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Alevism
Alevilik
Statue of Haji Bektash Veli in Turkey
ScriptureQuran, Nahj al-Balagha, Makalat and Buyruks
LeaderDede
Teachings of
[10]
TheologyHaqq–Muhammad–Ali
RegionTurkey
LanguageTurkish, Azerbaijani, Kurdish, and Zazaki[11]
LiturgyCem, Sama
HeadquartersHaji Bektash Veli Complex, Nevşehir, Turkey
Origin13th-century
Sulucakarahöyük
Part of a series on the Alevis
Alevism
Beliefs
Practices
Twelve Imams
Leadership
Important figures
History
Islam portal

Alevism (/æˈlɛvɪzəm/; Turkish: Alevilik; Kurdish: Elewîtî[12][13]) is a syncretic[14] heterodox Islamic tradition, whose adherents follow the mystical Islamic teachings of Haji Bektash Veli, who taught the teachings of the Twelve Imams, whilst incorporating some traditions from shamanism.[1] Differing from Sunni Islam and Usuli Twelver Shia Islam, Alevis have no binding religious dogmas, and teachings are passed on by a dede "spiritual leader" as with Sufi orders.[15] They acknowledge the six articles of faith of Islam, but may differ regarding their interpretation.[11] They have faced significant institutional stigma from the Ottoman and later Turkish state and academia, being described as heterodox[16] to contrast them with the "orthodox" Sunni majority.

The term “Alevi-Bektashi” is currently a widely and frequently used expression in the religious discourse of Turkey as an umbrella term for the two religious groups of Alevism and Bektashism.[17] Adherents of Alevism are found primarily in Turkey and estimates of the percentage of Turkey's population that are Alevi include between 4% and 15%.[11][18][19]

Alevi/Bektashi is officially recognized through Ministry of Culture and Tourism under the 'Presidency of Alevi/Bektashi Culture'.[20]

Beliefs

[edit]
Main articles: Faith and Iman (concept)

According to scholar Soner Çağaptay, Alevism is a "relatively unstructured interpretation of Islam".[21] Journalist Patrick Kingsley states that for some self-described Alevi, their religion is "simply a cultural identity, rather than a form of worship".[22]

The Alevi beliefs among Turkish Alevis and Kurdish Alevis diverge as Kurdish Alevis put more emphasis on Pir Sultan Abdal than Haji Bektash Veli, and Kurdish Alevism is rooted more in nature veneration.[23][24]

God

[edit]
Main articles: Allah and Haqq–Muhammad–Ali

In Alevi cosmology, God is also called Al-Haqq (the Truth)[25] or referred to as Allah. God created life, so the created world can reflect his Being.[26] Alevis believe in the unity of Allah, Muhammad, and Ali, but this is not a trinity composed of God and the historical figures of Muhammad and Ali. Rather, Muhammad and Ali are representations of Allah's light (and not of Allah himself), being neither independent from God nor separate characteristics of him.[25]

In Alevi writings are many references to the unity of Muhammad and Ali, such as:

A representation of the sword of Ali, the Zulfiqar in an Ottoman emblem

Ali Muhammed'dir uh dur fah'ad, Muhammad Ali ("Ali is Muhammad, Muhammad is Ali"). [27]

Spirits and afterlife

[edit]

Alevis believe in the immortality of the soul,[25] the literal existence of supernatural beings, including good angels (melekler) and bad angels (şeytanlar),[28] as encouragers of humans' evil desires (nefs), jinn (cinler), and the evil eye.[29]

Angels feature in Alevi cosmogony. Although there is no fixed creation narrative among Alevis, it is generally accepted that God created five archangels, who have been invited to the chamber of God. Inside, they found a light representing the light of Muhammad and Ali. In an account parallel to that in the Quran, one of the archangels refuses to prostrate before the light, arguing that the light is a created body just like him and therefore an inappropriate object of worship. He remains at God's service, but rejects the final test and turns back to darkness. From this primordial decline, the devil's enmity towards Adam emerged. The archangels consist of the same four archangels as in orthodox Islam. The fifth archangel, namely Azâzîl, fell from grace, thus not included among the canonical archangels apart from this story.[30]

Another story features the archangel Gabriel (Cebrail), who is asked by God who they are. Gabriel answers: "I am I and you are you". Gabriel gets punished for his haughty answer and is sent away, until Ali reveals a secret to him. When God asks him again, he answers: "You are the creator and I am your creation". Afterwards, Gabriel was accepted and introduced to Muhammad and Ali.[30]

Scriptures and prophets

[edit]

Alevis acknowledge the four revealed scriptures also recognised in Islam: the Tawrat (Torah), the Zabur (Psalms), the Injil (Gospel), and the Quran.[31] Additionally, Alevis are not opposed to looking to other religious books outside the four major ones as sources for their beliefs, including Hadiths, Nahjul Balagha, and Buyruks. Alevism also acknowledges the Islamic prophet Mohammed. Unlike the vast majority of Muslims, Alevis do not regard interpretations of the Quran today as binding or infallible, since the true meaning of the Quran is considered to be taken as a secret by Ali and must be taught by a teacher, who transmits the teachings of Ali (Buyruk) to his disciple.[32]

Twelve Imams

[edit]
Main article: Twelve Imams

The Twelve Imams are part of another common Alevi belief. Each Imam represents a different aspect of the world. They are realized as twelve services or On İki Hizmet performed by members of the Alevi community. Each Imam is believed to be a reflection of Ali ibn Abu Talib, the first Imam of the Shi'ites. There are references to the "First Ali" (Birinci Ali), Imam Hasan the "Second 'Ali" (İkinci Ali), and so on up to the "Twelfth 'Ali" (Onikinci Ali), Imam Mehdi. The Twelfth Imam is hidden and represents the Messianic Age.

Plurality

[edit]

The plurality in nature is attributed to the infinite potential energy of Kull-i Nafs when it takes corporeal form as it descends into being from Allah. During the Cem ceremony, the cantor or aşık sings:

"All of us alive or lifeless are from one, this is ineffable, Sultan.
For to love and to fall in love has been my fate from time immemorial."

This is sung as a reminder that the reason for creation is love, so that the followers may know themselves and each other, and that they may love that which they know.

Creed and jurisprudence

[edit]
See also: Kaysanites, Khurramites, Qarmatians, and Hurufism
Tomb of Ahi Evren; founder and leader of the Ahi Brotherhood, which evolved into a Beylik later on[33]

Sources differ on how important formal doctrine is among contemporary Alevi. According to scholar Russell Powell, there is a tradition of informal "Dede" courts within the Alevi society, but regarding Islamic jurisprudence or fiqh there has been "little scholarship on Alevi influences" in it.[34] Alevism has a unique belief system tracing back to Kaysanites and Khurramites.[35]

Practices

[edit]
Main article: Four Doors

The Alevi spiritual path (yol) is commonly understood to take place through four major life-stages, or "gates". These may be further subdivided into "four gates, forty levels" (Dört Kapı Kırk Makam). The first gate (religious law) is considered elementary (and this may be perceived as subtle criticism of other Muslim traditions).

The following are major crimes that cause an Alevi to be declared düşkün (shunned):[36]

  • killing a person
  • committing adultery
  • divorcing one's wife without a just reason
  • stealing
  • backbiting/gossiping

Most Alevi activity takes place in the context of the second gate (spiritual brotherhood), during which one submits to a living spiritual guide (dede, pir, mürşid). The existence of the third and fourth gates is mostly theoretical, though some older Alevis have apparently received initiation into the third.[37]

Further information: Pir (Sufism), Dedes, and Murshid

Dede

[edit]

A Dede (literally meaning grandfather) is a traditional leader that is claimed to be from the lineage of Muhammad that performs ritual baptisms for newborns, officiates at funerals, and organises weekly gatherings at cemevis.[38]

Cem and Cemevi

[edit]
Main articles: Cem (Alevism) and Cemevi
Bağlama

Alevi religious, cultural and other social activities take place in the cemevi "assembly house". The ceremony's prototype is the Muhammad's nocturnal ascent into heaven, where he beheld a gathering of forty saints (Kırklar Meclisi), and the ultimate reality made manifest in their leader, Ali.

The Cem ceremony features music, singing, and dancing (Samāh) in which both women and men participate. Rituals are performed in Turkish, Zazaki, Kurmanji and other local languages.

Bağlama

[edit]
Main article: Bağlama

During the Cem, the Âşık plays the bağlama whilst singing spiritual songs, some of which are centuries old and well known amongst Alevis. Every song, called a nefes, has spiritual meaning and aims to teach the participants essential lessons.

Samāh

[edit]

A family of ritual dances characterized by turning and swirling is inseparable from the cem. The samā is performed by men and women together to accompany the bağlama. The dances symbolise (for example) the revolution of the planets around the Sun by people turning in circles, and the putting off of the self and uniting with God.

Görgü Cemi

[edit]

The Rite of Integration (görgü cemi) is a complex ritual occasion in which a variety of tasks are allotted to incumbents bound together by extrafamilial brotherhood (müsahiplik). These incumbents undertake a dramatisation of unity and integration under the direction of the dede.

Dem

[edit]

The love of the creator for the created and vice versa is symbolised in the Cem by the use of fruit juice and/or red wine.[citation needed] Dem represents the intoxication of the lover in the beloved. During the ceremony Dem is one of the twelve duties of the participants. (see above)

Sohbet

[edit]

At the closing of the cem ceremony, the dede who leads the ceremony engages the participants in a discussion called a sohbet.

Twelve services

[edit]

There are twelve services (Turkish: On İki hizmet) performed by the twelve ministers of the cem.

  1. Dede: This is the leader of the Cem who represents Muhammad and Ali. The Dede receives confession from the attendees at the beginning of the ceremony. He also leads funerals, Müsahiplik, marriage ceremonies and circumcisions. The status of Dede is hereditary and he must be a descendant of Ali and Fatima.
  2. Rehber: This position represents Husayn. The Rehber is a guide to the faithful and works closely with the Dede in the community.
  3. Gözcü: This position represents Abu Dharr al-Ghifari. S/he is the assistant to the Rehber. S/he is the Cem keeper responsible for keeping the faithful calm.
  4. Çerağcı: This position represents Jabir ibn Abd-Allah and s/he is the light-keeper responsible for maintaining the light traditionally given by a lamp or candles.
  5. Zakir: This position represents Bilal ibn al-Harith. S/he plays the bağlama and recites songs and prayers.
  6. Süpürgeci: This position represents Salman the Persian. S/he is responsible for cleaning the Cemevi hall and symbolically sweeping the carpets during the Cem.
  7. Meydancı: This position represents Hudhayfah ibn al-Yaman.
  8. Niyazcı: this position represents Muhammad ibn Maslamah. S/he is responsible for distributing the sacred meal.
  9. İbrikçi: this position represents Kamber. S/he is responsible for washing the hands of the attendees.
  10. Kapıcı: this position represents Ghulam Kaysan. S/he is responsible for calling the faithful to the Cem.
  11. Peyikçi: this position represents Amri Ayyari.
  12. Sakacı: represents Ammar ibn Yasir. Responsible for the distribution of water, sherbet (sharbat), milk etc..

Festivals

[edit]
10th of Muharram – Ashura: Husayn was martyred at Karbala. The Mourning of Muharram and the remembrance of this event by Ja'faris, Alevis, and Bektashis together in Ottoman Empire. Painted by Fausto Zonaro.
Main article: Ashura

Alevis celebrate and commemorate Ali's birth, his wedding with Fatima, the rescue of Yusuf from the well, and the creation of the world on this day. Various cems and special programs are held.

