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Pedestrian zone
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Vienna's first pedestrian zone on the Graben (2018)
Pedestrian mall in Lima, Peru
Sign

Pedestrian zones (also known as auto-free zones and car-free zones, as pedestrian precincts in British English,[1] and as pedestrian malls in the United States and Australia) are areas of a city or town restricted to use by people on foot or human-powered transport such as bicycles, with non-emergency motor traffic not allowed. Converting a street or an area to pedestrian-only use is called pedestrianisation.

Pedestrianisation usually aims to provide better accessibility and mobility for pedestrians, to enhance the amount of shopping and other business activities in the area or to improve the attractiveness of the local environment in terms of aesthetics, air pollution, noise and crashes involving motor vehicles with pedestrians.[2] In some cases, motor traffic in surrounding areas increases, as it is displaced rather than replaced.[2] Nonetheless, pedestrianisation schemes are often associated with significant falls in local air and noise pollution[2] and in accidents, and frequently with increased retail turnover and increased property values locally.[3]

A car-free development generally implies a large-scale pedestrianised area that relies on modes of transport other than the car, while pedestrian zones may vary in size from a single square to entire districts, but with highly variable degrees of dependence on cars for their broader transport links.

Pedestrian zones have a great variety of approaches to human-powered vehicles such as bicycles, inline skates, skateboards and kick scooters. Some have a total ban on anything with wheels, others ban certain categories, others segregate the human-powered wheels from foot traffic, and others still have no rules at all. Many Middle Eastern kasbahs have no motorized traffic, but use donkey- or hand-carts to carry goods.

History

[edit]

Origins in arcades

[edit]
The Galerie Vivienne in Paris

The idea of separating pedestrians from wheeled traffic is an old one, dating back at least to the Renaissance.[4] However, the earliest modern implementation of the idea in cities seems to date from about 1800, when the first covered shopping arcade was opened in Paris.[4] Separated shopping arcades were constructed throughout Europe in the 19th century, precursors of modern shopping malls. A number of architects and city planners, including Joseph Paxton, Ebenezer Howard, and Clarence Stein, in the 19th and early 20th centuries proposed plans to separate pedestrians from traffic in various new developments.[5]

1920s–1970s

[edit]

The first "pedestrianisation" of an existing street seems to have taken place "around 1929" in Essen, Germany. This was in Limbecker Straße, a very narrow shopping street that could not accommodate both vehicular and pedestrian traffic.[6] Two other German cities followed this model in the early 1930s, but the idea was not seen outside Germany.[4] Following the devastation of the Second World War a number of European cities implemented plans to pedestrianise city streets, although usually on a largely ad hoc basis, through the early 1950s, with little landscaping or planning.[4] By 1955 twenty-one German cities had closed at least one street to automobile traffic, although only four were "true" pedestrian streets, designed for the purpose.[4] At this time pedestrianisation was not seen as a traffic restraint policy, but rather as a complement[clarification needed] to customers who would arrive by car in a city centre.[4]

Pedestrianisation was also common in the United States during the 1950s and 60s as downtown businesses attempted to compete with new suburban shopping malls. However, most of these initiatives were not successful in the long term, and about 90% have been changed back to motorised areas.[7]

1980s–2010s

[edit]
Pedestrianized area in Times Square, New York City
Fremont Street Experience in Las Vegas with the neon lights on

In the United States, several pedestrian zones in major tourist areas were successful, such as the renovation of the mall in Santa Monica on Los Angeles' Westside and its relaunch as the Third Street Promenade;[8] the creation of the covered, pedestrian Fremont Street Experience in Downtown Las Vegas;[9] the revival of East 4th Street in Downtown Cleveland;[10] and the new pedestrian zone created in the mid-2010s in New York City including along Broadway (the street) and around Times Square.[11]

COVID-19 pandemic

[edit]

During the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020, some cities pedestrianised more streets to encourage social distancing, and in many cases to provide more space for restaurants to serve food on extended patios. In the United States, New York City closed up to 100 miles (160 km) of streets to cars across the city.[12] In Madrid, Spain, the city pedestrianized 19 kilometres (12 miles) of streets and 235,000 square metres (58 acres) of spaces in total.[13] The COVID-19 pandemic also prompted proposals for radical change in the organisation of the city, in particular in Barcelona, such as the pedestrianisation of the whole city and an inversion of the concept of "sidewalk"; these were two elements of the Manifesto for the Reorganisation of the city, written by architecture and urban theorist Massimo Paolini and signed by 160 academics and 300 architects.[14][15][16]

Definitions and types

[edit]
Torggatan, a pedestrian street in Mariehamn, Åland

A pedestrian zone is often limited in scope: for example, a single square or a few streets reserved for pedestrians, within a city where residents still largely get around in cars. A car-free town, city or region may be much larger.

Car free towns, cities and regions

[edit]
Marktplatz in Karlsruhe, Germany, coexisted with a tramline until 2013.

A car-free zone is different from a typical pedestrian zone, in that it implies a development largely predicated on modes of transport other than the car.[citation needed]

Examples

[edit]
Sign for pedestrian street in Central Stockholm showing a father and daughter

A number of towns and cities in Europe have never allowed motor vehicles. Archetypal examples are:

  • Venice, which occupies many islands in a lagoon, divided by and accessed from canals. Motor traffic stops at the car park at the head of the viaduct from the mainland, and water transport and walking take over from there. However, motor vehicles are allowed on the nearby Lido.
  • Zermatt in the Swiss Alps. Most visitors reach Zermatt by a cog railway, and there are pedestrian-only streets, but there are also roads with motor vehicles.

Other examples are:

To assist with transport from the car parks in at the edge of car-free cities, there are often bus stations, bicycle sharing stations, and the like.[citation needed]

Car-free development

[edit]

The term car-free development implies a physical change: either built-up or changes to an existing built area.[citation needed]

In a 2010 publication co-authored by Steve Melia, car-free developments are defined as residential or mixed-use areas that typically provide an immediate environment devoid of vehicular traffic, offer little to no parking separated from the residence, and are designed to let residents live without car ownership.[20] This definition, which they distinguish from the more common "low car development", is based mainly on experience in North West Europe,[citation needed] where the movement for car-free development began.[citation needed] Within this definition, three types are identified: the Vauban model[21] (based on Vauban, Freiburg: it is not "carfree", but "parking-space-free" (German: stellplatzfrei) in some streets),[22] the limited access model,[23] and pedestrianised centres with residential populations.[23]

Knez Mihailova pedestrian zone at night with New Year decoration in Belgrade, Serbia

Limited access type

[edit]

The more common form of carfree development involves some sort of physical barrier, which prevents motor vehicles from penetrating into a car-free interior. Melia et al.[24][failed verification] describe this as the "limited access" type. In some cases, such as Stellwerk 60 in Cologne, there is a removable barrier, controlled by a residents' organisation. In Amsterdam, Waterwijk is a 6-hectare (15-acre) neighborhood where cars may only access parking areas from the streets that form the edges of the neighborhood; all of the inner areas of the neighborhood are car-free. [25]

Temporary car-free streets

[edit]

Many cities close certain streets to automobiles, typically on weekends and especially in warm weather, to provide more urban space for recreation, and to increase foot traffic to nearby businesses. Examples include Newbury Street in Boston, and Memorial Drive in Cambridge, Massachusetts (which is along a river).[citation needed] In some cases, popularity has resulted in streets being permanently closed to cars, including JFK Drive in Golden Gate Park, San Francisco; Griffith Drive in Griffith Park, Los Angeles; and Capel Street in Dublin.[26]

Reception

[edit]
Introduction to pedestrian, car-free and autoluw (low-traffic) zones: history, examples, pros and cons

Benefits

[edit]

Several studies have been carried out on European carfree developments. The most comprehensive was conducted in 2000 by Jan Scheurer.[27] Other more recent studies have been made of specific car-free areas such as Vienna's Floridsdorf car-free development.[28]

Car-free developments see very low levels of car use and thus much less traffic on surrounding roads, high rates of walking and cycling, more independent movement and active play for children, and less land used for parking and roads, leaving more available for green or social space. The main benefits found for these developments are low atmospheric emissions, low road accident rates, better-built environmental conditions, and the encouragement of active modes.[citation needed]

Problems and criticism

[edit]
The National Gallery, Trafalgar Square, London

The main problems are related to parking management. Where parking is not controlled in the surrounding area, this often results in complaints from neighbours about overspill parking.[citation needed]

There were calls for traffic to be reinstated in Trafalgar Square, London, after pedestrianization caused noise nuisance for visitors to the National Gallery. The director of the gallery is reported to have blamed pedestrianization for the "trashing of a civic space".[29]

Local shopkeepers may be critical of the effect of pedestrianization on their businesses. Reduced through traffic can lead to fewer customers using local businesses, depending on the environment and the area's dependence on the through traffic.[30]

