based operations.[20] Greenpeace maintains a fleet of specialized vessels, such as the Esperanza and Rainbow Warrior, equipped for at-sea expeditions, research, and interventions in remote areas like oceans and polar regions. Volunteers supplement paid staff, receiving free training in activism skills, with the organization covering travel, food, and accommodation costs during activities.[37]

Ideology and Principles

Core Environmental Philosophy

Greenpeace's environmental philosophy emphasizes the preservation of the Earth's capacity to sustain life's diversity through systemic challenges to destructive practices, employing non-violent direct action to expose abuses and advocate for transformative solutions. Central to this approach is the principle of bearing witness, inspired by Quaker traditions, whereby activists document and publicize environmental degradation to mobilize public conscience and pressure decision-makers, as seen in foundational campaigns like the 1971 voyage to Amchitka Island. This philosophy rejects violence in all forms, prioritizing peaceful, creative confrontation—such as blockades, occupations, and visual protests—to confront polluters and governments without property damage or harm to individuals.[21] Key objectives derive from a holistic view of ecological integrity, including protecting biodiversity across ecosystems, preventing pollution of oceans, land, air, and fresh water, and eliminating nuclear threats from both weapons and energy production. Greenpeace maintains independence from governments, corporations, and political parties to avoid conflicts of interest, relying solely on individual donations and select grants to fund operations, which underscores their commitment to unbiased advocacy. They promote concrete alternatives, such as renewable energy transitions and sustainable agriculture, while applying a precautionary stance against unproven technologies like genetic modification, arguing that irreversible harm demands zero-tolerance policies over risk assessments favoring economic expediency.[38][21][21] This framework integrates peace advocacy, viewing environmental destruction as intertwined with militarism and resource conflicts, thus extending beyond ecology to global disarmament. Critics, including former co-founder Patrick Moore, have argued that Greenpeace's absolutist rejection of nuclear energy overlooks empirical safety data and low-carbon benefits, potentially hindering pragmatic decarbonization, though the organization counters that renewables suffice without such risks. Nonetheless, their philosophy has driven verifiable outcomes, such as influencing the 1982 moratorium on commercial whaling and the phase-out of ozone-depleting substances via the Montreal Protocol, by leveraging media amplification of direct actions to shift policy norms.[21][39]

Activism Strategies and Ethical Framework

Greenpeace employs non-violent direct action as a core tactic, involving confrontational protests, blockades, and occupations to draw public attention to environmental issues.[40] These methods include deploying ships to interfere with whaling operations, scaling industrial structures to halt emissions, and staging symbolic demonstrations, such as the 1985 Rainbow Warrior voyage to oppose French nuclear testing in the Pacific, which ended in the ship's bombing by French agents on July 10, 1985.[41] Complementary strategies encompass scientific research to underpin campaigns, public mobilization through petitions and boycotts, and lobbying policymakers, as seen in advocacy for the 2023 Global Oceans Treaty protecting 30% of oceans by 2030.[42] The organization's ethical framework rests on principles including bearing witness to destruction without interference beyond observation where possible, adherence to non-violence toward living beings, and rejection of funding from governments, corporations, or political parties to maintain independence.[43] Greenpeace commits to promoting sustainable solutions over mere opposition, emphasizing equity, diversity, and inclusion in operations, though internal codes stress high ethical standards and accountability protocols for staff and volunteers.[21] This framework prohibits compromise on core issues like nuclear threats or biodiversity loss, guiding tactics to prioritize long-term ecological health over short-term gains.[44] Critics argue that Greenpeace's confrontational tactics sometimes breach ethical bounds, such as the December 2014 Nazca Lines stunt in Peru, where activists' footprints damaged the UNESCO site, prompting accusations of hypocrisy in environmental protection.[45] Analyses have questioned the effectiveness and ethics of high-profile actions, claiming they alienate stakeholders and yield minimal policy impact on issues like deforestation or energy transitions, potentially prioritizing media spectacle over evidence-based outcomes.[46] Legal challenges, including a 2025 U.S. verdict holding Greenpeace liable for $660 million in damages from a 2013 pipeline protest, highlight tensions between free speech and alleged tortious interference, with defenders viewing such suits as SLAPP tactics to suppress activism.[47] Despite these, Greenpeace maintains its methods align with causal necessities for systemic change, undeterred by opposition from industries it targets.[40]

Key Campaigns and Positions

Nuclear Energy and Anti-Nuclear Stance

Greenpeace's opposition to nuclear activities began with its inaugural campaign against U.S. underground nuclear weapons testing at Amchitka Island, Alaska. In 1970, the Don't Make a Wave Committee, precursor to Greenpeace, formed to protest the planned Cannikin detonation—a 4-5 megaton device scheduled for autumn 1971, intended to simulate warhead performance.[7] On September 15, 1971, twelve activists departed Vancouver aboard the fishing vessel Phyllis Cormack, rechristened Greenpeace, aiming to bear witness at the test site.[8] U.S. Coast Guard and Navy vessels intercepted the ship 500 miles from Amchitka, escorting it back to port amid harassment and equipment seizures.[48] The Cannikin test occurred on November 6, 1971, registering a 6.9-magnitude seismic event and venting radioactive steam, which amplified public fears of geological instability in the earthquake-prone Aleutians.[8] Though the protest failed to halt the blast, it generated widespread media coverage, protests in U.S. cities, and pressure that prompted the Atomic Energy Commission to cancel further Amchitka tests, redirecting them to Nevada. This outcome, coupled with the group's media-savvy tactics, established Greenpeace's model of non-violent direct action and cemented its anti-nuclear identity.[7] Expanding beyond weapons, Greenpeace has maintained a resolute opposition to nuclear energy since the 1970s, viewing it as inherently unsafe due to risks of catastrophic accidents, unmanageable radioactive waste, proliferation vulnerabilities, and high costs.[49] The organization campaigns for phase-out of existing reactors, bans on new construction, and cessation of uranium mining, asserting that nuclear power diverts resources from renewables without addressing climate urgency effectively.[50] Notable actions include blockades of nuclear shipments in Europe during the 1980s, occupations of reactor sites, and legal challenges; for instance, in 1977, activists disrupted construction at the Wyhl plant in Germany, contributing to delays amid broader public opposition.[2] In recent years, Greenpeace has intensified critiques of nuclear as a climate solution, highlighting incidents like Fukushima (2011) to underscore ongoing vulnerabilities despite safety advancements. In 2023, it opposed Malaysian considerations of nuclear power, citing accident risks, waste legacies, and weapons proliferation threats over purported benefits.[51] Similarly, a June 2024 report detailed financing mechanisms for new reactors, advocating divestment to prioritize efficiency and renewables.[52] Greenpeace's stance has faced internal and external dissent, notably from co-founder Patrick Moore, who departed in 1986 and subsequently advocated nuclear energy, arguing its empirical safety record—fewer than 100 direct fatalities from commercial accidents over decades—outweighs renewables' intermittency for decarbonization.[53] Critics, including energy analysts, contend Greenpeace overemphasizes rare high-consequence events while downplaying nuclear's low lifecycle emissions (around 12 gCO2/kWh, comparable to wind) and mortality rate (0.04 deaths/TWh versus coal's 100+), per peer-reviewed assessments.[54] Nonetheless, Greenpeace maintains its position aligns with precautionary principles, prioritizing avoidance of irreversible harms amid institutional biases toward established industries.[49]