Mourning of Muharram

[edit]
Main article: Mourning of Muharram

The Muslim month of Muharram begins 20 days after Eid ul-Adha (Kurban Bayramı). Alevis observe a fast for the first twelve days, known as the Mourning of Muharram (Turkish: Muharrem Mâtemi, Yâs-ı Muharrem, or Mâtem Orucu; Kurdish: Rojîya Şînê or Rojîya Miherremê). This culminates in the festival of Ashura (Aşure), which commemorates the martyrdom of Husayn at Karbala. The fast is broken with a special dish called aşure from a variety (often twelve) of fruits, nuts, and grains. Many events are associated with this celebration, including the salvation of Husayn's son Ali al-Sajjad from the massacre at Karbala, thus allowing the bloodline of the family of Muhammad to continue.

Hıdırellez

[edit]
A Persian miniature depicting Elijah and al-Khiḍr (A miniature version of Stories of the Prophets)
Main articles: Hıdırellez and Khidr

Hıdırellez honors the mysterious figure Khidr (Turkish: Hızır) who is sometimes identified with Elijah (Ilyas), and is said to have drunk of the water of life. Some hold that Khidr comes to the rescue of those in distress on land, while Elijah helps those at sea; and that they meet at a rose tree in the evening of every 6 May. The festival is also celebrated in parts of the Balkans by the name of "Erdelez," where it falls on the same day as George's Day in Spring or Saint George's Day.

Khidr is also honored with a three-day fast in mid-February called Hızır Orucu. In addition to avoiding any sort of comfort or enjoyment, Alevis also abstain from food and water for the entire day, though they do drink liquids other than water during the evening.[39]

Note that the dates of the Khidr holidays can differ among Alevis, most of whom use a lunar calendar, but some a solar calendar.

Müsahiplik

[edit]
Main article: Müsahiplik

Müsahiplik (roughly, "Companionship") is a covenant relationship between two men of the same age, preferably along with their wives. In a ceremony in the presence of a dede the partners make a lifelong commitment to care for the spiritual, emotional, and physical needs of each other and their children. The ties between couples who have made this commitment is at least as strong as it is for blood relatives, so much so that müsahiplik is often called spiritual brotherhood (manevi kardeşlik). The children of covenanted couples may not marry.[40]

Krisztina Kehl-Bodrogi reports that the Tahtacı identify müsahiplik with the first gate (şeriat), since they regard it as a precondition for the second (tarikat). Those who attain to the third gate (marifat, "gnosis") must have been in a müsahiplik relationship for at least twelve years. Entry into the third gate dissolves the müsahiplik relationship (which otherwise persists unto death), in a ceremony called Öz Verme Âyini ("ceremony of giving up the self").

The value corresponding to the second gate (and necessary to enter the third) is âşinalık ("intimacy," perhaps with God). Its counterpart for the third gate is called peşinelik; for the fourth gate (hâkikat, Ultimate Truth), cıngıldaşlık or cengildeşlik (translations uncertain).[41]

Folk practices

[edit]
It is a common Alevi and Sunni tradition to distribute lokma (top) and ashure (below) publicly in Turkey.
Main articles: Eyüp Sultan Mosque, Ziyarat, and Dua

Many folk practices may be identified, though few of them are specific to the Alevis. In this connection, scholar Martin van Bruinessen notes a sign from Turkey's Ministry of Religion, attached to Istanbul's shrine of Eyüp Sultan, which presents:

...a long list of 'superstitious' practices that are emphatically declared to be non-Islamic and objectionable, such as lighting candles or placing 'wishing stones' on the tomb, tying pieces of cloth to the shrine or to the trees in front of it, throwing money on the tomb, asking the dead directly for help, circling seven times around the trees in the courtyard or pressing one's face against the walls of the türbe in the hope of a supernatural cure, tying beads to the shrine and expecting supernatural support from them, sacrificing roosters or turkeys as a vow to the shrine. The list is probably an inventory of common local practices the authorities wish to prevent from re-emerging.[42]

Other, similar practices include kissing door frames of holy rooms; not stepping on the threshold of holy buildings; seeking prayers from reputed healers; and making lokma and sharing it with others. Also, Ashure is made and shared with friends and family during the month of Muharram in which the Day of Ashure takes place.[43]

Ziyarat to sacred places

[edit]
The tomb of Pir Sultan Abdal in Sivas
Entrance of Karacaahmet Cemetery in Istanbul, Turkey
Haji Bektash Veli Complex in Hacıbektaş, Turkey
Main articles: Hacıbektaş, Karacaahmet, and Şahkulu
Further information: Pir (Sufism)

Performing ziyarat and du'a at the tombs of Alevi-Bektashi saints or pirs is quite common. Some of the most frequently visited sites are the shrines of Şahkulu and Karacaahmet (both in Istanbul), Abdal Musa (Antalya), Seyyid Battal Gazi Complex (Eskişehir), Hamza Baba (İzmir), Hasandede (Kırıkkale).[44]

In contrast with the traditional secrecy of the Cem ceremony ritual, the events at these cultural centers and sites are open to the public. In the case of the Hacibektaş celebration, since 1990 the activities there have been taken over by Turkey's Ministry of Culture in the interest of promoting tourism and Turkish patriotism rather than Alevi spirituality. The annual celebrations held at Hacıbektaş (16 August) and Sivas (the Pir Sultan Abdal Kültür Etkinlikleri, 23–24 June).

Some Alevis make pilgrimages to mountains and other natural sites believed to be imbued with holiness.

Almsgiving

[edit]
Main articles: dargah, waqf, and zakat

Alevis are expected to give zakat, but there is no set formula or prescribed amount for annual charitable donation as there is in other forms of Islam (2.5% of possessions above a certain minimum). Rather, they are expected to give the "excess" according to Qur'an 2:219. A common method of Alevi almsgiving is through donating food (especially sacrificial animals) to be shared with worshippers and guests. Alevis also donate money to be used to help the poor, to support the religious, educational and cultural activities of Alevi centers and organizations (dargahs, awqaf, and meetings), and to provide scholarships for students.

Circumcision

[edit]

Alevism is notable among Islamic branches for its casual approach to khitan or circumcision viewing it as optional. Many modern Alevis choose to not circumcise their kids at all. This view is especially common in the Alevi diaspora in Europe.[45] Many other branches of Islam view circumcision as beneficial or even mandatory outside of rare circumstances. The Dede is responsible for leading the spiritual kinship practice of kirvelik which can include but does not require circumcision.[46]

History

[edit]
Main article: Alevi history
Ottoman miniature of the founder of the Bektashiyya Sufi order Hacı Bektaş-ı Veli (Ḥājjī Baktāsh Walī)

Seljuk period

[edit]
Further information: Aq Qoyunlu and Qara Qoyunlu

During the great Turkish expansion from Central Asia into Iran and Anatolia in the Seljuk period (11–12th centuries), Turkmen tribes accepted a Sufi and pro-Alid form of Islam that co-existed with some of their pre-Islamic customs. Their conversion to Islam in this period was mainly achieved through the efforts not of textual scholars (ulama) expounding the finer points of tafsir and sharia, but by charismatic dervishes, a belief whose cult of Muslim saint worship, mystical divination and millenarianism spoke more directly to the steppe mindset. These tribes dominated Anatolia for centuries with their religious warriors (ghazi) spearheading the drive against Byzantines and Crusades.[47]

Ottoman period

[edit]
Further information: Ottoman persecution of Alevis, Babai revolt, Şahkulu, and Şahkulu rebellion

As in Khorasan and West Asia before, the Turkmens who spearheaded the Ottomans' drive into the Balkans and West Asia were more inspired by a vaguely Shiite folk Islam than by formal religion. Many times, Ottoman campaigns were accompanied or guided by Bektaşi dervishes, spiritual heirs of the 13th century Sufi saint Haji Bektash Veli, himself a native of Khorasan. After the conquest of Constantinople in 1453, the Ottoman state became increasingly determined to assert its fiscal but also its juridical and political control over the farthest reaches of the Empire.[47]

The resulting Alevi revolts, a series of millenarian anti-state uprisings by the non-Sunni Turkmen population of Anatolia that culminated in the establishment of a militantly Shiite rival state in neighbouring Iran.[48] The Ottoman Empire later proclaimed themselves its defenders against the Safavid Shia state and related sects. This created a gap between the Sunni Ottoman ruling elite and the Alevi Anatolian population. Anatolia became a battlefield between Safavids and Ottomans, each determined to include it in their empire.[49]

Republic of Turkey

[edit]

According to Eren Sarı, Alevi saw Kemal Atatürk as a Mahdi "savior sent to save them from the Sunni Ottoman yoke".[50] However, pogroms against Alevi did not cease after the establishment of the Turkish Republic. In attacks against leftists in the 1970s, ultranationalists and reactionaries killed many Alevis. Malatya in 1978, Maraş in 1979, and Çorum in 1980 witnessed the murder of hundreds of Alevis, the torching of hundreds of homes, and lootings.[51][52]

Alevis have been victims of pogroms during both Ottoman times and under the Turkish republic up until the 1993 Sivas massacre.[22][51][52]

Organization

[edit]
Ali, Hasan and Husayn in Hagia Sophia
Ali (right) and Husayn ibn Ali (left) medallions in the Hagia Sophia
Hasan ibn Ali medallion in Hagia Sophia

In contrast to the Bektashi order – tariqa, which like other Sufi orders is based on a silsila "initiatory chain or lineage" of teachers and their students, Alevi leaders succeed to their role on the basis of family descent. Perhaps ten percent of Alevis belong to a religious elite called ocak "hearth", indicating descent from Ali and/or various other saints and heroes. Ocak members are called ocakzades or "sons of the hearth". This system apparently originated in the Safavid state.

Alevi leaders are variously called murshid, pir, rehber or dede. Groups that conceive of these as ranks of a hierarchy (as in the Bektashi Order) disagree as to the order. The last of these, dede "grandfather", is the term preferred by the scholarly literature. Ocakzades may attain to the position of dede on the basis of selection (by a father from among several sons), character, and learning. In contrast to Alevi rhetoric on the equality of the sexes, it is generally assumed that only males may fill such leadership roles.

Traditionally, dedes did not merely lead rituals, but led their communities, often in conjunction with local notables such as the ağas (large landowners) of the Dersim Region. They also acted as judges or arbiters, presiding over village courts called Düşkünlük Meydanı.

Ordinary Alevi would owe allegiance to a particular dede lineage (but not others) on the basis of pre-existing family or village relations. Some fall instead under the authority of Bektashi dargahs.

In the wake of 20th century urbanization (which removed young laborers from the villages) and socialist influence (which looked upon the dedes with suspicion), the old hierarchy has largely broken down. Many dedes now receive salaries from Alevi cultural centers, which arguably subordinates their role. Such centers no longer feature community business or deliberation, such as the old ritual of reconciliation, but emphasize musical and dance performance to the exclusion of these.[53] Dedes are now approached on a voluntary basis, and their role has become more circumscribed – limited to religious rituals, research, and giving advice.