By region and country

[edit]

Europe

[edit]
Lijnbaan, Rotterdam's main shopping street, 1961
Aleksanterinkatu, Helsinki's main shopping street, 2007
Calle de Preciados, Madrid
İstiklal Avenue, Istanbul

A large number of European towns and cities have made part of their centres car-free since the early 1960s. These are often accompanied by car parks on the edge of the pedestrianised zone, and, in the larger cases, park and ride schemes.[citation needed]

Armenia

[edit]

Northern Avenue, located in the Kentron district of central Yerevan, is a large pedestrian avenue. The avenue was inaugurated in 2007 and is mainly home to residential buildings, offices, luxury shops and restaurants.[31]

Belgium

[edit]

In Belgium, Brussels has implemented Europe's largest pedestrian zone (French: Le Piétonnier), in phases starting in 2015; this will cover 50 hectares (120 acres). The area covers much of the historic center within the Small Ring (the ring road built on the site of the 14th-century walls), including the Grand-Place/Grote Markt, the Place de Brouckère/De Brouckèreplein, the Boulevard Anspach/Anspachlaan, and the Place de la Bourse/Beursplein.[32][33]

Denmark

[edit]

Central Copenhagen is one of the oldest and largest: it was converted from car traffic into a pedestrian zone in 1962 as an experiment, and is centered on Strøget, which is not a single street but a series of interconnected avenues which create a very large pedestrian zone, although it is crossed in places by streets with vehicular traffic. Most of these zones allow delivery trucks to service the businesses there during the early morning, and street-cleaning vehicles will usually go through these streets after most shops have closed for the night. It has grown in size from 15,800 square metres (3.9 acres) in 1962 to 95,750 square metres (23.66 acres) in 1996.[34]

Germany

[edit]

A number of German islands ban or strictly limit the private use of motor vehicles. Heligoland, Hiddensee, and all but two of the East Frisian islands are car-free; Borkum and Norderney have car-free zones and strictly limit automobile use during the summer season and in certain areas, also forbidding travel at night. Some areas provide exceptions for police and emergency vehicles; Heligoland also bans bicycles.[35]

In the early 1980s, the Alternative Liste für Demokratie und Umweltschutz (which later became part of Alliance 90/The Greens) unsuccessfully campaigned to make West Berlin a car-free zone.[citation needed]

Netherlands

[edit]

In the Netherlands, the inner city of Arnhem has a pedestrian zone (Dutch: voetgangersgebied) within the boundaries of the following streets and squares: Nieuwe Plein, Willemsplein, Gele Rijdersplein, Looierstraat, Velperbinnensingel, Koningsplein, St. Catharinaplaats, Beekstraat, Walburgstraat, Turfstraat, Kleine Oord, and Nieuwe Oeverstraat.[36]

Rotterdam's city center was almost completely destroyed by German bombing in May 1940.[37] The city decided to build a central shopping street, for pedestrians only, the Lijnbaan, which became Europe's first purpose-built pedestrian street.[37] The Lijnbaan served as a model for many other such streets in the early post-World War II era, such as Warsaw, Prague, Hamburg, and the UK's first pedestrianised shopping precinct in Stevenage in 1959.[37] Rotterdam has since expanded the pedestrian zone to other streets.[38] As of 2018, Rotterdam featured three different types of pedestrian zones: "pedestrian zones", "pedestrian zones, cycling permitted outside of shopping hours", and "pedestrian zones, cycling permitted 24/7".[38] Three exceptions to motor vehicles could apply to specific sections of these three zones, namely: "logistics allowed within window times (5 to 10:30 a.m)", "logistics allowed 24/7", and "commercial traffic allowed during market days".[38]

United Kingdom

[edit]

In Britain, shopping streets primarily for pedestrians date back to the thirteenth century. A 1981 study found that many Victorian and later arcades continued to be used. A third of London's 168 precincts at that time had been built before 1939, as were a tenth of the 1,304 precincts in the U.K. as a whole.[39][40]

Early post-1945 new towns carried on the tradition of providing some traffic-free shopping streets. However, in the conversion of traditional shopping streets to pedestrian precincts, Britain started only in 1967 (versus Germany's first conversion in 1929, or the first in the U.S. in 1959). Since then growth was rapid, such that by 1980 a study found that most British towns and cities had a pedestrian shopping precinct; 1,304 in total.[39]

Turkey

[edit]

In Istanbul, İstiklal Caddesi is a pedestrian street (except for a historic streetcar that runs along it) and a major tourist draw.[citation needed]

U.S. and Canada

[edit]
Ottawa Sparks Street Mall

Canada

[edit]

Some Canadian examples are the Sparks Street Mall area of Ottawa, the Distillery District in Toronto, Scarth Street Mall in Regina, Stephen Avenue Mall in Calgary (with certain areas open to parking for permit holders) and part of Prince Arthur Street and the Gay Village in Montreal. Algonquin and Ward's Islands, parts of the Toronto Islands group, are also car-free zones for all 700 residents. Since summer 2004, Toronto has also been experimenting with "Pedestrian Sundays"[1] in its busy Kensington Market. Granville Mall in Halifax, Nova Scotia was a run-down section of buildings on Granville Street built in the 1840s that was restored in the late 1970s. The area was then closed off to vehicles.[citation needed]

United States

[edit]
Downtown pedestrian zones
[edit]

In the United States, these zones are commonly called pedestrian malls or pedestrian streets and today are relatively rare, with a few notable exceptions. In 1959, Kalamazoo was the first American city to implement a "pedestrian mall" in its downtown core.[41] This became a method that some cities applied for their downtowns to compete with the growing suburban shopping malls of the time. In the 1960s and 70s, over 200 towns in the United States adopted this approach.[41]

The Downtown Mall in Charlottesville, VA is one of the longest pedestrian malls in the United States, created in 1976 and spanning nine city blocks.[42] A number of streets and malls in New York City are now pedestrian-only, including 6½ Avenue, Fulton Street, parts of Broadway, and a block of 25th Street.[43]

A portion of Third Street in Santa Monica in Greater Los Angeles was converted into a pedestrian mall in the 1960s to become what is now the Third Street Promenade, a very popular shopping district located just a few blocks from the beach and Santa Monica Pier.[citation needed]

Lincoln Road in Miami Beach, which had previously been a shopping street with traffic, was converted into a pedestrian only street in 1960. The designer was Morris Lapidus. Lincoln Road Mall is now one of the main attractions in Miami Beach.[citation needed]

The idea of exclusive pedestrian zones lost popularity through the 1980s and into the 1990s and results were generally disappointing, but are enjoying a renaissance with the 1989 renovation and relaunch of the Third Street Promenade in Santa Monica, California,[8] the 1994-5 Fremont Street Experience in Las Vegas and recent pedestrianization of various streets in New York City.[9] These pedestrian zones were more closely tied to the success of retail than in Europe, and by the 1980s, most did not succeed competing with ever more elaborate enclosed malls. Almost all of this generation of pedestrian malls built from 1959 through to the 1970s, have disappeared, or were shrunk down in the 1990s at the request of the retailers. Half of Kalamazoo's pedestrian mall[when?] has been converted into a regular street with auto traffic, though with wide sidewalks.[44]

Outside large cities
[edit]
Cyclists enjoy the carfree highway (M-185) on Mackinac Island.

Mackinac Island, between the upper and lower peninsulas of Michigan, banned horseless carriages in 1896, making it auto-free. The original ban still stands, except for emergency vehicles.[45] Travel on the island is largely by foot, bicycle, or horse-drawn carriage. An 8-mile (13 km) road, M-185 rings the island, and numerous roads cover the interior. M-185 is the only highway in the United States without motorized vehicles.[citation needed] Fire Island in Suffolk County, New York is pedestrianised east of the Fire Island Lighthouse and west of Smith Point County Park (with the exception of emergency vehicles).[citation needed]

Supai, Arizona, located within the Havasupai Indian Reservation is entirely car-free, the only community in the United States where mail is still carried out by mule. Supai is located eight miles from the nearest road, and is accessible only by foot, horse/mule, or helicopter.[citation needed]

Culdesac Tempe, a 17-acre (0.069 square kilometers) car-free district in Tempe, Arizona, is intended to be the nation's first market-rate rental apartment district to ban its tenants from owning cars. Bikes and emergency vehicles are allowed. It has received significant investments from executives at Lyft and Opendoor.[46][47]

Latin America

[edit]

Argentina

[edit]
Florida Street, Buenos Aires, Argentina

Argentina's big cities, Córdoba, Mendoza and Rosario, have lively pedestrianised street centers (Spanish: peatonales) combined with town squares and parks which are crowded with people walking at every hour of the day and night.[citation needed]

