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Protest song
Protest song
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Bob Dylan songs such as "Blowin' in the Wind" and "The Times They Are a-Changin'" became anthems for the civil rights and anti-war movements in the 1960s.

A protest song is a song that is associated with a movement for protest and social change and hence part of the broader category of topical songs (or songs connected to current events). It may be folk, classical, or commercial in genre.

Among social movements that have an associated body of songs are the abolition movement, prohibition, women's suffrage, the labour movement, the human rights movement, civil rights, the Native American rights movement, the Jewish rights movement, disability rights, the anti-war movement and 1960s counterculture, art repatriation, opposition against blood diamonds, abortion rights, the feminist movement, the sexual revolution, the LGBT rights movement, masculism, animal rights movement, vegetarianism and veganism, gun rights, legalization of marijuana and environmentalism.

Protest songs are often situational, having been associated with a social movement through context. "Goodnight Irene", for example, acquired the aura of a protest song because it was written by Lead Belly, a black convict and social outcast, although on its face it is a love song. Or they may be abstract, expressing, in more general terms, opposition to injustice and support for peace, or free thought, but audiences usually know what is being referred to. Ludwig van Beethoven's "Ode to Joy", a song in support of universal brotherhood, is a song of this kind. It is a setting of a poem by Friedrich Schiller celebrating the continuum of living beings (who are united in their capacity for feeling pain and pleasure and hence for empathy), to which Beethoven himself added the lines that all men are brothers. Songs which support the status quo do not qualify as protest songs.[1]

Protest song texts may have significant specific content. The labour movement musical Pins and Needles articulated a definition of a protest song in a number called "Sing Me a Song of Social Significance". Phil Ochs once explained, "A protest song is a song that's so specific that you cannot mistake it for BS."[2] Some researchers have argued that protest songs must express opposition or, at the very least, offer some alternative solutions if they are limited to drawing attention to social issues.[3] A broad definition, which does not exclude any upcoming form of creativity, defines a protest song as one performed by protesters.[4]

An 18th-century example of a topical song intended as a feminist protest song is "Rights of Woman" (1795), sung to the tune of "God Save the King", written anonymously by "A Lady" and published in the Philadelphia Minerva, October 17, 1795. There is no evidence that it was ever sung as a movement song, however.[5]

Types

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Billie Holiday’s haunting rendition of "Strange Fruit" powerfully protested violence, making it a "rhetorical" protest song of political and social systems of her time.

The sociologist R. Serge Denisoff saw protest songs rather narrowly in terms of their function, as forms of persuasion or propaganda.[6] Denisoff saw the protest song tradition as originating in the "psalms" or songs of grassroots Protestant religious revival movements, terming these hymns "protest-propaganda", as well.

Denisoff subdivided protest songs as either "magnetic" or "rhetorical". "Magnetic" protest songs were aimed at attracting people to the movement and promoting group solidarity and commitment – for example, "Keep Your Eyes on the Prize" and "We Shall Overcome". "Rhetorical" protest songs, on the other hand, are often characterized by individual indignation and offer a straightforward political message designed to change political opinion. Denisoff argued that although "rhetorical" songs often are not overtly connected to building a larger movement, they should nevertheless be considered as "protest-propaganda".[7] Examples include Bob Dylan's "Masters of War" (which contains the lines "I hope that you die / And your death'll come soon") and "What's Going On" by Marvin Gaye.

Ron Eyerman and Andrew Jamison, in Music and Social Movements: Mobilizing Tradition in the Twentieth Century (1998), take issue with what they consider Denisoff's reductive approach to the history and function of song (and particularly traditional song) in social movements. They point out that Denisoff had paid little attention to the song tunes of protest music, considered them strictly subordinate to the texts, a means to the message. It is true that in the highly text-oriented western European song tradition, tunes can be subordinate, interchangeable, and even limited in number (as in Portuguese fado, which only has 64 tunes), nevertheless, Eyerman and Jamison point out that some of the most effective protest songs gain power through their appropriation of tunes that are bearers of strong cultural traditions.[8] They also note that:

There is more to music and movements than can be captured within a functional perspective, such as Denisoff's, which focuses on the use made of music within already-existing movements. Music, and song, we suggest, can maintain a movement even when it no longer has a visible presence in the form of organizations, leaders, and demonstrations, and can be a vital force in preparing the emergence of a new movement. Here the role and place of music needs to be interpreted through a broader framework in which tradition and ritual are understood as processes of identity and identification, as encoded and embodied forms of collective meaning and memory.[9]

Martin Luther King Jr. described the freedom songs this way: "They invigorate the movement in a most significant way... these freedom songs serve to give unity to a movement."[10]

Africa

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Algeria

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Raï (Arabic: "opinion" رأي) is a form of folk music, originated in Oran, Algeria from Bedouin shepherds, mixed with Spanish, French, African and Arabic musical forms. Its origins date back to the 1920s and has been primarily evolved by the women referred to as cheikhas, who performed in cafes, bars or bordellos, often for men.[11] A typical performance included the cheikhas accompanied by two to four male instrumentalists playing a gasba (a wooden flute) and gallal (a metal drum). Rai was considered a rejection of the traditional Algerian music of the time, and the cheikhas " . . . used lewd lyrics focusing on the hardships of life facing peasant women in a big city, the pain of love, the lure of alcohol, immigration, and mourning."[11]

By the 1950s, and through the 1960s, male musicians began performing rai music and incorporated the use of what was considered to be modern musical instruments of that time, such as the violin, the accordion, the lute, and the trumpet.[11] As the genre evolved over time, it continued to have associations with political movements and organizations, such as the Algerian Freedom Fighters who rallied against the French occupation. Even after Algeria achieved independence in 1962, Rai continued to have an adverse relationship with the Algerian government, which exerted a tight grip upon its culture. In fact, Raï had been banned from broadcast media, though it thrived in underground spaces, such as cabarets.[11] It was forbidden to the point of one popular singer, Cheb Hasni, being assassinated. However, since the government lifted its restrictions on rai in the 1980s, it has enjoyed some considerable success.

The song "Parisien Du Nord" by Cheb Mami is a recent example of how the genre has been used as a form of protest, as the song was written as a protest against the racial tensions that sparked the 2005 French riots. According to Memi:

It is a song against racism, so I wanted to sing it with a North African who was born in France... Because of that and because of his talent, I chose K-Mel. In the song, we say, 'In your eyes, I feel like foreigner.' It's like the kids who were born in France but they have Arab faces. They are French, and they should be considered French."[12]

Rai continues to be regarded, as Al-Neen states, "[the] music of rebellion and the symbol of cynicism. Rai has emerged as an outlet for voicing the frustrations of youths and placing greater emphasis on freedom and liberty."[11]

Egypt

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Ahmed Fouad Negm is considered a key dissident figure whose poetry in colloquial Arabic gave voice to the underclass in Egypt, and inspired protesters.[13][14] He teamed up in the 1960s with composer Sheikh Imam Eissa who gave music to his verses, the partnership lasting for twenty years. Lines from Negm's poem "Who Are They, and Who Are We?" were chanted at Tahrir Square in 2011 during protests against President Hosni Mubarak.[14]

Music played a key role in mobilizing the 2011 protests at Tahrir Square against President Hosni Mubarak which led to the Egyptian revolution.[15] "Ezzay," meaning "How come?" by Egyptian singer and actor Mohamed Mounir is considered one of the most popular songs associated with the protests.[16] "Irhal," meaning "Leave", by Ramy Essam became an internet hit,[17] and was subsequently described in the media as having become an anthem for the revolution.[18][19]

South Africa

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Anti-apartheid

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The majority of South African protest music of the 20th century concerned itself with apartheid, a system of legalized racial segregation in which blacks were stripped of their citizenship and rights from 1948 to 1994. As the apartheid regime forced Africans into townships and industrial centres, people sang about leaving their homes, the horror of the coal mines and the degradation of working as domestic servants. Examples of which include Benedict Wallet Vilakazi's "Meadowlands", the "Toyi-toyi" chant and "Bring Him Back Home" (1987) by Hugh Masekela, which became an anthem for the movement to free Nelson Mandela. The Special AKA wrote a song on Nelson Mandela called "Free Nelson Mandela". The track is upbeat and celebratory, drawing on musical influence from South Africa, was immensely popular in Africa. Masekela's song "Soweto Blues", sung by his former wife, Miriam Makeba, is a blues/jazz piece that mourns the carnage of the Soweto riots in 1976.[20] Basil Coetzee and Abdullah Ibrahim's "Mannenberg" became an unofficial soundtrack to the anti-apartheid resistance.

In Afrikaans, the 1989 Voëlvry movement led by Johannes Kerkorrel, Koos Kombuis, and Bernoldus Niemand, provided a voice of opposition from within the white Afrikaner community. These musicians sought to redefine Afrikaner identity, and although met with opposition from the authorities, Voëlvry played to large crowds at Afrikaans university campuses and was quite popular among Afrikaner youth.[21]

Post-apartheid

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Following apartheid's demise, most Afrikaans writers and musicians followed public sentiments by embracing the new South Africa, but cracks soon emerged in the dream of the "rainbow nation" and criticism started to emerge, criticism that has grown in frequency and intensity in recent years. Violent crime put South Africa in the top category of most dangerous country in the world, along with poverty, government corruption, and the AIDS pandemic. For this reason, writers and musicians in which some of them veterans of anti-apartheid movements, are once again protesting against what they consider to be a government failing to uphold the promise of 'peace, democracy and freedom for all' that Nelson Mandela made upon his release from prison. By 2000, Johannes Kerkorrel claimed in the song "Die stad bloei vanaand" [The city bleeds tonight]: "the dream was promised, but just another lie has been sold."

Two Afrikaans compilation albums of predominantly protest music were released recently: Genoeg is genoeg [Enough is enough] (2007) and Vaderland [Fatherland] (2008), and Koos Kombuis also released a CD called Bloedrivier [Blood River] (2008), which is primarily a protest album. One track, "Waar is Mandela" [Where is Mandela] asks, "Where is Mandela when the shadows descend ... Where is the rainbow, where is the glory?" and another, "Die fokkol" song [The Nothing] song, tells tourists who visit South Africa for the 2010 Football World Cup that there is nothing in South Africa; no jobs, no petrol, no electric power, not even jokes. However, these compilations only represent the tip of the iceberg, as many prominent musicians have included protest songs on recent albums, including Bok van Blerk, Fokofpolisiekar, and KOBUS!.

The reality of the New South Africa is decidedly violent and crime is a well-known theme in post-apartheid Afrikaans protest music. The punk group Fokofpolisiekar (which translates to fuck off police car) sings in "Brand Suid-Afrika" [Burn South Africa]: "For you knives lie in wait, in the garden outside you house," and Radio Suid-Afrika sings in "Bid" [Pray]: "Pray that no-one will be waiting in the garden, pray for strength and for mercy in each dark day." Theirs is a country of "murder and child rape" where the only respite is alcohol abuse. In "Blaas hom" [Blow him away] by the industrial band Battery9, the narrator sings how he gleefully unloads his gun on a burglar after being robbed for the third time, and in "Siek bliksems" [Sick bastards] Kristoe Strauss asks God to help against the "sick bastards" responsible for hijackings. The metal band KOBUS! pleads for a reinstatement of the death penalty in "Doodstraf", because they feel the promise of peace has not been realized. In "Reconciliation Day", Koos Kombuis sings: "Our streets run with blood, every day a funeral procession, they steal all our goods, on Reconciliation Day." Elsewhere he states, "we're in a state of war." The video of this song features a lawless microcosm of theft, rape and abuse – a lawlessness reflected in Valiant Swart's "Sodom en Gomorra": "two cities in the north, without laws, without order, too wonderful for words." Hanru Niemand rewrites the traditional Afrikaans song Sarie Marais, turning it into a murder ballad speculating on where Sarie's body will be found. The new protest musicians also parody Voëlvry's music: Johannes Kerkorrel's "Sit dit af" [Switch it off] – a satire on P. W. Botha of the apartheid regime – is turned into "Sit dit aan" [Switch it on] by Koos Kombuis, now a song protesting mismanagement resulting in chronic power failures.

Much of the protest by Afrikaans musicians concerns the legacy of apartheid: In "Blameer dit op apartheid" [Blame it on apartheid] Koos Kombuis sings how "the whole country is evil," yet the situation is blamed on apartheid. Klopjag, in "Ek sal nie langer" [I will no longer] sings that they will no longer apologize for apartheid, a theme echoed by many others, including Koos Kombuis in "Hoe lank moet ons nog sorry sê" [For how long do we still have to say sorry]. Piet Paraat sings in "Toema Jacob Zuma" [Never mind Jacob Zuma]: "My whole life I'm punished for the sins of my father." There is also a distinct feeling that the Afrikaner is being marginalized by the ANC government: Fokofpolisiekar sings in "Antibiotika" [Antibiotics], "I'm just a tourist in the country of my birth," Bok van Blerk sings in "Die kleur van my vel" [The colour of my skin] that the country does not want him despite his willingness to work, because he is white, even though white South Africans have the lowest rate of unemployment,[22] and in "Bloekomboom" Rian Malan uses the metaphor of a blue gum tree (an alien species) to plead that Afrikaners should not be regarded as settlers, but as part of the nation. Steve Hofmeyr has incorrectly[23] expressed concern about the statistically high murders of Afrikaner farmers, and has also appealed in several speeches to remember Afrikaner heritage. His songs "Ons Sal Dit Oorleef" (We will survive this) and "My Kreed" (My Cry) also echoes many Afrikaners' fears of losing their culture and rights. The appeals by these musicians, and several others, to be included follows a sense of exclusion manifested in the political, linguistic and economic realms, an exclusion depicted particularly vividly by Bok van Blerk's "Kaplyn" [Cut line], a song that laments that fallen South African soldiers have been omitted in one of the country's show-case memorials, the Freedom Park Memorial, despite official claims of it being a memorial for all who had fought for the country.

Tunisia

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Emel Mathlouthi composed songs since a young age which called for freedom and dignity in a Tunisia ruled by the dictator Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, earning her scrutiny from internal security forces and forcing her to retreat to Paris. Banned from the official airwaves, her protest songs found listeners on social media. In late 2010 and early 2011, Tunisian protesters referred to her song Kelmti Horra (my word is free) as an anthem of the Tunisian Revolution.

Asia

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Bangladesh

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China

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Chinese-Korean Cui Jian's 1986 song "Nothing to My Name" was popular with protesters in Tiananmen Square.

Chinese singer Li Zhi made references to the Tiananmen Square massacre in his songs and were subsequently banned from China in 2019. Three years later, during the anti-lockdown protests in China, this was used as a protest song across YouTube.[citation needed]

Hong Kong

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Hong Kong rock band Beyond's "Boundless Oceans Vast Skies" (1993) and "Glory Days" (光輝歲月) (1990) have been considered as protest anthems in various social movements.

