International Society for Krishna Consciousness

Krishna is a Hindu deity, who in the Hare Krishna movement is considered "the supreme personality of Godhead". In 16th century Bengal, Chaitanya promoted the worship of Krishna and the practice of kirtana or congregational singing and dancing. After his death in 1534, the movement's philosophy and teachings were consolidated by his followers but declined in popularity.^[8]

ISKCON devotees follow a disciplic line of Gaudiya Vaishnavas and are the largest branch of Gaudiya Vaishnavism.^[5] Vaishnavism means 'worship of Vishnu', and Gauḍa refers to the area where this particular branch of Vaishnavism originated, in the Gauda region of West Bengal and Bangladesh. Gaudiya Vaishnavism has had a following in India, especially West Bengal and Odisha, for the past five hundred years. Gaudiya Vaishnavism was founded by Chaitanya Mahaprabhu, who rapidly spread his form of ecstatic bhakti (devotion) throughout Bengal. He established Sankirtan, the practice of publicly expressing devotion to Krishna, the Supreme God, through dance and song. This form of worship responded to rigid caste structures by engaging all people in worship regardless of caste and creed. Chaitanya Mahaprabhu emphasized chanting the Hare Krishna Mahamantra (the 'great mantra'). He is considered by Gaudiya Vaishnavas to be an incarnation of Krishna himself.^[9][10]

In the 19th century, the leading castes in Bengal included the Kulīna Brāhmanas who served as priests and teachers and Kulīna Kāyasthas who served as writers and scribes. Below them were Non-Kulīna Brahmanas who were landowners and entrepreneurs and non-Kulīna Kāyasthas, who achieved great economic success under British rule and were subject to Westernization. The Westernized non-Kulīna Brāhmanas and Kāyasthas were attracted to Western philosophies but viewed Gaudiya Vaishnavism with distaste as idol-worshipping superstition. Bhaktivinoda Thakur (born Kedarnath Dutt), a Westernized Gaudiya Vaishnava Kayastha, developed a rigorous intellectual interest in Gaudiya religious literature and began a personal mission to publish its texts and promote its teachings. Bhaktivinoda oriented his philosophies to a Westernized Bengali Hindu audience, arguing that Gaudiya Vaishnavism is a sophisticated universal religion in contrast to the hereditary caste-based nature of orthodox Brahmanism. Bhaktivinoda was succeeded by his son Bhaktisiddhanta Sarasvati (born Bimala Prasad Dutt), who continued his father's mission and extended its views on social equality. Bhaktisiddhanta Sarasvati in turn ordered his disciple A. C. Bhaktivedanta Swami to spread the mission of "Krishna Consciousness" to the West.^[11]

Indian immigrants and Hindu thought among (particularly occult) White Americans began filtering into the United States in the 19th century, and both elicited negative reactions from the American public. The public viewed Indians and Hinduism as backward and its public visibility as threatening to white Christian Americans. After the Asian Exclusion Act, there was a 30 year lull in reactions to Hinduism, which changed after the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 and the foundation of the International Society for Krishna Consciousness, at the time the most visible face of Hinduism in America.^[12] The Hare Krishna movement differed from these earlier expressions of Hindu philosophy in the West in that it was an explicitly theistic religious tradition that required absolute adherence to its rules and taboos. Earlier expressions of Hinduism in the West tended to belong to the monistic tradition of Advaita Vedanta and were propagated by "streamlined swamis" who greatly diluted Eastern thought and did not require people to give up their current lifestyles.^[13]

Abhay Charan De met Bhaktisiddhānta Sarasvatī in 1922; in 1932, Bhaktisiddhānta initiated him as a disciple under the name Abhay Charanaravinda and granted him brahminhood as per his progressive theology. From their first meeting, Bhaktisiddhānta ordered Abhay to spread Gaudiya Vaishnavism in the Western world in the English language, an order that was reiterated weeks before Bhaktisiddhanta's death in 1937. Abhay eventually left his family life and career, at the same time increasing his involvement in preaching and publishing texts on Gaudiya Vaishnavism, being honored with the title of Bhaktivedānta in 1939. In 1959 he took a vow of Sannyasa (renunciation of the world) under the name A.C. Bhaktivedānta Svāmī in Vrindavan, and in 1965 arrived in New York City.^[14][15][16]

Soon after arriving, Bhaktivedānta moved into a poor district in New York City, where he made connections with young people of the 1960s counterculture who were already semi-familiar with Indian culture from previous experiences and were attracted by Bhaktivedānta's charisma. In July 1966 he founded the International Society for Krishna Consciousness, whose purpose would be to propagate spiritual consciousness of Krishna as per the Bhagavad Gita and Shrimad Bhagavatam, the Chaitanyite form of public chanting, and publication of texts. In the September of the same year he initiated his young companions as disciples and lead the first public kirtana in Washington Square Park. In the next two years the movement gained followers in North American cities and he became known to his followers as Śrīla Prabhupāda. In 1968 disciples successfully established contact with George Harrison of The Beatles in the United Kingdom, who recorded the hit single Hare Krishna Mantra. The first ISKCON temple in Europe was founded in Bury Place, London. Soon after, Prabhupada decided to establish a Governing Body Commission (GBC) as the central authority of ISKCON, who would have zonal authority over temples and centers. The Bhaktivedanta Book Trust was established to centralize the publication of ISKCON texts. The first Hare Krishna commune, New Vrindavan (West Virginia), was established by disciples in 1968.^[17][16]

Despite the creation of the GBC, Prabhupada retained autocratic control over ISKCON during his lifetime. Key to the spread of ISKCON were Prabhupada's writings and translations including the Bhagavad-gītā As It Is, Kṛṣṇa: The Supreme Personality of Godhead, Śrīmad-bhāgavatam, Caitanya-caritāmṛta, and the Back to Godhead magazine. Prabhupada went on cross-country tours to establish ISKCON internationally.^[16]

In the early years of the movement in New York City, Prabhupada gave little emphasis to the lifestyle principles of ISKCON; this allowed the movement to spread through social networks. After relocating the movement to Haight-Ashbury, San Francisco, California in 1967, the movement grew rapidly due to large itinerant hippie population amenable to public preaching. As ISKCON established centers throughout the United States, it adapted its recruitment modes depending on the environment of the city and neighborhood at hand. As ISKCON became more closed off in the 1970s up until Prabhupada's death, movement sympathizers were key to its spread. In the late 1970s, some ISKCON centers became more open to public relationships and influences, to the chagrin of conservative centers.^[18]