Marine Conservation and Anti-Whaling

Greenpeace launched its inaugural anti-whaling campaign on April 27, 1975, departing from Vancouver, Canada, aboard the vessel Phyllis Cormack to intercept Soviet whaling fleets in the Pacific Ocean.[55] Activists utilized inflatable zodiac boats equipped with outboard motors to position themselves between harpooners and targeted whales, employing non-violent disruption tactics to prevent kills while documenting the hunts for public dissemination.[56] These actions, repeated in subsequent years targeting operations in the Bering Sea and beyond, aimed to expose the brutality of commercial whaling and mobilize international opposition from 1975 to 1982.[12] The visibility of Greenpeace's interventions, including graphic photographs of harpooned whales, shifted public sentiment and pressured member nations of the International Whaling Commission (IWC). This advocacy contributed to the IWC's 1982 adoption of a global moratorium on commercial whaling, which took effect for the 1985/86 season and prohibited factory ship hunting except for limited aboriginal subsistence and scientific permits.[57] The pause enabled recovery in severely depleted stocks; for instance, humpback whale populations have increased to near pre-whaling levels in many regions, with gray, bowhead, and certain blue whale groups also showing substantial rebounds since 1986.[58][59] Greenpeace upholds an absolute opposition to commercial whaling, rejecting proposals to lift the moratorium even for abundant species like minke whales, on grounds that no sustainable quota can guarantee against overexploitation and that ethical concerns preclude lethal takes.[60] The organization has criticized "scientific" whaling by Japan—discontinued in 2019 after withdrawing from the IWC—as a pretext for commercial catches, estimating thousands of whales killed under such programs since 1986.[61] Proponents of regulated whaling, including Japan's Institute of Cetacean Research, counter that Greenpeace inflates extinction risks despite population data indicating viability for managed harvests in non-endangered stocks.[62] Beyond whaling, Greenpeace's marine conservation efforts emphasize establishing vast networks of marine protected areas (MPAs) to curb overfishing, bottom trawling, and habitat destruction. Campaigns have targeted illegal, unreported, and unregulated (IUU) fishing, with vessels like the Esperanza deployed to expose fleet activities in remote waters.[63] A key achievement includes advocacy for the 2023 High Seas Treaty (Global Ocean Treaty), ratified by sufficient nations by 2025 to facilitate MPA designations covering 30% of international waters by 2030, though implementation lags behind targets.[64][65] Critics, including fisheries experts, have faulted Greenpeace for overstating MPA benefits without sufficient evidence of fishery yield improvements or for opposing aquaculture alternatives that could alleviate wild stock pressures.[66] Rival groups like Sea Shepherd have accused Greenpeace of insufficient confrontation with whalers, labeling their photographic documentation as performative rather than obstructive enough to halt operations.[67] Nonetheless, empirical data affirm that the anti-whaling push averted collapse in multiple species, though ongoing threats like ship strikes, bycatch, and noise pollution—exacerbated by shipping and offshore energy—persist independently of whaling.[68]

Climate Change and Energy Transition Advocacy

Greenpeace identifies anthropogenic climate change as a primary environmental threat, advocating for global emissions reductions to limit warming to 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels through the immediate phase-out of fossil fuels and a full transition to renewable energy sources. The organization promotes scenarios envisioning 100% renewable electricity systems by 2050, emphasizing wind, solar, and efficiency improvements while rejecting nuclear power as incompatible with rapid decarbonization due to perceived risks, costs, and waste issues.[69][70] In its Energy [R]evolution reports, initiated around 2007 and updated periodically, Greenpeace outlines pathways for energy systems dominated by renewables, projecting feasibility through technological scaling and policy shifts like ending fossil subsidies. Campaigns target coal infrastructure, such as protests against new plants in Canada in 2009 and opposition to pipelines like Keystone XL and Dakota Access, aiming to block fossil fuel expansion.[69][71] The group claims contributions to policy shifts, including influencing Germany's coal phase-out decisions post-2011 nuclear shutdown, though empirical data indicate temporary emissions increases from lignite reliance and higher energy costs.[72] Greenpeace's staunch opposition to nuclear energy, rooted in safety concerns from incidents like Chernobyl (1986) and Fukushima (2011), prioritizes renewables-only transitions despite nuclear's low-carbon profile (lifecycle emissions around 12 g CO2eq/kWh, comparable to wind). This stance draws criticism for overlooking nuclear's role in providing dispatchable baseload power, potentially delaying fossil phase-outs; for instance, countries like France maintain lower per-capita emissions partly due to nuclear (70% of electricity).[49][73] Co-founder Patrick Moore and young activists argue the position is outdated and counterproductive to net-zero goals, with Greenpeace Finland ceasing active anti-nuclear campaigns by 2023 amid evidence of safer modern reactors.[74][75] Verifiable impacts include pressuring corporations toward renewables, such as Amazon's 2014 commitment to 100% renewable energy following Greenpeace scrutiny, though broader systemic transitions remain incomplete and contested. Legal efforts, like challenging EU taxonomy inclusions of nuclear and gas, failed in 2023, underscoring divides between advocacy and empirical viability assessments.[76][77]