During the 2019–20 Hong Kong protests, Les Misérables' "Do You Hear The People Sing" (1980) and Thomas dgx yhl's "Glory to Hong Kong" (2019) were sung in support of the movement. The latter has been widely adopted as the anthem of these protests, with some even regarding it as the "national anthem of Hong Kong".[24][25]

India

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Cultural activism in India has always been considered one of the most effective tools to mobilise people into making a social change since pre-independence times.[26] India provided many examples of protest songs throughout its struggle for freedom from Britain.[27]

Indian rapper Raftaar's "Mantoiyat" lashes out at corrupt politicians and police and brings to light injustices that plague the country. In the song he talks about deep rooted issues and brings light to the hypocrisy of the people and the government.[28] Artists such as Poojan Sahil, Seedhe Maut, Vishkyun, Prabh Deep, Rapper Shaz, Sumit Roy & Ahmer usually talk about social issues in their songs.[29][30] The rock fusion band Indian Ocean's song "Chitu" was one of their first and prominent songs, a tribal anthem that Ram had come across over the course of being involved in the Narmada Movement.[31]

In 2019, India's citizenship Law led to a mass protest all over the country. Artists like Varun Grover, Poojan Sahil, Rapper Shaz & Madara joined the cause with their own sonic protest.[32][33]

In more contemporary times, protest music has been a regular feature of movements in India. The Dalit rights movement especially uses music to further its goals. The Kabir Kala Manch is one such well known troupe of singers who used their performances to raise awareness and support for their cause. The widely acclaimed[34] documentary film, Jai Bhim Comrade, highlighted the work of Kabir Kala Manch and presented this form of protest music to both Indian as well as international audiences. Similar, albeit less known, Dalit musical groups exist in various parts of India.

The leftist movements of India too use protest music along with street plays as a means to propagate their message amongst the masses. Protest music was a big feature of plays organized by the Indian People's Theatre Association (IPTA). Similar organisations formed after the break-up of IPTA and highly influenced by its work, like the Jana Natya Manch (JANAM), also made protest music a regular feature of their plays. In recent decades, however, the Left's cultural activism has increasingly been relegated to the margins of the cultural sphere. Some attribute this to the political decline of the mainstream Left in India, as well as a shift in focus to local movements and languages as identity politics took a greater hold of Indian Polity.[35]

Protest music also features regularly in protests held by other mainstream national parties of India.

Indonesia

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Iran

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Mona Borzouei co-wrote "Woman's Anthem", a key protest song during the 2022 Mahsa Amini protests, highlighting women's struggles in Iran.

Fereydoun Farokhzad's "Sad Eastern"—which its title is referring to Iranian people—is considered as one of the first Iranian protest songs. Due to the free speech limitations at the time of the song was first sang (1969 or 1970), it is a light protest song talking about "freedom" and "not giving up of our land" Iran.[36]

Since it is illegal to criticize the government and social issues in Iran after the 1979 Iranian Revolution, most of the Iranian artists who make protest songs live abroad. Protest songs in Iran have a long history due to the long history of Human rights violations by the Islamic Republic of Iran.[37]

One of the most important protest songs of Iran is Hichkas's "A Good Day Will Come" which is often considered as the most influential Iranian protest song. "A Good Day Will Come" was released a year after the 2009 Iranian presidential election protests, one of the most violent protests in Iran.[38][39]

"Iran Iran" which is the debut single of rapper Fadaei, was also released a year after the 2009 Iranian presidential election protests mentioning the killing of Neda Agha-Soltan and the 2009 Kahrizak Detention Center disaster.[40][41][42]

After the death of over 1500 protesters in the 2019–2020 Iranian protests —which is best known as Bloody November due to its massive brutality— Iranian artists who live abroad released many protest songs include Hichkas's "Clenched His Fists" —which was released one month after the start of the protests— and "Hit", Fadaei's "Overthrow" (also mentions 2021 Sistan and Baluchestan protests) and "From Karaj to Langerud" (Inspired by the death of Pezhman Gholipour [fa]). As of now, Bloody November has been mentioned many times in protest songs.[43]

After the death of Mahsa Amini on September 16, 2022, who was arrested for alleged wearing her Hijab improperly and later died after she had been —according to eyewitnesses— severely beaten by religious morality police officers, a massive global protests sparked all around the world and many Iranian artists released protest songs. Among all of the songs, Shervin Hajipour's "For" —which was released twelve days after Amini's death— became an instant hit and immediately turned into the unofficial "anthem" of the uprising. It was widely used during gatherings, from schools and universities to streets, both nationwide and across the globe. It was broadly circulated in social media and foreign TV channels and radio stations as well. The song also served as the backdrop for several other forms of art such as video works, graphic design and performance art. On November 11, 2022, Roxana Saberi reported the song as "the most viral tune to ever come out of Iran".[44] Since its release, "For" has become the single most covered protest song in Iran's history.[45] Hajipour was later arrested for the song and released on bail five days later, banned from any musical activity.[46]

Other Iranian notable protest songs which were released during Mahsa Amini protests includes Mehdi Yarrahi's "Woman's Anthem", "Life's Anthem" and "Cage is Enough", Hichkas's "This One Is Also For", Fadaei's heavy political theme album "Right" —which includes "Tawaf" and "Blood" protest songs— and "Conquer" (Inspired by the execution of Majidreza Rahnavard), Shapur's "Death to the Whole System", Toomaj Salehi's "Battleground" and "Omen", Ethnic Musician's "Freedom's Anthem", Koorosh and Sami Low's "Us", Shahin Najafi's "Gen Z" and "The Morning of Revenge".

Majid Entezami's "Khorramshahr Symphony" —which was re-released on October 13, 2022, and its title is referring to Khorramshahr's 1980 and 1982 battles— was also used multiple times on protest videos including women cutting their hair and calls for protests.[47]

Many artists have been arrested in Iran after releasing protest songs following the 2022 Mahsa Amini protests includes Shervin Hajipour, Mona Borzouei (Lyricist of Mehdi Yarrahi's "Woman's Anthem") and Toomaj Salehi. Salehi was arrested on October 30, 2022, for his social awareness activities on his social media and releasing the two protest songs "Battleground" and "Omen" during the Mahsa Amini protests. On November 27, 2022, Iranian media revealed that Salehi was charged with "corruption on Earth", an offense which could carry the death penalty.[48][49]

In March 2023, rapper Fadaei released another protest song associated with the 2022–2023 Iranian protests titled "Black".[50] The song was very controversial due to its Maddahi singing style mixed with pop music. It also contains heavy protest lyrics and Chaharshanbe Suri-Muharram-Nowruz themes.

Israel

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Jews singing Hebrew protest songs when Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad spoke at Columbia University in 2007

Israel's protest music has often become associated with different political factions.

During the 1967 war, Naomi Shemer added a third verse to her song "Jerusalem of Gold", sung by Shuli Natan, about the recapturing of Jerusalem after 2,000 years.[51] Later on that year, a different point of view of the song was introduced by the folk singer Meir Ariel, who recorded an anti-war version and named it "Jerusalem of Iron".

Gush Emunim supporters have taken a repertoire of old religious songs and invested them with political meaning. An example is the song "Utsu Etsu VeTufar" (They gave counsel but their counsel was violated). The song signifies the ultimate rightness of those steadfast in their beliefs, suggesting the rightness of Gush Emunim's struggle against anti-settlement policy by the government.

Minutes before Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin was murdered at a political rally in November 1995, Israeli folk singer Miri Aloni sang the Israeli pop song "Shir Lashalom" ("Song for Peace"). This song, originally written in 1969 and performed extensively at the time by an Israeli military performing group, has become one of the anthems of the Israeli peace camp.[52]

During the Arab uprising known as the First Intifada, Israeli singer Si Heyman sang "Yorim VeBokhim" ("Shoot and Weep") to protest Israeli policy in the territories. Pink Floyd's "Another Brick in the Wall" is used as a protest song by some opponents of Israel's barrier in the West Bank. The lyrics were adapted to: "We don't need no occupation. We don't need no racist wall."[53][54][55]

Since the onset of the Oslo Process and, more recently, Israel's unilateral disengagement plan, protest songs became a major avenue for opposition activists to express sentiments. Songs protesting these policies were written and performed by Israeli musicians such as Ariel Zilber, Aharon Razel, and others.[56]

Malaysia

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Myanmar

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During the 8888 Uprising, Burmese composer Naing Myanmar penned "Kabar Makyay Bu" (ကမ္ဘာမကျေဘူး), rendered in English as "We Won't Be Satisfied till the End of the World" as a protest song.[57] Set to the tune of Kansas' "Dust in the Wind", the song quickly gained popularity across the country, as an emotional appeal for freedom.[58] The song was recorded and distributed on cassette tapes, reaching millions of Burmese eventually becoming an anthem of the 8888 Uprising.[57]

In the aftermath of the 2021 Myanmar coup d'etat, the country's nascent civil disobedience movement has revitalized this song, performing it during protests and acts of civil disobedience.[59]

Palestine

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Palestinian music (Arabic: موسيقى فلسطينية) deals with the conflict with Israel, the longing for peace, and the love of the Palestinians' land. A typical example of such a song is "Biladi, Biladi" (My Country, My Country), which has become the unofficial Palestinian national anthem. Additionally, there are very few Palestinian peace songs that do not indict Israel, and outwardly militaristic.


Another example is the song "Al-Quds (Jerusalem) our Land", with words by Sharif Sabri. The song, sung by Amr Diab from Port Said, Egypt, won first prize in 2003 in a contest in Egypt for video clips produced in the West Bank and Gaza.[60] DAM is an Arabic hip-hop group, rapping in Arabic and Hebrew about the problems faced by Palestinians under occupation and calling for change. Kamilya Jubran's song "Ghareeba", a setting of a poem by Khalil Gibran, deals with a sense of isolation and loneliness felt by the Palestinian woman.

Pakistan

[edit]

Protest music in Pakistan has been deeply inspired by South Asian traditions since pre-independence times.

The song "Hum Dekhenge" is just one example of protest music from Pakistan. Faiz Ahmed, a poet and a prominent Pakistani Marxist, originally penned the poem with the same title as a response to General Zia ul Haq's repressive dictatorship. The poem is considered a critical commentary of Zia's brand of authoritarian Islam.[61] His political beliefs set him up as a natural critic of General Zia Ul Haq. In 1985, as part of Zia's programme of forced Islamicization, the sari, part of the traditional attire for women on the subcontinent was banned. That year, Iqbal Bano, one of Pakistan's best-loved singers and artists, sang Hum Dekhenge to an audience of 50,000 people in a Lahore stadium wearing a black sari. The recording was smuggled out and distributed on bootleg cassette tapes across the country. Cries of "Inquilab Zindabad" ("Long Live Revolution") and thunderous applause from the audience can be heard on the recording on YouTube. Faiz was in prison at the time.

The song has, since the fall of the Zia dictatorship, regularly featured in protests in Pakistan. More recently, a newer rendition of the song by Pakistani singer, Rahat Fateh Ali Khan, was used as the title song for the political party, Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf, in the 2013 Pakistani general election, and in the Azadi march of 2014.[62]

The international anthem girti hui deewaron ko aik dhakka aur do by famous poet Ali Arshad Mir created in the 1970s found profound place in various protests. This revolutionary anthem is still in use in resistance movements against oppressive political regimes and failing institutions by politicians and common people alike.[63][64][65]

Philippines

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From the revolutionary songs of the Katipunan to the songs being sung by the New People's Army, Filipino protest music deals with poverty, oppression as well as anti-imperialism and independence. A typical example was during the American era, as Jose Corazon de Jesus created a well-known protest song entitled "Bayan Ko", which calls for redeeming the nation against oppression, mainly colonialism, and also became popular as a song against the Marcos regime.

During the 1960s, Filipino protest music became aligned with the ideas of Communism as well as of revolution. The protest song "Ang Linyang Masa" came from Mao Zedong and his Mass Line and "Papuri sa Pag-aaral" was from Bertolt Brecht. These songs, although Filipinized, rose to become another part of Filipino protest music known as Revolutionary songs that became popular during protests and campaign struggles.

South Korea

[edit]

Commonly, protest songs in South Korea are known as Minjung Gayo (Korean: 민중 가요, literally "People's song"), and the genre of protest songs is called "Norae Undong", translating to the literal meaning "song movement".[66] The starting point of Korean protest songs was the music culture of Korean students movements around 1970.[67] It was common in the 1970s~1980s, especially before and after of the June Democracy Movement in 1987, and associated with against the military governments of presidents Park Chung Hee and Chun Doo Hwan reflecting the will of crowd and voices of criticism of the day.[67] From the middle of the 1990s, following the democratization of South Korea, Korean protest songs have lost their popularity.[68] There has been a resurgence of protest songs due to the 2024 South Korean martial law crisis.[69][70][71][72]

Taiwan

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"Island's Sunrise" (Chinese: 島嶼天光) is the theme song of 2014 Sunflower Student Movement in Taiwan. Also, the theme song of Lan Ling Wang TV drama series Into The Array Song (Chinese: 入陣曲), sung by Mayday, expressed all the social and political controversies during Taiwan under the president Ma Ying-jeou administration.

Thailand

[edit]

In Thailand, protest songs are known as Phleng phuea chiwit (Thai: เพลงเพื่อชีวิต, IPA: [pʰlēːŋ pʰɯ̂a tɕʰīː.wít]; lit. "songs for life"), a music genre that originated in the '70s, by famous artists such as Caravan, Carabao, Pongthep Kradonchamnan and Pongsit Kamphee.[73]

Turkey

[edit]

The roots of the rebellious/protest music in Anatolia goes back to the 16th century. Asiks who lived in that era, like Pir Sultan Abdal, Koroglu and Dadaloğlu who lived in the 18th century are still the inspirations. The tradition of rebellion have gone for centuries and have given many song to this geography's culture.[74] The message in Turkish protest music has been against inequality, lack of freedom, poverty, and the freedom of expression. Milder elements in this style are referred to as progressive, while some die-hard protest musicians have been prosecuted, and sometimes persecuted, in the 20th century Turkey. More than a few Turkish singers have been forced to exile, most notably Cem Karaca, who later returned to Turkey during freer conditions and atmosphere.[75] Typically, protest music bands are leftist bands with a huge following, especially in high schools and universities. The music is a crossover between folk and rock and the lyrics are about freedom, repression and uprising, capitalism and the oppressed, and the revolution that never comes. It's customary to say anti-American slogans here and there. The male singers always have what is called a Davidian voice (meaning deep and husky a la Barry White) and the females usually sing nasally with a high pitch.[76] Some popular examples are Duman, Grup Yorum and Selda Bagcan.

Europe

[edit]

Belarus

[edit]

The first famous Belarusian protest songs were created at the beginning of the 20th century during the rise of the Belarusian People's Republic and war for independence from the Russian Empire and Soviet Russia. This period includes such protest songs as "Advieku My Spali" ("We've slept enough", also known as Belarusian Marselliese) and "Vajaćki Marš" ("March of the Warriors"), which was an anthem of the Belarusian People's Republic. The next period of protest songs was in the 1990s, with many created by such bands as NRM, Novaje Nieba and others, which led to the unspoken prohibition of these musicians. As an example, Lavon Volski, frontman of NRM, Mroja and Krambambulia, had issues with officials at the majority of his concert due to the criticism of the Belarusian political system. One of the most famous bands of Belarus, Lyapis Trubetskoy, was forbidden from performing in the country due to being critical of Aleksandr Lukashenka in his lyrics. These prohibitions lead most "forbidden" bands to organize concerts in Vilnius, which, though situated in modern Lithuania, is considered to be a Belarusian historical capital because less than a hundred years ago most dwellers of Vilnius (Vilnia, as it was called before it was given to Lithuania) were Belarusians. But in the middle of the 2010s, the situation began to change a bit and many protest bands started to organize concerts in Belarus.