According to John Shindeldecker "Alevis are proud to point out that they are monogamous, Alevi women are encouraged to get the best education they can, and Alevi women are free to go into any occupation they choose."[54]

Relationship with Shia Islam

[edit]

Alevis are classified as a sect of Shia Islam,[55] and Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini decreed Alevis to be part of the Shia fold in the 1970s.[56] However, Alevi philosophies, customs, and rituals are appreciably different from those of mainstream, orthodox Usulis. According to Alevis[which?], Ali and Muhammad are likened to the two sides of a coin, or the two halves of an apple.[citation needed]

Relationship with Sunnis

[edit]

The relationship between Alevis and Sunnis is one of mutual suspicion and prejudice dating back to the Ottoman period. Hundreds of Alevis were murdered in sectarian violence in the years that preceded the 1980 coup, and as late as the 1990s dozens were killed with impunity.[22] While pogroms have not occurred since then, Erdogan has declared "a cemevi is not a place of worship, it is a center for cultural activities. Muslims should only have one place of worship."[22]

Alevis[which?] claim that they have been subject to intolerant Sunni "nationalism" that has been unwilling to recognize Alevi "uniqueness".[57]

Demographics

[edit]
Distribution of Alevi population in Turkey. Red = Anatolian Alevis (Turks and Kurds). Dark red = Alawites (Arabs) in Southern Turkey.
Alevis in a demonstration in Hamburg

Most Alevi live in Turkey, where they are a minority and Sunni Muslims the majority. The size of the Alevi population is likewise disputed, but most estimates place them somewhere between 5 and 10 million people or about 10% of the population.[58][59] Estimates of the percentage of Turkey's population that are Alevi range between 4% and 15%.[11][18] Scattered minorities live in the Balkans, the Caucasus, Cyprus, Greece, Iran and the diaspora such as Germany and France.[60] In the 2021 United Kingdom census, Alevism was discovered to be the eighth largest religion in England and Wales, after Christianity, Islam, Hinduism, Sikhism, Buddhism, Judaism and Paganism.[61]

Different estimations exist on the ethnic composition of the Alevi population. Although Turks are probably the largest ethnic group among Alevis considering their historical towns and cities.[citation needed] While Dressler stated in 2008 that about a third of the Alevi population is Kurdish,[24] Hamza Aksüt argued that the majority is Kurdish[62] when all groups he considers as Alevis, such as the Yarsanis,[63] are counted.[64]

Most Alevis are probably of Kizilbash or Bektashi origin.[11] The Alevis (Kizilbash) are traditionally predominantly rural and acquire identity through the family. According to the AABF (German Federation of Alevi Associations), in Kizilbash Alevism, it is sufficient for a person to be considered an Alevi if their mother or father are Alevi.[65] Bektashis, however, are predominantly urban, and formally claim that membership is open to any Muslim. The groups are separately organized, but subscribe to "virtually the same system of beliefs".[11]

Population estimates

[edit]

The Alevi population has been estimated as follows:

  • Approximately 20 million according to Daily Sabah, a newspaper close to the government in 2021.[66]
  • 12,521,000 according to Sabahat Akkiraz, an MP from CHP.[67]
  • "approx. 15 million..." – Krisztina Kehl-Bodrogi.[68]
  • 4% of total population of Turkey – KONDA Research (2021).[18]
  • In Turkey, 15% of Turkey's population (approx. 10.6 million) – Shankland (2006).[69]
  • 20 to 25 million according to Minority Rights Group.[11]
  • There is a native 3,000 Alevi community in Western Thrace, Greece.[70]
  • The predominant religion of the Äynu people of western China is Alevism.[71][72][73] There are estimated to be around 30–50 thousand Äynu, mostly located on the fringe of the Taklamakan Desert.[74][75]
  • 25,672 Alevi live in England and Wales.[61]
  • 600,000 to 700,000 Alevi live in Germany.[76][77]
  • 100,000 to 200,000 Alevi live in France.[78][79]

Social groups

[edit]
Calligraphic hat in Alevi-Bektashism

A Turkish scholar working in France has distinguished four main groups among contemporary Alevis in Turkey.[80]

The first group, who form a majority of the Alevi population, regard themselves as true Muslims and are prepared to cooperate with the state. It adheres to the way of Jafar as-Sadiq, the Sixth Imam of Shia Islam. This group's concept of God is the same as Orthodox Islam, and like their Shia counterparts they reject the first three chosen Caliphs, whom Sunni accept as legitimate, and accept only Ali as the actual and true Caliph.[80]

The second group, which has the second most following among Alevis, are said to be under the active influence of the official Iranian Shia and to be confirmed adherents of the Twelver branch of Shia Islam and they reject the teachings of Bektashism Tariqa. They follow the Ja'fari jurisprudence and oppose secular state power.[80]

The third group, a minority belief held by the Alevis, is mainly represented by people who belong to the political left and presumed the Aleviness as an outlook on life rather than a religious conviction by renouncing the ties of Alevism with Twelver Shia Islam. The followers of this congregation, who later turned out to support Erdoğan Çınar, hold ritual unions of a religious character and have established cultural associations named after Pir Sultan Abdal as well. According to their philosophy, the human being should enjoy a central role reminiscent of the doctrine of Khurramites, and as illustrated by Hurufi phrase of God is Man quoted above in the context of the Trinity.[80]

The fourth[citation needed] who adopted some aspirations of Christian mysticism, is more directed towards heterodox mysticism and stands closer to the Hajji Bektashi Brotherhood. According to the philosophy developed by this congregation, Christian mystic St Francis of Assisi and Hindu Mahatma Gandhi are better believers of God than many Muslims.[80]

Further information: Ja'fari, Nusayrism, Hurufism, and Chinarism

Influences of other beliefs and sects on Alevism

[edit]
See also: Ishikism
Part of a series on
Bektashism
Historical figures
Bektashi Dedebabate
Bektashi sites
Events
Countries
Four Spiritual Stations in Bektashiyyah: Sharia, tariqa, haqiqa, and the fourth station, marifa, which is considered "unseen", is actually the center of the haqiqa region. Marifa is the essence of all four stations.

Sufi elements in Alevism

[edit]
Further information: Qalandariyya, Qutb ad-Dīn Haydar, and Sufi metaphysics

Despite this essentially Shi‘i orientation, much of Aleviness' mystical language is inspired by Sufi traditions. For example, the Alevi concept of God is derived from the philosophy of Ibn Arabi and involves a chain of emanation from God, to spiritual man, earthly man, animals, plants, and minerals. The goal of spiritual life is to follow this path in the reverse direction, to unity with God, or al-Haqq (Reality, Truth). From the highest perspective, all is God (see Sufi metaphysics). Alevis admire al-Hallaj, a 10th-century Sufi who was accused of blasphemy and subsequently executed in Baghdad for saying "I am the Truth" (Ana al-Haqq).

There is some tension between folk tradition Aleviness and the Bektashi Order, which is a Sufi order founded on Alevi beliefs.[81] In certain Turkish communities other Sufi orders (the Halveti-Jerrahi and some of the Rifaʽi) have incorporated significant Alevi influence.

Wahdat al-Mawjud

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Main article: Wahdat al-mawjud

Bektashism places much emphasis on the concept of Wahdat al-Mawjud وحدة الوجود, the "Unity of Being" that was formulated by Ibn Arabi. Bektashism is also heavily permeated with Shiite concepts, such as the marked veneration of Ali, the Twelve Imams, and the ritual commemoration of Ashurah marking the Battle of Karbala. The old Persian holiday of Nowruz is celebrated by Bektashis as Imam Ali's birthday.

In keeping with the central belief of Wahdat Al-Mawjud the Bektashi see reality contained in Haqq-Muhammad-Ali, a single unified entity. Bektashi do not consider this a form of trinity. There are many other practices and ceremonies that share similarity with other faiths, such as a ritual meal (muhabbet) and yearly confession of sins to a baba (magfirat-i zunub مغفرة الذنوب).

Bektashis base their practices and rituals on their non-orthodox and mystical interpretation and understanding of the Qur'an and the prophetic practice (Sunnah). They have no written doctrine specific to them, thus rules and rituals may differ depending on under whose influence one has been taught. Bektashis generally revere Sufi mystics outside of their own order, such as Ibn Arabi, Al-Ghazali and Jelalludin Rumi who are close in spirit to them.

Mysticism

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Further information: Bektashism and Hurufism

Bektashism is initiatic and members must traverse various levels or ranks as they progress along the spiritual path to the Reality. First level members are called aşıks عاشق. They are those who, while not having taken initiation into the order, are nevertheless drawn to it. Following initiation (called nasip) one becomes a mühip محب. After some time as a mühip, one can take further vows and become a dervish.

The next level above dervish is that of baba. The baba (lit. father) is considered to be the head of a tekke and qualified to give spiritual guidance (irshad إرشاد). Above the baba is the rank of halife-baba (or dede, grandfather). Traditionally there were twelve of these, the most senior being the "dedebaba" (great-grandfather).

The dedebaba was considered to be the highest ranking authority in the Bektashi Order. Traditionally the residence of the dedebaba was the Pir Evi (The Saint's Home) which was located in the shrine of Hajji Bektash Wali in the central Anatolian town of Hacıbektaş (Solucakarahüyük).

See also

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References

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Bibliography

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Alevism

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from Grokipedia
Alevism is a syncretic, heterodox tradition situated on the periphery of Shia Islam, practiced mainly by Turkish, Kurdish, and other ethnic communities in Anatolia and the diaspora, with the term deriving from adherence to Ali ibn Abi Talib, Muhammad's son-in-law.[1] Emerging in 13th-century Central Anatolia through itinerant Muslim mystics, it blends Twelver Shia veneration of Ali and the Twelve Imams with Sufi esotericism, pre-Islamic Turkish shamanism, and Persian mystical elements, prioritizing inner spiritual experience over orthodox Islamic rituals like the five daily prayers or fasting during Ramadan.[1][2] Core practices include the cem ceremony—a communal ritual led by dedes (spiritual guides) featuring semah ritual dances, saz string instrument music, and allegorical poetry—along with oral transmission of teachings and rejection of formal mosques in favor of cemevis gathering halls.[1][3] Historically esoteric and rural, Alevism draws inspiration from figures like Haji Bektash Veli, founder of the Bektashi Sufi order, and emphasizes humanistic values such as equality, love, and tolerance, often expressed through the doctrine of the unity of God, Muhammad, and Ali (Haqq-Muhammad-Ali).[1][4] In Turkey, where Alevis constitute an estimated 10 to 30 percent of the population (approximately 10 to 25 million people), the tradition has endured cycles of persecution, including Ottoman-era massacres and modern-era marginalization, amid debates over its classification as Islamic or a distinct faith.[5][6][7] These challenges persist due to the Turkish state's Sunni-oriented policies, which deny official recognition to Alevism and its institutions, prompting mobilization for equal rights and cultural preservation.[8][9] In the diaspora, particularly in Europe, Alevism has evolved into a more public and organized identity, fostering transnational networks while grappling with internal diversity and external Islamophobic pressures.[7][3]