Forest Protection and Anti-Deforestation

Greenpeace initiated forest protection campaigns in the 1980s and 1990s, targeting industrial logging and conversion of primary forests for agriculture and commodities such as soy, palm oil, and timber, with actions including on-site investigations, blockades of logging operations, and exposés of supply chains linked to deforestation.[78][79] These efforts emphasized halting the loss of intact forest landscapes, estimated at 13 million hectares annually from tropical deforestation during peak campaign periods around 2010.[80] A prominent success involved the Great Bear Rainforest in British Columbia, Canada, where Greenpeace's campaign, launched in the mid-1990s alongside First Nations groups, pressured forestry companies and the provincial government through market campaigns and protests, resulting in a 2006 agreement that protected approximately 2 million hectares from clearcut logging and established ecosystem-based management.[81][72] Independent assessments credit the accord with reducing logging pressures, though enforcement challenges persisted due to limited monitoring resources.[82] In the Amazon basin, Greenpeace's 2006 report Eating Up the Amazon documented how soy expansion drove deforestation, prompting major traders to adopt a moratorium on purchases from newly cleared areas; subsequent data from Brazil's National Institute for Space Research indicated an 86% drop in soy-related deforestation in key municipalities between 2006 and 2014.[83][84] The organization expanded actions to include boat-based expeditions and aerial surveys, contributing to broader policy shifts like Brazil's 2009 Amazon Deforestation Agreement among NGOs and agribusiness.[85] Campaigns in Southeast Asia, starting in 1991, exposed illegal logging in Indonesian rainforests and pressured palm oil producers; for instance, investigations linked Asia Pulp & Paper to ongoing forest clearance despite 2013 zero-deforestation pledges, leading to supplier withdrawals by companies like Disney.[79][86] Greenpeace has advocated for moratoria on industrial development in intact forests globally, as outlined in their 2006 Roadmap to Recovery report calling for protection of remaining large-scale intact areas.[87] Recent activities scrutinize certification efficacy and corporate compliance, with a 2021 report critiquing schemes like those for palm oil and soy for failing to curb 50 million hectares of commodity-driven deforestation since 2010, and a 2024 investigation alleging IKEA-sourced wood from Romania's Carpathian old-growth forests despite supplier assurances.[88][89] Critics, including industry groups, contend such campaigns overlook sustainable forestry's role in rural economies and may inflate threats to deter development, though empirical data on net biodiversity gains from halted logging remains context-specific and debated.[90][80]

Opposition to GMOs and Biotechnology

Greenpeace has maintained a staunch opposition to genetically modified organisms (GMOs) and broader biotechnology applications in agriculture since the early 1990s, advocating for moratoriums on their commercialization and field testing due to concerns over unproven long-term safety, potential biodiversity loss, and increased reliance on associated herbicides like glyphosate. The organization argues that insufficient independent evidence exists to deem GMO crops harmless to human health or ecosystems, linking them to rises in pesticide use and corporate monopolization of seed markets by companies such as Monsanto.[91] [92] Key campaigns include direct actions to disrupt GMO trials, such as the 1999 destruction of a genetically modified maize test plot in the United Kingdom by activists who cut through fences and trampled crops to protest "genetic pollution." In New Zealand, Greenpeace's advocacy since 1996 contributed to a government-imposed moratorium on genetic engineering research announced on April 17, 2000, halting commercial releases and field trials. More recently, in 2023, Greenpeace criticized European Commission proposals to deregulate gene-edited crops, claiming they undermine safety assessments and farmers' rights to avoid contamination. The group has also targeted "Golden Rice," a biofortified variety engineered to produce beta-carotene to combat vitamin A deficiency in developing countries; in May 2024, Greenpeace-supported legal challenges delayed its planting in the Philippines, prompting accusations of obstructing a tool that could prevent blindness in millions of children annually.[93] [81] [92] This stance contrasts with the prevailing scientific assessment that GMO crops, after rigorous testing, pose no greater risks to health or the environment than conventionally bred varieties, as affirmed by the U.S. National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine in a 2016 comprehensive review analyzing over 900 studies. Bodies including the American Association for the Advancement of Science have described the consensus on GMO safety as stronger than that on human-induced climate change, with no substantiated evidence of harm from consumption after billions of meals worldwide since 1996. Greenpeace's campaigns have drawn sharp rebukes from over 100 Nobel laureates in 2016, who in an open letter accused the organization of misrepresenting GMO benefits—such as reduced pesticide applications via insect-resistant varieties—and perpetuating malnutrition by opposing Golden Rice, labeling the opposition a "crime against humanity" for prioritizing ideology over empirical evidence of efficacy in reducing deficiencies.[94] [95] [96] Critics, including plant scientists and economists, argue that Greenpeace's reliance on precautionary arguments ignores causal data showing GMO adoption has increased global crop yields by an estimated 22% for major staples like soybeans and maize between 1996 and 2020 while decreasing insecticide use by 37% in adopting regions, benefits particularly vital for food security in Africa and Asia. While Greenpeace cites outlier studies on potential allergenicity or gene flow, these have not withstood broad replication, and the organization's field destructions have led to legal convictions without altering regulatory approvals based on peer-reviewed risk assessments. This persistent advocacy, often amplified through public protests and petitions, has influenced policy in Europe toward stringent labeling and bans but has been faulted for diverting resources from verifiable agroecological alternatives amid rising global hunger affecting 828 million people in 2021.[97][98]