In Buenos Aires, some stretches of Calle Florida have been pedestrianised since 1913,[48] which makes it one of the oldest car-free thoroughfares in the world today. Pedestrianised Florida, Lavalle and other streets contribute to a vibrant shopping and restaurant scene where street performers and tango dancers abound, streets are crossed with vehicular traffic at chamfered corners.[citation needed]

Brazil

[edit]
Rua XV de Novembro in Curitiba

Paquetá Island in Rio de Janeiro is auto-free. The only cars allowed on the island are police and ambulance vehicles. In Rio de Janeiro, the roads beside the beaches are auto-free on Sundays and holidays.[citation needed]

Downtown Rio de Janeiro, Ouvidor Street, over almost its entire length, has been continually a pedestrian space since the mid-nineteenth century when not even carts or carriages were allowed. And the Saara District, also downtown, consists of some dozen or more blocks of colonial streets, off-limits to cars, and crowded with daytime shoppers. Likewise, many of the city's hillside favelas are effectively pedestrian zones as the streets are too narrow and/or steep for automobiles.[citation needed]

Eixo Rodoviário, in Brasília, which is 13 kilometers long and 30 meters wide and is an arterial road connecting the center of that city from both southward and northward wings of Brasília, perpendicular to the well known Eixo Monumental (Monumental Axis in English), is auto-free on Sundays and holidays.[citation needed]

Rua XV de Novembro (15 November Street) in Curitiba is one of the first major pedestrian streets in Brazil.[citation needed]

Chile

[edit]

Chile has many large pedestrian streets. An example is Paseo Ahumada and Paseo Estado in Santiago, Paseo Barros Arana in Concepción and Calle Valparaíso in Viña del Mar.[citation needed]

Colombia

[edit]
Tumbacuatro Street in Santa Marta

During his 1998–2001 term, the former Bogotá mayor, U.S.-born Enrique Peñalosa, created several pedestrian streets, plazas and bike paths integrated with a new bus rapid transit system.[citation needed]

The historic center of Cartagena closes some streets to cars during certain hours.[citation needed]

In downtown Armenia, Colombia there is a large pedestrian street where several boutiques are located.[citation needed]

Santa Marta also has permanent pedestrian zones in the historic center around the Cathedral Basílica of Santa Marta.[citation needed]

Mexico

[edit]
Madero Street in the Historic center of Mexico City

The Historic center of Mexico City has 12 pedestrian streets including Madero Street, and as of 30 June 2020, is expanding the number to 42 pedestrian streets.[49] Génova is a busy pedestrian street in the Zona Rosa as is Plaza Garibaldi downtown, where mariachis play.[citation needed]

The old city of Guanajuato is largely pedestrian. The steep and/or narrow side streets were never accessible by cars and most other streets were pedestrianized in the 1960s after through traffic was moved to a system of former flood control tunnels that was no longer necessary due to a new dam.[50]

Playa del Carmen has a pedestrian mall, Quinta Avenida, ("Fifth Avenue") that stretches 4 kilometres (2.5 mi) and receives 4 million visitors annually with hundreds of shops and restaurants.[citation needed]

Peru

[edit]
Jirón de La Union in Lima

Jirón de La Unión in Lima is a traditional pedestrian street located in the Historic Centre of Lima, part of the capital of Peru.[citation needed]

In the city of Arequipa, Mercaderes is also a considerably large pedestrian street.[51] Also, recently three of the four streets surrounding the city's main square or "Plaza de Armas" were also made pedestrian.[52]

South and East Asia

[edit]
Ancient City of Aleppo, the walkway at al-Madina Souq

Mainland China

[edit]

Nanjing Road in Shanghai is perhaps the most well-known pedestrian zone in mainland China. Wangfujing is a famous tourist and retail oriented pedestrian zone in Beijing. Chunxilu in Chengdu is the most well known in western China. Dongmen is the busiest business zone in Shenzhen. Zhongyang Street is a historical large pedestrian street in Harbin.[citation needed]

Hong Kong

[edit]
Sai Yeung Choi Street in Hong Kong

In Hong Kong, since 2000, the government has been implementing full-time or part-time pedestrian streets in a number of areas, including Causeway Bay, Central, Wan Chai, Mong Kok, and Tsim Sha Tsui.[53] The most popular pedestrian street is Sai Yeung Choi Street. It was converted into a pedestrian street in 2003. From December 2008 to May 2009, there were three acid attacks during which corrosive liquids were placed in plastic bottles and thrown from the roof of apartments down onto the street.[citation needed]

India

[edit]

Vehicles have been banned in the town of Matheran, in Maharashtra, India since the time it was discovered in 1854.[54]

In India, a citizens' initiative in Goa state, has made 18 June Road, Panjim's main shopping boulevard a Non-Motorised Zone[55](NoMoZo). The road is converted into a NoMoZo for half a day on one Sunday every month.[citation needed]

In Pune, Maharashtra, similar efforts have been made to convert M.G. Road (a.k.a. Main Street) into an open-air mall. The project in question aimed to create a so-called "Walking Plaza".[56]

In May 2019, the North Delhi Municipal Corporation (NDMC) made the busy Ajmal Khan Road in Karol Bagh pedestrian-only.[57]

Church Street in Bangalore went through a pedestrianization process [58]

Japan

[edit]

Pedestrian zones in Japan are called hokōsha tengoku (歩行者天国, literally "pedestrian heaven").[citation needed] Clis Road, in Sendai, Japan, is a covered pedestrian mall, as is Hondōri in Hiroshima.[citation needed] Several major streets in Tokyo are closed to vehicles during weekends.[citation needed] One particular temporary hokōsha tengoku in Akihabara was cancelled after the Akihabara massacre in which a man rammed a truck into the pedestrian traffic and subsequently stabbed more than 12 people.[citation needed]

South Korea

[edit]

Insadong in Seoul, South Korea has a large pedestrian zone (Insadong-gil) during certain hours.[citation needed]

Also in South Korea, in 2013, in the Haenggun-dong neighbourhood of Suwon, streets were closed to cars as a month-long car-free experiment while the city hosted the EcoMobility World Festival. Instead of cars, residents used non-motorized vehicles provided by the festival organizers.[59] The experiment was not unopposed; however, on balance it was considered a success. Following the festival, the city embarked on discussions about adopting the practice on a permanent basis.[60]

Taiwan

[edit]

Ximending in Wanhua District, Taipei is a neighbourhood and shopping district. It was the first pedestrian zone in Taiwan.[61] The district is very popular in Taiwan. In central Taiwan, Yizhong Street is one of the most popular pedestrian shopping area in Taichung. In Southern Taiwan, the most famous pedestrian shopping area is Shinkuchan in Kaohsiung.

Thailand

[edit]

In Thailand, some small streets (soi) in Bangkok are designed to be all-time closed to automobile traffic, the city's famous shopping streets of Sampheng Lane in Chinatown and Wang Lang Market nearby to Siriraj Hospital, are the most popular for both local and tourists shopping streets. Additionally the city has built long skywalk systems. Walking Street, Pattaya is also closed to auto traffic. Night markets are routinely closed to auto traffic.[citation needed]

Vietnam

[edit]

Huế in Vietnam has made 3 roads into pedestrians-only on weekend nights.[62] Also, Hanoi has opened an Old Quarter Walking Street on weekend nights.[63] Ho Chi Minh City also changed Nguyễn Huệ street into pedestrian zone.[citation needed]

Middle East and North Africa

[edit]

North Africa contains some of the largest auto-free areas in the world. Fes-al-Bali, a medina of Fes, Morocco, with its population of 156,000, may be the world's largest contiguous completely carfree area, and the medinas of Cairo, Tunis, Casablanca, Meknes, Essaouira, and Tangier are quite extensive.[citation needed]

In Israel, Tel Aviv has a pedestrian mall, near Nahalat Binyamin Street.[64][65] Ben Yehuda Street in Jerusalem is a pedestrian mall.[66]

Oceania

[edit]

Australia

[edit]
Martin Place, Sydney, Australia

In Australia, as in the US, these zones are commonly called pedestrian malls and in most cases comprise only one street. Most pedestrian streets were created in the late 1970s and 1980s, the first being City Walk, Garema Place in Canberra in 1971. Of 58 pedestrian streets created in Australia in the last quarter of the 20th century, 48 remain today, ten having re-introduced car access between 1990 and 2004.[67] All capital cities in Australia have at least one pedestrian street of which most central are: George Street, Pitt Street Mall and Martin Place in Sydney, Bourke Street Mall in Melbourne, Queen Street Mall and Brunswick Street Mall in Brisbane, Rundle Mall in Adelaide, Hay Street and Murray Street Malls in Perth, Elizabeth Street Mall in Hobart, City Walk in Canberra, and Smith Street in Darwin. Many other mid-sized and regional Australian cities also feature pedestrian malls, examples include Rooke Street Devonport Langtree Avenue Mildura, Cavill Avenue Surfers Paradise, Bridge Street Ballarat, Nicholas Street Ipswich, Hargreaves Street Bendigo, Maude Street Shepparton and Little Mallop Street Geelong.[citation needed]