Estonia

[edit]

Many of the songs performed at the Estonian Laulupidu are protest songs, particularly those written during the Singing Revolution. Due to the official position of the Soviet Union at the time, the lyrics are frequently allusive, rather than explicitly anti-Soviet, such as Tõnis Mägi's song Koit. In contrast, Eestlane olen ja eestlaseks jään, sung by Ivo Linna and the group In Spe is explicitly in favour of an Estonian identity.

Finland

[edit]

Finland has a tradition of socialist and communist protest songs going back to the Finnish Civil War, most of which were imported and translated from Soviet Russia. In the 21st century the socialist protest song tradition is somewhat continued by left wing rap artists and to lesser degree in more traditional Taistoist form by KOM-theatre choir.

France

[edit]
Mireille Mathieu is known for her song "Une femme amoureuse", reflecting themes of freedom and emotion.

"The Internationale" ("L'Internationale" in French) is a socialist, anarchist, communist, and social-democratic anthem.[77][78]

"The Internationale" became the anthem of international socialism. Its original French refrain is C'est la lutte finale/ Groupons-nous et demain/ L'Internationale/ Sera le genre humain. (Freely translated: "This is the final struggle/ Let us join together and tomorrow/ The Internationale/ Will be the human race.") The "Internationale" has been translated into most of the world's languages. Traditionally it is sung with the hand raised in a clenched fist salute. "The Internationale" is sung not only by communists but also (in many countries) by socialists or social democrats. The Chinese version was also a rallying song of the students and workers at the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989.[79]

There is not so much a protest song trend in France, but rather of a permanent background of criticism and contestation, and individuals who personify it. World War II and its horrors forced French singers to think more critically about war in general, forcing them to question their governments and the powers who ruled their society.

Jazz trumpeter and singer Boris Vian's was one of the first to protest against the Algerian war with his anti-war song "Le déserteur" (The deserter), which was banned by the government.[80]

Several French songwriters, such as Léo Ferré (1916–1993), Georges Brassens (1921–1981), Jacques Brel (1929–1978) (actually a Belgian singer), Maxime Le Forestier (born 1949) or interpreters (Yves Montand, Marcel Mouloudji, Serge Reggiani, Graeme Allwright ...) often wrote or sang songs aligned against majority ideas and political powers. Because racial tensions did not rise to the same levels as those in the United States, criticism was focused more toward bourgeoisie, power, religion, and songs defending liberty of thought, speech and action. After 1945, immigration became a source of inspiration for some singers: Pierre Perret (born 1934), well known for his humorous songs, started writing several more "serious" and committed songs against racism ("Lily", 1977), which critically pointed out everyday racist behaviour in French society.

Brassens wrote several songs protesting war, hate, intolerance ("Les Deux Oncles" ["The Two Uncles"], "La Guerre de 14–18" ["14–18 War"], "Mourir pour des idées" ["To Die for Ideas"] "Les Patriotes" ["The Patriots"] ...), against chauvinism ("La Ballade des gens qui sont nés quelque part" ["Ballad of People Who Are Born Somewhere"]), against bourgeoisie ("La Mauvaise Réputation" ["The bad reputation"], "Les Philistins" ["The Philistines"] ...). He was often called "anarchist" because of his songs on representatives of law and order (and religion) ("Le Gorille" ["The gorilla"] "Hécatombe" ["Slaughter"] "Le Nombril des femmes d'agents" ["The navel of cops wives"], "Le Mécréant" ["The miscreant"] ...).

Ferré was also called an "anarchist". He sang against consumerism ("Vitrines" ["Shop Fronts"], "Chanson mécanisée" ["Mechanized Song"], "Il n'y a plus rien" ["There is nothing left"] ...), against French war ("Miss guéguerre" ["Miss Squabble"], "Pacific blues", "Regardez-les" ["Look at them"], "Mon général" ["My general"], "Les Temps difficiles" ["Hard Times"], "La Marseillaise"), death penalty ("Ni Dieu ni maître" ["No God no Master"], "La Mort des loups" ["The Death of the Wolves"]), Estate control ("La Gueuse", "La Complainte de la télé" ["Lament of TV"], "La Révolution" ["Revolution"], "Le Conditionnel de variétés" ["Middle of the road music conditional mood"]), illusion of representative democracy ("Ils ont voté" ["They voted"], "La Grève" ["Strike"]), dictatorships ("Franco la muerte", "Allende", "La Violence et l'Ennui" ["Words ... Words ... Words ... "]), sexual hypocrisy and freedom ("Le Chien" ["The Dog"], "Le Mal" ["Evil"], "Ton style" ["Your style"], "La Damnation" ["Damnation"] ...).

Brel's work is another ode to freedom ("Ces gens-là" ["These people"], "Les Bourgeois" ["The Bourgeois"], "Jaurès", "Les Bigotes" ["The bigots"], "Le Colonel" ["The colonel"], "Le Caporal Casse-Pompon" ["Corporal Break-Nots"]).

Germany

[edit]
Klaus Nomi's collaborator and influential figure in the punk and protest scene

Ton Steine Scherben, one of the first and most influential German language rock bands of the 1970s and early 1980s, were well known for the highly political lyrics of vocalist Rio Reiser. The band became a musical mouthpiece of new left movements, such as the squatting movement, during that time in Germany and their hometown of West Berlin in particular. Their lyrics were, at the beginning, anti-capitalist and anarchist, and the band had connections to members of the German Red Army Faction movement before they became illegal. Later songs were about more complex issues such as unemployment ("Mole Hill Rockers") or homosexuality ("Mama war so"). They also contributed to plays and two full-length concept albums about homosexuality by the Hamburg theatre group Brühwarm (literally: boiling warm).

A dissatisfied German youth in the late 1970s and early 1980s resulted in a strand of highly politicized German-language Punkrock ("Deutschpunk"), which mostly concerned itself with politically radical left-wing lyrics, mostly influenced by the Cold War. Probably the most important German-language punk band was Slime from Hamburg, who were the first band whose LP was banned because of political topics. Their songs "Deutschland" ("Germany"), "Bullenschweine", "Polizei SA/SS", and the anti-imperialist "Yankees raus" ("Yankees out") were banned, some of them are still banned today, because they propagated the use of violence against the police or compared the police to the SA and SS of Nazi Germany.

The Cologne-based rock group BAP is known for their committed and intelligently written lyrics, dealing with discrimination and the power games of Germany's political elites in many of their songs. The song "Kristallnaach" (1982) is a point in case. It analyses the corruptibility of the present-day masses for new forms of fascism, while referring to the "Night of Broken Glass" that took place in 1938.

In East Germany, protesting against the state was often prohibited.[81] Despite this, the song Ermutigung by Wolf Biermann became a widely popular protest song against the SED government.[82]

Ireland

[edit]

Irish rebel songs

[edit]
Sinead O'Connor is known for her political songs, including "The Foggy Dew", reflecting Irish rebel music themes.

Irish rebel music is a subgenre of Irish folk music, played on typically Irish instruments (such as the Fiddle, tin whistle, Uilleann pipes, accordion, bodhrán etc.) and acoustic guitars. The lyrics deal with the fight for Irish independence, people who were involved in liberation movements, the persecution and violence during Northern Ireland's Troubles and the history of Ireland's numerous rebellions.

Among the many examples of the genre, some of the most famous are "A Nation Once Again", "Come out Ye Black and Tans", "Erin go Bragh",[83] "The Fields of Athenry", "The Men Behind the Wire" and the Republic of Ireland's national anthem "Amhrán na bhFiann" ("The Soldier's Song"). Music of this genre has often courted controversy, and some of the more outwardly anti-British songs have been effectively banned from the airwaves in both England and the Republic of Ireland.

Paul McCartney also made a contribution to the genre with his 1972 single "Give Ireland Back to the Irish", which he wrote as a reaction to Bloody Sunday in Northern Ireland on January 30, 1972. The song also faced an all-out ban in the UK, and has never been re-released or appeared on any Paul McCartney or Wings best-ofs. The same year McCartney's former colleague John Lennon released two protest songs concerning the hardships of war-torn Northern Ireland: "Sunday Bloody Sunday", written shortly after the 1972 massacre of Irish civil rights activists (which differs from U2's 1983 song of the same title in that it directly supports the Irish Republican cause and does not call for peace), and "The Luck of the Irish", both from his album Some Time in New York City (1972).

The Wolfe Tones have become legendary in Ireland for their contribution to the Irish rebel genre. The band has been recording since 1963 and has attracted worldwide fame and attention through their renditions of traditional Irish songs and originals, dealing with the former conflict in Northern Ireland. In 2002 the Wolfe Tones' version of "A Nation Once Again", a nationalist song from the 19th century, was voted the greatest song in the world in a poll conducted by the BBC World Service.[84]

An Irish alternative rock/post punk band from Dublin, U2 broke with the rebel musical tradition when in 1983 they wrote their song "Sunday Bloody Sunday". The song makes reference to two separate massacres in Irish history of civilians by British forces – Bloody Sunday (1920) and Bloody Sunday 1972 – however, unlike other songs dealing with those events, the lyrics call for peace as opposed to revenge.

The Cranberries' hit "Zombie", written during their English tour in 1993, is in memory of two boys, Jonathan Ball and Tim Parry, who were killed in an IRA bombing in Warrington.

Netherlands

[edit]

In 1626 the Dutch national anthem “Wilhelmus” was composed, it was a song in support of Willem van Oranje who lead the Dutch against the Spaniards in the Eighty Years War.

In 1966 Boudewijn de Groot released "Welterusten meneer de president" ("Good night mister president"), a song about the Vietnam War. The song spent 12 weeks in the Dutch Top 40 and to this day it remains an important song in nederpop and among Dutch protest songs. Following "Welterusten meneer de president", Boudewijn de Groot and Lennaert Nijgh, a Dutch lyricist, made more protest songs. The couple inspired other Dutch musicians, namely Armand and Robert Long. 'Tweede Kamer' by Sophie Straat and Goldband is a ska protest song against the lack of female leadership in the Netherlands, urging Dutch voters to 'vote for a woman'.[85]

Portugal

[edit]

The protest songs in Portugal were mostly associated with the antifascist movement and developed chiefly among students and activists. The best known are songs by Paulo de Carvalho and José Afonso, respectively "E Depois do Adeus" (And After the Goodbye) and "Grândola Vila Morena"(Grândola Swarthy Town). They were chosen as a code to start the Carnation Revolution that would successfully triumph against the dictatorial regime. The first was written out of letters that the author, then fighting to maintain the colonies (a war that the general public was against) sent to his wife. Hence the title refers to his departure "goodbye" to the war. The other song was very explicit regarding his objective: "O Povo é quem mais ordena / dentro de ti oh cidade" (The people is the one who orders the most/ inside of you oh city). "E Depois do Adeus" was vague enough to elude the censorship and pass as an "end of love" song, which also accounts for the order of the broadcast.

Of the two, Zeca Afonso was more prolific and more identified with the movement, so much so that another of his songs was the first choice for the code "Venham mais 5" (Let 5 more come). Other artists also used some craft to hide their meanings in the song or went into exile. One example is Adriano Correia de Oliveira that masked the explicit lyrics with the vocal tone making it difficult to distinguish the critical verse, from the refrain or even other verses. In no other song is this more noted that the ballad "Trova do Vento que Passa" (Song/Poem of the Passing Wind), whose lyrics by the writer Manuel Alegre were a direct criticism of the state. The music was by António Portugal but Correia used a typical Fado rhythm to hide such provocative verses as "Mesmo na noite mais triste/em tempo de sevidão/há sempre alguém que resiste/há sempre alguém que diz não" (even in the saddest night/in time of servitude/there is always someone who stands up/there is always someone who says No).

Not only men but also women had an active participation, albeit in lesser numbers. Ermelinda Duarte, one of those women, wrote the song "Somos Livres" (We Are Free), for a 1972 theatre play called Lisboa 72, masking a deep meaning with catchy children's music. Although the version of her singing the tune is the best known it was only recorded after the carnation revolution.

Many other songwriters and singers, to generate awareness, used their talents to act in all of Portugal, sometimes without pay or transport. Fausto Bordalo Dias once sang into a mike so poorly made it needed a plastic cup to work. Other singers included the priest Francisco Fanhais, the writer José Jorge Letria; Fernando Tordo; Luís Cília; Amélia Muge; Janita Salomé; Manuel Freire; José Barata-Moura; the poet Ary dos Santos; José Mário Branco, Sérgio Godinho, Carlos Alberto Moniz, Maria do Amparo and Samuel.

Poland

[edit]

Protest songs in Poland were mostly associated with anti-communist movement and developed in the 1970s and 1980s. One of the most important artists was Jacek Kaczmarski, author of such famous songs as "Mury" ("The Walls"), "Przedszkole" ("The Kindergarten") and "Zbroja" ("The Armor"), criticizing both the totalitarian communist government and the opposition. Another famous Polish folk singer, Jan Pietrzak, wrote one of the best-known Polish patriotic protest songs, "Żeby Polska była Polską" ("Make Poland Polish"), in which he reminded the most heroic moments of Polish history, including Kościuszko Uprising, and called people to fight the communists as they fought other enemies of Poland before. He also recorded a musical version of the Jonasz Kofta's poem "Pamiętajcie o ogrodach" ("Remember the Gardens"), protesting against the industrialism of life promoted by the communist propaganda. Other Polish artists well known for writing protest songs include Kazimierz Staszewski and Przemysław Gintrowski.

As Rhythms of Resistance groups operated in many cities during the 2000s, rhythm predominated protests, and protesters tended not to sing. As Poland moved closer to authoritarian rule, protest song writing and performance became a staple of social movements, and singing was incorporated into street demonstrations. The song's melodies, lyrics, and performance style all alluded to earlier social struggles and political traditions that the protest was referencing and strove to uphold.

In the second decade of the 21st century, urban movements established choirs of activists, i.e. the Warsaw Revolutionary Choir "Warszawianka", the Krakow Revolutionary Choir, the TAK [Tricity Women's Action] Choir in Gdańsk, which supported street protests.[4] The song repertoire consisted largely of reconstructions of protest songs from the late 19th and early 20th centuries. In Łódź, "Warszawianka" was sung en masse during the celebrations marking the 110th and 111th anniversaries of the insurrection of 1905.

In 2016, singing workshops for women were conducted during some Black Protest demonstrations. The protest song "Wściekły szpaler" on YouTube with the participation of activists showed how important they find this method of communication.

As a tribute to Piotr Szczęsny, who used public self-immolation to condemn "the ruling party for the systematic violation of the law, inspiring discrimination against minorities, and deliberately destroying the country's nature and educational system,"[86] protest songs were written in 2017.[87] In order to convince Andrzej Duda to oppose constitutional amendments, activists later that year performed a modified rendition on YouTube of the Christmas carol "Przybieżeli do Betlejem" in the places the Polish president visited.