Until 1972, ISKCON's finances were covered by the practice of sankirtana: the practice of distributing literature in on the street and soliciting donations. In following years this profitable practice expanded to other public spaces such as airports. However, as the movement grew larger and its monetary needs increased, the nature of sankirtana began to change from preaching Krishna consciousness to book-selling: disciples targeted people perceived to have more money, disguised their religious affiliations to more easily distribute books and solicit donations, engaged in the practice of change-up (re-negotiating for a higher price after the target already agreed on an amount), and even sold non-religious merchandise without any missionary activity (a practice called picking). ISKCON leadership's newfound preference for picking rather than book distribution drew the ire of public bodies in the late 1970s at the same time the movement and its finances were going into a decline. Picking was morally justified by the finance-conscious leaders, and devotees who earned ISKCON the most money were given special privileges. The religious convictions of the majority of devotees remained unaffected by these practices and treated them as an organizational adaption, a smaller group rejected its ideology but remained within the movement, while the smallest group of idealists defected.^[19] Courts of justice generally upheld the rights of ISKCON devotees to proseltyze in airports, fairs, highway reststops under the First Amendment to the United States Constitution's protection of freedom of religion.^[20]

In the months prior to Prabhupada's death in 1977, he appointed eleven of his disciples to serve as initiating gurus and r̥tviks ("officiators) for ISKCON, who would have zonal authority over temples and disciples. The eleven gurus (who self-styled themselves as ācāryas) would serve alongside fourteen non-guru leaders on the Governing Body Commission. The post-Prabhupada succession period was characterized by decline and factionalism. Each guru developed his own economic policies for resources, sat on thrones, and some considered themselves worthy of worship just as Prabhupada had been worshipped as a guru. From 1978 to 1982, there were a series of guru crises that nearly split the movement. In the first guru crisis of 1980, the Berkeley, California police discovered weapons and ammunition stored by the local ISKCON community; the Northwest Guru's guruship was taken away by the GBC for one year. In the second guru crisis of 1980, Jayatirtha Swami began behaving bizarrely: he would shriek and cry during kirtan for hours on end; the GBC on the advice of Maharaja Swami (a godbrother of Prabhupada), suspended Jayatīrtha's guruship for a year and forced him to take sannyasa. In the third guru crisis of 1980, Bombay Guru began claiming he was the sole true intermediary to Prabhupada and that all ISKCON disciples should worship him as guru; the GBC suspended Bombay Guru's guruship for a year. In the fourth guru crisis of 1980, Western Guru believed that the previous three crises showed that the ISKCON gurus were not infallible and sought to have the guru worship reduced; the GBC rejected his proposals. Many Prabhupada disciples did not accept that eleven of their fellow disciples now-gurus were perfect devotees of Krishna consciousness that were worthy of worship; many believed in Prabhupada's infallibility and argued that it was impossible that he could have made an error in character judgement by appointing three gurus who would be suspended. They argued that the entire appointment of gurus by Prabhupada was in fact fabricated. The movement faced its most serious schism in 1982, when one guru defected to join Maharaja Swami. Maharaja Swami was a Godbrother of Prabhupada, whom Prabhupada had told his disciples to seek out as an advisor after his death. Maharaja Swami believed in the absolute authority of a guru, and often sided with the gurus against the GBC. After Jaytīrtha Svāmī was forced to take sannyasa by the GBC in 1980, he accepted Maharaja Swami as his guru. The proposal to institute Maharaja Swami as an ISKCON guru in 1982 was rejected due to his criticism of the GBC and Prabhupada, which created a rallying point for ISKCON to unify. A year later, Hansadutta Swami's guru-ship was suspended for a year on charges of drug abuse and insubordination.^[21][22]

After these incidents, the GBC sought to democratize guru-ship by increasing its members; by 1986 twenty-four new gurus were elected. The GBC pushed the gurus to reduce their worship, remove their thrones, recognize Prabhupada as the sole ISCKON ācārya, and get rid of the zonal system. In 1986, five of the original eleven gurus accepted these reforms, two were already expelled for doctrine, three were removed from guruship for illicit sexual activities, and Kirtanananda Swami was expelled the following year for refusing to accede.^[22]

A large number of Prabhupada's disciples left ISKCON in the immediate years after his death, with the number of disciples down to approximately 1,000 in 1983 out of a peak of almost 5,000. Starting in the mid-1970s, the movement tried to expand its base beyond the committed disciples to include loosely-committed young members and Indian immigrant "life-members". The practice of picking continued into the 1980s, but the movement expanded its financial base by allowing members to earn money through more specialized businesses. The Indian immigrant community, being professionals and businesspeople, also were a minor source of income. ISKCON took several steps in this period to improve its general reputation, including separating its finances from sankirtana, aligning itself with Hinduism, expanding its food-distribution, and the construction of cultural-religious centers like Prabhupada's Palace of Gold to educate the public about the movement.^[23]

After the death of Prabhupada in 1977 in Vrindavana, India, the British disciples were lead by the Governing Body Commission and the regional initiating guru, Jayatirtha Dasa. The movement continued to be successful in the 1970s, with many visitors to the headquarters of Bhaktivedanta Manor (formerly John Lennon's estate in Berkshire) and the establishment of Chaitanya College, a former Catholic boys school which was converted into a home and ISKCON educational institution. In 1982, Jayatirtha Dasa's departure from ISKCON shocked the movement in Britain and slowed its spread. Chaitanya College was sold to cover the movement's finances, and the movement regained stability under Bhagavandas Goswami Maharaj.^[24]

ISKCON was founded during the counterculture of the 1960s, whose themes included psychedelia, antitechnology, and self-exploration of experiences beyond the standardness of "the establishment". Ellwood (1989) analyzes the early conversions of Hare Krishna disciples within the context of the experiences of the counterculture and the partial application of deprivation theory, as early members felt dissatisfied with both with "the establishment" and earlier counterculture experiences. However, Elwood posits cognitive theory of religion as more useful for explaining the early conversions, in that the Hare Krishna worldview was more simply more attractive than alternatives to devotees.^[25]