Elizabeth Street Mall, Hobart, Australia

Empirical studies by Jan Gehl indicate an increase of pedestrian traffic as result of public domain improvements in the centres of Melbourne with 39% increase between 1994 and 2004[68] and Perth with 13% increase between 1993 and 2009.[69]

Most intensive pedestrian traffic flows on a summer weekday have been recorded in Bourke Street Mall Melbourne with 81,000 pedestrians (2004),[68] Rundle Mall Adelaide with 61,360 pedestrians (2002), Pitt Street Mall Sydney with 58,140 (2007) and Murray Street Mall Perth with 48,350 pedestrians (2009).[69]

Rottnest Island off Perth is car-free, only allowing vehicles for essential services. Bicycles are the main form of transport on the island; they can be hired or brought over on the ferry.[citation needed]

In Melbourne's north-eastern suburbs, there have been many proposals to make the Doncaster Hill development area a pedestrian zone. If the proposals are passed, the zone could be one of the largest in the world, by area.[citation needed]

New Zealand

[edit]
Cashel Street, 2019

Wellington's Cuba Street became the first pedestrian-only street in New Zealand when in 1965 the Wellington tramway lines were removed and the street was closed off to auto traffic, and after public pressure to keep it closed to automobiles, part of the street was pedestrianised in 1969 and reopened as Cuba Mall.[70][71]

New Zealand's second-largest city, Christchurch, made its main shopping streets (Cashel & High Street) pedestrian-only in 1982 and created City Mall, also commonly known as Cashel Mall. The concept was first proposed in 1965, around the same time Wellington proposed Cuba Street's pedestrianisation. After the success of Cuba Mall in Wellington, Christchurch decided to continue with the plans. In 1976 the Bridge of Remembrance was pedestrianised, and eventually in August 1982 the entire City Mall was pedestrianised and fully opened to the public.[70] The area was repaved in the late 2000s and again after the Christchurch Earthquakes in 2010 & 2011.[72]

Queenstown has made most of its town centre a pedestrian zone with the lower part of Ballarat Street converted in the 1970s and turned into Queenstown Mall. Most recently, Lower Beach Street has been partially pedestrianised with now only one-way traffic for cars.[73][74]

Queenstown Mall

Auckland's Lower Queen Street was pedestrianised in 2020.[75][76]

Town Centre–style pedestrian malls rose in popularity in the 1970 & 1980s, springing up around New Zealand after the success of Cuba Mall. Many, however, have since fallen into disrepair and abandonment and are now classified as Dead malls, including Bishopdale Village Mall, Otara Town Centre, and New Brighton Mall. Pedestrian malls are still being built, however much more scarcely and now are usually called Town Centres and have parking on the outskirts, including Rolleston Fields, The Sands Town Centre, and The Landing Wigram.[77][78][79]

A proposal has been made for a pedestrian priority community near Papakura in Auckland. The community would be called Sunfield and cost $4 Billion NZD to build. It is designed to have 4,400 homes and is projected to decrease normal car usage by 90% compared to typical suburbs.[80] It has run into challenges after the project being rejected by Kāinga Ora for fast-tracking following Covid-19; construction authorities took Kāinga Ora to court over the matter.[81][82]

See also

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References

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Sources

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A pedestrian zone is a designated urban area in a city or town where motor vehicle traffic is prohibited or severely restricted, reserving the space primarily for pedestrians to enhance safety, accessibility, and environmental quality. These zones typically feature wide sidewalks, benches, greenery, and retail storefronts directly accessible on foot, excluding automobiles to minimize noise, pollution, and collision risks while promoting walking as a primary mode of transport. Pedestrian zones emerged prominently in Europe during the 1960s as part of post-World War II urban reconstruction efforts to revitalize city centers degraded by wartime damage and subsequent automobile dominance, with early examples concentrating in historic districts to preserve architectural heritage and boost local commerce. By restricting cars, these areas facilitate denser social interactions and pedestrian flows, empirically linked to improved air quality through reduced emissions and lower injury rates from traffic accidents. In the United States, inspired by European models, the first modern pedestrian mall opened in Kalamazoo, Michigan, in 1959, though many subsequent implementations in the 1960s and 1970s faced challenges amid suburban flight and retail shifts, leading to partial reopenings to vehicles in underperforming cases. Successful pedestrian zones demonstrate causal benefits in , including heightened economic activity from increased foot traffic—studies indicate up to 20-30% rises in nearby retail sales—and enhanced via encouraged , though outcomes vary by implementation quality, surrounding density, and integration with transit. Controversies arise over for those with mobility impairments, potential displacement of essential vehicle-dependent services, and debates on whether enforced car exclusion artificially inflates values without addressing broader . Recent revivals, such as temporary COVID-19-induced closures made permanent in cities like and New York, underscore adaptive potential when paired with data-driven evaluations of usage patterns.

Definitions and Classifications

Core Definition and Principles

A pedestrian zone, also known as a pedestrian precinct or car-free zone, is a public urban where access is prohibited or severely limited, reserving the area primarily for pedestrians, cyclists, and occasionally other non-motorized uses such as delivery vehicles during restricted hours. This designation transforms or plazas into shared environments that prioritize human-scale interactions over vehicular throughput, often featuring widened sidewalks, , and to accommodate walking, lingering, and social activities. Such zones emerged as responses to post-World War II urban congestion, with the core intent of reclaiming street from automobiles to foster safer and more livable city centers. The foundational principles of pedestrian zones emphasize through the elimination of vehicle-pedestrian conflicts, which empirical data from implemented zones show reduces rates by up to 90% compared to adjacent trafficked streets. Environmentally, these areas lower local and noise by curtailing exhaust emissions and engine sounds, contributing to measurable improvements in urban air quality metrics in cities like and Freiburg. Economically, the promotes retail and vitality by increasing foot traffic and dwell times, with studies indicating average sales uplifts of 20-30% in pedestrianized commercial districts due to enhanced and ambiance. remains a guiding tenet, requiring integration with surrounding transit networks and provisions for diverse users, including those with disabilities, to ensure equitable use without isolating the zone from broader urban mobility. Implementation principles stress clear demarcation via , bollards, or paving changes to enforce restrictions, alongside allowances for like access and timed freight deliveries to balance functionality with the car-free ethos. These zones operate on the causal premise that prioritizing non-motorized movement directly enhances social cohesion and by encouraging and reducing sedentary travel patterns.

Types and Variations

Pedestrian zones encompass a range of configurations distinguished by the extent of vehicular restriction, scale, and permitted uses. Full pedestrian malls, also known as exclusive pedestrian streets, ban non-emergency motor vehicles entirely, dedicating the space solely to foot , bicycles, and occasional service access; these often feature in commercial districts to enhance retail vitality and safety, with examples including the Church Street Marketplace in , operational since 1981, and the Third Street Promenade in , permanently closed to since 1989 after initial trials. Semi-malls represent a partial variation, permitting limited one-way vehicular alongside pedestrians to balance accessibility and priority, typically in linear urban corridors where full closure might disrupt . Transit malls integrate public transportation into pedestrian-dominated spaces, reserving roadways primarily for buses or light rail while prohibiting private vehicles, thereby supporting high-volume transit ridership and pedestrian activity; notable implementations include Nicollet Mall in Minneapolis, Minnesota, established in 1967 as one of the earliest examples, where cross-streets allow limited pedestrian crossings. Shared spaces, or woonerfs—originating in the Netherlands in the 1970s—blur distinctions between roadways and sidewalks through uniform paving, traffic calming, and speed limits capped at walking pace (typically 20 km/h or less), prioritizing pedestrians and cyclists over vehicles to foster social interaction and reduce dominance of cars. These designs eliminate curbs and signage to encourage mutual vigilance among users, as applied in residential or mixed-use streets globally. Larger-scale variations include superblocks, which enclose multiple blocks to restrict through-traffic while allowing localized vehicle access at reduced speeds, exemplified by Barcelona's Poblenou superblock implemented in 2016, part of a for 503 such units to minimize emissions and reclaim . Temporary or periodic zones offer flexible implementations, closing streets full-time for events or recurring cycles, such as Bogotá's program, which has blocked 76 miles of roads every Sunday and holiday since 1974 to promote . Part-time pedestrian zones, operational during peak hours or seasons, provide adaptability, as in New York City's 14th Street busway, restricted to non-private vehicles from 6 a.m. to 10 p.m. since 2019. Across these types, accommodations for like bicycles vary, with some zones enforcing total motor exclusion and others integrating shared paths for inclusivity. ![De Lijnbaan pedestrian mall, Rotterdam]float-right