Many protest songs were performed in Poland in 2019 during the largest teachers' strike [pl] in the country's history. Many schools, even in small towns or villages produced protest songs. Recordings of group performances were posted on social media. Numerous songs were based on tunes from the 1980s of the 20th century, specifically from the time of martial law that put an end to the 'carnival of solidarity' in 1980–1981.[4]

Many protest songs were played during the Women's Strike demonstrations in 2020 and 2021. One was "Tortury ciało" on YouTube to the tune of "Bella ciao". This song became a symbol of the demonstrations against the government and the Catholic church as they both tried to increase restrictions on the right to abortion.

Russia

[edit]

The most famous source of Russian protest music in the 20th century has been those known locally as bards. The term (бард in Russian) came to be used in the Soviet Union in the early 1960s, and continues to be used in Russia today, to refer to singer-songwriters who wrote songs outside the Soviet establishment. Many of the most famous bards wrote numerous songs about war, particularly The Great Patriotic War (World War II). Bards had various reasons for writing and singing songs about war. Bulat Okudzhava, who actually fought in the war, used his sad and emotional style to illustrate the futility of war in songs such as "The Paper Soldier" ("Бумажный Солдат").

Many political songs were written by bards under Soviet rule, and the genre varied from acutely political, "anti-Soviet" songs, to witty satire in the best traditions of Aesop. Some of Bulat Okudzhava's songs provide examples of political songs written on these themes. Vladimir Vysotsky was perceived as a political songwriter, but later he gradually made his way into more mainstream culture. It was not so with Alexander Galich, who was forced to emigrate—owning a tape with his songs could mean a prison term in the USSR. Before emigration, he suffered from KGB persecution, as did another bard, Yuliy Kim. Others, like Evgeny Kliachkin and Aleksander Dolsky, maintained a balance between outright anti-Soviet and plain romantic material. Protest rhetoric can also be traced in the works of such rock bands as Grazhdanskaya Oborona, Naive, Tarakany!, Pilot, Noize MC, Lumen and Louna. Later, during the Soviet-Afghan War in the 1980s, Kino (band) released an album, Gruppa krovi, which its main song, "Blood Type" (Группа Крови) is a protest song about the Soviet-Afghan War. In Grand Theft Auto IV, it was part of the soundtrack before its ten-year license expired in 2018. In 2019, twenty-nine years and a day after the group's last performance at Luzhniki Stadium, Metallica held a concert there and sang "Blood Type".

In the 21st century, the feminist punk band Pussy Riot in particular has had frequent run-ins with the Putin presidency and the Russian Orthodox Church.

Spain

[edit]
Maria del Mar Bonet is known for her song "Què volen aquesta gent?", an anthem of resistance against Franco's dictatorship.

Spain saw a brief period of protest singers in the 1970s, in the final years of Franco's dictatorship, mainly challenging the regime's censorship. They include some mainstream Spanish artists of the era, as Joan Manuel Serrat and Víctor Manuel, but also many others as José Antonio Labordeta, Raimon, Luis Eduardo Aute, Rosa León or Lluís Llach. The Catalan language, then a non-official language in the country, was often used as a vehicle of protest in itself, to highlight the cultural discrimination towards non-Castilian Spanish native speakers in Spain.

Most of the protest songs were in a folk style with social themes, and were popular among the (then banned) left-wing and their supporters, as well with many young students in main universities. Some notable songs were Al Alba ("At Dawn") by Aute, Al vent ("To The Wind") by Raimon, and L'Estaca ("The Stake") by Llach.

The movement come to an end after the Spanish transition to democracy, years after Franco's death. In 1997, singer Ismael Serrano briefly revamped the style, being his song Papá cuéntame otra vez ("Dad, tell me again") a nostalgic hymn to the 1970s protests.

United Kingdom

[edit]

14th–19th century

[edit]

English folk songs from the late medieval and early modern period reflect the social upheavals of their day. In 1944 the Marxist scholar A. L. Lloyd claimed that "The Cutty Wren" song constituted a coded anthem against feudal oppression and actually dated back to the English peasants' revolt of 1381, making it the oldest extant European protest song.[88] He offered no evidence for his assertion, however and no trace of the song has been found before the 18th century.[89] Despite Lloyd's dubious claim about its origins, however, the "Cutty Wren" was revived and used as a protest song in the 1950s folk revival, an example of what may be considered a protest song. In contrast, the rhyme, "When Adam delved and Eve span, who was then the gentleman?", is attested as authentically originating in the 1381 Peasant Revolt, though no tune associated with it has survived.[90] Ballads celebrating social bandits like Robin Hood, from the 14th century onwards, can be seen as expressions of a desire for social justice, though although social criticism is implied and there is no overt questioning of the status quo.[91]

The era of civil and religious wars of the 17th century in Britain gave rise to the radical communistic millenarian Levellers and Diggers' movements and their associated ballads and hymns, as, for example, the "Diggers' Song".[92] with the incendiary verse:

But the Gentry must come down,
and the poor shall wear the crown.
Stand up now, Diggers all!

The Digger movement was violently crushed, and so it is not surprising if few overt protest songs associated with it have survived. From roughly the same period, however, songs protesting wars and the human suffering they inflict abound, though such songs do not generally explicitly condemn the wars or the leaders who wage them. For example, "The Maunding Souldier" or "The Fruits of Warre is Beggery", framed as a begging appeal from a crippled soldier of the Thirty Years' War.[93] Such songs have been known, strictly speaking, as songs of complaint rather than of protest, since they offered no solution or hint of rebellion against the status quo.[citation needed][94]

The advent of industrialization in the 18th and early 19th centuries was accompanied by a series of protest movements and a corresponding increase in the number of topical social protest songs and ballads. An important example is "The Triumph of General Ludd", which built a fictional persona for the alleged leader of the early 19th century anti-technological Luddite movement in the cloth industry of the north midlands, and which made explicit reference to the Robin Hood tradition.[95] A surprising English folk hero immortalized in song is Napoleon Bonaparte, the military figure most often the subject of popular ballads, many of them treating him as the champion of the common working man in songs such as the "Bonny Bunch of Roses" and "Napoleon's Dream".[96] As labour became more organized songs were used as anthems and propaganda, for miners with songs such as "The Black Leg Miner", and for factory workers with songs such as "The Factory Bell".[97]

These industrial protest songs were largely ignored during the first English folk revival of the later 19th and early 20th century, which had focused on songs that had been collected in rural areas where they were still being sung and on music education. They were revived in the 1960s and performed by figures such as A. L. Lloyd on his album The Iron Muse (1963).[98] In the 1980s the anarchist rock band Chumbawamba recorded several versions of traditional English protest songs as English Rebel Songs 1381–1914.[99]

20th century

[edit]
Maggie Holland, known for "A Place Called England"

Colin Irwin, a journalist for The Guardian, believes the modern British protest movement started in 1958 when the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament organized a 53-mile march from Trafalgar Square to Aldermaston, to protest Britain's participation in the arms race and recent testing of the H-bomb. The protest "fired up young musicians to write campaigning new songs to argue the case against the bomb and whip up support along the way. Suddenly many of those in skiffle groups playing American songs were changing course and writing fierce topical songs to back direct action."[100] A song composed for the march, "The H-Bomb's Thunder", set the words of a poem by novelist John Brunner to the tune of "Miner's Lifeguard":

Men and women, stand together
Do not heed the men of war
Make your minds up now or never
Ban the bomb for evermore.[101]

Folk singer Ewan MacColl was for some time one of the principal musical figures of the British nuclear disarmament movement. A former agitprop actor and playwright. MacColl, a prolific songwriter and committed leftist, some years earlier had penned "The Ballad of Ho Chi Minh" (1953), issued as single on Topic Records, and "The Ballad of Stalin" (1954), commemorating the death of that leader.[100] Neither record has ever been reissued.[102]

According to Irwin, MacColl, when interviewed in the Daily Worker in 1958, declared that:

There are now more new songs being written than at any other time in the past eighty years—young people are finding out for themselves that folk songs are tailor-made for expressing their thoughts and comments on contemporary topics, dreams, and worries,

In 1965, folk-rock singer Donovan's cover of Buffy Sainte-Marie's "Universal Soldier" was a hit on the charts. His anti-Vietnam War song "The War Drags On" appeared that same year. This was a common trend in popular music of the 1960s and 1970s. The romantic lyrics of pop songs in the 1950s gave way to words of protest.[103]

John Lennon rehearsing the anti–Vietnam War anthem "Give Peace a Chance" (1969)

As their fame and prestige increased in the late 1960s, The Beatles—and John Lennon in particular—added their voices to the anti-war movement. In the documentary The US Versus John Lennon, Tariq Ali attributes the Beatles' activism to the fact that, in his opinion, "The whole culture had been radicalized: [Lennon] was engaged with the world, and the world was changing him." "Revolution", 1968, commemorated the worldwide student uprisings. In 1969, when Lennon and Yoko Ono were married, they staged a week-long "bed-in for peace" in the Amsterdam Hilton, attracting worldwide media coverage.[104] At the second "Bed-in" in Montreal, in June 1969, they recorded "Give Peace a Chance" in their hotel room. The song was sung by over half a million demonstrators in Washington, DC, at the second Vietnam Moratorium Day, on October 15, 1969.[105] In 1972 Lennon's most controversial protest song LP was released, Some Time in New York City, the title of whose lead single "Woman Is the Nigger of the World", a phrase coined by Ono in the late 1960s to protest sexism, set off a storm of controversy, and in consequence received little airplay and much banning. The Lennons went to great lengths (including a press conference attended by staff from Jet and Ebony magazines) to explain that they had used the word nigger in a symbolic sense and not as an affront to African Americans. The album also included "Attica State", about the Attica Prison riots of September 9, 1971; "Sunday Bloody Sunday" and "The Luck Of The Irish", about the massacre of demonstrators in Northern Ireland and "Angela", in support of black activist Angela Davis. Lennon also performed at the "Free John Sinclair" benefit concert in Ann Arbor, Michigan, on December 10, 1971, on behalf of the imprisoned antiwar activist and poet who was serving 10 years in state prison for selling two joints of marijuana to an undercover cop.[106][107] On this occasion Lennon and Ono appeared on stage with among others singers Phil Ochs and Stevie Wonder, plus antiwar activists Jerry Rubin and Bobby Seale of the Black Panthers party. Lennon's song "John Sinclair" (which can be heard on his Some Time in New York City album), calls on the authorities to "Let him be, set him free, let him be like you and me". The benefit was attended by some 20,000 people, and three days later the State of Michigan released Sinclair from prison.[108]

The 1970s saw a number of notable songs by British acts that protested against war, including "Peace Train" by Cat Stevens (1971), and "War Pigs" by Black Sabbath (1970). Sabbath also protested environmental destruction, describing people leaving a ruined Earth ("Into the Void" including, "Iron Man"). Renaissance added political repression as a protest theme with "Mother Russia" being based on One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich and being joined on the second side of their 1974 album Turn of the Cards by two other protest songs in "Cold Is Being" (about ecological destruction) and "Black Flame" (about the Vietnam War).

The Clash, one of the pioneers of the punk movement, who protested class economics, race issues, and authoritarianism

As the 1970s progressed, the louder, more aggressive punk movement became the strongest voice of protest, particularly in the UK, featuring anti-war, anti-state, and anti-capitalist themes. The punk culture, in stark contrast with the 1960s' sense of power through union, concerned itself with individual freedom, often incorporating concepts of individualism, free thought and even anarchism. According to Search and Destroy founder V. Vale, "Punk was a total cultural revolt. It was a hardcore confrontation with the black side of history and culture, right-wing imagery, sexual taboos, a delving into it that had never been done before by any generation in such a thorough way."[109] The most significant protest songs of the movement included "God Save the Queen" (1977) by the Sex Pistols, "If the Kids are United" by Sham 69, "Career Opportunities" (1977) (protesting the political and economic situation in England at the time, especially the lack of jobs available to the youth), and "White Riot" (1977) (about class economics and race issues) by The Clash, and "Right to Work" by Chelsea. See also Punk ideology.

War was still the prevalent theme of British protest songs of the 1980s – such as Kate Bush's "Army Dreamers" (1980), which deals with the traumas of a mother whose son dies while away at war. Indeed, the early 1980s was a remarkable period for anti-nuclear and anti-war UK political pop, much of it inspired directly or indirectly by the punk movement: 1980 saw '22 such Top 75 hits, by 18 different artists. For almost th[at] entire year ... (47 weeks), the UK singles charts contained at least one hit song that spoke of antiwar or antinuclear concerns, and usually more than one.' Further George McKay argues that 'it really is quite extraordinary to note that one-third of the year 1984 (17 weeks) had some kind of political pop song at the top of the British charts. Viewed from that lofty perspective, 1984 must be seen as a peak protest music time in Britain, most of it in the context of antiwar and antinuclear sentiment.'[110]

Kate Bush with her poignant anti-war song "Army Dreamers" (1980) capturing the emotional toll of war

However, as the 1980s progressed, it was British prime minister Margaret Thatcher who came under the greatest degree of criticism from native protest singers, mostly for her strong stance against trade unions, and especially for her handling of the UK miners' strike (1984–1985), the subject of Sting's "We Work the Black Seam". The leading voice of protest in Thatcherite Britain in the 1980s was Billy Bragg, whose style of protest song and grass-roots political activism was mostly reminiscent of those of Woody Guthrie, however with themes that were relevant to the contemporary Briton. He summarized his stance in "Between the Wars" (1985), in which he sings: "I'll give my consent to any government that does not deny a man a living wage."

Also in the 1980s the band Frankie Goes to Hollywood released a political pop protest song Two Tribes a relentless bass-driven track depicting the futility and starkness of nuclear weapons and the Cold War. The video for the song depicted a wrestling match between then-President Ronald Reagan and then-Soviet leader Konstantin Chernenko for the benefit of group members and an eagerly belligerent assembly of representatives from the world's nations, the event ultimately degenerating into complete global destruction. This video was played several times at the 1984 Democratic National Convention. Due to some violent scenes ("Reagan" biting "Chernenko"'s ear, etc.), the unedited video could not be shown on MTV, and an edited version was substituted. The single quickly hit the number one spot in the United Kingdom. Several mixes of the track feature actor Patrick Allen, who recreated his narration from the Protect and Survive public information films for certain 12-inch mixes (the original Protect and Survive soundtracks were sampled for the 7-inch mixes).

North America

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Cuba

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Sara González is one of the most iconic female figures in the Nueva Trova movement.

A type of Cuban protest music started in the mid-1960s when a movement in Cuban music emerged that combined traditional folk music idioms with progressive and often politicized lyrics. This movement of protest music came to be known as "Nueva trova", and was somewhat similar to that of Nueva canción, however with the advantage of support from the Cuban government, as it promoted the Cuban Revolution – and thus part of revolutionary song.[citation needed]

Puerto Rico

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Though originally and still largely Cuban, nueva trova has become popular across Latin America, especially in Puerto Rico. The movements biggest stars included Puerto Ricans such as Roy Brown, Andrés Jiménez, Antonio Cabán Vale and the group Haciendo Punto en Otro Son.[111]

In response to Telegramgate, Puerto Rican musicians Bad Bunny, Residente, and iLE released the protest song "Afilando los cuchillos" on July 17, 2019.[112] It is a diss track calling for the resignation of Ricardo Rosselló.[113]

United States

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Oceania

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Australia

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Christine Anu is one of Australia's most celebrated Indigenous artists, and her music often addresses the experiences and struggles of Indigenous Australians.