Pollution Control and Toxics Campaigns

Greenpeace's toxics campaigns target the release and use of hazardous chemicals in industrial processes, consumer products, and waste, advocating for their elimination to prevent environmental and health risks. Launched in the 1980s, these efforts initially focused on persistent organic pollutants (POPs) and organochlorines, with the organization calling for a global phase-out of chlorine chemistry by 2000 through its "Zero by 2000" report published in 1994.[81] The campaigns employ direct actions, such as protests at chemical plants, laboratory testing of products for contaminants, and public reports exposing pollution, alongside pressure on corporations and governments to adopt safer alternatives.[99] A prominent initiative was the push against chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs), ozone-depleting substances used in refrigeration and aerosols. From 1986 to 1995, Greenpeace campaigned for an immediate global ban, targeting producers and governments, which contributed to the strengthening of the Montreal Protocol and its amendments leading to the phase-out of CFCs by 1996 in developed nations.[100] In parallel, the organization developed and promoted Greenfreeze technology, a hydrocarbon-based refrigerant alternative, first demonstrated in a prototype refrigerator in 1993, influencing industry shifts away from HFCs and supporting the Kigali Amendment to the Montreal Protocol in 2016 for HFC reductions.[2] The Detox campaign, initiated in 2011, specifically addresses hazardous chemicals in textile manufacturing, demanding brands achieve zero discharge of substances like nonylphenol ethoxylates, phthalates, and perfluorinated compounds by 2020. Greenpeace tested wastewater from factories in China and products from brands, revealing high levels of these toxins, which prompted commitments from over 80 companies including H&M, Nike, and Adidas to reformulate supply chains and monitor suppliers.[101] By 2021, independent audits showed progress, with some brands reducing detected hazardous chemicals in effluents by up to 80% in participating facilities, though full elimination remains unachieved and non-committed fast-fashion brands like SHEIN continue to show violations of EU regulations in product testing.[102][103] Critics, including public health experts, have contested Greenpeace's broader anti-chlorine stance, arguing that elemental chlorine's role in water disinfection has prevented millions of deaths from waterborne diseases since its widespread adoption in the early 20th century, with the organization's calls for total phase-out potentially undermining sanitation in developing regions.[104] Despite such positions, the campaigns have driven regulatory advancements, such as influencing the Stockholm Convention on POPs in 2001, which bans or restricts 12 toxic chemicals, and EU REACH regulations tightening chemical controls.[2] Ongoing efforts include monitoring plastic-derived toxics and advocating against chemical disasters, as seen in responses to incidents like the 2014 Tianjin explosions in China, where Greenpeace highlighted inadequate hazardous waste management.[105]

Arctic Preservation and Deep-Sea Mining Moratorium

Greenpeace launched its "Save the Arctic" campaign in 2012 to oppose industrial exploitation in the region, focusing on halting oil drilling and establishing protected sanctuaries in international waters around the North Pole.[106] The initiative involved direct actions, such as activists boarding oil rigs and vessels, alongside petitions that gathered millions of signatures urging governments to ban Arctic fossil fuel extraction.[107] A key target was Shell's planned exploratory drilling in the Chukchi Sea off Alaska, where Greenpeace mobilized protests from February to September 2012, including occupations of drilling platforms to delay operations amid concerns over spill risks in ice-covered waters.[108] In 2015, following sustained opposition from Greenpeace and allied groups, Shell announced the abandonment of its Arctic drilling program after spending over $7 billion, citing regulatory challenges, logistical difficulties, and low oil prices as factors, though campaigners highlighted public pressure's role in amplifying scrutiny and costs.[81] Greenpeace has continued advocacy against projects like the Willow oil development in Alaska's National Petroleum Reserve, filing lawsuits in 2022 and 2023 alleging inadequate environmental impact assessments that underestimated greenhouse gas emissions from up to 180 million barrels of recoverable oil.[109] These efforts contributed to broader policy shifts, such as the U.S. Department of the Interior's temporary suspension of new Arctic leasing in certain areas, though critics argue economic incentives and technological feasibility, rather than activism alone, drive industry decisions.[110] Parallel to Arctic-specific actions, Greenpeace has campaigned for a global moratorium on deep-sea mining since the early 2020s, arguing that extraction in abyssal plains—potentially including Arctic margins—threatens fragile ecosystems with irreversible biodiversity loss from sediment plumes and habitat destruction, based on limited ecological data showing slow-recovery species like sponges and corals.[111] In July 2023, the organization supported U.S. legislative measures by Rep. Ed Case for a moratorium until full environmental consequences are assessed, amid International Seabed Authority discussions on regulations.[112] By October 2023, the UK endorsed a moratorium, joining 37 states by July 2025 in opposing commercial permits, with Greenpeace citing over 950 scientists' endorsements for the pause due to knowledge gaps on deep-ocean carbon sequestration and species endemism.[113] Direct actions included a December 2023 protest against the exploration vessel MV Coco in the Pacific, where activists attached banners before ceasing operations, though no Arctic-specific mining blocks have been licensed to date.[114] Independent analyses question the campaigns' causal impact, noting that moratorium support stems more from precautionary principles in international law than activism, with mining proponents emphasizing potential mineral supplies for green technologies like batteries.[115]