Historical Development

Early Precursors and Arcades

Early precursors to dedicated pedestrian zones trace back to ancient urban designs where public spaces prioritized foot traffic, such as the agoras and Roman forums, which functioned as vehicle-free gathering and market areas amid broader street networks shared with carts and animals. In medieval European towns, narrow market streets and squares often restricted wheeled vehicles to facilitate and social interaction, though was informal and horse-drawn transport persisted. These arrangements reflected practical necessities of dense urban life rather than deliberate policy, with pedestrians dominating due to the absence of motorized vehicles. The 19th-century emergence of covered shopping arcades marked a deliberate innovation in pedestrian-exclusive spaces, combining architectural shelter with retail focus to exclude carriages and promote leisurely walking. Originating in during the late 18th century, approximately 150 such passages couverts were constructed by , featuring glass-vaulted ceilings, mosaic floors, and lined boutiques accessible only on foot. Exemplars include the , opened in 1799 as one of the earliest, and , completed in 1823, which provided weather-protected promenades amid Haussmann-era urban growth. In Britain, arcades proliferated soon after, with the Royal Opera Arcade (1815–1817) as the first purpose-built example, followed by the in (1819), a 1,000-foot-long passageway enforced as pedestrian-only by beadles to maintain order and exclusivity. These structures spread across and to , such as the (1890), influencing modern malls by prioritizing controlled, vehicle-free environments that enhanced and pedestrian comfort. Arcades thus prefigured 20th-century pedestrian zones by institutionalizing separation of retail from street traffic, driven by speculative investment and bourgeois leisure demands rather than traffic safety concerns.

Mid-20th Century Origins

The mid-20th century origins of modern pedestrian zones emerged in post-World War II , driven by urban reconstruction efforts and growing concerns over automobile dominance in city centers. Devastated by wartime bombing, many European cities prioritized pedestrian-friendly designs to revitalize commercial districts while accommodating rising vehicle traffic. 's Lijnbaan, developed after the 1940 destroyed its pre-war shopping area, exemplified this shift. Opened on October 24, 1953, the Lijnbaan became Europe's first purpose-built pedestrian shopping precinct, spanning approximately 460 meters with low-rise buildings featuring colorful facades, overhanging roofs for shelter, and adjacent service lanes for deliveries and parking to minimize vehicular intrusion into the walking area. Architects J.H. van den Broek and J.B. Bakema designed it under the "friendship principle," emphasizing human-scale spaces with integrated greenery, benches, and to foster social interaction amid the era's modernist . This car-free zone contrasted sharply with prevailing car-oriented developments, addressing pedestrian safety and accessibility in dense urban settings. The Lijnbaan's success, attracting over 100 shops and boosting local commerce, inspired subsequent pedestrian initiatives across , including promenades in , , and by the late 1950s, as well as the UK's town center. It reflected broader mid-century trends in traffic separation, influenced by engineers like Sweden's Carl Benzén, who advocated for pedestrian precincts to reduce accidents amid surging —from 1.5 million vehicles in the UK in to over 5 million by 1960. While isolated pedestrian restrictions existed earlier, such as in 1930s , the Lijnbaan pioneered comprehensive, integrated that prioritized empirical urban functionality over vehicular throughput.

Late 20th to Early 21st Century Expansion

During the 1970s and , European cities pursued extensive pedestrianization as part of broader urban revitalization efforts amid rising ownership and congestion. In , , and , major centers such as , , and Zurich established initial pedestrian zones in the , followed by substantial enlargements that integrated larger networks prioritizing walking and public transit over vehicles; by the , these expansions correlated with modal shifts, including a decline in from 5.5% growth in the to 1.4% in the . Leading cities like and developed interconnected pedestrian precincts totaling 4 to 9 kilometers by the decade's end, often converting high-traffic commercial streets to enhance retail viability and reduce emissions. In , incrementally expanded its areas from 1962 onward, adding significant segments in 1968, 1973, 1988, 1992, and culminating in 100,000 square meters of car-free space by 2000, which supported a mode share exceeding 40% in the city center. Similar trends emerged across Britain, where precincts proliferated rapidly post-1960s, with most towns implementing shopping-oriented zones by 1980 to counter suburban retail flight; these initiatives, numbering over 1,000 nationwide, emphasized hardscaping and seating to boost foot traffic in declining high streets. Empirical assessments from the period indicated these zones often increased volumes by 20-50% in converted areas, though long-term retail impacts varied due to from out-of-town malls. Contrastingly, in the United States, late-20th-century expansions peaked earlier in the 1970s with over 200 new downtown pedestrian malls created since the 1960s, aiming to revive post-industrial cores like those in Syracuse (1981) and Kalamazoo (1959, expanded 1970s); however, by the mid-1990s, economic underperformance led over 100 cities to partially reopen streets to traffic, reflecting challenges in sustaining viability without sufficient density or transit integration. Into the early , global adoption accelerated selectively, with European models influencing Latin American cases like Mexico City's Centro Histórico, where 3 kilometers of streets pedestrianized in 2008 yielded a 30% rise in commercial activity alongside sharp drops in crime. In , efforts remained sporadic and often temporary, as high-density contexts like prioritized vehicular flow, limiting permanent expansions despite pilot closures in the 1980s-2000s that failed to scale due to enforcement issues and business resistance. Overall, this era's growth totaled thousands of kilometers worldwide, concentrated in , driven by evidence of safety gains—such as 90% reductions in accidents in converted zones—but tempered by site-specific failures where pedestrianization overlooked local economic dependencies on cars.

Post-COVID and Recent Trends

The prompted rapid experimentation with pedestrian zones globally, as cities closed streets to vehicles starting in early 2020 to enable , outdoor exercise, and support for struggling retail sectors through expanded al fresco dining and foot traffic areas. In the United States, at least 97 municipalities implemented temporary commercial pedestrian streets during this period, often justified by needs and observed increases in pedestrian activity where vehicular access was restricted. These measures drew on principles, allowing quick assessments of public space reconfiguration without long-term commitments. Post-restrictions, a subset of these initiatives transitioned to permanence or expansion, reflecting trends toward enhanced and . New York City's Open Streets program, launched in 2020, scaled up significantly by 2025, with official evaluations documenting shifts in program size, geographic reach, and management practices over five years. At least nine U.S. cities retained robust shared streets frameworks, incorporating pedestrian and cyclist enhancements based on traffic data showing sustained usage. In , integrated pandemic-era closures into broader pedestrianization strategies, emphasizing adaptability in as evidenced in literature reviews of post-2020 interventions. Globally, a geospatial database of pandemic-induced street experiments highlights over 1,000 such sites, with analytical trends indicating selective permanence where empirical data supported safety and mobility gains. However, economic outcomes have proven mixed, tempering enthusiasm for widespread adoption. Surveys and interviews across U.S. cities found negligible average effects on business revenues from pedestrian street conversions, though some restaurants reported gains from heightened foot traffic; pseudo-control analyses confirmed uncertainty in net benefits. Recent developments from 2023 onward include localized backlashes and partial reversals, particularly in the UK where low-traffic neighborhoods—often overlapping with pedestrian priorities—faced resident opposition over diverted congestion, leading to dismantlement in several areas by 2024. Despite this, overarching trends favor integration into planning for active travel and public health, with U.S. pedestrian fatalities declining 4.3% in 2024 amid sustained infrastructure investments, though still elevated above pre-pandemic baselines.

Design and Implementation

Urban Planning and Infrastructure

for pedestrian zones emphasizes prioritizing foot traffic over vehicles, integrating zones into existing city grids through connectivity to surrounding streets and public transit hubs. Designs typically feature wide pathways, often 12 to 18 meters across, to accommodate high volumes of pedestrians without congestion, as exemplified by 's Lijnbaan, which widened former 9-meter traffic streets into car-free promenades post-World War II reconstruction. boundaries employ physical barriers like bollards, raised curbs, or planters to prevent unauthorized vehicle entry while allowing controlled access for deliveries and emergencies, ensuring seamless separation from motor traffic. Core infrastructure elements include durable surfacing materials such as pavers or setts, selected for their resistance to wear from constant and weather exposure, often incorporating permeable options to manage stormwater runoff and reduce urban heat islands. fixtures, commonly LED-based for energy efficiency, are positioned at 3-5 meter heights along paths to enhance visibility and safety during evening hours, with designs minimizing and glare. Public amenities like benches, shade trees, and waste receptacles are strategically placed to promote prolonged stays and comfort, adhering to guidelines that allocate space for zones (for utilities and landscaping) and clear through-zones for unobstructed movement, typically maintaining 6-20 foot sidewalk widths in adjacent areas. Integration with broader infrastructure involves linking zones to mass transit systems, such as bus stops or entrances within 200-400 meters, and providing peripheral facilities to mitigate displacement of vehicles, as seen in early implementations where zones were buffered by multi-level garages. protocols focus on regular cleaning and repairs to sustain usability, with empirical planning drawing from standards like those in AASHTO's facilities guide, which stress , comfort, and demand-responsive scaling based on projected daily volumes exceeding 10,000 in commercial cores. These elements collectively support causal linkages between design quality and usage rates, evidenced by sustained vitality in zones like Lijnbaan since its opening.