Theology and Beliefs

Concept of Divinity

In Alevism, the concept of divinity centers on the absolute oneness of God, known as Hak or Haqq (Truth), emphasizing tawhid—the Islamic principle of divine unity—interpreted through a mystical lens that underscores God's immanence in creation rather than strict transcendence. Alevis view God not as a distant, anthropomorphic entity but as an all-pervading essence manifesting throughout the universe, with every human bearing a divine spark that reflects this unity. This perspective draws from Sufi influences, prioritizing inner spiritual realization over literalist dogma, and aligns with expressions like the 13th-century mystic Mansur al-Hallaj's declaration "Enel Hak" ("I am the Truth"), which Alevis interpret as an affirmation of God's presence within the self.[10][11] A core tenet involves the triadic unity of Hak-Muhammed-Ali, where God (Hak), the Prophet Muhammad, and Ali ibn Abi Talib represent manifestations of a single divine reality or light (nur), rather than distinct persons in a trinitarian sense akin to Christian theology. This is understood as tecelli (divine appearance or emanation), with Ali embodying the perfect human reflection of God's attributes, serving as the locus of divine knowledge and walayat (guardianship). Such beliefs stem from Bektashi and Hurufi traditions, which Alevism incorporates, positing that the divine essence cycles through historical figures without compromising monotheism.[12][13] This immanentist approach borders on panentheism, with God both transcending and permeating the cosmos, as echoed in Alevi poetry (deyiş) that equates the divine with love, nature, and human conscience, rejecting external intermediaries like formal sharia in favor of direct experiential gnosis (irfan). While orthodox Sunni critiques label this as deviation from tawhid, Alevis maintain fidelity to Quranic foundations, such as verses on God's nearness (e.g., Quran 50:16), supplemented by oral traditions attributing esoteric meanings to Ali's role in divine revelation. Empirical observations of Alevi practice, including cem rituals invoking Hak, reinforce this non-dualistic worldview, though interpretations vary across communities, with some modern Alevis secularizing it into humanistic ethics.[12][11]

Veneration of Ali and the Imams

In Alevism, Ali ibn Abi Talib occupies a preeminent position as the spiritual exemplar and rightful successor to the Prophet Muhammad, embodying esoteric wisdom and divine favor. Alevis regard Ali not merely as a historical caliph but as the "Lion of God" (Asadullah) and the gatekeeper of batini (inner, mystical) knowledge, which supersedes literalist interpretations of Islamic law. This veneration stems from Ali's familial ties to Muhammad as cousin and son-in-law, coupled with beliefs in his unparalleled proximity to divine truth, often expressed through the modified shahada: "There is no god but God, Muhammad is His messenger, and Ali is the friend of God" (wali Allah).[1][14] Historical Ottoman polemics accused Alevis of ghulat (extremist) tendencies, such as deifying Ali, but contemporary Alevi scholarship emphasizes a monotheistic framework where Ali's sanctity reflects tawhid (divine oneness) without equating him to God, viewing him instead as the insan-i kamil (perfect human) who manifests divine attributes through unity with the Creator.[15][16] The Twelve Imams, descending from Ali through his sons Hasan and Husayn, are similarly revered as bearers of sacred lineage and interpretive authority, preserving the Prophet's hidden teachings against perceived Sunni usurpation. Unlike Twelver Shiism's doctrine of infallible Imams and the occultation of the twelfth, Alevism interprets their role esoterically, seeing them as eternal spiritual lights (nur) permeating the universe rather than awaiting a messianic return, with emphasis on their symbolic representation in rituals like the cem ceremony.[17][18] This veneration integrates with Anatolian mysticism, linking the Imams to local saints such as Haji Bektash Veli (d. circa 1271), who is credited with systematizing Alevi doctrine and viewed as a post-prophetic extension of Imamite guidance. Alevis commemorate key events in the Imams' lives, such as the martyrdom of Husayn at Karbala in 680 CE, not through ritual self-flagellation but via mourning assemblies that underscore ethical lessons of resistance to tyranny.[1] Critics from orthodox Sunni perspectives have historically labeled this intensified reverence as heterodox, citing texts like the Buyruk compilations that poetically equate Ali's essence with divine mercy, yet Alevi apologists counter that such language employs metaphor (majaz) to convey mystical union, not literal incarnation, aligning with Sufi concepts like wahdat al-wujud (unity of being). Empirical surveys of Alevi communities in Turkey, numbering approximately 10-15 million as of 2020, reveal consistent oral traditions prioritizing Ali and the Imams' ethical exemplars over jurisprudential details, fostering a lived piety focused on love (muhabbet) and justice.[14][19] This framework distinguishes Alevism from both Sunni majoritarianism and Twelver ritualism, emphasizing inner purification over external observance.[20]

Scriptures, Prophets, and Oral Traditions

Alevism lacks a centralized canonical scripture equivalent to the Quran in Sunni or Twelver Shia Islam, emphasizing instead esoteric interpretations of Islamic texts alongside unique compositions. The Buyruk, a compilation of doctrinal instructions attributed to early figures like Haji Bektash Veli, serves as one of the most revered written works, guiding rituals and ethics through allegorical narratives and commandments.[21] This text, documented in ethnographic studies from the early 20th century, underscores Alevi distinctiveness by prioritizing inner (bâtınî) meanings over literal (zâhirî) adherence.[21] Supplementary written materials include cönks, personal notebooks compiling mystical poetry, and manuscripts preserving hymns, which complement but do not supplant oral conveyance.[22] Prophets and saintly figures in Alevism center on Ali ibn Abi Talib as the paramount spiritual exemplar, embodying divine essence (nur-i ilahi) more profoundly than Muhammad, whom Alevis honor as a prophetic messenger but subordinate in esoteric hierarchy.[23] The Twelve Imams, descending from Ali and Fatima, are venerated as infallible bearers of hidden knowledge, with their martyrdoms—such as Hussein's at Karbala in 680 CE—symbolizing resistance to tyranny.[24] Ancestral saints like Haji Bektash Veli (d. circa 1271 CE), founder of the Bektashi order intertwined with Alevism, and folk immortals such as Khidr, merge prophetic roles with shamanic archetypes, facilitating syncretic reverence for pre-Islamic Anatolian and Central Asian elements.[25][26] Oral traditions constitute the primary vehicle for Alevi doctrine, transmitted via deyiş (devotional poems) and nefes (breath-inspired hymns) recited or sung in communal cem gatherings, often with saz accompaniment to evoke spiritual ecstasy. These forms, rooted in 13th-16th century bardic legacies, encode cosmology and ethics through verses by poets like Yunus Emre (d. circa 1320 CE), Pir Sultan Abdal (executed 1547 CE), and Seyyid Nesimi (d. 1417 CE), whose works adapt Sufi motifs to Alevi themes of love (aşk) and unity (vahdet).[24] Dedes, hereditary spiritual guides, memorize and interpret these during initiation (ikrar) and worship, ensuring fidelity amid historical persecution that favored orality over fixed texts to evade Ottoman scrutiny.[27] This dynamic transmission, blending music, poetry, and performance, preserves Alevism's fluidity, with variations across regions reflecting localized adaptations rather than dogmatic uniformity.

Afterlife, Spirits, and Cosmology

Alevi cosmology emphasizes the unity of God (Haqq), the cosmos, and humanity, drawing from Sufi concepts such as wahdat al-wujud (unity of being), where the divine manifests throughout creation without separation.[28][29] This perspective, articulated by figures like Mansur al-Hallaj, posits that the human essence reflects the divine light, with the universe as an emanation of God's essence rather than a dualistic creation.[28] In variants like Raa Haqi (Dersim Alevism), cosmology integrates animistic elements from pre-Islamic substrates, viewing natural phenomena and sacred sites as interconnected with divine forces.[30] Alevis affirm the immortality of the soul (can or ruh), which animates the body as its temporary vessel, enabling ethical action and spiritual ascent.[31] They recognize supernatural entities, including benevolent angels (melekler) and malevolent spirits, which interact with the human realm and influence moral choices, though without the rigid hierarchies of orthodox Islamic angelology.[12] These beliefs stem from syncretic fusions of Shia esotericism and Anatolian folk traditions, where spirits of saints (evliya) or prophetic figures like Hızır (Khidr) serve as intermediaries, embodying eternal divine guidance rather than independent powers.[32] Regarding the afterlife, Alevism largely eschews binary notions of paradise and hell, favoring cyclical processes akin to reincarnation (tenasüh or metempsychosis), where the soul transmigrates through "rounds" (devir) based on deeds, aiming for eventual reunion with the divine.[33][34] This view, rooted in heterodox Ismaili and Sufi influences rather than Twelver Shia orthodoxy, posits immediate soul transfer post-death, without prolonged judgment, as documented in ethnographic studies of Anatolian communities.[35] However, doctrinal diversity exists; some Alevi groups, particularly reformist or urban ones, reject tenasüh as incompatible with core Islamic tenets, prioritizing direct eschatological resurrection instead.[36]

Ethical Framework and Jurisprudence

Alevi ethics emphasize personal moral discipline and communal harmony, encapsulated in the maxim "Eline, beline, diline sahip ol," which instructs adherents to master their hand (refraining from harm or theft), loins (maintaining chastity and fidelity), and tongue (avoiding lies and slander).[37][38] This principle, attributed to Hacı Bektaş Veli, forms the foundation of ethical conduct, prioritizing self-control and interpersonal respect over ritualistic observance.[39] Alevis view morality as an inner (batıni) pursuit of truth (haqq) and love (muhabbet), fostering tolerance, equality, and humanism rather than adherence to external legal codes.[4] The spiritual progression toward ethical maturity is outlined in the "Four Doors and Forty Stations" (Dört Kapı Kırk Makam), a framework attributed to Hacı Bektaş Veli that structures moral and mystical development.[40] The first door, Şeriat (religious law), represents basic ethical norms like honesty and justice, but Alevis interpret it esoterically as a preliminary stage leading to Tarikat (the path), Marifet (gnosis), and ultimately Hakikat (ultimate truth), where formal laws yield to direct divine realization.[41] This progression underscores a rejection of rigid exoteric jurisprudence (zahiri sharia), favoring experiential knowledge and community consensus over codified fiqh, as strict legalism is seen as insufficient for spiritual authenticity. In terms of jurisprudence, Alevism lacks a centralized or scriptural legal system akin to Sunni madhhabs or Twelver Shia usul al-fiqh, relying instead on oral traditions and the authority of dedes (spiritual elders) to adjudicate disputes and enforce ethics within communities.[42] Dedes, often from hereditary lineages (ocaks), mediate through customary practices during cem ceremonies, emphasizing reconciliation, rıza (mutual consent), and alignment with core ethical tenets rather than punitive sanctions or fatwas.[43] This decentralized approach reflects Alevism's historical adaptation to persecution, prioritizing internal cohesion and moral autonomy over state-imposed or orthodox Islamic law.[44]

Practices and Rituals

Cem Ceremonies and Cemevis

The cem ceremony constitutes the central communal worship in Alevism, serving as a multifaceted ritual that integrates prayer, music, semah dancing, and social functions under the guidance of a dede spiritual leader.[45][46] Performed weekly or on special occasions, it reenacts the mystical Assembly of the Forty (Kırklar Meclisi), emphasizing unity, ethical reflection, and devotion to Ali and the Twelve Imams.[29] Participants, including men and women seated in gender-integrated fashion on the ground, engage in collective recitation of deyiş spiritual songs, often accompanied by the saz lute, fostering a sense of communal harmony and self-discipline.[47] Key elements of the cem include the twelve services (on iki hizmet), such as the gatekeeping (kapı hizmeti) to ensure ritual purity, distribution of lokma sacred food, and the semah, a rhythmic turning dance symbolizing cosmic unity and recognized by UNESCO as intangible cultural heritage in 2010.[46] Conflict resolution (düşkünlük) may occur, where disputes are adjudicated by the dede to restore community balance, reflecting Alevism's emphasis on internal reconciliation over formal sharia jurisprudence.[48] The ritual concludes with prayers invoking Hakk (the divine essence) and distribution of shared meals, reinforcing egalitarian bonds without hierarchical clerical intermediaries beyond the dede.[1] Cemevis, literally "cem houses," function as dedicated spaces for these ceremonies, distinct from Sunni mosques, and have proliferated since the 1990s amid Alevi demands for recognition in Turkey.[49] Historically held in private homes or tekke lodges due to Ottoman-era secrecy, modern cemevis often feature symbolic elements like the Ali threshold (Ali kapısı) and twelve services alcoves, accommodating 100-500 participants and serving as cultural centers for education and festivals.[50] As of 2023, Turkey recognizes over 1,000 cemevis, though legal status remains contested, with Alevi organizations advocating for official worship house designation equivalent to mosques.[51] These venues underscore Alevism's non-orthodox practice, prioritizing esoteric batıni interpretation over zahiri legalism.[52]