Fleet and Assets

Historical and Current Ships

Greenpeace's maritime operations originated with the chartering of the fishing vessel Phyllis Cormack, renamed Greenpeace, which departed Vancouver on September 15, 1971, to protest U.S. nuclear testing at Amchitka Island.[8] This voyage marked the organization's inaugural use of a ship for direct action, though the vessel did not reach its destination due to weather and mechanical issues. Subsequent acquisitions expanded the fleet to support global campaigns against whaling, nuclear activities, and ocean pollution. The iconic Rainbow Warrior entered service in 1978, a former British trawler built in 1955 and refitted for activism; it spearheaded anti-whaling and anti-nuclear protests until its bombing by French agents in Auckland Harbour on July 10, 1985, which killed photographer Fernando Pereira.[116] Greenpeace replaced it with Rainbow Warrior II in 1989, followed by the purpose-built Rainbow Warrior III launched in 2011, emphasizing hybrid propulsion and advanced monitoring capabilities. Other notable historical vessels include the Sirius (acquired 1981 for Mediterranean campaigns), MV Greenpeace (a 1959-built tug used until 2001), and Esperanza (a former Soviet firefighting ship built in 1984, commissioned by Greenpeace in 2002 and retired in 2022 after two decades of service in anti-whaling and toxics campaigns).[117] As of October 2025, Greenpeace International's active fleet comprises three primary vessels: the icebreaker Arctic Sunrise (acquired in the mid-1990s for polar expeditions and known for the 2013 Arctic-30 detention by Russia), the sailing yacht Witness (built in 2003 as Pelagic Australis and refitted as the fleet's most eco-friendly addition for agile operations), and Rainbow Warrior III.[118] These ships facilitate on-site investigations, blockades, and documentation, operating continuously worldwide. A new 75-meter sailing flagship had its keel laid on July 3, 2025, at Freire Shipyard in Spain, intended to enhance non-motorized campaigning with nearly 2,000 square meters of sail area.[119]
VesselTypeKey PeriodRole
Phyllis Cormack (Greenpeace)Fishing trawler1971Inaugural Amchitka protest
Rainbow Warrior IRefitted trawler1978–1985Anti-whaling, nuclear campaigns
EsperanzaFirefighting ship2002–2022Anti-whaling, pollution control
Arctic SunriseIcebreakerMid-1990s–presentPolar and high-seas actions
WitnessSailing yacht2020s–presentAgile, low-emission expeditions
Rainbow Warrior IIIHybrid sail-motor2011–presentFlagship multi-role campaigns

Notable Incidents Involving Vessels

On July 10, 1985, French secret service agents detonated two bombs on Greenpeace's flagship vessel, the Rainbow Warrior, while it was docked in Auckland Harbour, New Zealand, en route to protest nuclear testing at Moruroa Atoll in the Pacific Ocean. The explosions caused the ship to sink, resulting in the death of photographer Fernando Pereira, who drowned while retrieving equipment from below deck; the agents, identified as Alain Mafart and Dominique Prieur, were arrested, convicted of manslaughter, and later repatriated to France after diplomatic pressure.[120][121] This incident, confirmed through confessions and investigations, highlighted state-sponsored sabotage against Greenpeace operations and led to international condemnation, including the resignation of French Defence Minister Charles Hernu.[122] In September 2013, Russian authorities seized Greenpeace's Arctic Sunrise in the Pechora Sea within Russia's exclusive economic zone following a protest where activists attempted to board the Prirazlomnaya oil rig to oppose Arctic drilling. Coast Guard forces used helicopters and speedboats to board the vessel on September 19, detaining 30 crew members and activists—known as the Arctic 30—on charges of piracy, which were later amended to hooliganism; the ship was towed to Murmansk and held until June 2014.[123][124] The International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea ordered provisional release in November 2013, ruling the seizure violated UNCLOS provisions on freedom of navigation in exclusive economic zones, though Russia did not fully comply initially.[125] During a November 2014 protest against oil exploration off the Canary Islands, Spanish Navy vessels rammed Greenpeace inflatable boats approaching the drilling ship, injuring four activists, including one with a broken leg and others with cuts and bruises from the collisions. Greenpeace documented the incidents via video, accusing the navy of excessive force, while Spanish officials claimed the actions were necessary to protect the exploration vessel; no fatalities occurred, but the event underscored risks in direct-action vessel confrontations.[126][127]

Achievements and Impacts

Verified Environmental and Policy Wins

Greenpeace's direct action campaigns from 1975 to 1982 played a significant role in building international pressure that culminated in the International Whaling Commission's (IWC) adoption of a moratorium on commercial whaling on July 23, 1982, effective from the 1985/86 Antarctic season, reducing annual global catches from approximately 40,000 whales in the early 1960s to fewer than 1,000 by the late 1980s.[12][128] In 1992, Greenpeace engineers developed the Greenfreeze prototype refrigerator using propane and isobutane as refrigerants, bypassing ozone-depleting CFCs and high-GWP HFCs; this innovation spurred industry adoption, with over 300 million Greenfreeze-compatible units produced globally by the 2020s, comprising about 40% of annual refrigerator output and influencing policies like the EU's F-gas regulations and the Kigali Amendment to the Montreal Protocol.[129][130][131] The 1995 occupation of the Brent Spar oil storage buoy by Greenpeace activists halted Shell's plan to sink it in the North Atlantic, resulting in the structure's towing to shore for recycling on June 20, 1995, and contributing to the OSPAR Commission's 1998 prohibition on the offshore dumping of oil and gas installations in the Northeast Atlantic, affecting an estimated 7,000 platforms.[132][133] Collaborative efforts with First Nations over a decade led to British Columbia's 2016 Great Bear Rainforest agreement, designating 7.7 million hectares for conservation—85% of the area—with logging restrictions and ecosystem-based management, verifiable through provincial government implementation.[72]