Policy Frameworks and Enforcement

Policy frameworks for pedestrian zones are typically established at the municipal or level through ordinances, traffic regulation acts, and designations that prohibit or restrict vehicular access to designated areas. , cities enact specific ordinances to create pedestrian malls or zones, such as Jersey City's 2020 ordinance for the Exchange Place Pedestrian Mall, which authorizes closures for enhanced pedestrian movement and safety while allowing limited uses under municipal oversight. Similarly, overlay zones target pedestrian mobility by integrating with vehicle restrictions, as seen in various U.S. localities adapting to prioritize walking over driving. , frameworks vary by nation but often stem from national traffic codes enabling local prohibitions; for instance, Germany's road traffic regulations (StVO) support Fußgängerzonen in most towns over 50,000 residents, with enacting a dedicated Pedestrian Law in 2021 to mandate improvements and zone designations. relies on the Road Traffic Regulation Act 1984, empowering local authorities to designate pedestrian priority zones via traffic orders, though full car-free status requires explicit legal prohibition of vehicles. Enforcement relies on a combination of physical , , and regulatory measures to deter unauthorized vehicles while accommodating essential access like deliveries. Fixed barriers such as bollards and railings physically block entry points, often supplemented by retractable systems for timed service vehicle permits, as implemented in many European and U.S. cities to balance commerce with pedestrian priority. Clear , including mandatory symbols under national standards (e.g., G7 in the for pedestrian zones), warns drivers of prohibitions, with violations typically incurring fines enforced by local police or traffic wardens. In the , Urban Vehicle Access Regulations (UVARs) facilitate enforcement of pedestrian areas through emission-based or time-restricted controls, with cities like using automated camera systems in limited traffic zones to issue fines for non-compliance, achieving high detection rates without constant patrols. U.S. enforcement often involves high-visibility policing under local codes, targeting right-of-way violations in zones, though effectiveness depends on consistent application to prevent circumvention during off-peak hours. Liability for zone maintenance falls on municipalities, requiring regular inspections to ensure barriers and markings remain effective against incursions.

Accessibility and Adaptations

Pedestrian zones incorporate adaptations such as minimum pathway widths of 36 inches (91 cm) to accommodate wheelchairs and mobility aids, with allowances for brief reductions to 32 inches (81 cm) at transitions like doorways or narrow points, ensuring continuous clear routes free from protrusions exceeding 4 inches (10 cm). Smooth, firm surfaces like or asphalt are prioritized over uneven materials such as cobblestones to minimize and fatigue for users with mobility impairments, while detectable warnings—tactile strips of truncated domes—are installed at transitions to street crossings or hazards for visually impaired pedestrians. These features align with Public Right-of-Way Guidelines (PROWAG), which mandate curb ramps with 1:12 slopes or shallower at any grade changes and pedestrian signals with accessible pedestrian pushbuttons featuring tactile arrows and audible cues. For visual impairments, designs include high-contrast edging along pathways and bio-acoustic orientation aids, such as embedded lines or apps integrated with beacons, though empirical assessments note that crowd density in zones can reduce effectiveness by obscuring cues. Mobility adaptations extend to refuge islands in wider zones, requiring at least 6 feet (1.8 m) length for safe waiting, and sufficient clear space for turning wheelchairs (minimum 60-inch diameter circles). Integration with public transport involves designated accessible drop-off zones at zone edges, compliant with ADA standards for level boarding, and nearby reserved parking for disabled vehicles, as seen in guidelines from cities like New York, where pedestrian mobility plans emphasize equitable buffers and tree grate avoidance. Studies on car-free areas indicate that well-adapted designs enhance overall rather than hinder it; for instance, increased in such zones correlates with 33% higher transit usage among disabled individuals due to improved proximal access to stops. However, challenges persist in historic pedestrian zones with inherent barriers like steps or narrow alleys, where retrofits such as elevators or platform lifts add costs but are required under standards like the ADA Title II for public entities. Enforcement of maintenance—regular clearing of obstacles and —is critical, as non-compliance can negate benefits, with federal guidelines stressing detectable path continuity to prevent isolation of users with disabilities.

Empirical Evidence of Impacts

Safety and Accident Reduction Data

zones exclude motor vehicles, thereby eliminating vehicle- collisions within the designated area as a direct result of the policy enforcement prohibiting vehicular access. This design principle ensures that the primary risks to s shift from high-impact vehicle strikes to lower-severity incidents such as collisions with bicycles, scooters, or other s, with empirical observations confirming near-zero rates of motor vehicle-related injuries inside fully implemented zones. Studies evaluating adjacent roadways following pedestrianization find minimal displacement of traffic leading to increased rates elsewhere. For example, temporary road closures for pedestrian use in central resulted in only modest 5% increases in volume on nearby links, with no of heightened congestion or crash , as the existing network absorbed changes without compromising . Broader measures often integrated with pedestrian zones, such as narrowed lanes and speed restrictions at boundaries, have demonstrated a 39% overall reduction in crashes, a 76% decrease in injury-producing incidents, and a 90% drop in fatal or severe injuries in evaluated urban settings.
MeasureCrash ReductionInjury Crash ReductionSevere/Fatal Crash Reduction
with Pedestrian Priority Elements39%76%90%
While rigorous, zone-specific longitudinal data remains sparse due to the inherent rarity of vehicle accidents within boundaries, available evidence from auto-restricted implementations underscores net safety gains without significant externalities on surrounding .

Health and Activity Outcomes

Pedestrian zones promote increased by facilitating walking and reducing reliance on motorized , leading to higher daily step counts and active travel among users. Empirical analyses of walkable urban designs, including pedestrian-only areas, indicate that residents in such environments engage in significantly more moderate-to-vigorous compared to those in car-dominated neighborhoods, with associations to 20-30% higher walking volumes in intervened areas. A of new walkable communities found residents increased by an average of 1,500 steps per day post-relocation, attributed to enhanced pedestrian and reduced traffic barriers. Health outcomes linked to these activity gains include lower prevalence and improved cardiometabolic profiles. Cross-sectional data from U.S. neighborhoods show that higher scores, driven by zones and connected streets, correlate with reduced (BMI) levels, with a 6% lower risk per standard deviation increase in ; similar patterns hold for incidence, where -friendly designs support sustained activity sufficient to mitigate . A review of 170 global studies confirmed consistent evidence of lower and rates in cities prioritizing access over vehicular traffic, with causal inferences strengthened by pre-post pedestrianization evaluations showing activity-driven BMI reductions of up to 0.5 kg/m² in targeted zones. Mental health benefits emerge from reduced , and stress in car-free pedestrian spaces, fostering restorative environments that enhance . Evaluations of urban public spaces demonstrate that pedestrian streets yield stronger positive effects on metrics, such as lower depression and anxiety symptoms, compared to mixed-traffic areas, with users reporting 15-20% improvements in perceived restoration due to increased social encounters and integration. in these zones, including walking, has been experimentally tied to better mood and cognitive function, though long-term causal data remains limited by urban factors.

Environmental Effects Measurements

Studies in urban areas implementing pedestrian zones have measured reductions in air pollutant concentrations attributable to decreased vehicle traffic and emissions. In Istanbul's Historic Peninsula, where pedestrianization efforts were expanded starting in 2013, passive sampler measurements across 23 stations recorded a 42% decline in (NO₂) levels, from an average of 82 μg/m³ in 2010–2011 (pre-pedestrianization baseline) to 56 μg/m³ in late 2014 (post-implementation), with concentrations ranging from 37.1 to 101 μg/m³. (SO₂) concentrations fell by 80%, from 23 μg/m³ to 3 μg/m³, ranging from 1.5 to 4.2 μg/m³ in the same period. These changes were linked to lower traffic-related emissions in core pedestrianized areas, though outer zones like Unkapanı and retained higher levels due to residual vehicle proximity. Modeled assessments incorporating empirical traffic data from low-emission zones with pedestrianization elements, such as Madrid's Centro district, project substantial drops in pollutant concentrations following 5–20% traffic reductions: approximately 45% average decreases in (CO), nitrogen oxides (NOx), and particulate matter (PM). These simulations, validated against observed traffic patterns post-2018 restrictions, indicate causal links via reduced vehicle kilometers traveled, though direct post-implementation field measurements in such zones remain limited. Noise pollution measurements in pedestrianized streets consistently show declines due to the elimination of motorized , with levels often falling below 55 dBA during peak hours compared to 70–80 dBA on adjacent vehicular roads, as observed in case analyses of urban conversions. Empirical from barrier and zone interventions in Dublin's confirm combined -air exposure reductions for pedestrians, with drops of 10–20 dB near former corridors. (CO₂) emissions, while less frequently measured directly in pedestrian zone studies, correlate with volume decreases; for instance, zones achieving 30–50% modal shifts to walking have empirically lowered transport-related CO₂ by 10–20% in localized inventories, based on consumption pre- and post-implementation.