Indigenous issues feature prominently in politically inspired Australian music and include the topics of land rights and aboriginal deaths in custody. One of the most prominent Australian bands to confront these issues is Yothu Yindi. Other Australian bands to have confronted indigenous issues include Tiddas, Kev Carmody, Archie Roach, Christine Anu, The Herd, Neil Murray, Blue King Brown, the John Butler Trio, Midnight Oil, Warumpi Band, Paul Kelly, Powderfinger and Xavier Rudd.

In addition to Indigenous issues, many Australian protest singers have sung about the futility of war. Notable anti-war songs include "And The Band Played Waltzing Matilda" (1972) by Eric Bogle, and "A Walk in the Light Green" (1983) by Redgum, most often remembered by its chorus "I was only nineteen".

Many songs have also been composed about environmental issues, protests and campaigns. These include "Rip Rip Woodchip" (1989) by John Williamson, and "Let the Franklin Flow" (1983) by Goanna.[114] Numerous songs were written and performed by protesters during anti-logging blockades in northern New South Wales, including "Behind Enemy Lines", "Tonka Toys" and "Hey Terania".[115]

New Zealand

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One of the earliest protest songs in New Zealand was John Hanlon's Damn the Dam, recorded in 1973 in support of the Save Manapouri Campaign.

During the bitterly divisive 1981 Springbok Tour, Blam Blam Blam's There Is No Depression in New Zealand became a favourite among anti-tour protesters. Reggae band Herbs wrote and performed songs criticising French nuclear testing in the Pacific Ocean.

South America

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Argentina

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In Argentina, protest songs have been a powerful tool for political and social change, particularly during the military dictatorship and the ongoing struggle for human rights. Notable protest songs include León Gieco's "Los Libros de la Buena Memoria," which addresses the horrors of the Dirty War, Patricio Rey y sus Redonditos de Ricota's "Que Ves el Cielo," critiquing societal inequality, and Charly García's "La Memoria," reflecting on the dictatorship's impact. Other significant artists like Víctor Heredia ("Soy el Mar") and Mercedes Sosa ("Desapariciones") have used their music to mourn victims of political repression and call for justice, making protest music a vital part of Argentina's cultural resistance.

Chile

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Víctor Jara is the most emblematic artist to capture the spirit of the Nueva Canción and revolutionary music.

While the protest song was enjoying its Golden Age in America in the 1960s, it also saw many detractors overseas who saw it as having been commercialized. Chilean singer-songwriter Víctor Jara, who played a pivotal role in the folkloric renaissance that led to the Nueva Canción Chilena (New Chilean Song) movement, which created a revolution in the popular music of his country, criticized the "commercialized" American protest song phenomenon that had been imported into Chile. He criticized it thus:

The cultural invasion is like a leafy tree which prevents us from seeing our own sun, sky and stars. Therefore in order to be able to see the sky above our heads, our task is to cut this tree off at the roots. US imperialism understands very well the magic of communication through music and persists in filling our young people with all sorts of commercial tripe. With professional expertise they have taken certain measures: first, the commercialization of the so-called 'protest music'; second, the creation of 'idols' of protest music who obey the same rules and suffer from the same constraints as the other idols of the consumer music industry – they last a little while and then disappear. Meanwhile, they are useful in neutralizing the innate spirit of rebellion of young people. The term 'protest song' is no longer valid because it is ambiguous and has been misused. I prefer the term 'revolutionary song'.

Nueva canción (literally "new song" in Spanish) was a type of protest/social song in Latin American music which took root in South America, especially Chile and other Andean countries, and gained extreme popularity throughout Latin America. It combined traditional Latin American folk music idioms (played on the quena, zampoña, charango or cajón with guitar accompaniment) with some popular (esp. British) rock music, and was characterized by its progressive and often politicized lyrics. It is sometimes considered a precursor to rock en español. The lyrics are typically in Spanish, with some indigenous or local words mixed in.

In 2019, "A Rapist in Your Path" (Spanish: Un violador en tu camino) was first performed in Chile to protest rape culture and victim shaming.[116] Videos of the song and its accompanying dance went viral, spreading across the world.[117]

See also

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Notes

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References

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
A protest song is a that critiques or opposes prevailing political, social, or economic conditions, often aiming to raise awareness, mobilize support, or advocate for reform. These songs typically feature that directly address injustices, drawing on genres such as folk, blues, rock, and hip-hop to convey in accessible forms. While their roots trace back to ancient oral traditions and early labor anthems, protest songs gained prominence in the through American movements, where they served as soundtracks for rather than isolated artistic expressions. Protest songs have historically amplified grievances in contexts like slave , union organizing, and civil rights campaigns, providing emotional resonance and communal solidarity among participants. In the , figures such as and exemplified this tradition, with Dylan's works like "" questioning war and inequality through poetic simplicity that influenced global audiences. Empirical analyses highlight their role in fostering and documenting events, though causal evidence links them more to sustaining morale than directly enacting policy shifts, as movements succeed through coordinated non-musical strategies. Controversies arise over their efficacy and authenticity; commercial success can dilute messages, leading to debates on whether contemporary iterations maintain the raw urgency of earlier eras, amid perceptions of diluted protest in mainstream music due to institutional influences. Key defining characteristics include explicit lyrical confrontation, adaptability for group singing, and integration with , as seen in anthems like "We Shall Overcome," which evolved from roots to symbolize . Their impact persists across cultures, from Billie Holiday's "Strange Fruit" exposing horrors to international examples in Latin American , underscoring music's capacity to humanize abstract struggles while navigating and co-optation risks.

Definition

Core Characteristics

Protest songs are musical works that explicitly address grievances against established authorities, institutions, or societal norms, often highlighting perceived injustices such as , inequality, or , with the intent to foster awareness and catalyze . Their lyrics typically employ direct, rhetorical language to denounce specific policies or cultural practices, drawing on personal or communal experiences to persuade listeners toward or , rather than mere observation. This distinguishes them from neutral topical songs by their activist orientation, where the composition serves as a tool for mobilizing participants in movements, as evidenced in historical uses during labor strikes or civil rights campaigns where songs unified crowds through shared expression. Musically, protest songs prioritize and communal engagement, featuring simple, repetitive melodies and structures like choruses or call-and-response patterns that facilitate group and memorability, enabling rapid dissemination without reliance on advanced recording . These elements, often rooted in folk or oral traditions, allow of existing popular tunes with new protest-oriented , enhancing teachability and endurance across generations, as seen in anthems that retain relevance decades later due to their rhythmic energy and emotional resonance. While adaptable to various genres—including , or hip-hop—their core efficacy stems from this blend of lyrical specificity and musical universality, which amplifies messages without requiring sophisticated production. Empirical analysis of protest song corpora reveals patterns like higher danceability and valence in some subsets, correlating with broader appeal, though core traits emphasize oppositional content over commercial polish, often prioritizing ideological clarity over mass-market viability. This form's potency lies in its capacity to humanize abstract struggles, transforming individual frustration into collective , though effectiveness varies by context, with stronger impacts in repressive environments where music evades more readily than .

Distinction from Propaganda and Topical Songs

Protest songs are distinguished from primarily by their oppositional stance toward established power structures and their reliance on authentic, often individual or collective rather than orchestrated ideological promotion. in music, by contrast, typically serves as a tool of authorities or dominant groups to reinforce compliance, as seen in state-commissioned anthems or wartime compositions designed to foster uniformity and suppress critique, such as those employed during totalitarian regimes to align public sentiment with regime goals. While some analyses note that protest songs can exhibit propagandistic elements—such as rallying participants around a cause through emotional appeal—their "propaganda power" arises from epistemic merit, including truthful representation of grievances, rather than deliberate deception or top-down control. This authenticity contrasts with 's frequent manipulation of facts to serve institutional ends, though critics argue the line blurs when protest music adopts dogmatic akin to ideological . In relation to topical songs, protest songs form a subset focused on advocacy for , whereas topical songs broadly encompass any musical commentary on current events, disasters, or news without inherent calls to action or moral judgment. Topical compositions might happenings for informational or value, as in broadside ballads reporting scandals or accidents from the onward, but lack the explicit intent to challenge authority or catalyze change that defines protest music. For example, a song detailing a qualifies as topical if it neutrally recounts facts, but elevates to protest if it condemns systemic and urges resistance, thereby aligning with movements for . This demarcation hinges on purpose: protest songs prioritize bearing witness to and inspiring collective response, often through lyrical critique and communal performance, distinguishing them from mere reportage. The distinctions are not absolute, as historical contexts reveal overlaps—such as labor anthems functioning both as protest against exploitation and as for union ideologies—but empirical analysis of intent and impact underscores protest music's role in contesting rather than consolidating power. Scholars emphasize evaluating in such classifications, noting that academic and media interpretations may underplay propagandistic tendencies in ostensibly protest-oriented works due to ideological alignments.

Historical Development

Ancient and Pre-Modern Origins

The earliest precursors to protest songs appear in ancient Mesopotamian literature, where Sumerian city laments, such as the Lament for Ur composed around 2000 BCE following the city's destruction by Elamite invaders, expressed communal grief over devastation, abandonment by deities, and the overturning of social order. These ritual dirges, performed by professional lamenters, voiced collective anguish against catastrophe and implied critique of divine or human failures that permitted such ruin, influencing later Near Eastern traditions of mourning lost sovereignty. In the , numerous psalms function as laments protesting injustice, exile, and unrighteous authority, dating from roughly the 10th to 6th centuries BCE. , likely composed during the around 586 BCE, articulates defiance and sorrow among exiles refusing to entertain captors with songs of , culminating in calls for retribution against oppressors. Similarly, Psalm 80 pleads for divine intervention against national decline, framing it as a protest against God's apparent neglect amid enemy incursions and internal corruption. These compositions, sung in temple or communal settings, blended with accusation, serving as vehicles for voicing within a theocratic framework where direct was untenable. Ancient Greek drama provided another outlet for musical protest, particularly through choral odes in comedies critiquing war and leadership during the 5th century BCE. ' Lysistrata, staged in in 411 BCE amid the , featured songs and choruses where women and elders satirized militarism, decrying the war's futility and the male leaders' intransigence; the play's parabasis sections directly addressed audiences with anti-war pleas, blending humor with pointed dissent against ongoing conflict with . Such performances, accompanied by and , leveraged public festivals to challenge prevailing policies without overt sedition, reflecting Athenian democratic tolerance for as a form of civic critique. In medieval , from the 12th to 13th centuries, goliardic songs by itinerant clerics and students protested ecclesiastical abuses, clerical hypocrisy, and feudal constraints through satirical Latin verse set to popular melodies. These wandering scholars, often from universities in , , and , lampooned corrupt bishops and monastic excesses in collections like the , using irreverent lyrics to decry the gap between Christian ideals and institutional reality. Performed in taverns and courts, these songs fostered subversive camaraderie among the marginalized educated class, marking an early secular pushback against religious authority via accessible, mnemonic music. By the , English broadside ballads extended this tradition, with anonymous composers crafting verses against royal policies and enclosures, as in re-enacted repertoires of political satire that mocked Stuart-era governance. These pre-modern forms prioritized oral transmission and adaptation of existing tunes, emphasizing dissent through lament, , and communal singing rather than structured musical genres.

18th and 19th Century Revolutionary Contexts

In the American Revolution (1775–1783), protest songs adapted British melodies and composed original verses to foster colonial unity and deride monarchical authority. "Yankee Doodle," a pre-war British ditty ridiculing rustic American soldiers, was reclaimed by patriots as a march tune symbolizing resilience, sung at battles like Lexington and Concord in April 1775. William Billings' "Chester," initially published in his 1770 New-England Psalm-Singer and updated with militant lyrics in 1778's The Singing Master's Assistant, proclaimed "Let tyrants shake their iron rod" and functioned as a de facto anthem, performed by Continental Army troops to invoke providential aid against British forces. Earlier, in 1774, physician Joseph Warren authored "Free Americay" in response to the Intolerable Acts, portraying Britain as a predatory "monster" to rally Bostonians toward independence. These compositions, often disseminated via broadsides and taverns, amplified grievances over taxation and representation, contributing to public mobilization without formal orchestration. The (1789–1799) elevated songs as instruments of mass agitation, transforming cafes and streets into arenas for republican fervor. "," penned on April 24, 1792, by army captain Claude-Joseph Rouget de Lisle amid war preparations against , urged "Aux armes, citoyens!" to purge internal traitors and foreign invaders, evolving from a regimental hymn into the revolution's emblem after Marseille volunteers sang it en route to in July 1792. Its visceral imagery of drenching furrows with "impure blood" reflected the era's radical Jacobin ethos, sustaining morale during the (1793–1794) and conscription of over 1 million men. Complementary chants like "Ah! ça ira," originating in 1790 street verses mocking aristocratic émigrés, proliferated through theatrical adaptations, embedding anti-clerical and egalitarian demands in popular memory despite suppression under in 1804. Nineteenth-century upheavals, notably the across Europe, spawned a profusion of protest songs channeling liberal, nationalist, and democratic aspirations amid economic distress and absolutist backlash. In German-speaking states, where uprisings demanded parliaments and unification, the period (pre-1848) yielded fraternity anthems and Moritaten satirical ballads critiquing and feudal privileges, with over 200 such compositions documented in songbooks like those compiled by radical poets. These evolved into rally cries during Frankfurt Assembly sessions, blending folk motifs with calls for Volkssouveränität (), though their failure—evident in the Prussian army's June 1848 suppression of barricades—led to exile-driven revivals. Similar dynamics appeared in Italian Risorgimento tunes and Hungarian Kossuth-inspired hymns, underscoring songs' role in coordinating disparate revolts from to without centralized media.