Quantifiable Outcomes and Long-Term Effects

Greenpeace's campaigns against commercial whaling, initiated in the 1970s, contributed to international pressure that culminated in the International Whaling Commission's (IWC) moratorium on commercial whaling, effective from the 1985/1986 season.[134] This policy pause has facilitated population recoveries for several species, including humpback whales, which were reduced by over 95% prior to the moratorium; Southern Hemisphere stocks, for instance, have shown strong rebound, with many populations now increasing at rates exceeding 10% annually in protected areas.[135] [136] Long-term effects include enhanced ecosystem services from larger whale populations, such as carbon sequestration—estimated at up to 63 tons of CO2 per blue whale over its lifetime—though ongoing threats like ship strikes and entanglement persist.[58] In the realm of ozone protection, Greenpeace's advocacy from 1986 onward aligned with the 1987 Montreal Protocol, which phased out chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs), leading to a 90% reduction in global CFC emissions and the projected recovery of the stratospheric ozone layer by the 2060s.[137] Complementing this, Greenpeace's development of Greenfreeze technology in the early 1990s—using hydrocarbons as refrigerants—has resulted in over 650 million units deployed worldwide, capturing significant market share in regions like China (75% of domestic refrigerators) and avoiding millions of tons of hydrofluorocarbon (HFC) emissions annually.[138] [139] These outcomes have mitigated both ozone depletion and radiative forcing, with models indicating the Protocol has averted up to 1°C of additional warming by 2100, though Greenpeace's specific causal influence remains secondary to scientific consensus and industry shifts.[140] Forest campaigns, particularly the 2006 exposure of soy-driven deforestation in the Brazilian Amazon, prompted the Amazon Soy Moratorium, correlating with an 86% decline in soy-related deforestation rates over the subsequent decade through 2016.[84] This agreement among traders and producers helped stabilize clearance in key areas, preserving millions of hectares indirectly tied to export commodities, though broader reductions also stem from government enforcement and economic factors.[141] Long-term effects include sustained biodiversity in moratorium zones, but challenges persist, as overall Amazon deforestation spiked post-2019 policy shifts, underscoring the fragility of voluntary mechanisms without binding enforcement.[142] Anti-nuclear efforts, such as the 1971 Amchitka protests, amplified opposition to atmospheric testing, contributing to the U.S. halting underground tests there after 1971 and broader global test ban treaties by 1996.[143] However, long-term effects are mixed: while reducing direct fallout exposure, persistent campaigning against nuclear energy has coincided with delayed low-carbon transitions in countries like Germany, where post-2011 phase-outs led to a 20-30% rise in coal-fired generation and associated CO2 emissions through 2020, potentially offsetting some climate benefits from avoided nuclear risks.[46] Empirical assessments indicate that such opposition may have increased global fossil fuel reliance by forestalling scalable nuclear deployment, with lifecycle emissions from nuclear power averaging 12 gCO2/kWh versus 490 gCO2/kWh for coal.[144]

Criticisms and Controversies

Scientific Disputes and Expert Rebuttals

Greenpeace's longstanding opposition to genetically modified organisms (GMOs) has drawn sharp rebukes from scientific communities, who argue the group's campaigns misrepresent empirical evidence on safety and efficacy. In June 2016, 107 Nobel laureates, including 21 from physics, 27 from chemistry, and others across disciplines, signed an open letter accusing Greenpeace of perpetuating "a crime against humanity" by rejecting GMO technologies despite consensus from bodies like the U.S. National Academy of Sciences that GMOs pose no greater risks than conventional crops when rigorously assessed.[96][97] The laureates emphasized that Greenpeace's tactics, such as labeling GMOs as "unnecessary" or "dangerous," ignore data from thousands of studies showing no unique health hazards and potential benefits like reduced pesticide use.[145] A focal point of contention is Greenpeace's resistance to Golden Rice, a GMO variety biofortified with beta-carotene to address vitamin A deficiency (VAD), which causes an estimated 250,000–500,000 cases of childhood blindness annually and contributes to 670,000 child deaths per year in affected regions.[146] Greenpeace has campaigned against its development and deployment since the early 2000s, arguing it promotes dependency on biotech solutions over dietary diversity, but experts including the International Rice Research Institute and nutritionists counter that field trials demonstrated its efficacy in delivering 50–60% of daily vitamin A needs for children, with no adverse effects observed in safety studies.[147] In April 2024, a Philippine Court of Appeals ruling, stemming from a Greenpeace-initiated lawsuit, revoked biosafety approvals for Golden Rice cultivation, citing lack of long-term data; scientists responded that this decision ignores over 20 years of peer-reviewed research affirming its safety and could exacerbate VAD, potentially costing millions of lives through prolonged delays.[148][149] On nuclear energy, Greenpeace maintains it is inherently unsafe, citing risks of accidents, waste, and proliferation as disqualifying it from climate mitigation strategies.[70] Experts rebut this by pointing to lifecycle analyses showing nuclear power's death rate at 0.04 per terawatt-hour (TWh)—orders of magnitude lower than coal (24.6 per TWh) or oil (18.4 per TWh), and comparable to or below wind and solar when accounting for mining, installation, and intermittency-related fossil backups.[150] Organizations like the UN Scientific Committee on the Effects of Atomic Radiation (UNSCEAR) have concluded that radiation exposures from modern nuclear operations pose negligible public health risks, with Chernobyl's long-term cancer excess estimated at under 4,000 cases globally against initial Greenpeace projections of millions.[150] Critics, including energy analysts, argue Greenpeace's emphasis on rare events like Fukushima overlooks that the plant's designs prevented far worse outcomes, and advanced reactors (e.g., Generation IV) further minimize waste and meltdown probabilities through passive safety features validated in simulations.[150] Additional disputes involve Greenpeace's campaigns against chlorine chemistry, where the group advocated phasing out organochlorines as "persistent bioaccumulative toxins," prompting industry shifts that experts later deemed inefficient without proportional benefits. Chemists and toxicologists, including those from the American Chemical Society, have noted that chlorine's role in water disinfection averts millions of deaths annually from waterborne diseases, and selective bans overlook that toxicity depends on specific compounds rather than chlorine itself, with natural sources contributing more organochlorines than anthropogenic ones.[151] These rebuttals highlight a pattern where Greenpeace prioritizes precautionary narratives over risk-benefit analyses grounded in dose-response data, as critiqued by figures like former co-founder Patrick Moore, who resigned in 1986 citing the organization's drift from evidence-based environmentalism.[152]