Economic and Retail Performance Studies

Studies examining the economic performance of pedestrian zones frequently report positive effects on retail and business turnover, primarily attributed to elevated foot traffic and dwell times that encourage . A 2021 analysis of retail stores in Spanish urban districts, using data from over 1,000 establishments, found that pedestrianization led to higher revenues in affected areas compared to non-pedestrianized controls, with the magnitude of increase linked to store size and generated pedestrian volumes rather than geographic centrality within the . Similarly, a Habitat International study on Seoul's commercial streets demonstrated that greater spatial for pedestrians correlated with elevated retail , as measured by transaction volumes along high-walkability corridors. In , the 2009 conversion of and adjacent streets into plazas yielded measurable retail gains; receipts in the Broadway corridor rose by 13% in the first year post-implementation, outperforming both neighborhood comparators and borough-wide averages by up to 49% in subsequent years, based on New York City Department of Finance data. A of 64 studies on investments in and infrastructure, including street closures, concluded that such interventions generally produce positive or neutral economic outcomes for adjacent retail and food services, with benefits accruing from improved customer access and visibility rather than displacement to vehicular routes. However, empirical evidence reveals variability, particularly in cases lacking complementary or support. Early U.S. pedestrian malls established in the 1960s-1980s, such as those in over 200 downtowns, often faced turnover declines of 20-30% due to restricted delivery access and reduced impulse buys from passing drivers, prompting reversals that restored upon vehicular reopening, as documented in property value and vacancy rate analyses. A 2024 Victoria Transport Policy Institute report on economics synthesizes global data indicating that while pedestrian-oriented streets enhance retail viability through diversified revenue streams (e.g., outdoor vending), suboptimal implementations without or enforcement can yield insignificant or negative short-term impacts on turnover-dependent businesses. In , a 2024 of road pedestrianization quantified mixed business effects, with footfall gains offset by costs for goods-dependent retailers, underscoring the need for adaptive measures.

Criticisms and Challenges

Equity and Exclusion Concerns

Critics argue that pedestrian zones can inadvertently exclude individuals reliant on personal s, such as those with disabilities or the elderly who face mobility limitations precluding extended walking or reliable transit use. In urban settings where access is curtailed, barriers like uneven surfaces, lack of sufficient benches, or insufficient adaptations for wheelchairs or mobility aids compound these issues, reducing independence and access to services for affected populations. Empirical studies indicate that people with disabilities aged 18-64 have lower ownership rates—around 70% access compared to non-disabled peers—heightening vulnerability in car-restricted zones without tailored exemptions or . Pedestrianization has been linked to processes, elevating property values and rents in converted areas, which displaces lower-income residents unable to afford rising costs. In , superblock initiatives pedestrianizing streets from 2012 to 2020 correlated with influxes of higher-income households and demographic shifts toward more affluent profiles, prompting concerns over exclusionary displacement where original lower-socioeconomic occupants are priced out. Similar patterns emerge elsewhere, with enhanced pedestrian infrastructure like sidewalks associated with higher odds, particularly in minority-majority neighborhoods, as improved amenities attract wealthier demographics and accelerate economic pressures on vulnerable groups. Intra-neighborhood inequities arise as pedestrian zones create "winner" and "loser" streets, concentrating benefits like reduced traffic and vibrancy in select areas while adjacent locales suffer spillover effects such as increased diversion or diminished commercial viability, exacerbating spatial divides within lower-income communities. Lower-income block groups often feature less favorable microscale environments—fewer trees, benches, or crossings—amplifying exclusion when zones prioritize high-traffic commercial districts over residential peripheries. Equity analyses of plans reveal frequent oversights, with race and disparities rarely integrated holistically, leading to implementations that favor able-bodied, transit-proximate users over broader demographics. These concerns underscore causal links between exclusion and reduced for transport-disadvantaged groups, though proponents counter that comprehensive planning mitigates such risks via adaptive measures.

Operational and Maintenance Issues

Operational challenges in pedestrian zones arise primarily from restricted vehicular access, complicating for deliveries, , and emergency services. Service vehicles often require scheduled entry windows or alternative routing, which can disrupt pedestrian flow and increase operational coordination demands on municipal authorities. In high-traffic urban centers, unmanaged access can lead to congestion bottlenecks during peak hours, as seen in temporary open streets programs where ad-hoc vehicle incursions undermined intended car-free benefits. Maintenance burdens are amplified by intensive pedestrian use, which accelerates pavement wear, cracking, and surface deterioration compared to mixed-use streets. Common issues include uneven slabs, holes, and degraded materials necessitating frequent inspections and repairs to mitigate trip hazards and ensure compliance with standards like those under the Americans with Disabilities Act. In pedestrian precincts, footway defects such as settlement and weathering demand targeted interventions, with studies identifying heavy usage and environmental exposure as primary causes beyond typical vehicular stress. Upkeep costs represent a significant fiscal strain, with urban areas allocating $30 to $60 annually for basic , often requiring doublings for comprehensive coverage in dedicated zones. Additional expenses stem from accumulation and in crowd-heavy environments, prompting daily cleaning cycles and reinforced fixtures that exceed standard street outlays. Poorly maintained surfaces can deter usage, as pedestrians avoid uneven or debris-strewn paths, undermining the zones' vitality. Seasonal factors, such as accumulation without vehicular plowing aids, further elevate labor-intensive clearing efforts in colder climates.

Economic and Business Disruptions

The implementation of pedestrian zones frequently entails significant short-term economic disruptions during the construction phase, including reduced vehicular access that hampers customer arrivals and supply deliveries, leading to temporary declines in retail sales. For example, in projects involving street redesigns for pedestrian priority, businesses report foot traffic drops of up to 20-30% amid detours and site closures, as observed in various U.S. initiatives where owners cited construction-related revenue losses averaging 15% over 6-12 months. These effects stem from causal barriers to routine operations, such as blocked loading zones and altered traffic patterns, though mitigation strategies like and subsidies have been employed in cases like Minneapolis's extensions to cushion small businesses. Ongoing operational challenges arise from restricted vehicle access, particularly for goods delivery, which elevates costs through requirements for manual transport, off-peak scheduling, or alternative vehicles like cargo bikes. Studies on urban freight in pedestrianized areas indicate that delivery efficiency decreases by 10-25% due to extended walking distances for last-mile handling—often 200-500 meters per stop—and compliance with time windows, imposing added labor expenses on retailers estimated at 5-15% of logistics budgets in dense European districts. In Seville, simulations of pedestrianization policies projected increased carrier costs from rerouting and pedestrian conflicts, underscoring how such zones shift burdens to businesses reliant on frequent resupply, such as grocers or apparel stores. Certain pedestrian zones have precipitated longer-term business disruptions, including closures and revenue stagnation, especially in contexts mismatched with local mobility patterns. In the U.S., over 200 pedestrian malls established between the 1960s and 1970s experienced high vacancy rates—often exceeding 30% by the —attributed to severed vehicular connectivity that deterred car-dependent shoppers and complicated , contributing to widespread reopenings to by the . A of Tabriz's traditional market post-pedestrian street conversion revealed 27.5% of legacy businesses shuttering, 69% reporting sales stagnation, and reduced job opportunities, linked to diminished accessibility for bulk buyers and suppliers. These outcomes highlight causal vulnerabilities in auto-reliant economies, where pedestrian prioritization can exclude segments like delivery fleets or drive-up patrons, prompting opposition from merchants citing lost and throughput.

Social and Enforcement Problems

In certain pedestrian zones, particularly older or under-maintained ones , the lack of vehicular traffic has enabled homeless encampments and related anti-social behaviors, such as and , which can erode public safety perceptions and retail viability. For example, in Charlottesville, Virginia's Downtown Mall, business owners reported in August 2024 that homeless individuals' presence created fear among visitors, prompting calls for arrests to restore order amid complaints of and . Similarly, historical analyses of failed American pedestrian malls note that car-free environments without sufficient oversight attracted who camped overnight, leading to , minor , and a reputation for nighttime danger that reduced daytime foot traffic. These issues often stem from the zones' sheltered, traffic-absent nature providing refuge, though like hostile architecture—such as segmented benches in City's Ped Mall—has been employed to deter prolonged occupation, drawing criticism for targeting vulnerable populations without addressing root causes. Enforcing vehicle restrictions in pedestrian zones presents logistical and legal hurdles, especially for essential services like commercial deliveries, which require balancing access with safety. In Vail, Colorado, a 2023 municipal ban on large trucks like those from FedEx and UPS in pedestrian malls faced federal lawsuits from carriers alleging interference with interstate commerce, but the 10th Circuit Court upheld the prohibition in September 2025, citing the town's authority to prioritize pedestrian safety over unrestricted trucking. This case illustrates broader tensions, as deliveries often rely on early-morning timed entries, manual carts, or smaller vehicles, increasing operational costs for businesses and necessitating robust barriers like bollards or cameras to prevent violations. Unauthorized entries by private vehicles or emergency overrides further strain enforcement resources, with cities reporting needs for dedicated patrols or automated systems to issue fines effectively, though inconsistent policing can undermine the zones' integrity.