In the first decade of ISKCON's founding, the Hare Krishna movement was treated cordially by the American public. In the 1970s and 1980s however, the group came under attack by secular anti-cult movements and Christian counter-cultists, who viewed the Hare Krishna's negatively as a cult and a new religious movement. ISKCON responded by inviting scholars to establish the credence of the Hare Krishna movement as an authentic religion, presenting itself as a traditional Indian religion, and seeking the support of the Indian-American immigrant community. ISKCON utilized scholars both as expert witnesses in court cases involving the sect's legitmacy, and directly invited them to write works on ISKCON.^[12][20] In the 1970s and 1980s, the traditional Judeo-Christian religions of the West dealt with the growing influence of new religious movements whom they characterized as "cults" which in their view were evil, false religions who brainwashed devotees under an authoritarian leader who ostracized people from their family lives. The Christians and Jews believed that the materialistic Western society and modern cultural shortcomings of Judaism and Christianity allowed new religious movements to flourish. Christian (and to a lesser extent Jewish) literature attacked the Hare Krishna movement's teachings as false, inimical to Christianity, and as ill-hearted brainwashing of counterculture American youth who were disillusioned with materialism and their natal religions. However, Saliba notes there has been some balanced views on ISKCON by Christian and Jewish figures, and there has been dialogue with ISKCON as part of a wider trend of global religious discourse. While Bhaktivedanta himself was critical of other religions, later figures like Graham M. Schweig and Kirtanananda Swami developed more theological positions more accommodating of other religious paths.^[26][20] By the late 1980s, there were a number of psychiatric surveys and clinical studies on new religious movements including ISKCON. The survey tended to either view the new religious movements positively as therapeutic organizations or negatively as destructive organizations. Clinical studies tended to have results that stated ISKCON members had a normal psychological profile. However, Gordon criticizes both the surveys and clinical studies, stating the methodology, observations, and conclusions were limited and flawed and a proper psychiatric study requires a deeper analysis.^[27]

The rise in new religious movements among middle class youth subcultures like ISKCON created a "cult scare" amongst families of devotees, who in turn developed the Anti-cult movement. According to Bromley, the Edward Shapiro case and Robin George case exemplify the trends in the anti-cult movement campaign. In both cases, Shapiro and George became attracted to the Hare Krishna movement, and family opposition ensued when the religion began to interfere in "scholastic achievement and family life". Both fled their homes leading their parents to take decisive and controversial measures to bring them home, and both families took the assistance of anti-cult movement physicians. The anti-cult movement's ideology was based on strong family values, a view that secular rationalism is normative human behavior, that new religious movements purportedly engaged in brainwashing/coercive persuasion, and that "cults" were subversive and conspiratorial organizations. Bromley identifies three stages in the development of the anti-cult movement: the formative stage involving forced deprogrammings, an expansionist stage focusing on the believed psychological manipulation by new religious movements, and the professional stage where the supposed brainwashing procedures of new religious movements gained medical recognition and former devotees filed civil suits against the new religious movements for infliction of mental distress.^[28]

In the United Kingdom, the media had a various response to the Hare Krishna movement, ranging from favorable to unfavorable. Particularly in the movement's early years, parents feared the novel behaviors of the youth subculture and the believed harm that new religious movements caused. The British anti-cult movement considered ISKCON as one of many novel "cults"; as a result, legislation was proposed before the European Parliament to have higher surveillance on religious groups, however it failed due to concerns regarding religious freedom.^[29]

The Hare Krishna movemented continued to decline into the late 1980s in the United States due to guru crises and desertions. During this period, the movement grew rapidly in Eastern Europe as the Cold War ended. Kirtanananda Swami and New Vrindavan came into the public limelight in 1987 due to the discovery of the bodily remains of a devotee who had gone missing five years earlier, which damaged the reputation of the movement. In the 1990s, the movement shifted its goals from having initiated disciples living in a "utopian" commune to outreach to congregational members.^[30]

According to Rochford^[31] and Neubert, ISKCON has undergone a "Hinduization" over last several decades. Prabhupada differentiated Kr̥ṣṇa consciousness from Hinduism, arguing that it was not bound by that label and was a universal teaching; however, in recent decades ISKCON members have increasingly used the terms "Hindu" and "Hinduism". Scholars cite three factors for this: participation of diasporic Indian Hindus in the sect, ISKCON devotees having academic careers in which they studied Hindu texts, and increased participation in global interreligious dialogues in which ISKCON often represents Hinduism.^[32]

The Hare Krishna movement follows the teachings of the school of Chaitanya. Key texts include the Bhagavad Gita, Bhagavata Purana, and Chaitanya Charitamrita. Chaitanya followed the school of Achintya Bheda Abheda.^[15]

ISKCON describes Krishna as the original source of all the avatars of the Almighty God.^[33]

For its devotees, Radha represents Krishna's divine female counterpart, the original spiritual potency, and the embodiment of devotional love. The individual soul has an eternal spiritual identity which does not ultimately merge into the non-dual consciousness (Brahman) as believed by the monistic (Advaita) schools of Hinduism. Prabhupada most frequently offers Sanatana-dharma and Varnashrama dharma as more accurate names for the religious system which accepts Vedic authority.^[34]

Pious believers both teach and claim that Krishna is greater and far magnanimous than the traditionalist Hindu Trimurti of Vishnu, Shiva and Brahma and all its conceived emanations. While some say it is a monotheistic tradition, a deeper study reveals it is a Panentheistic tradition which has its roots in the theistic Vedanta traditions.^[35]

Prabhupada's Bhagavad-Gītā As It Is is considered to be the most authentic translation and commentary on the Bhagavad Gita by ISKCON. Prabhupada differentiates Krishna consciousness from popular Hinduism in that it stresses the awareness of people's relationship with God, à la Arjuna to Krishna. Prabhupada considered Krishna to be "the supreme personality of Godhead", the personal, universal, unlimited deity who manifests in numerous all-attractive forms (avataras) to turn souls away from the material world "back to Godhead". The soul is considered to be of the same nature as Krishna yet separate. The soul reincarnates (samsara) through the material world, which is considered to be an illusion or maya. Actions performed in one life will affect the next, a principle called karma. The end to the cycle of karma and reincarnation can be brough upon by the path of bhakti ("devotion to God"), which Prabhupada considers easier and superior to karma-yoga ("path of action") and jnana-yoga ("path of knowledge"). In practice, an initiated devotee must follow the four regulative principles: no eating meat, eggs, or fish, no consuming intoxicants, not committing illicit sex, and no gambling. Additionally, a devotee must receive a new spiritual name and recite sixteen rounds of the Hare Krishna mantra on 108 japa beads daily (totaling 1,728 times a day which takes 1.5 hours). A devotee must additionally spend an hour a day reading Prabhupada's works, which convey his teachings in the English language. Daily worship begins at 4:30 AM for the first viewing of the temple deities, followed by two hours chanting the Hare Krishna mantra, then offerings to the guru, followed by prasadam which is the main meal. The day is then spent in a variety of activities in service to ISKCON.^[36]