High-Profile Operational Failures

In 1995, Greenpeace launched a high-profile campaign against Shell's plan to dispose of the decommissioned Brent Spar oil storage buoy by sinking it in the North Atlantic, claiming the structure contained approximately 5,000 tons of oil and over 100 tons of toxic and radioactive substances that would contaminate marine ecosystems.[153] Independent scientific analysis commissioned by the UK government in June 1995 revealed only about 30 tons of oil residue and negligible toxic materials, contradicting Greenpeace's estimates by a factor exceeding 100 for certain claims.[154] Greenpeace acknowledged the errors on June 20, 1995, issuing a public apology for relying on incomplete data and withdrawing opposition to the disposal method, which damaged its scientific credibility and prompted internal reviews of campaign verification processes.[155] On December 8, 2014, six Greenpeace activists accessed Peru's Nazca Lines UNESCO World Heritage site—a fragile desert plateau etched with geoglyphs dating to 500 BCE—to stage a climate protest by arranging large cloth figures spelling "Time for Change" near the hummingbird glyph, aiming to highlight renewable energy needs ahead of UN climate talks.[156] The activists' footprints compressed the arid soil, leaving visible trails and indentations estimated at 7 meters long near the glyph, as documented by Peruvian authorities and drone imagery, prompting accusations of irreversible damage to the unprotected surface layers.[157] Peru's culture ministry launched a criminal investigation, fining Greenpeace $1,000 initially and demanding reparations; the organization apologized on December 11 for any "moral offense" but initially disputed permanent harm, later naming the activists and cooperating with probes while defending the intent.[158] In November 2005, Greenpeace's flagship vessel Rainbow Warrior II ran aground on a coral reef within the Apo Reef Natural Park, a protected marine area in the Philippines, during a repositioning maneuver, causing visible breakage to the reef structure.[159] The incident, attributed to navigational error amid poor visibility, led to an estimated 100 square meters of coral damage; Greenpeace admitted responsibility, paid a PHP 1 million (approximately $18,000) fine to local authorities, and committed to reef restoration efforts, highlighting vulnerabilities in fleet operations near sensitive ecosystems.[159] In March 2025, a jury in Morton County, North Dakota, found Greenpeace USA, Greenpeace International, and Greenpeace Fund liable for nearly $667 million in compensatory and punitive damages to Energy Transfer, the developer of the Dakota Access Pipeline, stemming from the organization's involvement in protests at Standing Rock between 2016 and 2017.[160][161] The verdict included awards for trespass, conversion of property, public nuisance, defamation, and tortious interference with business relations, with Energy Transfer claiming losses of $265 million to $340 million from disrupted construction, security costs, and reputational harm allegedly exacerbated by Greenpeace's funding, training, and public campaigns portraying the project as environmentally destructive.[162] On February 28, 2026, a North Dakota judge finalized a $345 million judgment against the Greenpeace entities, reducing the prior jury award from over $660 million but upholding significant damages.[163] Greenpeace plans to appeal the ruling, characterizing the suit as a strategic lawsuit against public participation (SLAPP) intended to suppress dissent, and pledged to pursue all legal remedies while asserting the protests constituted protected speech and assembly.[164][165] The Energy Transfer case has raised concerns about its potential to financially cripple the involved Greenpeace entities, with analysts noting the award's scale—exceeding the organization's annual budget—could force asset liquidation or bankruptcy absent a successful appeal or settlement, diverting funds from environmental campaigns to legal defense.[31] In parallel proceedings, Energy Transfer sought to enjoin Greenpeace's countersuit in the Netherlands, alleging forum shopping to evade U.S. jurisdiction.[166] Another notable legal confrontation occurred in December 2024, when Shell settled a lawsuit against Greenpeace UK over a 2023 protest involving activists boarding the Shetland Islands' Draugen oil platform, which Shell claimed caused operational disruptions and safety risks.[167] Shell initially demanded £1.7 million ($2.1 million) in damages for costs including halted production and emergency responses, but the agreement required Greenpeace to pay £300,000 to a crew welfare fund without admitting liability, while committing not to protest at four specified Shell North Sea sites for five years.[168][169] This resolution imposed operational restrictions on Greenpeace's tactics, illustrating how such suits can yield non-monetary concessions limiting future direct actions despite avoiding full damage awards.[170] These cases reflect a broader pattern where industries targeted by Greenpeace's disruptive protests—such as pipeline blockades and platform occupations—pursue civil claims for property damage, business interruption, and alleged incitement, resulting in cumulative legal costs that strain the nonprofit's resources and insurance coverage.[171] While Greenpeace often frames these as attempts to chill activism, court findings of liability underscore causal links between coordinated protest support and verifiable economic harms to plaintiffs, including elevated security expenditures and delayed projects.[172] The financial toll, including defense fees and potential payouts, has prompted internal reassessments of risk, though Greenpeace maintains such challenges reinforce its commitment to nonviolent resistance against perceived ecological threats.[173]

Internal Dissent and Former Insider Critiques

Patrick Moore, a co-founder of Greenpeace and its director of campaigns in the early 1970s, resigned from the organization in 1986 after serving as one of its international directors.[174] He cited a shift in the group's approach from evidence-based environmentalism toward ideological extremism, particularly in rejecting nuclear energy despite its low-carbon potential and opposing chlorine use in water purification, which he viewed as essential for public health.[53] Moore, holding a PhD in ecology, described becoming the sole director with a formal science background among six, leading to decisions driven by emotion rather than data, such as blanket opposition to biotechnology.[174] In subsequent critiques, Moore has accused Greenpeace of employing scare tactics and disinformation to maintain fundraising, exemplified by its campaigns against genetically modified crops that he argues hinder solutions to malnutrition, as in the case of Golden Rice.[175] He has testified before bodies like the U.S. Senate that there is no empirical proof linking human CO2 emissions to catastrophic climate change, positioning Greenpeace's alarmism as politically motivated rather than scientifically grounded.[176] Greenpeace has countered that Moore misrepresents his role, claiming he was never a formal co-founder and left early due to internal disagreements, while dismissing his views as anti-environmental. Other former insiders have echoed concerns over Greenpeace's prioritization of confrontation over collaboration. In a 2024 internal crisis, anonymous staff described a "leadership breakdown" and "full-on implosion," attributing it to strategic missteps amid financial pressures and lawsuits, including an inability to pivot from outdated campaigns like anti-GMO efforts despite external scientific consensus from over 100 Nobel laureates urging reversal.[177] By October 2025, two top legal executives departed Greenpeace USA during a protracted $660 million defamation suit from Energy Transfer over Dakota Access Pipeline protests, signaling ongoing operational strains.[178] These episodes highlight persistent tensions between the organization's activist ethos and demands for evidence-based adaptability.