Role of Dedes and Community Leadership

In Alevism, dedes (literally "grandfathers") function as hereditary spiritual leaders and moral authorities, typically descending from lineages tied to sacred ocaks (hearths or spiritual families) that trace their origins to Ali ibn Abi Talib or the Twelve Imams. These lineages confer legitimacy through genealogical claims, positioning dedes at the apex of the community's religious hierarchy, where they oversee rituals, resolve disputes, and provide ethical guidance without formal clerical training akin to Sunni ulema.[53][54] Their authority derives from a combination of charismatic inheritance and communal recognition, emphasizing oral transmission of esoteric knowledge over scriptural exegesis.[55] Within the ocak system, dedes occupy a structured hierarchy alongside subordinate roles such as pirs (saints or elders), rehbers (guides), and mürsits (teachers), forming a master-disciple chain that reinforces spiritual succession. Dedes lead cem ceremonies, the core communal worship involving sema (ritual turning), music, and collective prayer, where they act as intermediaries between the divine and the community, invoking blessings and enforcing dört kapı kırk makam (four gates, forty stations) as paths to spiritual maturity.[54] They also adjudicate intra-community conflicts, impose sanctions like temporary exclusion from rituals for moral infractions, and counsel on familial and social matters, embodying a holistic leadership that integrates religious, judicial, and pastoral duties.[56] In rural Anatolian settings until the mid-20th century, dedes commanded socioeconomic influence, receiving tithes (düyüm) from talips (disciples) in exchange for spiritual oversight, which sustained their role as village patriarchs.[57] Community leadership extends through networks of talip-dede bonds, where followers pledge allegiance to specific ocaks, fostering decentralized yet interconnected governance across Alevi villages. Dedes preserve esoteric traditions, such as interpretations of Buyruk texts attributed to Haji Bektash Veli, and transmit deyiş (sacred poetry) during gatherings, ensuring doctrinal continuity amid historical persecution.[58] Unlike institutionalized Sunni imams, dedes operate without state oversight in traditional contexts, deriving power from perceived saintly descent rather than madrasa education, which has preserved Alevism's oral and initiatory character.[55] Urbanization and migration since the 1950s have transformed dede roles, shifting them from autonomous village elders to salaried figures in Alevi associations (dernekler) in cities like Istanbul and diaspora communities in Germany, where they blend ritual duties with advocacy for recognition as a distinct faith.[59] This evolution includes public representation in legal battles for cemevi status and cultural preservation, though it has sparked internal debates over diluted authority, as secular-educated Alevi intellectuals challenge hereditary exclusivity.[60] By the 1990s, dedes increasingly participated in transnational networks, adapting to hybrid leadership models that incorporate democratic elements while retaining ritual primacy, as seen in organizations like the Alevi Bektashi Federation.[61] Despite these adaptations, core responsibilities—spiritual mediation and cem leadership—persist, underscoring dedes' enduring centrality amid Alevism's modernization.[58]

Music, Sema, and Symbolic Acts

Music plays a central role in Alevi rituals, particularly during cem ceremonies, where the bağlama, a long-necked lute also known as saz, serves as the primary instrument without accompaniment by percussion.[62] Zakirs, or ritual musicians, perform deyiş—spontaneous poetic expressions of folk literature—and nefes, mystical hymns conveying spiritual teachings, often praising Ali and the Twelve Imams, while fostering communal harmony.[63] These oral compositions, transmitted across generations, integrate ethical and theological insights, with the saz symbolizing Alevi identity and resistance due to its historical use in secret gatherings under Ottoman persecution.[64] Semah, a ritual dance integral to cem services, involves synchronized, rhythmic body movements by semahçıs (dancers), both men and women performing together in non-contact twirling patterns that evoke unity, tolerance, and divine connection. Accompanied solely by saz and vocal improvisations on verses from bards like Pir Sultan Abdal, semah embodies esoteric symbolism, such as turning the palm to the face to signify self-reflection akin to beholding divine beauty in a mirror.[65] Recognized by UNESCO as an Intangible Cultural Heritage element since 2010, semah traces to medieval Anatolian practices and contrasts with Sufi sema by emphasizing egalitarian participation without hierarchical veiling or gender separation.[66] Symbolic acts in Alevi rituals reinforce communal bonds and metaphysical principles, including çerağ uyandırma, the lighting of candles to invoke the Twelve Imams and the twelve core cem services, symbolizing enlightenment and guidance.[67] During gatherings, participants form a dar (circle) with the right foot placed over the left toe, denoting equality and interlocking fates, while a shared belt or cord underscores collective responsibility.[67] Food distribution, such as breaking lokma (charity bread) equally among attendees regardless of status, enacts principles of justice and abundance, often tied to sacrifices (kurban) commemorating historical events like the Battle of Karbala.[68] Ritual ablutions with water poured in a bowl further purify the assembly, preparing for spiritual immersion.[69]

Life-Cycle and Folk Customs

Alevi life-cycle rituals emphasize community solidarity and spiritual continuity rather than rigid orthodoxy, often incorporating elements of protection, ethical reflection, and integration with nature, with variations across regions like Eastern Anatolia.[70][71] Birth practices are understated, with infants inheriting spiritual affiliation through family ties to a pir or dede lineage, precluding formal conversion for outsiders except in rare intermarriage cases.[23] Male circumcision, typically performed around age five to seven, remains a shared custom with broader Muslim traditions despite some doctrinal ambivalence; boys are elaborately dressed, and invitations distributed via photographs to mark the event communally.[23] Naming ceremonies, when observed, may coincide with circumcision for boys in certain subgroups like Arab Alevis, accompanied by prayers invoking taboos to safeguard the child's religious identity.[72] Marriage rituals in regions such as Tunceli, Bingöl, Erzurum, and Muş begin with formal requests for the bride's hand, family agreements, dowry preparations, and engagement ceremonies, culminating in weddings featuring protective rites with religious and symbolic-magical elements to sanctify the union, shield the couple from harm, and foster communal bonds.[70] Grooms often declare a musahip (musâhip), a person appointed through a special religious ceremony as one's brother and companion both in this world and the hereafter—the term deriving from the Arabic root "sahiba" meaning companionship or friendship—forming a lifelong spiritual sibling bond prior to marriage that extends mutual obligations akin to kinship.[73] Post-wedding, couples may visit sacred natural sites, such as the Munzur River source, to light candles invoking longevity and harmony.[23] Death is conceptualized as a return to the divine or "changing one's skin-dress," prompting rituals focused on communal support rather than doctrinal rigidity, diverging from orthodox Islamic prescriptions by lacking fixed timelines or prostrations in salaat.[71] The process involves preparing a shroud, bathing and enshrouding the body, a modified salaat prayer, procession with the deceased carried feet-first, and subsequent condolences, all accompanied by gulbank invocations from oral traditions to guide the soul's merger with the Almighty.[71] Community members assist the bereaved with visitation and duties, while pirs recite dirges emphasizing ethical living for the survivors over intercession for the dead; regional adaptations preserve core ethical reflections amid geographic diversity.[71][23] Mourning extends to collective observances like the twelve-day fast in Muharram commemorating Husayn's martyrdom, blending grief with renewal.[34] Folk customs interweave with these events, reflecting animistic reverence: nature's elements like trees, waters, and animals possess souls, discouraging unnecessary harm such as hunting cranes or ibex, with snakes revered as potential reincarnated kin.[74] Hares are avoided due to longstanding taboos, and thresholds respected as liminal spaces in homes adorned with icons of Ali or Husayn.[75] The sofra—communal table—is sacralized during gatherings, treating guests as divine manifestations and prohibiting interruptions once meals commence.[76] Protective symbols and invocations against misfortune often feature in life transitions, underscoring causal links between ethical conduct, community reciprocity, and harmony with the cosmos.[70][74]

Festivals and Seasonal Observances

Alevis observe the month of Muharram with a 12-day period of fasting and mourning, known as Muharrem Mâtemi or Yâs-ı Muharrem, commemorating the martyrdom of Imam Husayn at the Battle of Karbala in 680 CE.[77] [78] This fast involves abstaining from meat, certain foods, and sometimes daytime eating or drinking, emphasizing reflection on themes of sacrifice and resistance to tyranny rather than ritual self-flagellation practiced in some Twelver Shia traditions.[78] The period culminates on the 10th of Muharram, Ashura, with communal gatherings in cemevis featuring prayers, deyiş hymns, and sema rituals led by dedes.[79] Central to Ashura is the preparation and distribution of aşure, a symbolic pudding made from 12 types of grains, fruits, nuts, and sweeteners, representing abundance and the 12 Imams or the contents of Noah's ark after the flood.[79] Families cook large quantities—often enough for hundreds—and share it with neighbors, symbolizing unity, charity, and communal solidarity in Alevi ethics.[79] This practice blends Islamic commemoration with pre-Islamic Anatolian harvest rituals, underscoring Alevism's syncretic character.[79] Alevis mark seasonal transitions with observances incorporating folk and prophetic elements, such as the Fast of Khızır from February 13–15, honoring the immortal prophet Khızır (associated with verdancy and aid to the faithful), involving simple fasting and prayers for renewal.[80] Nevruz on March 21 celebrates the Persian New Year and spring equinox, with bonfires, egg-cracking games, and symbolic acts of rebirth tied to Feridun's victory over tyranny in Zoroastrian lore, adapted to affirm Alevi resilience.[80] Hıdırellez, observed May 5–6, honors the meeting of Khızır and the prophet Elijah, featuring wishes tied to trees, picnics, and rituals for fertility and protection, reflecting Alevism's integration of Central Asian shamanic and Abrahamic motifs.[80] These observances often occur in cemevis or rural settings, blending cem worship with communal feasting, and emphasize ethical introspection over strict ritualism, distinguishing Alevi practice from orthodox Sunni or Twelver Shia holidays.[79]

Historical Development

Origins in Medieval Anatolia

Alevism's roots emerged in 13th-century Anatolia under the Seljuk Sultanate of Rum, as waves of Turkmen nomads from Central Asia and Khorasan settled the region following Mongol incursions that disrupted earlier Islamic heartlands. These groups fused nascent Islamic practices with pre-Islamic Turkic shamanism and heterodox Sufi elements, fostering a devotional emphasis on Ali ibn Abi Talib as the rightful successor to Muhammad, distinct from Sunni orthodoxy. This syncretism arose amid social upheavals, including economic pressures on pastoralists from Seljuk agrarian policies and taxation.[81] A formative episode was the Babai revolt of 1240, initiated by Baba Ilyas Horasani, a charismatic dervish who migrated from Khorasan and proclaimed messianic claims, rallying thousands of disenfranchised Turkmen against Seljuk authority in Amasya and its environs. The uprising, marked by apocalyptic rhetoric and anti-establishment fervor, was brutally suppressed by Seljuk forces under Baiju Noyan, resulting in mass executions, yet it disseminated proto-Alevi motifs of resistance, spiritual hierarchy, and veneration for Ali among surviving followers. Baba Ilyas's disciple, Baba Ishaq, extended the movement's influence, embedding heterodox ideals in Anatolian folk Islam.[82] Concurrently, Haji Bektash Veli, active in the late 13th century near Kirsehir, is credited in Alevi lore with systematizing these tendencies through mystical teachings that integrated Shia esotericism, Sufi rituals, and communal ethics, influencing early military dervish groups akin to the future Janissaries. His attributed velayet (sainthood) and emphasis on inner purity over ritual law prefigured Alevi practices, though hagiographic accounts blend history with legend, and his direct link to later Qizilbash-Alevi formations remains debated. While some analyses posit medieval Sufi orders like the Abdalan or Vefai as direct antecedents, others contend that coherent Alevism coalesced later via 16th-century Safavid-Qizilbash dynamics rather than isolated Seljuk-era stirrings.[82][83]