According to traditional Gaudiya theology, Krishna is the supreme being and all souls are united in him yet at the same time different. In some Gaudiya traditions (including ISKCON), all souls have the innate ability to follow the supreme path of unconditional love and devotion (bhakti) to Krishna, which must first be transmitted by a qualified guru. Due to the belief in the innateness of bhakti held by those Gaudiya traditions, they have developed a strong missionary culture to awaken this devotion in the public through chanting of Krishna's names. Devotion is stated to increase in eight states from faith to love. Most Gaudiya groups (including ISKCON), accept the theological and scriptural arguments of eighteenth century philosopher Baladeva Vidyabhushana. Most ISKCON devotees follow a popular, simplified version of the sophisticated Gaudiya philosophy via their devotional practices to Krishna.^[37]

The most famous and publicly recognizable ISKCON practice is kirtan, a congregational chanting or singing of the Hare Krishna mantra. Kirtan is both a way to express devotion to God and a way to attract newcomers to the movement. Devotees gather in public, in streets and parks, to sing the mantra accompanied by instruments like the mridanga, hand cymbals, and the harmonium. During the 1970s, ISKCON entered the public eye because of this practice. Devotees would sing, distribute books, and proselytize in airports and other public areas, often obtrusively. Sankirtan continues throughout the world today, but in a less confrontational manner.^[38]

Japa is another important religious practice within ISKCON and Gaudiya Vaishnavism. It is the meditative practice of repeatedly chanting the names of Krishna on a set of prayer beads. Its believers chant a mantra:

Hare Krishna Hare Krishna
Krishna Krishna Hare Hare
Hare Rama Hare Rama
Rama Rama Hare Hare

This mantra is repeated 108 times on the bead. Devotees usually chant 16 rounds of this every day.^[39] It is considered the only way of salvation for people in the current age of Kali. Prabhupada established a standard for initiated devotees to chant sixteen rounds of the Hare Krishna Mahamantra on a Japamala containing 108 beads, daily.^[40] Each round consists of 1728 repetitions of the names of Krishna.^[41]

Arati is also an important tenet (also called puja) of ISKCON. During arati, devotees offer water, incense, a fire lamp, and flowers to a murti, a sacred statue or image of Krishna. This is accompanied by prayers and devotional songs called bhajans. Practitioners may perform arati at their own home or congregate at a temple to join in the ceremony. Along with this worship, devotees will bathe the murti, dress it, offer it food, and even put it to sleep. By doing arati and serving the murti, devotees aim to deepen their relationship with Krishna.^[38]

ISKCON devotees meet regularly (typically on Sunday at a program known as the Sunday Feast)^[42] to worship deities, listen to discourses by senior devotees, participate in kirtan and eat sanctified offered food prasadam. Devotees place great emphasis on listening to spiritual discourses, believing them to be a key role in spiritual advancement.^[43]

During initiation (diksha) ISKCON devotees vow to follow four basic rules and regulations.^[38]

• The consumption of only lacto-vegetarian diet (abstinence from meat, fish, eggs).
• Prohibition against consuming any intoxicants (i.e., onion, garlic, coffee, caffeinated drinks, tea, tobacco cigarettes, drugs and alcohol)
• Prohibition against gambling
• Prohibition against sexual intercourse in terms of engaging in illicit sexual activity and relationships outside of marriage.

Besides weekly gatherings, devotees within the ISKCON movement celebrate a diverse array of Hindu festivals, including Janmashtami, Radhastami, Diwali, Gaura Purnima, Ekadasi, Holi, Rama Navami, and Gita Jayanti.^[44]

The Ratha Yatra Festival of Chariots is an annual parade whereby devotees chant and dance on the street, pulling a chariot with the deities of Jagannatha, Balabhadra, and Subhadra behind them. This public procession is typically followed by performances and free vegetarian food.^[45]

ISKCON advocates preaching.^[46] Members spread Krishna consciousness primarily by singing the Hare Krishna mantra in public places and by selling Indian spiritual books transcribed from their original languages and published in English by the movement's founder, Prabhupada.^[47]

A study conducted by the American researcher E. Burke Rochford Jr. at the University of California found that there are four types of contact between those in ISKCON and prospective members: individually motivated contact, contact made with members in public areas, contact made through personal connections, and contact with sympathizers of the movement who encourage people to join.^[48]

Prior to initiation as a Hare Krishna disciple, a devotee must be adhering to the lifestyle principles of the movement. After the Initiation into the Holy Name, a devotee fully commits his or herself to Krishna consciousness, and becomes either a brahmachari/bhramacharini ("celibate") or a grihasta ("householder"). After several years as an initiated disciple, one may undergo "brahmin initiation" which allows disciples to act as priests in ISKCON temples. After "brahmin initiation", males are entitled to take sannyasa ("renunciation"), a complete detachment from the physical world. Men and women try not to intermingle, as ISKCON theology opposes illusory attachment to sexual relationships.^[49]

Traditionally, Hare Krishna disciples were characterized for their public use of Indian dresson the street (eg. shikha, dhoti, and saffron robe for men and sari for women); this dress is now only found among disciples living in communes and the majority of lay members do not wear this dress.^[50]

Prabhupada spent much of the last decade of his life setting up the institution of ISKCON.^[51][52]

The Governing Body Commission (or GBC) is the managerial authority of ISKCON. Created by Bhaktivedanta in 1970, it meets annually.^[53] In a document Direction of Management written on 28 July 1970 Prabhupada appointed twelve members to the commission, all of them non-sannyasi, including Satsvarupa dasa Goswami, Hansadutta Swami, and Tamala Krishna Goswami.^[51] The letter outlined the purposes of the commission: improving the standard of temple management, the spread of Krishna consciousness, the distribution of books and literature, the opening of new centers and the education of the devotees. GBC has since grown in size to include 48 senior members from the movement who make decisions based on consensus of opinion.^[51][54]