Recent Developments

Campaigns and Actions in 2024-2026

In 2024, Greenpeace International coordinated multiple direct actions emphasizing climate justice, ocean protection, and anti-fossil fuel advocacy. Activists from Greenpeace Netherlands supported a lawsuit filed by eight Bonaire residents against the Dutch state, alleging human rights violations due to inadequate climate policies exacerbating local environmental degradation.[179] In France, approximately 30 Greenpeace France members protested outside the National Assembly in Paris to back farmers' demands for a equitable transition away from industrial agriculture.[179] Greenpeace Indonesia organized a carnival in Jakarta featuring a giant marionette depicting an "oligarchy monster" to spotlight intertwined threats to democracy and ecosystems from corporate influence.[179] For ocean conservation, a Greenpeace expedition in the Galápagos Islands included Spanish actor Alba Flores snorkeling near Santiago Island with a banner urging ratification of the UN High Seas Treaty.[179] Greenpeace UK joined a London march displaying a "Ceasefire Now" banner in solidarity with Palestine, linking geopolitical conflicts to broader environmental advocacy.[179] Greenpeace also pressured governments on deep-sea mining, contributing to Norway's decision to pause Arctic licensing rounds until after the next election through coordinated activism involving scientists and public campaigns.[180] In fisheries, Greenpeace Indonesia's advocacy influenced the Western and Central Pacific Fisheries Commission's adoption of crew labor standards on December 3, 2024, aiming to curb exploitation in industrial tuna fleets.[180] The Plastic Free Future campaign targeted corporations like Unilever via bold interventions, including collaborations with regional Greenpeace branches in Mexico and Southeast Asia to highlight single-use plastics' lifecycle impacts.[20][181] Into 2025, energy transition protests intensified. On July 26, 2025, Greenpeace UK activists abseiled from Scotland's Forth Road Bridge, halting an INEOS tanker carrying fracked gas to Grangemouth for 24 hours to protest petrochemical feedstocks fueling plastic pollution and demand a binding Global Plastics Treaty ahead of UN negotiations.[182] In August 2025, Greenpeace UK protesters accessed a Shell North Sea gas platform, installing artwork by Anish Kapoor as part of the Polluters Pay Pact to underscore fossil fuel expansion's environmental costs.[183] On September 8, 2025, Polish Greenpeace divers conducted an underwater demonstration at the Nord Stream pipeline sabotage site in the Baltic Sea, drawing attention to energy infrastructure vulnerabilities and militarization risks.[184] September 2025 saw escalated U.S. actions. Greenpeace USA unfurled a massive "Climate Polluters Bill" banner in New York City during Climate Week, quantifying alleged economic damages from five major oil and gas firms at billions in societal costs from pollution and climate impacts, coinciding with a UN General Assembly eve march.[185][186] On September 22, 2025, activists scaled the 75-meter chimneys of England's Staythorpe gas-fired power station—its largest—to decry gas's role in inflating electricity prices, citing data showing gas costs 130% above solar over five years and advocating for strategic reserves to cut bills by potential £5 billion annually for UK households and businesses.[187] These efforts aligned with broader anti-Arctic ice melt protests in Washington, D.C., on September 20, 2025, framing fossil fuel reliance as a driver of irreversible polar changes.[188] In April 2026, Greenpeace deployed its ship Arctic Sunrise to join the Global Sumud Flotilla, a civilian-led international mission to challenge Israel's blockade of Gaza and deliver humanitarian aid. The flotilla set sail from Barcelona, Spain, on April 12, 2026, with the Arctic Sunrise providing maritime and technical support to over 70 vessels. This action was undertaken in response to direct calls from Palestinians in Gaza for humanitarian solidarity and safe access amid the ongoing crisis. Greenpeace described the participation as consistent with its commitment to defending life, peace, and adherence to international law in conflict-affected areas with environmental implications.[189][190][191][192] In March 2025, a North Dakota state court jury found Greenpeace USA, Greenpeace International, and Greenpeace Fund liable for over $660 million in damages to Energy Transfer LP, the developer of the Dakota Access Pipeline (DAPL), stemming from protests against the project in 2016 and 2017.[193][71] The verdict included approximately $250 million for defamation claims related to Greenpeace's public statements portraying the pipeline as environmentally destructive and unsafe, alongside compensatory and punitive damages for alleged incitement of property damage, trespass, and business interference during the Standing Rock protests.[194][195] Energy Transfer argued that Greenpeace's activism went beyond protected speech, coordinating actions that led to millions in losses, while Greenpeace maintained the suit was a Strategic Lawsuit Against Public Participation (SLAPP) intended to bankrupt environmental advocacy.[196][47] Greenpeace has appealed the verdict and, in February 2025, initiated a parallel action in the Netherlands under the European Union's Anti-SLAPP Directive (2024/1069) to prevent enforcement of the U.S. judgment in Europe, asserting the original case was abusive and aimed at silencing dissent.[197][198] A July 2025 hearing in the Netherlands proceeded despite Energy Transfer's objections, and in September 2025, a North Dakota judge denied Energy Transfer's request to enjoin the European proceedings, leaving the cross-jurisdictional dispute unresolved. On February 28, 2026, the North Dakota judge finalized a $345 million judgment against Greenpeace entities in Energy Transfer's lawsuit alleging intimidation and civil conspiracy related to the Dakota Access Pipeline protests, reducing the prior jury award from over $660 million but upholding significant damages; Greenpeace plans to appeal.[163][199] This case serves as an early test of the EU directive's effectiveness against transnational SLAPP suits, with Greenpeace arguing it protects free speech on environmental issues.[200] The financial ramifications have strained Greenpeace's operations, with the potential payout—exceeding the organization's annual global budget—prompting warnings of bankruptcy risk if upheld.[31][201] In October 2025, two senior legal staffers departed Greenpeace USA amid the escalating battle, citing internal pressures from the litigation.[178] Greenpeace has relied on its donor-funded model, emphasizing no corporate or government contributions, but the verdict has fueled debates over the sustainability of high-risk direct-action tactics, with critics like Energy Transfer highlighting economic accountability for protest-related harms.[173] No other major financial audits or penalties were reported in 2024-2025, though ongoing operational costs from global campaigns continue to draw scrutiny for allocation efficiency.[202]

References

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