Early 20th Century Labor and Industrial Struggles

In the early 20th century, rapid industrialization in the United States and intensified labor exploitation, with workers enduring 12- to 16-hour shifts, hazardous conditions, and suppression of organizing efforts by employers and government forces. This era saw the emergence of radical unions like the (IWW), founded on June 27, 1905, in , which advocated for across skill lines and unskilled immigrant laborers to challenge capitalist structures through including strikes and sabotage. Protest songs served as vital tools for morale, recruitment, and ridicule of opponents, often parodying familiar hymns and popular melodies to ensure singability among multilingual workforces. The IWW formalized this musical tradition with the , first published on August 19, 1909, in Spokane, Washington, compiling over 50 songs including originals and adaptations aimed at fostering and solidarity. These pocket-sized pamphlets, revised through multiple editions into the , contained lyrics decrying wage slavery and scabs, set to tunes like "" or "" for easy memorization during rallies and pickets. Songs emphasized collective power over individual reform, reflecting the IWW's one-big-union philosophy that sought to unite all toilers regardless of trade or nationality against industrial bosses. A pivotal figure was Joe Hill (born Joel Emmanuel Hägglund, c. 1879), a Swedish immigrant and IWW organizer whose satirical compositions amplified labor grievances. His 1911 "," parodying the Salvation Army's "In the Sweet By and By," mocked religious promises of heavenly reward as "pie in the sky" to divert workers from earthly demands, earning widespread use in agitating against charity as a substitute for union action. Other Hill works included " the Union Scab" (1912), lampooning strikebreakers, and "There Is Power in a Union," urging organized resistance; convicted of murder in a disputed 1914 case widely viewed as a frame-up to silence radicals, Hill was executed by firing squad on November 19, 1915, in , inspiring his martyrdom and further songs immortalizing him. During the Lawrence Textile Strike of January to March 1912 in , IWW-led walkouts by 20,000 immigrant mill workers against a wage cut featured mass singing of protest songs to maintain unity amid violence and child deportations by authorities. Tunes like Hill's repertoire and Italian anarchist Arturo Giovannitti's verses rallied picketers, contributing to victories including a 5% raise and no victimizations, demonstrating music's role in sustaining prolonged industrial actions. Similar dynamics appeared in European contexts, such as British miners' ballads during early coalfield disputes, though American IWW efforts set a model for industrialized protest anthems. Ralph Chaplin's "," completed January 15, 1915, and set to "," synthesized strike experiences like the Kanawha coal fields' struggles, proclaiming "the union makes us strong" as a rallying cry for that outlasted the IWW's repression under wartime laws. These songs, disseminated via songbooks and , not only boosted participation in strikes but also preserved narratives of resistance against mechanized drudgery and indifference, influencing later labor movements despite and blacklisting.

Mid-20th Century: World Wars and Totalitarian Regimes

The (1936–1939) produced a repertoire of protest songs aligned against Francisco Franco's Nationalist forces, which received support from and , framing the conflict as an early stand against . American volunteers in the , including the Abraham Lincoln Brigade comprising over 2,600 U.S. fighters, adapted and sang songs like "Jarama Valley," commemorating the 1937 where Republicans suffered heavy losses but held ground temporarily. These tracks, performed by figures such as , Tom Glazer, Bess Hawes, and Butch Hawes, blended English and Spanish lyrics to rally anti-fascist solidarity and were later documented in collections emphasizing democratic resistance. Other Republican anthems, such as "¡Ay Carmela!," mocked Nationalist generals and boosted troop morale amid estimates of 500,000 total deaths in the war. During (1939–1945), protest songs in the United States shifted from —prevalent in with hits like "I Didn't Raise My Boy to Be a Soldier" selling over 650,000 copies in 1915—to explicit anti-fascist agitation, reflecting broad Allied consensus against responsible for 70–85 million deaths. Folk artist , who stenciled "" on his guitar circa 1943 amid U.S. entry into the war, composed "All You Fascists Bound to Lose" in 1944, urging cross-ethnic worker unity with lines declaring fascists' inevitable defeat by . Guthrie's output, including over 1,000 songs, drew from Dust Bowl experiences but pivoted to wartime critiques of and Mussolini's regime, aligning with ' efforts that sold tens of thousands of pro-intervention records after . performers contributed tracks like Jazz Gillum's "Hitler Blues" (1941), decrying Adolf Hitler's invasion of Europe through vernacular laments on global upheaval. In under Nazi occupation and fascist rule, resistance songs emerged clandestinely despite severe censorship, with totalitarian control banning "degenerate" genres like deemed racially inferior and punishable by imprisonment. Italian partisans repurposed the pre-war laborers' tune "" into an anti-fascist hymn around 1943–1945, eulogizing fighters against Mussolini's regime and German occupiers, with lyrics vowing burial in mountains upon death in battle; though not ubiquitous during the conflict, it symbolized defiance in northern Italy's liberation struggles ending , 1945. Underground nonconformity in Germany included satirical pieces and smuggled recordings opposing the regime's , but overt protest risked execution, limiting dissemination to exile communities or hidden performances amid the Holocaust's murder of 6 million Jews. Soviet totalitarianism under (1924–1953), marked by purges executing or imprisoning millions including 700,000 in 1937–1938 alone, stifled domestic protest songs through state monopoly on culture, favoring hymns glorifying the regime over dissent. Western anti-Stalinist tracks, such as ' later repudiations post-1941 Nazi-Soviet pact revelations, critiqued gulags holding up to 2 million by 1953, but internal Soviet resistance relied on oral or bards like those in Siberian camps, with verifiable mid-century examples scarce due to repression.

1960s-1970s Civil Rights, Anti-War, and Counterculture

The 1960s and 1970s saw protest songs surge in prominence amid the U.S. , opposition to the [Vietnam War](/page/Vietnam War), and the broader rejecting establishment norms. Folk artists like penned lyrics questioning authority and inequality, with songs such as "Blowin' in the Wind" (recorded 1962, released 1963) posing rhetorical queries on freedom and peace that resonated across movements. These tracks, often performed at rallies and marches, amplified grassroots dissent, though their direct causal influence on policy remains debated, as public opinion shifts were multifaceted involving media coverage and events like the . In the civil rights context, adapted spirituals and new compositions underscored demands for racial equality. "We Shall Overcome," evolved from earlier gospel hymns and popularized by in the late 1950s, emerged as a core anthem by 1960, sung during the 1963 March on Washington where over 250,000 gathered, and at Selma marches in 1965. 's "" (released March 1964), written in response to the 1963 Birmingham church bombing killing four girls and the assassination of , directly condemned segregationist violence with lines rejecting gradualism. Dylan's "Only a Pawn in Their Game" (January 1964) analyzed Evers' murder through socioeconomic lenses, highlighting how poor whites were manipulated by elites, performed at the March on Washington. These songs fostered solidarity among activists, with field recordings capturing spontaneous adaptations in Southern churches and freedom rides. Anti-war sentiments, peaking against Vietnam escalation, produced anthems critiquing conscription and military-industrial ties. Creedence Clearwater Revival's "Fortunate Son" (released September 1969) lambasted class exemptions from the draft, noting how the privileged evaded service while working-class youth bore the brunt—over 58,000 U.S. deaths by war's end—with songwriter inspired by his own draft deferral. John Lennon's "Give Peace a Chance," recorded June 1, 1969, during a bed-in and released July 1969, became a at moratoria protests, topping charts in multiple countries and symbolizing pacifist withdrawal demands. Country Joe and the Fish's "I-Feel-Like-I'm-Fixin'-to-Die Rag" (1967, popularized at Woodstock 1969) satirized , performed before 400,000 attendees. Dylan's "Masters of War" (1963) targeted arms manufacturers, later adapted for Vietnam critiques. Such music reflected draft resistance, with over 200,000 inductions dodged annually by late , though mainstream radio play varied due to commercial pressures. Counterculture infused these protests with themes of personal liberation and anti-materialism, blending folk, rock, and psychedelia at festivals like Woodstock (August 1969), where Jimi Hendrix's "Star-Spangled Banner" distortion evoked war's chaos. Dylan's "The Times They Are a-Changin'" (1964) urged generational upheaval, influencing youth alienation from institutions amid rising college enrollments exceeding 8 million by 1970. While left-leaning narratives dominate accounts, songs also captured disillusionment with excesses, like drug-related fatalities, yet their role in eroding war support—polls showing 60% opposition by 1971—underscored cultural amplification of empirical grievances over ideological dogma. This era's output, disseminated via albums selling millions (e.g., Dylan's works over 10 million U.S. copies), marked protest song's transition to medium, prioritizing lyrical over alone.

Late 20th Century: End of Cold War and Global Movements

As the entered its final decade, protest songs increasingly reflected thawing East-West tensions and the erosion of communist regimes in , where rock and punk music had long served as vehicles for cultural dissent against state control. Underground bands in countries like and , drawing from Western influences smuggled via radio and tapes, promoted individualism and skepticism toward official ideology, contributing to broader dissident networks that pressured regimes during the late 1980s. For instance, punk scenes in articulated frustration with surveillance and economic stagnation, fostering a that aligned with the mass protests culminating in the 1989 . A emblematic example emerged in 1990 with the Scorpions' "Wind of Change," a power written by vocalist following the band's 1989 Moscow concert amid perestroika reforms. The song's lyrics, evoking the "wind of change" blowing through and referencing unity across divided lands, resonated as an anthem for later that year and the subsequent collapse of communist governments across , selling over 14 million copies worldwide and topping charts in multiple countries. Its release coincided with the in 1991, symbolizing optimism for post-Cold War reconciliation, though later revelations by Meine indicated lyric adjustments to avoid overly romanticizing amid ongoing geopolitical shifts. Parallel to these developments, global movements against apartheid in gained traction through international musical collaborations in the 1980s, amplifying calls for sanctions and boycotts. organized , releasing "Sun City" in 1985 as a protest against performing in the resort of Sun City, which propped up the regime's segregation policies; the track featured over 50 artists including , , and , raising funds for anti-apartheid groups and pressuring cultural figures to shun the system. Similarly, Peter Gabriel's "Biko" (1987), honoring activist killed in 1977, drew global attention to police brutality, influencing campaigns that contributed to apartheid's dismantling by 1994. Other late-1980s efforts addressed lingering nuclear fears and emerging transnational issues, such as Nena's "99 Luftballons" (1983), a German anti-war hit warning of escalation from misinterpreted signals into global conflict, which topped U.S. charts and underscored public anxiety over arms races. These songs marked a transition toward post- globalism, focusing on and economic injustices rather than rivalry, though their impact often amplified awareness more than directly altering policy.

Musical Genres and Forms

Folk and Traditional Styles

Folk and traditional protest songs emerged from oral traditions emphasizing communal singing, acoustic instrumentation such as guitar or , and narrative lyrics that conveyed grievances against authority, often drawing on working-class experiences. These styles prioritized accessibility for group participation, facilitating their use in rallies, strikes, and informal gatherings, with traceable to pre-industrial eras where songs encoded resistance without overt confrontation. In the American context, exemplified folk protest during the , composing over 1,000 songs including "" in 1940 as a counter to Irving Berlin's "," critiquing private property and inequality through verses like those decrying relief lines. Guthrie's work, influenced by migrations, blended traditional ballad forms with topical commentary, inspiring later artists amid labor struggles. Pete Seeger advanced this tradition in the mid-20th century, adapting labor anthems like "We Shall Overcome," derived from 1945 Charleston gospel roots and earlier union songs, into a civil rights staple by 1960 through Highlander Folk School workshops. Seeger's 1964 album Songs of Struggle and Protest 1930-50 documented union ballads such as "Talking Union" from 1941, performed with the Almanac Singers to support organizing efforts. Traditional African American spirituals served as coded protest vehicles during , with songs like "" from the 19th century instructing escape via the through biblical allusions to evasion. These evolved into freedom songs during the civil rights era, retaining call-and-response structures for collective empowerment at marches. Internationally, Irish rebel songs in folk ballad form chronicled resistance to British rule, as in the 1975 album Irish Rebellion, featuring tunes from the 1916 and 1920s Civil War, maintaining oral transmission in pub sessions and nationalist gatherings. Such traditions underscore protest songs' role in preserving of dissent through simple, repetitive melodies suited to unamplified performance.

Rock, Pop, and Mainstream Adaptations

Rock and pop genres adapted protest song traditions from folk by integrating electric amplification, rhythmic drive, and polished production, enabling wider dissemination via commercial radio and large-scale concerts during the 1960s era. This evolution began prominently with Bob Dylan's shift to electric instrumentation at the on July 25, 1965, where he performed "" with a rock band, eliciting boos from folk traditionalists but catalyzing the folk-rock hybrid that fused topical lyrics with rock's energetic appeal. ' cover of Dylan's "," released in June 1965 and reaching number one on the , exemplified this adaptation, transforming acoustic protest narratives into accessible rock hits that topped charts and influenced subsequent bands. In rock, mid-1960s tracks directly addressed social unrest, such as Barry McGuire's "Eve of Destruction" (1965), which critiqued war, , and hypocrisy, achieving number one status on the despite radio bans in some markets for its inflammatory content. Buffalo Springfield's "" (January 1967), inspired by youth curfew protests, became a timeless of generational conflict, peaking at number seven on the and later symbolizing broader sentiments. By the late 1960s, Creedence Clearwater Revival's "" (September 1969) protested class-based draft inequalities during the , reaching number three on the and earning induction into the in 2014 for its enduring critique. Punk rock in the 1970s further adapted protest forms with raw, confrontational energy, as seen in The Clash's "White Riot" (1977), which channeled frustrations from London's riots into calls for working-class rebellion, peaking at number 38 on the UK Singles Chart and defining punk's anti-authoritarian ethos. Pop adaptations emphasized melodic hooks and mainstream polish, with Marvin Gaye's "" (May 1971) addressing , urban poverty, and police brutality through soul-infused pop arrangements, topping the Soul Singles chart and selling over two million copies despite Motown's initial resistance. John Lennon's "," recorded June 1, 1969, in and released as a single, became a chantable anti-war staple at protests, reaching number 14 on the and embodying rock-pop's shift toward participatory, universal protest appeals. These mainstream integrations often amplified protest reach but risked dilution, as commercial pressures favored vague universality over explicit radicalism; for instance, ' "Revolution" (August 1968), Lennon's critique of Maoist violence, peaked at number 12 on the , sparking debates on rock's capacity for genuine dissent versus chart-friendly ambiguity. Later examples include U2's "" (1983), a rock adaptation protesting violence with martial drums and Bono's impassioned vocals, which became a live staple despite not charting as a single, illustrating pop-rock's role in sustaining protest vitality into the era.