Shortly after establishing the GBC, Prabhupada asked his newly appointed leaders to renounce the everyday world and become sannyasis (renunciate monks), indicating that those who set policy would not be involved with financial dealings. However, after Prabhupada's death some GBC members adopted lavish lifestyles. A number of schisms tested the notion of the supreme authority of the GBC. Some of these scandals involved GBC members Hans Kary (Hansadutta) and James Immel (Jayatirtha), as well as one of the leaders of the New Vrindaban community, Keith Ham (Kirtanananda), who surrounded himself with opulence and declared himself the only true successor to Prabhupada.^[55]

In 1982, the GBC began the slow process of adding new gurus to the original eleven. In 1983 the GBC was announced to be the highest ecclesiastical authority of ISKCON.^[56] In 1985 the decision was made to lower the standard of living for ISKCON leadership. After much heated discussion, the GBC decided to "relieve" a number of leaders and new leaders were selected. The young leaders of the GBC sought the advice of one of Prabhupada's Gaudiya godbrothers, and endeavored to become more integrated in the broader Hindu community.^[56]

After years of discussion and reforms, a general consensus emerged to accept women as leaders in ISKCON, overriding the former GBC supposition that "unprotected, 'women leaders become subject to various forms of mistreatment and abuse'". In 1998, Malati Devi Dasi became the first woman appointed to the GBC.^[57]

Kirtanananda Swami, or Swami Bhaktipada, a leader of ISKCON, was expelled from the organisation in 1987 for various deviations.^[58] He was the leader of New Vrindaban, the largest and most famous Hare Krishna community in the United States at that time.^[59] In 1996, Kirtanananda pleaded guilty to one count of racketeering and after serving 8 years of a 20-year prison sentence was subsequently released in 2004. Previously, in 1991, the jury had found him guilty of racketeering and mail fraud. These convictions were later overturned on appeal, only to result in the later retrial.^[60][61][62]

ISKCON has experienced a number of significant internal problems, the majority of which occurred from the late 1970s onwards, and especially within the decade following Bhaktivedanta Swami Prabhupada's death.^[63]

Women's roles are a controversial issue within ISKCON, and its members have strongly divergent opinions regarding the interpretation of Prabhupada's teachings on gender roles.^{[64][page needed]} While some of its leaders advocate women taking public leadership roles,^[65] other leaders disagree and maintain that "traditional" roles for women are more appropriate. Concerns have been expressed regarding the perceived potential for adverse effects stemming from feminist ideals infiltrating the regulations of ISKCON.^[66]

Since women are the most respected position in Vedic culture, women within the Hare Krishna community are all viewed with reverence, especially by celibate male monks, also known as brahmacharis. "Mataji" (lit. 'Mother') is a term of respect for women in ISKCON, and is often prefixed to the Sanskrit name they receive in initiation. Unmarried women are also referred to in this term.^[67]

After years of discussion and reforms, a general consensus emerged to accept women as leaders and initiators in ISKCON. In 1998, Malati Devi Dasi became the first woman appointed to the GBC.^[57] The second woman, Dina Sharana, was selected in 2009.^[68][69]

A document released by the GBC in 2019 stating that it was permissible for women to become initiating gurus within the ISKCON movement.^[70]

In 1998, ISKCON published an exposé of widespread physical, emotional and sexual abuse of children in the group's boarding schools in the United States and India in the 1970s and 1980s. The report stated that the monks and young devotees caring for the children had no training in the task and often resented having to perform it. At a meeting in 1996, former young members testified that they had been regularly beaten at school, denied medical care, and sexually molested and raped.^[71]

In 2002, a suit for $900 million was filed in Texas State Court by alleged victims of abuse in ISKCON boarding schools.^[72][71] ISKCON later filed for Chapter 11 bankruptcy protection.^[73] The eventual 2008 settlement in what became known as the Turley Case was $15 million.^[74]

The ISKCON Central Office of Child Protection department office was established by the GBC in 1997. It released its first official Child Protection Policy and Procedure Guidelines. The CPO has provided Child Protection Information Training to over 500 child care providers within the organization internationally and continues to file and review reports on local Child Protection Teams in 2005. The Child Protection Policy and Procedure Guidelines were revised and ratified by the GBC in June 2018.^[75]

The practice of mantra chanting and devotional singing, also known as Kirtan, is prominent in the ISKCON movement. Dedicated kirtan festivals are held annually around the world, such as the Sadhu Sanga Retreat in Boone, North Carolina,^[76] Kirtan 50^[77] in Dallas, Texas, and Radhadesh Mellows, in Durbuy, Belgium. Notable kirtaneers include Jahnavi Harrison, Gaura Vani, and the Mayapuris,^[78] who have all released Kirtan albums. Kirtan sessions are also held outside of temple settings, including at a local university "Bhakti Clubs", mantra lounges, and at a yoga and wellness festivals.^[79]

Full theatrical performances have been produced based on the Vedic theologies. Prominent performance companies include Viva Kultura^[80] and Vande Arts.^[81]

The Hare Krishna mantra appears in some famous songs, such as former Beatle George Harrison's 1970 hit "My Sweet Lord".^[82][83] John Lennon included the phrase "Hare Krishna" in his lyrics to "Give Peace a Chance" and the Beatles' 1967 track "I Am the Walrus". The backing vocalists also sing the phrase in Ringo Starr's 1971 hit "It Don't Come Easy", written with the help of Harrison, although the words were mixed low on the released version.^[84]

Of the four Beatles, only Harrison fully embraced Krishna Consciousness. He also provided financial support for ISKCON's UK branch and in 1973 purchased Bhaktivedanta Manor for their temple compound.^[85] Harrison enjoyed a warm friendship with Prabhupada,^[86][87] who provided the inspiration for Harrison songs such as "Living in the Material World".^[88]

In the 1980s, underground New York City hardcore punk band the Cro-Mags included Hare Krishna members and made references to Krishna Consciousness. By the early 1990s, an entire underground Krishnacore subgenre was established with other New York hardcore bands like Shelter and 108.^[89]

In 2020, Willow Smith and Jahnavi Harrison collaborated on the song "Surrender (Krishna Keshava"), and the album "RISE",^[90][91] featuring ancient sacred songs from India with Sanskrit lyrics.^[92]

Vegetarianism is one of the four tenets of ISKCON.^[41] Due to Prabhupada's focus on food distribution, many ISKCON devotees have opened vegan and vegetarian eateries.^[93] Not all restaurants opened by ISKCON members are officially affiliated with ISKCON, although many Govindas' restaurants or catering businesses operate out of the main temple center.^[94]