Ottoman Era Dynamics

The Ottoman Empire's adoption of Sunni Hanafi Islam as state doctrine positioned Alevism, manifested primarily through Kızılbaş communities with their heterodox Shia-Sufi syncretism and perceived allegiance to the rival Safavid dynasty, as a perceived internal threat. This led to policies framing Kızılbaş as rafızi (heretics) and mulhid (atheists), justifying repression to safeguard territorial integrity amid Ottoman-Safavid conflicts.[84] Early 16th-century uprisings, such as the Şahkulu rebellion of 1511, exemplified this dynamic, involving widespread pro-Safavid mobilization among Anatolian Turkmens that disrupted Ottoman control until suppressed by forces under Grand Vizier Hadım Ali Pasha.[85] Under Sultan Selim I (r. 1512–1520), escalation peaked with systematic massacres targeting Kızılbaş populations prior to the 1514 Battle of Chaldiran, with Ottoman records claiming over 40,000 executed, though modern analyses view this figure as likely symbolic of extensive but unquantified violence.[84] [85] Such measures, driven by fears of fifth-columnist sabotage, extended to later sultans, fostering cycles of rebellion; figures like the 16th-century Alevi poet Pir Sultan Abdal mobilized dissent against Ottoman authority, culminating in his execution for subversive activities supporting heterodox networks.[86] Despite this, Ottoman responses evolved toward partial confessionalization by the late 16th century, issuing documents recognizing certain Kızılbaş lineages as Sufi dervishes or sayyids to integrate compliant elements.[85] A countervailing integration occurred via the Bektashi order, whose heterodox practices aligned closely with Alevism and served as spiritual patrons to the Janissary corps from the 15th century onward, embedding Alevi-like elements within the Ottoman military elite.[87] This affiliation provided institutional leverage until Sultan Mahmud II's 1826 abolition of the Janissaries and concomitant ban on Bektashism, which scattered adherents but underscored prior tolerance for utility in state service. Overall, these dynamics compelled Alevi communities to employ takiyye (dissimulation) for survival, retreating to rural peripheries while navigating sporadic amnesties and enduring marginalization rooted in geopolitical and doctrinal imperatives rather than unmitigated theological intolerance.

Republican Period Transformations

The establishment of the Republic of Turkey in 1923 marked a pivotal shift for Alevis, who had endured systemic marginalization under the Ottoman Empire's Sunni-dominated millet system. Many Alevis, particularly Turkish-speaking ones, initially welcomed the Kemalist secular reforms, viewing laicism as a bulwark against historical Sunni orthodoxy and a pathway to equal citizenship. The 1924 abolition of the caliphate and the 1928 removal of Islam as state religion aligned with Alevi inclinations toward esoteric and non-jurisdictional interpretations of faith, fostering voluntary assimilation into the secular Turkish nation-building project. However, this support was not uniform; Kurdish Alevis in eastern regions resisted centralizing policies that curtailed tribal autonomy and cultural distinctiveness.[88][19] The 1925 Law on the Closure of Tekkes and Zaviyes dissolved Sufi lodges and brotherhoods, indirectly disrupting Alevi communal structures like cemevis, which were reframed by the state as non-religious associations to evade outright bans. This legislation, aimed at curbing potential reactionary elements, compelled Alevis to adapt rituals indoors or relegate them to private spheres, accelerating the erosion of traditional dede-led hierarchies amid rapid urbanization and migration to cities like Istanbul and Ankara. State-directed education and citizenship training emphasized a homogenized Turkish identity, often conditioning rural infrastructure development—such as roads and schools—on compliance with Sunni-oriented practices, including mosque construction in Alevi villages. By the 1930s, these policies contributed to a gradual Sunnification of public life, where Alevi heterodoxy was tolerated privately but marginalized in official narratives.[89][3] The 1937-1938 Dersim campaign exemplified the republic's coercive assimilation, targeting the predominantly Alevi-Kurdish population of the Tunceli region (formerly Dersim) in response to localized resistance against tax collection and disarmament. Turkish forces, under orders from the government, conducted operations resulting in an estimated 13,000 to 40,000 deaths, including civilians, through aerial bombings, ground assaults, and forced deportations of over 10,000 survivors to western provinces. Reports indicate the use of poison gas in some instances, supplied via international procurement, underscoring the campaign's severity as a state effort to subdue perceived tribalism and non-conformity. This event, documented in military archives and survivor accounts, inflicted lasting trauma on Alevi communities, reinforcing perceptions of the republic's secularism as selectively applied—protective against clerical rule but punitive toward ethnic-religious dissent.[90][91] Post-World War II, Alevis increasingly engaged in republican politics, aligning with secular parties like the Republican People's Party (CHP) during the multi-party era starting in 1946, which offered avenues for socioeconomic mobility through state bureaucracy and military service. Yet, underlying tensions persisted; the state's Directorate of Religious Affairs, established in 1924, institutionalized Sunni Hanafi Islam as the normative framework, excluding Alevi places of worship from funding and recognition. By the 1960s and 1970s, amid economic modernization and leftist ideologies, Alevis formed urban associations and leaned toward socialist movements, but faced episodic violence, such as the 1978 Kahramanmaraş clashes that killed over 100 Alevis, highlighting vulnerabilities despite secular protections. These dynamics transformed Alevism from a semi-clandestine folk tradition into a politicized identity, setting the stage for later assertions while embedding assimilation's dual legacy of opportunity and erasure.[92][93]

Post-1980 Mobilization and Recent Events

Following the 1980 military coup in Turkey, which imposed strict controls on political and religious associations, a relaxation of bans in 1989 enabled the rapid formation of Alevi voluntary organizations across urban centers in Turkey and among diaspora communities in Western Europe.[93] This period marked the onset of a broader Alevi revival, with communal activities shifting from rural secrecy to public assertion of identity, driven by urbanization, migration, and shared experiences of marginalization under Kemalist secularism and subsequent regimes.[7] By the early 1990s, these efforts coalesced into a transnational movement, where European Alevi associations—formed by guest workers from the 1960s onward—influenced domestic activism through advocacy for cultural preservation, human rights, and religious recognition, often leveraging host-country frameworks like Germany's constitutional protections for minorities.[94] The 1993 Sivas massacre, in which a mob set fire to a hotel housing 33 Alevi intellectuals and artists attending a cultural festival, killing 35 people including two hotel workers, intensified mobilization by highlighting ongoing vulnerabilities and state inaction.[95] This event, coupled with demands for official acknowledgment of Alevism as distinct from Sunni orthodoxy, propelled organizations to lobby for cemevi status as places of worship, inclusion in compulsory religious education curricula, and exemption from Sunni-oriented mandatory courses—demands repeatedly upheld by European Court of Human Rights rulings since 2007 but largely ignored by Turkish authorities.[96] Diaspora networks amplified these efforts, establishing federations like the European Alevi Unions Confederation (ABDT) in the 1990s to coordinate protests, legal challenges, and cultural events, fostering a politicized identity that intersected with leftist and human rights activism.[97] Under the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government, the 2007-2010 "Alevi opening" initiative included workshops and seminars ostensibly aimed at reconciliation, but it failed to deliver substantive reforms such as cemevi legalization or curriculum changes, instead reinforcing perceptions of Sunni dominance in state institutions.[92] Tensions persisted into the 2010s, with Alevis voicing fears of marginalization amid post-2016 coup purges and policies prioritizing Sunni infrastructure, including mandatory Islamic prayer rooms in new schools.[98] In recent years, a 2022 law regulating religious foundations granted limited status to some Alevi sites but was criticized by community leaders for excluding cemevis and perpetuating inequality, while data from 2003-2023 indicate Alevi properties faced the highest number of attacks among non-Sunni sites in Turkey.[99][100] During the 2023-2024 election cycle, opposition parties promised Alevi-specific reforms to court the estimated 10-15% Alevi electorate, reflecting ongoing political instrumentalization amid stalled recognition efforts.[8] Diaspora activism continues to evolve, with European Alevi groups pushing for transnational solidarity and visibility, though internal debates persist over secular versus religious framing of demands.[97]

Demographics and Social Structure

Population Estimates in Turkey

The Turkish government does not collect or publish official data on religious affiliation in its censuses, leading to reliance on estimates that vary significantly based on methodology and source perspective.[101] Experts, including those cited in academic analyses and international reports, generally place the Alevi population at 10-15% of Turkey's total populace, equating to approximately 8.5-13 million individuals given the country's population of around 85 million as of 2023.[101] [1] This lower range often derives from surveys and demographic studies accounting for self-identification and regional concentrations, such as in central and eastern Anatolia, where Alevis form majorities in provinces like Tunceli.[5] In contrast, leaders of Alevi foundations and advocacy groups frequently cite figures of 25-31% or 15-25 million, potentially reflecting broader cultural or ancestral inclusion to emphasize political marginalization.[101] [102] These higher estimates appear in community-driven reports and may incorporate nominal adherents who do not actively practice distinctive Alevi rituals, amid historical underreporting due to past discrimination. Independent academic sources, such as those examining transnational Alevi networks, suggest a middle ground of 20-25%, or roughly 17-21 million, based on migration patterns and ethnographic data, though they acknowledge the absence of verifiable censuses precludes precision.[103]
Source TypeEstimated PercentageApproximate Number (2023 pop. basis)Key Reference
Expert/Academic Consensus10-15%8.5-13 millionUS State Dept (2023); Oxford Research Encyclopedia (2016)[101] [1]
Alevi Foundations25-31%21-26 millionUS State Dept (2023)[101]
Broader Academic Estimates20-25%17-21 millionSpringer (2025 chapter)[103]
Discrepancies persist due to definitional ambiguities—whether Alevism is treated as a distinct faith, a Shia variant, or a cultural identity—and sensitivities around ethnic overlaps with Kurds and Zazas, who comprise a notable share of Alevis despite ethnic Turks forming the majority.[94] Recent analyses, including 2024 policy digests, highlight that even conservative figures underscore Alevis as Turkey's largest religious minority, influencing urban demographics through internal migration to cities like Istanbul and Ankara.[104]