Hip-Hop, Rap, and Urban Expressions

Hip-hop and rap originated in the economically devastated of during the mid-1970s, emerging as a cultural response to , fiscal crises, and surging rates that reached over 2,000 murders annually in New York by the early 1980s. These genres provided unfiltered narratives from marginalized urban communities, often critiquing systemic failures in , , and policing through rhythmic spoken-word delivery over beats derived from and samples. Unlike earlier folk protest traditions, rap's protest elements drew from African American oral practices and predecessors like Gil Scott-Heron's 1970 spoken-word piece "The Revolution Will Not Be Televised," emphasizing raw, street-level testimony over melodic singing. The transition to explicit social commentary crystallized with and the Furious Five's "The Message," released July 1982 on Sugar Hill Records, which graphically depicted urban despair—broken homes, drug epidemics, and rat-infested tenements—selling over 1.5 million copies and influencing subsequent "reality rap." This track, co-written by vocalist amid the crack surge that saw U.S. urban rates double from 1985 to 1990, shifted hip-hop from escapist partying to indictments of environmental and institutional neglect. By the late 1980s, Public Enemy's It Takes a Nation of Millions to Hold Us Back (June 1988, ), with its dense production and militant rhetoric, amplified these themes; lead single "Don't Believe the Hype" (1988) attacked media distortions of black experiences, while "Fight the Power" (June 1989), commissioned for Spike Lee's film , rejected assimilationist icons like in favor of black nationalist figures like . Gangsta rap subsets, exemplified by N.W.A.'s Straight Outta Compton (August 1988, Ruthless/Priority Records), fused protest with autobiographical bravado, targeting police overreach in "Fuck tha Police," which prompted an August 1989 FBI advisory to the group's label citing lyrics as threats to officer safety amid real-world LAPD controversies like the Rampart scandal precursors. The album's platinum sales reflected resonance with listeners facing 1980s-era policies like the , which disproportionately incarcerated black men at rates climbing to 1 in 3 by lifetime risk projections in studies, though critics noted its simultaneous of retaliatory complicated its advocacy. Tupac Shakur extended this in "Changes" (1998, posthumous release from Greatest Hits, Amaru/Interscope), sampling Bruce Hornsby's 1986 "The Way It Is" to lament cycles of , gang warfare, and police shootings, drawing from Shakur's own brushes with and achieving over 1 million digital sales by 2010. Into the 2000s and 2010s, conscious rap persisted amid commercialization, with Kanye West's (2004) tracks like "Jesus Walks" challenging religious hypocrisy and urban isolation, certified quadruple platinum by RIAA. Kendrick Lamar's (2015, Top Dawg/Aftermath/Interscope) revived structural critiques, as "The Blacker the Berry" confronted internalized self-hatred and "Alright" became a refrain after 2014-2015 police incidents, topping Hot Rap Songs for 10 weeks despite lyrics some interpreted as endorsing preemptive aggression. Urban expressions beyond recorded rap include freestyle ciphers and slams in hip-hop battles, fostering impromptu dissent, though empirical analyses show mainstream integration often diluted radical edges for market viability, with top protest tracks generating billions in streams yet correlating weakly with measurable policy shifts. Scholarly assessments, often from journals, highlight rap's role in youth mobilization but caution against overattributing causal impact to lyrics amid confounding factors like economic data showing persistent urban inequality gaps widening post-1980s.

Other Forms: Chants, Hymns, and Electronic

Protest chants, characterized by their rhythmic repetition and call-and-response structure, have facilitated crowd synchronization and message amplification in demonstrations since at least the labor actions. Derived often from work songs or , they emphasize unity and immediacy over melody; for instance, during U.S. civil rights marches in the , participants adapted gospel-derived calls like "Ain't gonna let [injustice] turn me 'round" to sustain momentum amid confrontations with authorities. These forms prioritize oral transmission and adaptability, enabling rapid evolution to target specific grievances, such as in indigenous land defense protests where repetitive demands for echo ancestral traditions. Hymns, with their solemn, communal cadence, have been co-opted for protest to invoke divine or moral authority against oppression. The "," set to the 1856 hymn tune "" and penned with abolitionist lyrics by in September 1861, rallied Union troops during the by framing emancipation as a righteous crusade. Similarly, "," rooted in the 1900 Charleston gospel hymn "I'll Overcome" by and later unionized by Lucille Simmons in 1945, became a civil rights staple after Pete Seeger's 1960 adaptation, sung at events like the 1963 March on Washington to symbolize enduring resolve. Such adaptations leverage hymns' pre-existing cultural reverence, enhancing protesters' sense of historical continuity and ethical legitimacy, though critics note their occasional sanitization of radical edges for broader appeal. Electronic protest expressions, emerging prominently in the 1990s, harness synthesized sounds and loops to critique technological determinism and state control, often via sound systems at unauthorized raves. In the UK, groups like Spiral Tribe deployed techno tracks during 1992-1994 free parties to defy the Criminal Justice and Public Order Act, which targeted repetitive beats as proxies for gatherings; these events fused music with direct action against land enclosures and policing. While peer-reviewed analyses of electronic protest remain sparse compared to acoustic forms—reflecting academia's traditional focus on folk and rock—examples include Porter Robinson's 2016 track "The State," which layers electronic builds with lyrics decrying societal complacency amid inequality. This genre's modular production enables viral remixing for movements like Occupy or climate strikes, though its commercialization risks diluting insurgent intent, as seen in festival appropriations.

Ideological Perspectives

Left-Leaning and Progressive Protest Songs

Left-leaning and progressive protest songs emerged prominently in the 20th century, focusing on critiques of capitalism, imperialism, racial discrimination, and militarism, with lyrics urging solidarity and reform. These works, rooted in folk, rock, and later hip-hop traditions, gained traction during labor strikes of the 1930s, the civil rights movement of the 1950s-1960s, and anti-Vietnam War protests peaking in 1969-1970. Prominent examples include Billie Holiday's 1939 recording of "," which graphically depicted in the American South and sold over a million copies by 1945, raising awareness of racial violence despite facing radio bans. Woody Guthrie's 1944 "" critiqued private property and inequality, evolving from folk anthems sung at union rallies. Bob Dylan's 1962 "" posed rhetorical questions on civil rights and peace, influencing activists and charting at number two on in 1963 via ’s cover. In the anti-war sphere, John Lennon's 1969 "," recorded during a bed-in, became a at 1969-1970 demonstrations, reaching number 14 on the charts. Themes recurrently emphasize victimhood of marginalized groups, anti-establishment rhetoric, and utopian visions of equality, as in Sam Cooke's 1964 "A Change Is Gonna Come," inspired by personal racism and released posthumously amid civil rights marches. Environmental concerns appeared in Joni Mitchell's 1970 "," protesting and pesticide use, which peaked at number 67 on the Hot 100. Later, hip-hop tracks like Public Enemy's 1989 "Fight the Power" targeted systemic , sampling civil rights speeches and soundtracking Spike Lee's . Empirical assessments of their effectiveness reveal mobilization benefits but scant causal links to policy shifts; civil rights "freedom songs" like "," adapted by in 1963, fostered group cohesion during 1963 Birmingham marches, yet scholars attribute legislative gains like the 1964 more to sustained organizing than music alone. Anti-war songs correlated with declining U.S. approval for Vietnam intervention from 61% in 1965 to 28% by 1971, but quantitative analyses, such as those examining media exposure, find songs amplified sentiment without proving causation. Studies indicate negative-emotion-laden tracks shift attitudes toward out-groups more than positive ones, yet outside supportive subcultures, impact dissipates. Critics argue these songs often oversimplify causal dynamics, portraying issues as binary oppressions while neglecting trade-offs, such as economic disincentives in labor critiques or geopolitical necessities in anti-war narratives. Academic sources, potentially influenced by prevailing institutional biases, may overstate inspirational roles without rigorous controls for factors like concurrent media coverage. Commercial success sometimes dilutes messaging; Dylan's works, for instance, entered mainstream pop, prioritizing artistry over agitation.

Right-Leaning, Conservative, and Nationalist Protest Songs

Right-leaning protest songs, particularly in the United States, have frequently appeared within country music traditions, serving as cultural counters to progressive movements by championing patriotism, traditional values, military service, and self-reliance. These compositions often protested perceived excesses of counterculture, anti-war activism, or liberal policies, achieving significant commercial success despite limited coverage in mainstream music histories dominated by left-leaning narratives. Unlike folk-driven left-wing anthems, conservative variants emphasized defense of the status quo or national pride, with hits topping country charts and resonating at political rallies. During the era, "The Ballad of the s" by , released in January 1966, became a No. 1 hit, portraying U.S. soldiers as heroic defenders of freedom and one of the few popular tracks casting the military positively amid rising anti-war sentiment. Written by Sadler, a medic wounded in , the song protested dovish cultural shifts by honoring enlistees who "fight for right" and "leave the girls behind," selling over 2 million copies and inspiring a . Its chart dominance contrasted sharply with contemporaneous anti-war songs, reflecting a segment of public support for the evidenced by its performance amid 1966's polarized discourse. Merle Haggard's "," released September 27, 1969, topped the chart for four weeks, protesting counterculture and protests through lyrics mocking marijuana use, , and campus unrest in favor of working-class norms like "white lightning" and "boots." Haggard, inspired by a visit and frustration with anti-war demonstrations, co-wrote it to highlight overlooked patriotic , though he later described it as partly satirical; it solidified country music's conservative identity, earning a Grammy and cultural endurance at events like Republican conventions. Similarly, Guy Drake's "Welfare " (1964), a regional hit revived in 1970, critiqued with satirical verses about a recipient driving a , peaking at No. 6 on country charts and exemplifying early resistance to programs. In the post-9/11 period, Toby Keith's "Courtesy of the Red, White and Blue (The Angry American)," from the 2002 album Unleashed, protested perceived and advocated aggressive military retaliation, with lines vowing "justice will be served" via "a boot in your ass," topping the Country chart and becoming a staple at patriotic gatherings. Written after Keith's father's death and the , the track's hawkish tone drew criticism from outlets like for divisiveness but boosted Keith's career, including performances, and persisted as a MAGA-era anthem amid debates over interventionism. Hank Williams Jr.'s "" (1981), reaching No. 2 on country charts, protested urban elitism and dependency by extolling rural self-sufficiency—"" off the land—selling millions and influencing blue-collar conservatism. Nationalist protest songs in have been less prominent in mainstream genres, often confined to folk revivals or fringe movements protesting supranational integration like the , though empirical data on their impact remains sparse compared to leftist variants; examples include occasional anthemic uses of traditional hymns in anti-immigration contexts, but without the chart success of U.S. counterparts. These songs' effectiveness in mobilizing conservative bases is evidenced by rally adoptions and spikes during crises, though critics argue they reinforce division without altering policy, as seen in Vietnam-era polarization where pro-military tracks coexisted with but did not halt anti-war momentum.

Cross-Ideological or Anti-Establishment Variants

Protest songs in this category critique power structures, elites, and institutional authority without strict alignment to left-wing or right-wing ideologies, often embodying anarchist, populist, or libertarian critiques that appeal across political divides. These works target systemic corruption, , or cultural stagnation as universal ills rather than partisan issues, fostering broad sentiment. emerged as a key genre for such expressions in the 1970s, rejecting both capitalist exploitation and state control. The ' "God Save the Queen," released on May 27, 1977, exemplifies this variant by denouncing the British monarchy and establishment as a "fascist ," sparking outrage and a ban that amplified its reach. The song's raw nihilism captured youth disillusionment with politics, selling over 200,000 copies despite controversy and influencing subsequent anti-authority movements. Similarly, The Clash's "" (1977) channeled frustration with police brutality and , drawing from diverse influences like and rock while avoiding ideological purity, as the band critiqued both Thatcherite policies and Soviet interventions. In the 1980s and 1990s, and rap-metal extended this tradition. The Dead Kennedys' "Holiday in Cambodia" (1980) satirized complacent American liberals and referenced the atrocities, mocking elite detachment from real tyranny across ideological lines. Rage Against the Machine's "" (1992) explicitly rejected orders from authority figures—"Some of those that work forces are the same that burn crosses"—focusing on rather than electoral politics, and became a staple at diverse protests from to anti-lockdown rallies. The band's "Wake Up" (1992) similarly emphasized awakening to systemic control and hidden truths, featured in The Matrix. Examples emphasizing themes of truth awakening, freedom, conspiracy, and rebellion include Bob Marley's "Get Up, Stand Up" (1973), a direct call to resist oppression and fight for freedom. Green Day's "American Idiot" (2004) critiques media manipulation, government deception, and societal conformity, incorporating conspiracy undertones. System of a Down's "B.Y.O.B. (Bring Your Own Bombs)" (2005) questions war profiteering, power structures, and blind obedience, blending anti-establishment rage with calls to awareness. These songs prioritize causal accountability for elite failures over partisan narratives, evidenced by their enduring use in movements transcending left-right divides. Earlier rock examples include The Who's "Won't Get Fooled Again" (1971), which warns of revolutionary cycles replacing one elite with another—"Meet the new boss, same as the old boss"—rooted in skepticism toward both establishment and radical upheaval. This track's critique of power's corrupting influence resonated in contexts from anti-war demonstrations to modern populist insurgencies, underscoring how such songs expose universal incentives for institutional self-preservation over public interest. Empirical data on their impact remains limited, but sales figures—like "Killing in the Name" topping charts in 2009 re-release amid student protests—and cross-cultural adaptations indicate sustained relevance beyond ideological silos.

Cultural and Social Impact

Role in Mobilizing Movements

Protest songs have facilitated mobilization in social movements by fostering group cohesion, elevating participant morale, and enabling the rhythmic coordination of actions such as marches and chants. Their repetitive structures and accessible melodies allow large crowds to participate without prior rehearsal, transforming passive observers into active contributors and amplifying messages of . Scholarly examinations of movements like the U.S. Civil Rights campaign highlight music's function as an emotional outlet and platform for voicing grievances, which sustained amid repression. In the , "," derived from 19th-century gospel traditions and adapted by folk singers like in the 1940s, emerged as a core mobilizing tool. Its simple lyrics and tune enabled widespread adoption during nonviolent protests, including sit-ins and freedom rides starting in 1960. performed it to an audience exceeding 250,000 at the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom on August 28, 1963, where it unified diverse participants and underscored demands for amid federal scrutiny. Participants reported that singing the song instilled courage, with activists like Bernice Reagon noting its role in maintaining discipline during arrests and beatings. Anti-Vietnam War efforts similarly leveraged protest songs for mass engagement. John Lennon's "Give Peace a Chance," recorded on June 1, 1969, during a bed-in for peace, quickly spread via radio and became a rallying cry. On November 15, 1969, folk singer directed roughly 500,000 demonstrators in chanting it at the Moratorium to End the War in in , marking one of the largest protests against U.S. involvement and heightening congressional debates on withdrawal. In labor contexts, anthems like "," composed by in 1915 for the , were intoned at strikes such as the 1934 West Coast waterfront actions, where they bolstered strikers' endurance during violent clashes with authorities. Although rigorous quantification of causal impacts remains elusive due to confounding variables in historical events, archival records and ethnomusicological studies affirm that these songs enhanced turnout and perseverance by embedding ideological narratives in memorable forms, distinct from mere sloganeering.

Influence on Policy and Public Opinion

![John Lennon rehearsing "Give Peace a Chance" during a 1969 bed-in for peace][float-right]
Protest songs have historically contributed to shifts in by reinforcing existing sentiments among sympathetic audiences and fostering communal during movements, though direct causal links to changes are difficult to establish empirically due to factors like media coverage and grassroots organizing. In the U.S. of the 1950s and 1960s, songs such as "We Shall Overcome" provided psychological resilience to participants facing violence and sustained morale during events like the 1965 Selma marches, helping to amplify national awareness that pressured lawmakers toward the and Voting Rights Act of 1965. However, these legislative outcomes resulted from multifaceted activism, including litigation and protests, rather than music alone, with songs serving more as tools for than independent drivers of .
During the Vietnam War era, anti-war protest songs like John Lennon's "Give Peace a Chance" (1969) and Country Joe and the Fish's "I-Feel-Like-I'm-Fixin'-to-Die Rag" (1967) voiced dissent and correlated with declining public support, as Gallup polls showed approval for U.S. involvement dropping from 61% in 1965 to 28% by 1971 amid rising casualties and cultural critiques embedded in popular music. Experimental studies indicate such songs can modestly alter attitudes toward conflict resolution among listeners predisposed to anti-war views, increasing perceptions of peaceful alternatives, but effects are weaker or counterproductive for those with opposing ideologies, who may experience heightened defensiveness. The Nixon administration's 1973 withdrawal from Vietnam reflected this opinion shift, yet historians attribute primary causation to military setbacks like the Tet Offensive (1968) and draft resistance, with music amplifying rather than originating the backlash. Broader analyses reveal that while protest music excels at emotional priming and community-building—evident in content analyses linking political song exposure to heightened listener interest in activism—quantitative evidence for standalone policy influence remains sparse, as songs rarely shift entrenched views or compel elite decision-making without parallel institutional pressures. For instance, right-leaning audiences often react to protest anthems with shame or fear of societal fragmentation, limiting cross-ideological persuasion, whereas left-leaning groups report reinforced pride in patriotic alternatives. In cases like the anti-apartheid campaigns, songs such as Peter Gabriel's "Biko" (1980) raised global awareness and fundraised for sanctions, contributing to U.S. policy shifts like the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act of 1986, but only within coalitions exerting economic and diplomatic leverage. Overall, protest songs' policy impact hinges on contextual amplification, with overstated claims of transformation ignoring the genre's tendency to echo rather than originate public sentiment.