The ISKCON followers refer to their diet as 'Krishnatarian'. According to them "A Krishnatarian meal is one which is cooked using fresh, vegetarian ingredients (excluding onion, garlic, red lentils and mushrooms) and milk products which is cooked by an Iskcon follower and offered to their main deities before it is distributed and consumed."^[95]

ISKCON claims to have around one million congregational members worldwide (majority in India), with 15,000 in Great Britain.^[96]

In the West it "has a relatively small number of followers", estimated at "a few thousand full-time practitioners", but those showing interest in its activities might number into the "tens of thousands."^[97]

After considerable success in the West due to the counterculture of the 1960s, ISKCON lost its momentum from the early 1980s onward, "facing a sharp decline in membership and in financial resources"^[98] in North America and in Western Europe, while in the late 1990s the situation began to deteriorate in Eastern Europe as well. In 2000, it was estimated that only 750–900 members were residing in ISKCON centers in the United States. Since then, ISKCON has depended on the Indian diaspora to revitalize the movement; in most North American congregations Indian members make up 80% of the numbers.^[98]

Some anti-cult movements have scrutinised ISKCON and described it as a cult. Larry Shinn, who studied ISKCON communities and the anti-cult movement, noted that media and anti-cult reports of ISKCON often relied on "sensationalised exaggeration" and "fearful and unsubstantiated Big Lie" about new religious movements like ISKCON. While acknowledging misconducts within the movement, he emphasized that "these excesses are just that, and are not typical" of most devotees, concluding that ISKCON represents an authentic Hindu devotional tradition rather than a "brainwashing cult".^[99][100]

In a 1976 case, People v. Murphy, a grand jury indicted Iskcon, Inc. and the president of an ISKCON temple for unlawful imprisonment. The parents of two Hare Krishna members alleged that ISKCON had imprisoned their children through brainwashing, but the court dismissed the case, ruling that the two members had freely followed the tenets of their chosen faith. The case was decided on the basis of the First Amendment upholding freedom of religion, namely that "'[T]he Hare Krishna religion is a bona fide religion with roots in India that go back thousands of years."^[101][102]

In a 1984 case, George v. International Society for Krishna Consciousness of California was a lawsuit that resulted in a mixed judgment.^[103] Marcia and Robin George accused ISKCON of kidnapping Robin via brainwashing and sued ISKCON for false imprisonment, intentional infliction of emotional distress, libel, and the wrongful death of Robin's father based on stress caused by the alleged circumstances. A California state appellate court dismissed Robin's claims for false imprisonment, libel, and intentional infliction of emotional distress, but upheld jury verdicts in favor of Marcia for intentional infliction of emotional distress and wrongful death.^[104]

In the 1990s, ISKCON faced accusations of child abuse, and its leaders acknowledged physical, emotional and sexual abuse of children who were sent to live in the rural communities' boarding schools in the United States and India in the 1970s and 1980s.^[105][106] Sociologist of religion E. Burke Rochford argues that a culture of abuse in ISKCON schools arose in part because of renunciant leaders' subtle denigration of the value of householders and children.^{[64][page needed]} Several safety regulations and subcommittees, such as ISKCON Resolve and the ISKCON Child Protection Office, have been developed since these allegations to ensure that the legal rights of devotees, as well as their health and safety, are protected.^[107]

ISKCON has maintained an active presence in Indonesia since the 1970s, particularly on the island of Bali, where most of the country’s Hindu population resides. The movement was introduced following a 1973 visit by founder A. C. Bhaktivedanta Swami Prabhupada. During the 1970s, the Bhaktivedanta Book Trust in Jakarta distributed Indonesian translations of ISKCON literature, initially receiving favorable comment from some members of the Parisada Hindu Dharma Indonesia (PHDI). According to Ravinjay Kuckreja, writing in Religió: Jurnal Studi Agama-agama (2022), early enthusiasm among Balinese Hindus gave way to opposition in 1984 when the Indonesian Attorney General banned ISKCON publications and activities for “disturbing public order” during President Suharto’s New Order period. The decree (No. KEP-107/J.A/5/1984) also closed ISKCON’s publisher and book distributor, citing risks to internal Hindu harmony. The ban was lifted after Indonesia’s 1998 political reforms, and ISKCON reorganized nationally under the name Sampradaya Kesadaran Krishna Indonesia (SAKKHI). A rival group, ISKCON-Indonesia, also formed in Denpasar under Damodara Pandit, prompting legal and organizational disputes until The ISKCON Association was later recognized by PHDI as the movement’s national council. Scholars have estimated that ISKCON’s Indonesian membership numbers roughly 1,500 initiated devotees.^[108]

Kuckreja notes that cultural and theological differences have continued between ISKCON’s Gaudiya Vaishnava teachings and local Balinese Hindu practice, which is largely Shaivite and monistic. In 2020, Bali’s Majelis Desa Adat and PHDI issued a decree restricting “non-Balinese Hindu sects” (sampradaya non-dresta Bali) from conducting worship in traditional villages. The decree affected ISKCON and other pan-Hindu movements such as the Sai Baba organization. Observers linked the regulation to cultural policies promoted by Governor Wayan Koster, including national legislator Arya Wedakarna, who had expressed support for ISKCON, faced criticism from some Balinese groups. Kuckreja interprets the regulation as part of broader efforts to preserve Balinese religious identity, while describing ISKCON’s imported rituals and attire as often perceived locally as culturally inappropriate. ISKCON representatives have denied causing unrest and have emphasized their recognition by Indonesia’s Ministry of Religious Affairs and human-rights law. In 2021, one Balinese ISKCON group filed a complaint with the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) concerning restrictions on their worship activities, and the issue was later mentioned in the U.S. Department of State’s 2020 Report on International Religious Freedom.^[109][108]

There have been several violent actions taken against ISKCON, resulting in the injuries and deaths. In India, temples have been targeted by violent attacks, including a bomb blast at the ISKCON temple in Imphal, Manipur in 2006 that killed five devotees.^[110] In Kazakhstan, authorities demolished homes belonging to ISKCON members in Almaty in 2007, citing illegal construction, while ISKCON argued that they were victims of religious persecution.^[111] In Bangladesh, ISKCON temples and events have faced multiple attacks over the years, including vandalism, bombings, and mob violence by groups such as Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh, Ansar al-Islam, Bangladesh Chhatra League, resulting in injuries, deaths, and property damage, with incidents in ISKCON centers at Chittagong, Dinajpur, Sylhet, Dhaka, Noakhali, Dinajpur, and Meherpur between 2009 and 2024.^{[112][113][114][115][116][117][118][119][120][121][122][123][124][125][126]}