Regional and Global Examples

Europe

has pioneered modern pedestrian zones, with the continent hosting some of the earliest and most extensive implementations since the mid-20th century. The Lijnbaan in , , opened in 1953 as Europe's first purpose-built pedestrian shopping street, developed amid post-World War II urban reconstruction to prioritize foot traffic over vehicles. This car-free zone, spanning several blocks, set a precedent for separating retail areas from vehicular traffic, influencing subsequent designs across the region. Subsequent expansions accelerated in the and . Copenhagen's , pedestrianized in 1962 as an experimental measure, became one of Europe's longest continuous pedestrian streets at over 1 kilometer, comprising multiple connected shopping areas that boosted local commerce. In , the number of pedestrian zones grew rapidly from 63 in 1966 to 182 by 1972 and 370 by 1977, reflecting a broader policy shift toward urban livability amid rising car ownership. Vienna's , a historic street dating to Roman origins and fully pedestrianized in modern times, exemplifies integration of with vehicle-free access, featuring luxury shops and monuments while maintaining high foot traffic. Empirical studies indicate positive outcomes from these zones. Pedestrianization in European urban districts has been associated with increased retail volumes for nearby stores, as measured by difference-in-differences analyses of data before and after implementation. Environmentally, such schemes reduce local air and by altering traffic patterns and vehicle emissions, with one assessment of a pedestrianized area showing measurable improvements in ambient conditions. Recent extensions, like , Belgium's expansion to over 50 hectares in 2017, demonstrate ongoing commitment, prioritizing walking and to enhance mobility and economic vitality. These developments underscore Europe's emphasis on pedestrian-friendly , supported by data linking zones to higher property values and use.

North America

Pedestrian zones in North America gained prominence in the 1960s and 1970s as cities aimed to revitalize downtown areas amid competition from suburban malls and increasing car dependency, with over 200 such malls constructed in the United States by the early 1980s. Many initiatives faced challenges including high maintenance costs, delivery logistics issues, and declining retail viability, leading to numerous reopenings to vehicular traffic; however, successful examples persist and have influenced recent temporary and permanent pedestrianizations, particularly post-COVID-19. In the United States, the Pearl Street Mall in Boulder, Colorado, opened on August 6, 1977, as a four-block pedestrian-only area from 11th to 15th Streets, featuring red-brick paving, over 100 businesses, street performers, and public art, which has sustained high foot traffic and economic activity. The Third Street Promenade in Santa Monica, California, established in 1989, transformed a declining commercial strip into a vibrant open-air district with retail, dining, and entertainment, drawing millions of annual visitors and boosting local property values. In New York City, Times Square's pedestrian plazas were created in 2009 by closing Broadway between 42nd and 47th Streets to most traffic, adding 1.5 acres of public space, reducing pedestrian injuries by 40%, and decreasing vehicular accidents, while enhancing the area's appeal as a global tourist hub. Canada's Sparks Street in , converted to a pedestrian mall in 1967 spanning five blocks near , is often cited as North America's first permanent outdoor pedestrian promenade, though this claim is disputed; it hosts boutiques, restaurants, seasonal events, and installations, supporting year-round pedestrian activity despite past economic fluctuations. Other Canadian examples include temporary pedestrian streets in , which have increased foot traffic significantly during summer months, and historic areas like Rue du Petit-Champlain in , a pedestrian thoroughfare dating to the but formalized as car-free in modern . Recent trends in North American cities emphasize flexible, reversible pedestrian zones, such as open streets programs in cities like and , which prioritize safety, local commerce, and community use over permanent infrastructure, reflecting lessons from earlier malls' operational challenges.

Asia

Pedestrian zones in are predominantly found in densely populated urban commercial districts, where vehicle restrictions enhance shopping, tourism, and street vending while addressing in high-density environments. In , permanent pedestrian streets emerged in the late as part of urban revitalization efforts, often transforming historic trading routes into modern retail promenades. These areas typically feature wide sidewalks, public amenities, and integration with mass transit, though some face challenges from and temporary reversals due to economic pressures. In , Nanjing Road East in stands as one of the earliest and most prominent examples, originally developed in the mid-19th century following the Treaty of Nanjing and fully pedestrianized in 1999 with renovations completed by 2000, spanning 1.03 kilometers from to . This zone hosts over 600 shops, including international brands and local retailers, attracting approximately 1.5 million visitors daily and contributing significantly to the city's retail economy through events like illuminated night markets. Similarly, Wangfujing Street in , pedestrianized in its main section since the 1990s, extends about 1.6 kilometers and combines luxury malls with a renowned snack alley, drawing crowds for its blend of modern commerce and cultural s, though it maintains limited vehicle access at ends for logistics. South Korea's district in features a pedestrian-friendly shopping street network, effectively vehicle-restricted in core areas, covering roughly 1 square kilometer and recognized for its cosmetics and fashion outlets, with over 2 million daily visitors pre-pandemic engaging in and K-beauty retail. The area's layout prioritizes , supported by nearby subway access, fostering a vibrant nighttime economy despite narrow alleys prone to congestion. In , permanent full-day pedestrian zones are rare due to reliance on mixed-use streets, but temporary "pedestrian paradises" (hokōsha tengoku) close major thoroughfares like Ginza's central district—spanning 1 kilometer—every weekend and holidays since the 1970s, converting vehicle lanes into open spaces for events, shopping, and family activities to boost local commerce without permanent infrastructure changes. This model, also applied in and , demonstrates adaptive urban management in car-dependent societies, with Ginza's closures accommodating up to seven lanes of repurposed space. Southeast Asian implementations vary, with Singapore's incorporating a continuous tree-lined pedestrian underpass and mall-linked walkways since the 1970s, though full pedestrianization remains under long-term study to enhance experiential retail amid ongoing vehicular traffic. In Vietnam, cities like have introduced permanent zones around Hoan Kiem Lake since 2010 and temporary beer streets, promoting tourism but occasionally reverting due to vendor displacement concerns. West Asian traditional souks, such as Aleppo's covered market in —over 12 kilometers of inherently pedestrian alleys dating to the —exemplify pre-modern pedestrian commerce, though modern conflicts have disrupted many.

Latin America and Other Regions

Pedestrian zones in emerged prominently in the mid-20th century, often as part of urban revitalization efforts in historic city centers to boost commerce and pedestrian activity amid growing vehicular traffic. In , Rua XV de Novembro in , known as Rua das Flores, became the country's first major pedestrian street in 1972, transformed in just 72 hours under Mayor despite initial business opposition. This 15-block corridor, lined with flower pots and shops, enhanced vitality and served as a model for subsequent Brazilian initiatives. In , Calle Florida in was pedestrianized in 1971, marking it as the nation's inaugural such street and transforming a historic commercial artery—cobbled since 1785—into a bustling retail hub spanning about 1 kilometer from Rivadavia Avenue to Avenida . The zone features diverse shops, street performers, and informal currency exchanges, contributing to higher foot traffic and sales volumes compared to adjacent vehicular streets, as observed in broader studies of Latin American urban districts. Mexico City's Francisco I. Madero Avenue, or Calle Madero, underwent pedestrianization in 2010 as part of downtown revitalization, converting a 700-meter corridor linking the Zócalo to the Palacio de Bellas Artes into a car-free space with widened sidewalks, public art, and reduced curbs to prioritize foot traffic. This initiative addressed congestion in the historic center, fostering economic activity through shops and entertainment while connecting key landmarks, though it required overcoming skepticism from local merchants about lost vehicle access. In , Jirón de la Unión in 's historic core has operated as a since the , extending eleven blocks from Plaza de Armas to Plaza San Martín and hosting boutiques, restaurants, and that draw daily crowds. Studies indicate such zones in cities like improve but reveal inequities, with only partial building connectivity in surrounding areas. Beyond , modern pedestrian adaptations appear in diverse contexts, such as Australia's Martin Place in , a pedestrian plaza redeveloped in the 21st century to accommodate events and transit while minimizing vehicle intrusion in the financial district. Traditional markets in the , like Aleppo's souk in , exemplify pre-modern pedestrian-only trading zones spanning kilometers, though contemporary conflicts have disrupted their function.

References

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