Commercialization and Mainstream Integration

The commercialization of protest songs accelerated in the as folk traditions merged with rock and pop formats, enabling chart success on platforms like the Hot 100. Peter, Paul and Mary's 1963 cover of 's "Blowin' in the Wind" exemplifies this shift, reaching number 2 on the chart and selling over one million copies, thus exposing anti-war and civil rights themes to mass audiences via major label promotion. Similarly, Barry McGuire's "Eve of Destruction," a stark critique of social unrest and nuclear threats, topped the for one week in September 1965, demonstrating how topical lyrics could drive commercial viability amid escalating tensions. Bob Dylan's transition from acoustic folk to electric rock marked a pivotal moment in this mainstream integration. At the on July 25, 1965, Dylan's performance with electric instruments provoked boos from folk purists who viewed it as a betrayal of authenticity for broader appeal, yet it paved the way for folk-rock's commercial dominance. This evolution culminated in hits like "Like a Rolling Stone," which broadened protest song accessibility and influenced subsequent artists to blend activism with marketable sounds. By the 1970s, soul and funk variants further entrenched protest themes in pop commerce, as seen with Edwin Starr's "War," which denounced military conflict and held the number 1 position for three weeks starting August 29, 1970. Such successes funded artists and amplified messages to millions via radio and sales, empirically extending reach beyond niche activist circles—evidenced by chart data correlating with heightened public discourse on issues like . However, critics contend that major label involvement often diluted radical edges, adapting lyrics or production for palatability to avert backlash or maximize profits, potentially transforming subversive calls into commodified . This tension persists, as commercialization facilitates viral spread but risks decontextualizing intent, per analyses of music's integration into consumer culture.

Criticisms and Debates

Questions of Artistic Merit and Innovation

Critics have long debated whether protest songs prioritize political messaging over artistic depth, often resulting in works that sacrifice subtlety for . Philosopher Theodor Adorno argued that such music, exemplified by folk protest anthems like those performed by , functions within the "culture industry" by providing listeners with a false sense of , confirming preexisting attitudes without genuine of societal structures. Adorno viewed popular protest forms as standardized, lacking true and instead offering pseudo-individualization that integrates into commodified entertainment. In contrast, Bob Dylan's early protest songs, such as "" released in 1963, demonstrated lyrical innovation through metaphorical and poetic ambiguity, elevating topical content beyond slogan-like rhetoric. This approach allowed for broader resonance, though Dylan himself rejected the "protest singer" label by 1964, critiquing its constraints on artistic evolution and shifting toward more personal and surreal expressions. Such transitions highlight tensions where innovation—Dylan's 1965 electric pivot at the —drew backlash from folk purists who prioritized ideological purity over musical experimentation. Contemporary analyses note that many modern protest songs emulate 20th-century folk structures without adapting to new genres or technologies, potentially limiting by prioritizing familiarity over originality. Scholarly works on and social movements acknowledge that protest forms can challenge conventional but risk ephemerality due to their topical specificity, with lasting value hinging on transcendent rather than immediate . While some activist art subordinates to , reducing , empirical assessments of enduring influence favor works achieving dual political and artistic potency, as in Dylan's case where preserved beyond initial protests.

Empirical Evidence on Political Effectiveness

Empirical studies on the political effectiveness of protest songs reveal modest impacts primarily on individual attitudes and short-term within existing movements, with limited of direct causal influence on policy outcomes. Experimental indicates that exposure to protest music can shift listener opinions, particularly when songs evoke negative emotions focused on in-group harms. For instance, a 2019 study found that anti-war songs emphasizing out-group and in-group suffering increased anti-war attitudes among participants more effectively than pro-peace messages, as measured by pre- and post-exposure surveys assessing support for intervention. Similarly, a of war-related songs demonstrated that anti-war tracks reduced perceptions of conflict resolvability compared to pro-peace alternatives, based on controlled experiments with diverse samples evaluating attitudinal changes toward negotiations. These effects, however, vary by ; left-leaning individuals exposed to protest songs reported greater endorsement of free expression rights than right-leaning counterparts in a 2017 experiment using self-reported agreement scales. In mobilization contexts, historical case studies provide correlational evidence linking protest songs to enhanced group cohesion and participation, though isolating music's unique contribution proves challenging amid multifaceted activism. Sociological analyses of U.S. labor strikes in the 1930s, drawing on archival data from textile worker newspapers and strike participation records, suggest that mill songs broadcast via radio amplified pro-union sentiment and turnout during the 1934 General Textile Strike, where singing traditions correlated with sustained endurance. During the , participatory freedom songs derived from spirituals fostered solidarity in marches and jails, as documented in participant accounts and movement histories, contributing to but not demonstrably altering legislative timelines independent of litigation and boycotts. R. Serge Denisoff's 1970s examinations of propaganda songs, including content analyses of hundreds of tracks, concluded that while some "songs of persuasion" reinforced movement morale, commercialization into often diluted their organizing potential by prioritizing entertainment over ideological recruitment. Direct influence remains empirically elusive, with scholars noting that assumed causal chains—awareness to attitude shift to behavioral change to —lack robust quantification due to variables like media coverage and leadership strategies. Reviews of protest music scholarship highlight that while songs like those in hip-hop activism have supported advocacy groups in raising issue salience (e.g., via the Hip Hop Caucus's campaigns against police , tracked through event attendance and signatures), no large-scale regressions or instrumental variable analyses credibly attribute shifts, such as sentencing reforms, to music alone. Recent cases, including Myanmar's 2021 post-coup revolutionary songs, illustrate mixed reception: creator interviews and focus groups revealed intent to boost participation among , yet listeners often reported emotional avoidance or about versus armed resistance, underscoring context-dependent limits. Overall, evidence prioritizes music's role in cultural priming and intra-movement bonding over transformative political leverage, with academic analyses potentially overemphasizing symbolic effects due to disciplinary focus on expressive culture.

Risks of Bias, Manipulation, and Backlash

songs frequently embed ideological bias by presenting simplified, one-sided narratives that prioritize emotional resonance over nuanced empirical analysis, potentially misleading audiences on complex social or political issues. For example, studies examining reactions to "patriotic" versus "" songs reveal that ideological predispositions strongly influence emotional and cognitive responses, with listeners interpreting through partisan lenses that reinforce preexisting beliefs rather than encouraging critical evaluation. This selective framing risks distorting causal realities, such as attributing societal problems solely to institutional power while downplaying individual behaviors or economic incentives, a pattern evident in much 20th-century music aligned with leftist movements. The manipulative potential of protest songs arises from music's capacity to evoke visceral emotions and bypass rational scrutiny, functioning as a form of that incites without substantive evidence. Historical analyses highlight how songs have been deployed by states and movements to foster unity or enmity, manipulating affective responses to advance agendas, as seen in state-sponsored uses during conflicts or humanitarian appeals that cultivate "politics of pity." In democratic contexts, this can polarize publics by amplifying grievances through rhythmic repetition and melody, akin to modified models of epistemic merit in propaganda that assess songs' persuasive power over truthfulness. Such tactics risk escalating tensions, as emotional priming may contribute to unrest without addressing root causes via data-driven solutions. Artists performing protest songs often encounter backlash, ranging from commercial boycotts and to personal , underscoring the perils of public dissent. In 2003, the Dixie Chicks (now ) faced radio blackouts and plummeting sales after lead singer criticized President , illustrating how anti-war sentiments provoked conservative consumer retaliation. Similarly, Jason Aldean's 2023 release "Try That in a Small Town" drew accusations of promoting , resulting in its removal from CMT rotation amid claims of racial undertones, despite defenses framing it as pro-community. Extreme cases include the 1973 murder of Chilean folk singer under Pinochet's regime, where his protest anthems directly incited lethal reprisals. These repercussions highlight an asymmetry: while progressive protest songs may face market pushback, institutional media and academic sources often mitigate fallout, whereas conservative-leaning variants encounter amplified scrutiny, fostering among artists wary of career damage.

Digital Age: Social Media and Viral Spread

The advent of platforms has enabled protest songs to disseminate rapidly and achieve viral status, bypassing traditional broadcast gatekeepers and reaching millions within hours through user shares, algorithms, and hashtags. Platforms like , , and facilitate this by prioritizing engaging content, often in short-form videos or remixes that adapt songs to current events, fostering global while exposing messages to risks in authoritarian contexts. A prominent example occurred during the 2019 Hong Kong protests, where "Glory to Hong Kong," composed anonymously in August 2019, spread virally via and , amassing widespread use as an anthem calling for democracy and liberty amid clashes with authorities. The song's lyrics, evoking "tears on our land," were chanted in streets and shared online, contributing to its adoption in demonstrations until courts banned its performance, broadcast, or possession in May 2024 on grounds, prompting removals from streaming services. In the Arab Spring revolutions beginning in on December 17, 2010, protest songs such as Emel Mathlouthi's "Kelmti Horra" (My Free Word), released in 2012 but rooted in earlier dissent, gained traction through and shares, evolving into an anthem for uprisings across the region with lyrics demanding freedom from oppression. Similarly, during the 2020 protests, users propelled remixes like "You About to Lose Yo Job"—a viral edit of a 2016 sound clip—into protest soundtracks, where it served ideological functions but risked decontextualization amid algorithmic promotion. Social media's viral mechanics have also revived older protest tracks; on June 1, 2020, a tweet by Rage Against the Machine's urging streams of "" correlated with a surge in plays, pushing the 1992 to number one on global charts and demonstrating how timely endorsements can retroactively amplify messages. However, empirical analyses indicate that while virality enhances awareness—such as TikTok's role in Kenya's 2024 anti-tax protests via localized protest music—sustained political impact remains limited, often confined to transient rather than shifts, due to platform ephemerality and echo chambers.

21st Century Global Crises and Responses

In the aftermath of the , 2001, terrorist attacks and the subsequent U.S.-led in 2001 and in 2003, protest songs emerged critiquing military interventions and perceived overreach by governments. Green Day's "," released in 2004 as the title track of their album, lambasted the administration's policies, portraying and wartime as symptoms of societal idiocy; the song topped charts and sold over 6 million copies in the U.S., amplifying anti-war sentiments amid protests that drew millions globally. Similarly, Bad Religion's "Let Them Eat War" from their 2004 album condemned profiteering from conflict, drawing parallels to imperial excess, while Eminem's "Mosh" (2004) rallied against the buildup, urging voters to oppose in the 2004 election. The 2008 global financial crisis, triggered by subprime mortgage failures and bank bailouts totaling $700 billion in the U.S. alone, inspired songs targeting and corporate influence, particularly during the movement that began on September 17, 2011, in New York City's Zuccotti Park. Jackson Browne debuted "Which Side?" at an event in December 2011, adapting anti-establishment themes to decry Wall Street's role in the recession that saw U.S. peak at 10% in 2009. Participants often repurposed older tracks like Tracy Chapman's "Talkin' 'Bout a Revolution" (1988) for chants, but new compositions like Rhiannon Giddens' "The Bottom 99" highlighted the 99% versus 1% wealth divide, reflecting data from the showing the top 1% capturing 95% of income gains post-crisis. Climate change, with global temperatures rising 0.2°C per decade since 1980 according to data, prompted environmental protest songs emphasizing anthropogenic causes and policy failures. Gojira's "Amazonia" from their album protested , incorporating indigenous calls and achieving over 50 million streams, while Childish Gambino's "Feels Like Summer" (2018) alluded to warming effects amid , garnering 300 million views. Neil Young's "Who's Gonna Stand Up" (2015 re-recording) urged action against dependency, aligning with IPCC reports documenting a 50% increase in atmospheric CO2 since pre-industrial levels. The , which caused over 7 million deaths worldwide by 2023 per WHO estimates and led to affecting 3.9 billion people in 2020, elicited songs protesting restrictions on liberties and economic fallout. released "No More Lockdown" in October 2020, decrying government overreach as pseudoscience-driven, followed by "Born to Be Free" and "As I Walked Out," which criticized mask mandates and closures amid UK's GDP contraction of 9.8% that year. collaborated with Morrison on "" (2020), opposing vaccine passports, while his solo "This Has Gotta Stop" (2021) referenced adverse reactions and censorship, reflecting debates over data exceeding official COVID figures in some regions. Russia's invasion of on February 24, , displacing 6 million refugees and causing over 500,000 casualties by 2024 estimates from Ukrainian sources, spurred solidarity anthems. Pink Floyd's "Hey, Hey, Rise Up!" (April ), featuring of singing from a 1914 Ukrainian folk tune, raised funds for and topped iTunes charts in multiple countries, symbolizing resistance against aggression. Russian artists like released "Don't Shoot" in , covertly opposing the despite risks, while Ukrainian tracks such as "Bayraktar" () celebrated drone strikes on invaders, amassing millions of views and boosting morale in frontline operations.

Examples from the 2020s

In response to the death of George Floyd on May 25, 2020, rapper released "The Bigger Picture" on June 1, 2020, critiquing police brutality and systemic issues in the United States, which amassed over 100 million views within months and served as an anthem during demonstrations that summer. Hip-hop duo followed with "Walking in the Snow" from their album RTJ4 on June 5, 2020, decrying police violence and authoritarian tendencies, with lyrics referencing the killing of on March 13, 2020. Countering narratives around pandemic restrictions, issued three anti- tracks in 2020: "No More Lockdown" on September 18, "Born to Be Free" on September 25, and a third eponymous single later that year, accusing governments of eroding through extended quarantines that began in March 2020 and persisted into 2021, with the songs drawing from traditions to argue against economic shutdowns affecting 22 million U.S. jobs lost by April 2020. Following Russia's full-scale invasion of on February 24, 2022, released "Hey, Hey, Rise Up!" on April 8, 2022, featuring vocals from Ukrainian singer of performing lines from the 1914 folk song "," with proceeds benefiting Ukrainian humanitarian aid amid reports of over 10,000 civilian deaths by mid-2023. In , the on September 16, 2022, after her arrest for violations sparked nationwide unrest, prompting Shervin Hajipour to release "" (meaning "for" in Persian) shortly thereafter, a montage of protest chants like "for women, life, freedom" and "for dancing," which garnered 20 million views, won the 2023 Grammy for Best Song for Social Change, and led to Hajipour's three-year prison sentence in January 2024 for inciting upheaval.

References

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