India has the highest density of ISKCON centers in the world, with over 800 temples, 12 state-recognized educational institutions, 25 affiliated and non-affiliated restaurants, and a number of tourist and pilgrimage hotels.^[127] ISKCON India disciples are more conservative than the ISKCON disciples in the west.^[128]

Vrindaban is a pan-Indian pilgrimage town historically developed by Bengali Vaishnavas and devotees consider it to be the place where Krishna performed his deeds on Earth. In 1976, the Krishna Balaram Mandir was founded, which by the late 1980s was an "integral part of Vrindaban's sacred complex". ISKCON devotees in the town claim to be Brahmins, a view paradoxical to the traditional Indian belief that it is impossible for foreigners to even be Hindu. By the 1980s however, ISKCON members had successfully manipulated the devotion-centered social fabric of the town and were to be considered "Brahmin-like" due to successful displays of Krishna-devotion and behavior.^[129]

Set to be completed in 2024, the Temple of the Vedic Planetarium, Mayapur in West Bengal is built in the birthplace of Sri Chaitanya Mahaprabhu, the founder of the Gaudiya-Vaishnava lineage of Hinduism. The temple itself currently sits at 425,000 square feet (39,500 m²) and is 340 feet (100 m) tall, and is surrounded by accompanying lodges, shops, residences, educational centers, and gardens. The project cost an estimated $75 million, with its major investor being Alfred B. Ford, the great-grandson of Henry Ford. The complex has a planetarium based on Vedic cosmology and exhibitions about the Vedic arts, sciences, and culture as described in the Srimad Bhagavatam.^[130]

Located in the Raman Reti area of Vrindavan, Uttar Pradesh, the Sri Krishna Balaram Mandir temple was built in the original village where the spiritual figures Krishna and Balarama are said to have resided in the Vedic period of Indian history. It is built in close proximity to other holy sites such as the village of Gokul, Govardhana Hill, the Mathura palace, and various holy lakes. As a result, ISKCON Vrindavan is a common pilgrimage site for followers of the Krishna Conscious movement. The complex is home to a guesthouse, a museum, gift shops, a restaurant, a bakery, a broadcast studio as well as a marble temple hall.^[131] The temple is also affiliated with the Vrindavan Institute of Higher Education.^[132]

In March 2014, the Vrindavan Chandrodaya Mandir temple project was inaugurated,^[133] and on 16 November 2014, the foundation stone of the temple was laid. Overseen by ISKCON Bangalore, the Vrindavan Chandrodaya Mandir temple building is currently under construction.^{[134][needs update]}

The Sri Sri Radha Parthasarathi Mandir temple complex houses the Glory of India Vedic Cultural center, which is a set of interactive educational exhibits, as well as the world's largest printed religious book, known as the "Astounding Bhagavad Gita".^[135]

In May 1997, Bangalore ISKCON Temple was inaugurated by the ninth president of India, Shankar Dayal Sharma.^[136][137]

There is a gold-plated dhwaja-stambha (flag post) 17 m (56 ft) high and a gold plated kalash shikhara 8.5 m (28 ft) high. There is free distribution of Sri Krishna prasadam to all visitors during the darshana hours.^[138]

ISKCON Bangalore has six shrines:

1. Main deities is of Radha-Krishna
2. Krishna Balrama
3. Nitai Gauranga (Chaitanya Mahaprabhu and Nityananda)
4. Srinivasa Govinda (also known as Venkateswara)
5. Prahlada Narasimha
6. Srila Prabhupada^[139]

The Chennai temple is located on the East Coast Road in southern part of the city. Built on 1.5 acres (0.61 ha) of land and consecrated in 2012, the temple is the largest Radha Krishna temple in Tamil Nadu.^[140]

The ISKCON Salem temple, also known as the Sri Gaura Radha Gukulananda Temple of Vedic Knowledge and Culture, is located on Hare Krishna Land, Karuppur, Salem. Built on 4.5 acres (1.8 ha) of land, the temple is one of the Radha Krishna temple in Tamil Nadu. It was formally inaugurated in October 2019.^[141]

Sri Sri Radha Madhav Sundar Mandir is located at Siliguri, West Bengal.^[142]

ISKCON Temple Nepal is located in Kathmandu. The geographic coordinates of ISKCON Nepal are 27.784062° or (27°47'2.62") of North and 85.356938° or (85°21'24.98") of East. It is on the lap of Shivapuri Mountain where the Holy Bishnumati River flows.

In this temple, the Deities of Sri Sri Radha Govinda Hari (Radha and Krishna), Jagannath, Baladeva, Subhadra, Gaur Nitai, Narasimha are worshiped. ISKCON Nepal celebrates Jagannath Rath Yatra every year.^{[143][144][145]} As per a 2018 estimate, over 5000 devotees participate in the ratha yatra from across the globe.^[146][147]

There are over 135 ISKCON-affiliated temples and cultural centers in Europe. The ISKCON movement in Europe is home to a number of rural and farming communities, including Nueva Vrajamandala in Spain,^[148] La Nouvelle Mayapura in France, Villa Vrindavan^[149] in Italy and Simhachalam in Germany.

There are also 31 additional centers in Russia, as Vaishnava Hinduism represents one of the largest denominations of faith in the country.^[150]

While most initiated disciples in Britain in the 1980s were young white British, the movement had support from the expatriate Indian Hindu community. British Indian Hindus generally attended ISKCON temples as one of many available Hindu temples.^[151]

The Radhadesh temple in Durbuy, Belgium, is home to Bhaktivedanta College, which opened in 2002 to provide ministerial and spiritual education for students, offering degrees and certificates online and on-campus in Vaishnava theology externally validated by the University of Chester.^[152]

The Radhadesh temple is also home to Radhadesh Mellows, an annual kirtan retreat.^[153]

A landscaped property featuring gardens, lakes, a school, farm, numerous temple and housing buildings, accommodations, and a bakery. The property for Bhaktivedanta Manor was donated by George Harrison of the Beatles and is on the National Heritage List for England. The houses on the property, including the temple, are built in the mock-Tudor mansion style of the 1800s.^[154]