Diaspora Communities

Worldwide, the Alevi population is estimated at 15-25 million, with the vast majority (10-25 million) in Turkey and over 1 million in the diaspora, primarily in Europe.[105] Alevi diaspora communities primarily formed through labor migration from Turkey to Western Europe starting in the 1960s, with the largest concentrations in Germany, followed by the Netherlands, Austria, Belgium, France, the United Kingdom, Sweden, Switzerland, and Denmark.[106] Tentative estimates place the total Alevi population in Europe at over one million, representing a significant portion of Turkish-origin migrants, though exact figures remain uncertain due to lack of official censuses on religious affiliation.[103] In the Netherlands, Alevis constitute an estimated 15 to 20 percent of the Turkish migrant population.[107] Germany hosts the largest Alevi diaspora, with over 500,000 adherents, including approximately 70,000 in Berlin alone.[108] Alevi organizations in Germany, such as the Federation of Alevi Communities in Germany (AABF), emerged in the late 1980s, fostering cultural and religious activities amid urban migration and political mobilization.[109] These groups have advocated for official recognition, achieving public corporation status for Alevism in North Rhine-Westphalia in 2020, enabling access to state funding for religious institutions.[110] Community centers (cemevis) serve as hubs for rituals, education, and festivals, often adapting traditions to diaspora contexts while maintaining ties to Anatolian heritage.[106] Transnational networks, coordinated by entities like the European Confederation of Alevi Communities founded in 2002, unite over 250 Alevi associations across Europe, promoting visibility, rights, and cultural events such as commemorations and concerts.[111] In the United Kingdom, the British Alevi Federation represents around 300,000 Alevis, supporting 17 cultural centers focused on worship and community welfare.[112] Diaspora Alevis have leveraged these platforms for collective advocacy, including legal challenges for recognition in countries like Austria, Sweden, and Denmark, often emphasizing Alevism's distinct identity separate from mainstream Islam.[113]

Ethnic and Social Groupings

Alevis exhibit ethnic diversity, with the majority identifying as ethnic Turks of Turkmen origin, primarily concentrated in central and eastern Anatolia.[54] Approximately 20% are Kurds, mainly speaking Kurmanji, while smaller proportions include Zazas (speakers of Zazaki, an Iranian language related to Kurdish) and, to a lesser extent, Arabic-speaking or Azerbaijani Turkish groups.[54][5] This composition reflects historical migrations and conversions among Anatolian populations, though precise proportions vary due to self-identification and assimilation pressures, with Turks forming the largest bloc across most estimates.[114] Alevism among Turkish communities (Alevi Turks) shares core theological beliefs with Alevism practiced by other ethnic groups in Anatolia, such as Kurds, but exhibits differences sociologically (e.g., political alignments and integration patterns), anthropologically (e.g., varying emphases on folk figures and customs), and in substrate cultural influences (e.g., stronger Turkic shamanic elements versus Kurdish or Zaza folk traditions). This reflects the syncretic nature adapting to ethnic contexts within Anatolian Alevism.[115] Socially, Alevi communities are structured around the ocak system, a network of hereditary spiritual lineages or "hearths" descended from revered saints or prophetic figures, which underpin religious authority and communal ties.[116] At the apex of this hierarchy are dedes (or pirs), male spiritual leaders from ocak families who conduct rituals, resolve disputes, and provide moral guidance, their roles passed patrilineally and reinforced by communal reverence.[56] Followers, termed talips or mürids, pledge allegiance to a specific dede and ocak, creating vertical bonds of patronage and horizontal networks across villages or regions that emphasize ethical conduct over formal jurisprudence.[117] This framework fosters endogamy within ocak lines and collective solidarity, though urbanization has challenged traditional hierarchies since the mid-20th century.[116]

Relations with Islamic Traditions

Affinities and Divergences from Twelver Shia Islam

Alevism shares foundational affinities with Twelver Shia Islam in its profound veneration of Ali ibn Abi Talib as the rightful successor to Muhammad and a central spiritual authority, a devotion encapsulated in the term "Alevi" itself, denoting adherents of Ali.[1] Both traditions emphasize loyalty to the Ahl al-Bayt (the Prophet's household) and recognize the lineage of the Twelve Imams descending from Ali and Fatima, viewing them as bearers of esoteric knowledge and moral exemplars.[118] This alignment stems from historical influences, including Safavid-era Shia propagation in Anatolia during the 16th century, which reinforced pro-Ali sentiments among proto-Alevi communities.[1] Ritual commemorations further underscore these parallels, particularly in observing Muharram and Ashura to honor the martyrdom of Husayn at Karbala in 680 CE, symbolizing resistance against tyranny and the preservation of truth through sacrifice.[119] In both, fasting during Muharram serves as a means to relive the event's spiritual significance, fostering communal mourning and ethical reflection on justice.[119] These practices highlight a common narrative of victimhood and redemption tied to the Imams' lineage, distinguishing both from Sunni perspectives that do not prioritize this event to the same degree.[119] However, Alevism diverges markedly by reinterpreting Shia motifs through a syncretic lens, integrating pre-Islamic Turkish shamanistic elements such as motifs from ancient Yug ceremonies into rituals like Muharram fasting, which incorporate expressions of pain, communal crying, and symbolic bloodletting absent in Twelver observances.[118] [119] Unlike Twelver Shia, which maintains structured mourning processions (azadar) and theatrical reenactments (Shabih), Alevism lacks formalized group lamentations and emphasizes internalized, mystical experiences over public displays.[119] Theologically, Alevism prioritizes batini (esoteric) gnosis and ethical humanism derived from oral traditions transmitted by dedes (spiritual guides), eschewing the binding jurisprudential framework (fiqh) and clerical hierarchy of Twelver Shia, where mujtahids interpret Sharia through ijtihad.[118] This results in no obligatory adherence to the Five Pillars in their orthodox form; instead, Alevis focus on inner purification (jihad al-nafs) and communal cem rituals involving music, poetry, and gender-integrated sema (whirling), contrasting Twelver emphasis on exoteric law, mosque-based salat, and taqlid (emulation of scholars).[1] Alevism's heterodox evolution, influenced by Anatolian folk traditions since the 13th century, positions it as a peripheral offshoot rather than a direct branch of Twelver doctrine, often leading to mutual non-recognition.[118][1]

Tensions with Sunni Orthodoxy

Alevis' doctrinal divergences from Sunni orthodoxy, including rejection of ritual prayer (namaz) in favor of communal semah dances and music during worship, and a distinct shahada emphasizing the unity of Allah, Muhammad, and Ali, have historically positioned Alevism as heterodox in Sunni eyes, often labeled as ghulat (extremist) Shiism or innovation (bid'ah).[34][6] Sunnis, adhering to the four Sunni schools of jurisprudence, view such practices—along with Alevi syncretism incorporating pre-Islamic Anatolian elements like reverence for nature and saints—as deviations from orthodox Islam, fostering perceptions of Alevis as insufficiently Muslim or heretical.[120] This doctrinal rift underpins mutual suspicions, with Sunnis often claiming representational authority over "true" Islam, while Alevis emphasize esoteric (batini) interpretations over exoteric (zahiri) legalism.[121] In the Ottoman Empire, these differences escalated into systematic persecution, particularly after Sultan Selim I's 1514 victory over the Safavid Empire, which associated Anatolian Alevis (then often called Kızılbaş) with Safavid Shiism, prompting massacres estimated at 40,000 Alevis to enforce Sunni confessionalization.[122][94] Ottoman authorities issued fatwas declaring Alevis apostates, leading to forced conversions, property seizures, and executions extending into the 18th century, with Alevis resorting to taqiyya (dissimulation) for survival by outwardly conforming to Sunni practices.[54] Such policies reflected causal state imperatives to consolidate Sunni Hanafi orthodoxy against perceived internal threats, marginalizing Alevis through excommunication and social taboos that limited intergroup interactions.[123] Contemporary tensions in Turkey persist through institutional discrimination, including non-recognition of cemevis (Alevi worship houses) as legitimate, compulsory Sunni-oriented religious education in public schools, and unequal allocation of state resources via the Directorate of Religious Affairs, which prioritizes Sunni institutions.[124][104] The European Court of Human Rights ruled in 2007 and subsequent cases that these policies violate Alevi rights, citing forced enrollment in Sunni classes and exclusion from state funding, yet implementation remains limited.[94] Social prejudices manifest in intermarriages, where cultural disapproval and competition exacerbate conflicts, alongside reported discrimination in employment and education for Alevis, who comprise an estimated 15-25% of Turkey's population but face stigmatization as non-orthodox.[125][126][127] These dynamics stem from Sunni-majority dominance in state and society, perpetuating assimilationist pressures despite secular frameworks.[128]

Controversies and Criticisms

Debates on Religious Status and Heterodoxy

Alevism's religious status remains contested, with debates centering on whether it constitutes a heterodox variant of Islam or a syncretic tradition diverging sufficiently to warrant classification as distinct from orthodox Islam. Alevis predominantly self-identify as Muslims, affirming core Islamic tenets such as tawhid (oneness of God), prophethood of Muhammad, and reverence for Ali and the Twelve Imams, often framing their beliefs as an esoteric (batini) interpretation emphasizing inner spirituality over exoteric ritualism.[18][129] However, orthodox Sunni and Twelver Shia perspectives highlight heterodox elements, including non-adherence to the Five Pillars (e.g., substituting communal cem rituals for five daily prayers), incorporation of music and dance in worship, and doctrines like metempsychosis (tenasüh, or soul transmigration), which lack direct Quranic basis and echo pre-Islamic Anatolian shamanism.[130][131] In Turkey, the state-run Presidency of Religious Affairs (Diyanet İşleri Başkanlığı), which embodies Sunni Hanafi orthodoxy, categorizes Alevism as a cultural folk tradition rather than a legitimate Islamic madhhab, denying official recognition to cemevis as houses of worship and allocating no budget for Alevi religious services despite comprising an estimated 10-20% of the population. This position, articulated in Diyanet statements and policies since the Republican era, posits that Alevism's esoteric secrecy, gender-integrated rituals, and alleged tolerance for alcohol in ceremonies contravene Islamic purity laws, rendering it incompatible with mainstream fiqh.[101][132][133] Critics attribute this exclusion to historical Ottoman-era stigmatization of Alevi precursors (Kızılbaş) as rafidi heretics allied with Safavid Shia, perpetuated in modern Sunni-dominated institutions despite Turkey's secular constitution.[134][135] Scholarly analyses reveal the "heterodox" label as partly constructed during the early Turkish Republic (1923 onward), when Kemalist reformers recast Alevism as a syncretic Turkish ethnic heritage blending Islam with Central Asian animism to counter Ottoman caliphal legacies, rather than purely religious deviance.[136] Figures like Irene Mélikoff argued Alevism preserves proto-Turkic elements such as reverence for nature and Hızır (a syncretic saint akin to pre-Islamic fertility figures), challenging its full subsumption under Islam.[131] Conversely, Alevi intellectuals and dedes (spiritual guides) counter that heterodoxy accusations stem from Sunni hegemony, insisting their path—rooted in the teachings of Hacı Bektaş Veli—upholds Islam's mystical core via the walayat (guardianship of Ali) without rigid legalism.[4] In Europe, diaspora communities have secured separate status, as in Austria's 2015 recognition of Alevism as an independent religion, underscoring contextual variability in adjudication.[1] These tensions reflect causal divergences: Alevism's evolution through Anatolian folk Islam, Safavid influence, and Ottoman suppression fostered secrecy and adaptation, prioritizing lived orthopraxy over doctrinal conformity.[137]

Persecution Claims and Historical Contexts

In the Ottoman Empire, Alevis—frequently labeled Kızılbaş due to their red headgear symbolizing allegiance to the Twelve Imams—encountered targeted repression primarily as a political response to their sympathy for the rival Safavid dynasty in Persia, rather than solely doctrinal deviance. Following Sultan Selim I's victory at the Battle of Chaldiran on August 23, 1514, Ottoman forces executed thousands of suspected Kızılbaş sympathizers, with contemporary accounts and later estimates citing up to 40,000 deaths across Anatolia, though modern historians debate the precision of such figures due to propagandistic inflation by both Ottoman and Safavid chroniclers.[54][124] This era compelled many Alevis to practice taqiyya (dissimulation of beliefs) for survival, fostering a culture of secrecy that persisted into the 18th century amid sporadic pogroms and forced conversions by Sunni authorities.[54] While some Alevi narratives portray this as unrelenting theocratic persecution, archival evidence indicates episodes were often tied to state security concerns over Safavid incursions, with lulls in violence under less militant sultans, challenging claims of uniform Ottoman hostility.[138] In the Republican period, the 1937–1938 Dersim campaign exemplified state efforts to pacify semi-autonomous tribal regions inhabited largely by Kurdish Alevis, resulting in an estimated 13,000 to 40,000 civilian deaths from aerial bombings, ground assaults, and forced deportations, as documented in Turkish military reports and survivor testimonies.[90][139] The operation, authorized by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk and executed under Prime Minister İsmet İnönü, aimed to integrate rebellious Kurds but disproportionately affected Alevi communities due to their cultural resistance to centralization, with reports of villages razed and leaders like Seyid Riza executed on November 15, 1937.[140] Alevi advocates frame Dersim as genocidal persecution rooted in anti-Alevi bias, yet official rationales emphasized banditry and tax evasion, with some scholars attributing excesses to the era's nation-building imperatives rather than confessional animus alone.[139] Post-World War II sectarian clashes amplified Alevi grievances, notably the Maraş massacre from December 19–26, 1978, where ultranationalist mobs, allegedly abetted by security forces' inaction, killed at least 105 Alevis—primarily Kurds—in house-to-house attacks, arson, and shootings amid Turkey's polarized left-right violence.[141] Martial law followed on December 26, but trials convicted only a fraction of perpetrators, fueling impunity claims.[142] Similarly, the Sivas incident on July 2, 1993, saw an Islamist crowd besiege the Madımak Hotel during an Alevi cultural festival honoring Pir Sultan Abdal, setting it ablaze and killing 37 occupants, including intellectuals and artists, while police delayed intervention for hours.[143] Convictions ensued in 2018, but Alevis decry incomplete accountability, viewing these as extensions of historical marginalization; critics, however, situate them within 1970s–1990s ideological strife, questioning systemic religious targeting over political opportunism.[144] These events underpin broader Alevi assertions of enduring discrimination, including unequal access to state resources and denial of cemevi (gathering houses) as official worship sites, though empirical data on contemporary incidents remains contested amid Turkey's polarized historiography.[145]

Internal Divisions and External Perceptions

Alevism encompasses diverse subgroups, including the historical Kızılbaş, Bektaşi, and Nusayri, alongside smaller tribal affiliations such as Çepni and Sıraç, which exhibit variations in rituals, ethnic composition, and regional practices.[146] These internal differences stem from geographic, linguistic, and historical factors, leading to distinct community structures; for instance, Alevi society traditionally divides into endogamous ocak lineages—spiritual elites claiming descent from Ali—and lay followers.[147] [54] Significant debates persist among Alevis regarding their religious identity, with some ideologists advocating Alevism as a tradition "beyond Islam" due to its syncretic elements and rejection of orthodox Islamic practices like formal prayer, while others seek to position it within Shia frameworks.[148] The Bektaşi order, often conflated with Alevism, maintains closer ties to Sufi institutionalism and permits greater ritual formalism, contrasting with folk-oriented Alevi cem ceremonies that emphasize music, dance, and gender-inclusive participation, though even these vary across rural and urban contexts.[149] [69] These divergences fuel organizational splits, as seen in Alevi civil society dividing into pro-state integrationists and those demanding separation from the Sunni-dominated Diyanet affairs directorate, exacerbating transnational disputes in diaspora communities.[150] [107] Externally, Alevism faces perceptions of heterodoxy from Sunni orthodoxy, with historical Ottoman-era fatwas and scholarly rulings labeling Alevi beliefs as misguided or heretical due to divergences like veneration of Ali over standard Sunni practices and incorporation of pre-Islamic elements.[124] [134] In contemporary Turkey, under Sunni cultural dominance, Alevis encounter mutual prejudice and suspicion, viewing state policies—such as the Diyanet's elevation of Sunni Islam—as discriminatory, while many Sunnis regard Alevis as threats to religious unity, perpetuating cycles of tension despite Alevis' self-perception as peaceful.[34] [137] Academic discourse has amplified this by framing Alevism as "heterodox Islam," a categorization introduced in the 20th century that often overlooks its internal coherence and reinforces marginalization, though such labels derive from Sunni-centric benchmarks rather than empirical Alevi self-understanding.[134][130]

Syncretic Influences

Sufi and Mystical Elements

Alevism draws heavily from Sufi traditions, particularly through the Bektashi order, which traces its origins to the 13th-century mystic Haji Bektash Veli, a figure from Khorasan who migrated to Anatolia and emphasized esoteric Islamic teachings. Haji Bektash Veli's doctrine integrated Sufi principles of intuitive faith and inner spirituality, promoting the pursuit of divine truth (haqiqa) beyond literal sharia observance, a hallmark of mystical paths in Sufism.[151] This foundation positioned Alevism as a syncretic expression of Sufi mysticism adapted to Anatolian contexts, where itinerant dervishes disseminated teachings blending devotion to Ali with Sufi concepts of unity (vahdet-i vücud). Central to Alevi mysticism are rituals like the cem, communal gatherings featuring semah—a whirling dance symbolizing spiritual ascent and union with the divine, akin to Sufi dhikr practices but incorporating elements of ecstatic devotion specific to Bektashi lineages.[152] These ceremonies, systematized in the Bektashi order by Balım Sultan in the early 16th century, foster direct experiential knowledge of God through music on the saz (long-necked lute) and recitation of poetry infused with Sufi imagery of the beloved as divine manifestation.[4] The aşık bard tradition exemplifies this, employing a flexible Sufi mystical idiom to convey themes of annihilation in God (fena fillah) and subsistence in divine reality (beka billah), adapting classical Sufi metaphors to express Alevi reverence for the Dört Kapı Kırk Makam (Four Gates, Forty Stations) path of spiritual maturation.[152] Alevi esotericism prioritizes batıni (inner) interpretations of Quranic verses and Hadith, viewing Ali ibn Abi Talib not merely historically but as a mystical archetype embodying the Muhammadan Light (Nur-i Muhammadi), a concept resonant with Sufi illuminism.[151] This approach underscores causal realism in spiritual causation, where mystical practices aim to actualize latent divine potential in the human soul through ethical discipline and ecstatic rituals, rather than rote orthodoxy. Scholars note that such elements, while rooted in 13th-century Sufi migrations, evolved distinctly in Alevism to emphasize egalitarian access to mystical knowledge, including women's participation in rituals, diverging from more hierarchical Sufi tariqas.

Pre-Islamic and Anatolian Folk Traditions

Alevism exhibits syncretic elements traceable to pre-Islamic Central Asian shamanism introduced by Turkic tribes migrating to Anatolia from the 11th century onward, including animistic reverence for natural forces, sacred trees, mountains, and fire as conduits of spiritual power. These traditions, rooted in Tengrism—the ancient Turkic sky-god worship—influenced Alevi cosmology, where ecstatic rituals and communal dances akin to shamanic trances persisted despite Islamic overlay. Scholar Irene Mélikoff, in her analysis of Bektashi and Alevi syncretism, posits that the veneration of Ali was superimposed onto Tengri, the supreme pre-Islamic deity, facilitating the integration of shamanic dualism (light-dark, male-female polarities) into heterodox Islamic frameworks.[153][1] Anatolian folk traditions further shaped Alevism through absorption of indigenous pre-Islamic beliefs from Hittite, Phrygian, and other local cults, evident in the persistence of fertility rites, ancestor cults, and localized saint veneration at natural shrines. Practices such as the semah ceremony, involving circular dances and music from the saz—a long-necked lute evoking shamanic instruments—reflect these merged influences, serving as communal expressions of spiritual ecstasy rather than orthodox prayer. Alevi lore also incorporates figures like Hızır (Khidr), syncretized with pre-Islamic immortality and vegetation deities, symbolizing renewal and protection in agrarian folk cycles.[1][4][154] This fusion occurred primarily during the 13th century in Central Anatolia, as itinerant mystics blended incoming Turkic shamanism with Anatolian pagan residues amid the Seljuk era's cultural flux, yielding a heterodox tradition resilient to Sunni orthodoxy. Empirical traces include oral epics (deyişler) preserving shamanic motifs of spirit journeys and nature intermediaries, documented in ethnographic studies of rural Alevi communities. While some academics emphasize Islamic primacy, causal analysis of ritual continuity—such as fire-jumping and animal sacrifices echoing pre-Islamic propitiations—supports the substantive pre-Islamic substrate, though exact transmission mechanisms remain debated due to oral tradition's variability.[1][155][19]

Interactions with Other Sects

Alevism maintains a particularly close yet distinct relationship with Bektashism, a Sufi order tracing its origins to the 13th-century figure Haji Bektash Veli in Anatolia.[149] Bektashism developed as an institutionalized tariqa (Sufi path) with hierarchical structures, including tekkes (lodges) and babas (spiritual leaders), and historically served as the spiritual corps of the Ottoman Janissary infantry until the order's suppression in 1826.[156] While Alevism emphasizes oral transmission, rural cem rituals led by dedes, and folk mysticism, both traditions share core veneration of Ali ibn Abi Talib, the Twelve Imams, and esoteric interpretations of Islamic figures, fostering mutual influences in poetry, music, and symbolic practices like the use of the saz instrument and communal meals.[69] This affinity led to the umbrella term "Alevi-Bektashi" in modern Turkish discourse, particularly after the 1925 closure of Sufi lodges in the Turkish Republic, which blurred distinctions as both groups adapted underground or in diaspora communities, such as in Albania where Bektashism remains officially recognized.[157] However, institutional separation persists: Bektashism retains formalized initiation rites and a clerical hierarchy, contrasting Alevism's decentralized, lineage-based authority, with limited intermarriage or joint rituals historically due to geographic and social divides—Bektashis urban and military-linked, Alevis nomadic and tribal.[149] Interactions with Alawites (also known as Nusayris), a ghulat Shia offshoot primarily among Arabic-speaking communities in Syria and southeastern Turkey, are more limited and marked by distinctions rather than deep syncretism.[158] Ottoman records from the 16th to 18th centuries document parallel state policies toward Kizilbash (proto-Alevi) and Nusayri groups, treating both as heterodox threats requiring surveillance or taxation, but without evidence of doctrinal exchange or shared rituals beyond superficial esotericism around Ali and reincarnation beliefs.[159] Ethnically and linguistically divergent—Alevis largely Turkic or Kurdish in Anatolia, Alawites Arab in the Levant—the groups diverged theologically, with Alawites emphasizing a trinitarian view of Ali, Muhammad, and Salman al-Farisi, absent in Alevism's batini (inner) hermeneutics.[160] Contemporary claims of unity, often amplified in political contexts like Turkey-Syria relations, overlook these separations, as Arabic-speaking "Alevis" in Hatay province align more closely with Syrian Alawites than Anatolian Alevis.[161] Limited historical evidence exists for direct interactions with other Anatolian heterodox sects like Yazidism, which shares pre-Islamic Kurdish substrates but developed separately in northern Iraq with distinct angelology and peacock symbolism uninfluential on Alevism.[1] Broader syncretic echoes appear in shared reverence for figures like Hızır (Khidr) across Alevi, Bektashi, and regional folk traditions, but these stem from parallel Anatolian adaptations rather than formalized sectarian dialogue.[4]

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