Bhaktivedanta Manor is also home to the London College of Vedic Studies,^[155] and is the birthplace of the Avanti Schools Trust, a sponsor of state-funded primary and secondary schools that provides both non-denominational and Hindu-faith education throughout the UK.^[156]

Demographically, the majority of devotees in Europe are ethnic Europeans. An exception can be made with the demographics of devotees in the United Kingdom, which caters to the Indian immigrant population, mirroring the demographics of most North American centers.^[157]

There are 60 affiliated ISKCON temples in South America, with most congregations located in Argentina and Brazil. There are also a number of devotee-run farming communities throughout Latin America.^[158][159] Most notable is the eco-village "Nova Gokula" at Pindamonhangaba in the Brazil state of São Paulo, founded in 1978, with two temples planning as traditional Hindu architecture.^[160]

There are 56 formally affiliated ISKCON centers in the United States.^[161] Notable centers include Sri Sri Radha Krishna Temple (Spanish Fork), Utah, New Raman Reti in Alachua, FL,^[162] and The Radha Kalachandji Temple in Dallas, TX.^[163] Hare Krishna-affiliated full-time communities include New Vrindaban in West Virginia,^[164] and Gita Nagari Eco Farm and Sanctuary in Pennsylvania.^[165] There are various other centers in the United States that promote Krishna Conscious culture without being formally affiliated with ISKCON, including The Bhakti Center in New York City.^[166]

According to Rochford (1985), the large majority of converts to the Hare Krishna movement in the United States were young white people. Because of their youth, most had not completed an undergraduate college degree. Converts mainly came from middle and upper-middle class Christian and Jewish families where their familial religion was stressed mainly during early childhood and then declined as the years went on. Early converts (pre-1971) had previously participated in the counterculture of the 1960s and the Anti-war movement, while later converts (1977-1980) did not due to ISKCON's convert demography continuing to retain the same young age-bracket. Most had already been spiritual seekers, and the vast majority had previously experimented with some forms of drugs (alcohol, marijuana, hallucinogens, etc.). Most devotees stated that the three main reasons for their conversion was the Hare Krishna philosophy, the geniality of devotees, and personal attraction to Prabhupada. Most devotees had not worked serious careers prior to conversion and had no skilled occupational skills; forces that allowed for structural availability for ISKCON recruitment, while on the other hand there often were countervailing social ties opposed to their participation in the movement.^[167] Men and women were recruited through different structures: men were recruited more often via interaction with Hare Krishna devotees in public spaces, while women were recruited more often through social networks with ISKCON members. According to Rochford, by the 1980s the marginal status of women in American society was being challenged by the feminist movement, which advocated pushing women into the public (masculine) world. ISKCON in contrast offered a traditionalist solution to the issue of women's marginality, by ideologically supporting the domesticity of traditionalist women who desired to remain in the private sphere. ISKCON also offered a solution to the issue of men's marginality (the loneliness felt by some men in the competitive, egocentric male sphere) by providing a male lifestyle with intimate interpersonal relationships. Men, being less closed-off and wary to strangers, were more successfully recruited in public spaces; in particular, female Hare Krishna devotees were able to leverage their gender to more successfully approach men in public than their male devotee counterparts.^[168]

The New Vrindaban community was founded in 1968 in rural West Virginia by Kirtanananda Swami as a self-sufficient, proto-technological community, attempting to recreate a Vedic village. The local Protestant-majority community viewed New Vrindaban negatively, leading New Vrindaban to attempt to legitimize itself theologically via interreligious dialogue with the local Ministerial Association in the 1980s; however, the locals were more concerned with New Vrindaban's lifestyle choices and criminal allegations than theological issues. To legitimate themselves scholarly, the community published books and journals on ISKCON subjects and invited professors to share insights. By the late 1980s, New Vrindaban had gained "grudging acceptance" from the locals by focusing on improving secular values, i.e. "pragmatism, industry, relative cleanliness, openness, and perseverance". The community also serviced the Indian American community by providing a temple amenable to Hindu tradition, cultural education of second-generation immigrants, and cow-protection. Additionally, the local community viewed Indian-Americans as a more acceptable demographic for the sect and as financial contributors to ISKCON, allaying fears about religious conversion of locals. Despite these changes by the late 1980s, the community continued to uphold its traditions via the principles of pilgrimage, darsana, and prasada.^[169]

Asia is home to over 80 ISKCON affiliated centers, with most being located in Indonesia, Malaysia, and the Philippines.^[170]

There are 69 affiliated ISKCON centers in Africa, four of which are rural farming communities and three of which are educational centers.^[171] ISKCON Durban hosts the world's largest Ratha Yatra Chariot Festival outside of India.^[172]

There are six ISKCON centers, including one farming village in Australia and four temple centers in New Zealand.^[173]

Bhaktivedanta Book Trust (BBT) is a nonprofit organization, of ISKCON, and supplies books both to ISKCON and to the book trade in general.^[174] BBT is the publisher of books on the Gaudiya Vaishnava.^[175] BBT was established in 1972 by A. C. Bhaktivedanta as the publisher for his books and for books by other authors. It also publishes the magazine Back to Godhead in multiple languages.^[176]

The Friends of Lord Krishna (FOLK) was established in 1979 to spread ISKCON teachings to non-Hindu British people in a less intense manner than the movement's original methods. Via the publication of a FOLK magazine, leveraging friend networks of devotees, V.I.P. programmes to attract celebrities, and university programmes to target young people, the group seeks to spread ISKCON principles amongst a non-monastic audience who would be expected to retain their ordinary lives and careers.^[177]

ISCOWP (International Society for Cow Protection) claims to "present alternatives to agricultural and dietary practices that support and depend upon the meat and dairy industries' slaughter of the cow".^[178]

ISKCON Tribal Care Trust (ITCT) is an affiliate targeting the tribal people. The trust has set up schools and potable water sources for the tribal people.^[179]

Based out of Bhaktivedanta Manor of Watford UK, Pandava Sena is a youth organization started in 1994. It is composed of professionals and university students that host annual international mentorship and reunion retreats and weekly social gatherings.^[180]

Pandava Sena has also established "KCSocs" or "Krishna Conscious Societies" across 30 universities in the UK. Many universities have similar student groups featuring youth from local ISKCON temples.^[181]

• Hare Krsna TV
• Hare Krishna in popular culture
• Krishna valley, Hungary
• New religious movement

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