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Humphry Davy
Humphry Davy
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Key Information

Sir Humphry Davy, 1st Baronet (17 December 1778 – 29 May 1829) was a British chemist and inventor who invented the Davy lamp and a very early form of arc lamp. He is also remembered for isolating, by using electricity, several elements for the first time: potassium and sodium in 1807 and calcium, strontium, barium, magnesium and boron the following year, as well as for discovering the elemental nature of chlorine and iodine. Davy also studied the forces involved in these separations, inventing the new field of electrochemistry. He is credited with discovering clathrate hydrates.

In 1799, he experimented with nitrous oxide and was astonished at how it made him laugh. He nicknamed it "laughing gas" and wrote about its potential as an anaesthetic to relieve pain during surgery. Davy was a baronet, President of the Royal Society (PRS), Member of the Royal Irish Academy (MRIA), a founder member and Fellow of the Geological Society of London, and a member of the American Philosophical Society. Berzelius called Davy's 1806 Bakerian Lecture "On Some Chemical Agencies of Electricity" "one of the best memoirs which has ever enriched the theory of chemistry."

Early life: 1778–1798

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Education, apprenticeship and poetry

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Davy was born in Penzance, Cornwall, England on 17 December 1778, the eldest of the five children of Robert Davy, a woodcarver, and his wife Grace Millett.[1] According to his brother and fellow chemist John Davy, their hometown was characterised by "an almost unbounded credulity respecting the supernatural and monstrous ... Amongst the middle and higher classes, there was little taste for literature, and still less for science ... Hunting, shooting, wrestling, cockfighting, generally ending in drunkenness, were what they most delighted in."[2]

Education

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At the age of six, Davy was sent to the grammar school at Penzance. Three years later, his family moved to Varfell, near Ludgvan, and subsequently, in term-time, Davy boarded with John Tonkin, his godfather and later his guardian.[1] Upon Davy's leaving grammar school in 1793, Tonkin paid for him to attend Truro Grammar School to finish his education under the Rev Dr Cardew, who, in a letter to the engineer and Fellow of the Royal Society Davies Giddy (from 1817 called Davies Gilbert), said dryly, "I could not discern the faculties by which he was afterwards so much distinguished." Davy entertained his school friends by writing poetry, composing Valentines, and telling stories from One Thousand and One Nights. Reflecting on his school days in a letter to his mother, Davy wrote, "Learning naturally is a true pleasure; how unfortunate then it is that in most schools it is made a pain."[3] "I consider it fortunate", he continued, "I was left much to myself as a child, and put upon no particular plan of study ... What I am I made myself."[4] His brother said Davy possessed a "native vigour" and "the genuine quality of genius, or of that power of intellect which exalts its possessor above the crowd."[2]

Apothecary's apprentice

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After Davy's father died in 1794, Tonkin apprenticed him to John Bingham Borlase, a surgeon with a practice in Penzance. While becoming a chemist in the apothecary's dispensary, he began conducting his earliest experiments at home, much to the annoyance of his friends and family. His older sister, for instance, complained his corrosive substances were destroying her dresses, and at least one friend thought it likely the "incorrigible" Davy would eventually "blow us all into the air."[4]

In 1797, after he learnt French from a refugee priest, Davy read Lavoisier's Traité élémentaire de chimie. This exposure influenced much of his future work, which can be seen as reaction against Lavoisier's work and the dominance of French chemists.

Poetry

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As a poet, over one hundred and sixty manuscript poems were written by Davy, the majority of which are found in his personal notebooks. Most of his written poems were not published, and he chose instead to share a few of them with his friends. Eight of his known poems were published. His poems reflected his views on both his career and also his perception of certain aspects of human life. He wrote on human endeavours and aspects of life like death, metaphysics, geology, natural theology and chemistry.[5]

John Ayrton Paris remarked that poems written by the young Davy "bear the stamp of lofty genius". Davy's first preserved poem entitled "The Sons of Genius" is dated 1795 and marked by the usual immaturity[according to whom?] of youth. Other poems written in the following years, especially "On the Mount's Bay" and "St Michael's Mount", are descriptive verses.

Although he initially started writing his poems, albeit haphazardly, as a reflection of his views on his career and on life generally, most of his final poems concentrated on immortality and death. This was after he started experiencing failing health and a decline both in health and career.[5]

Painting

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Three of Davy's paintings from around 1796 have been donated to the Penlee House museum at Penzance. One is of the view from above Gulval showing the church, Mount's Bay and the Mount, while the other two depict Loch Lomond in Scotland.[6][7]

Materiality of heat

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Lariggan River

At 17, he discussed the question of the materiality of heat with his Quaker friend and mentor Robert Dunkin. Dunkin remarked: 'I tell thee what, Humphry, thou art the most quibbling hand at a dispute I ever met with in my life.' One winter day he took Davy to the Lariggan River to show him that rubbing two plates of ice together developed sufficient energy by motion to melt them,[8] and that after the motion was suspended, the pieces were united by regelation. It was a crude form of analogous experiment exhibited by Davy in the lecture-room of the Royal Institution that elicited considerable attention.[4] As professor at the Royal Institution, Davy repeated many of the ingenious experiments he learnt from Dunkin.

Early career: 1798–1802

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Davy's gift for chemistry is recognised

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Davies Giddy (later: Davies Gilbert)

Davies Giddy met Davy in Penzance carelessly swinging on the half-gate of Dr Borlase's house, and interested by his talk invited him to his house at Tredrea and offered him the use of his library. This led to his introduction to Dr Edwards, who lived at Hayle Copper House. Edwards was a lecturer in chemistry in the school of St. Bartholomew's Hospital. He permitted Davy to use his laboratory and possibly directed his attention to the floodgates of the port of Hayle in Cornwall, which were rapidly decaying as a result of the contact between copper and iron under the influence of seawater. Galvanic corrosion was not understood at that time, but the phenomenon prepared Davy's mind for subsequent experiments on ships' copper sheathing. Gregory Watt, son of James Watt, visited Penzance for his health's sake, and while lodging at the Davys' house became a friend and gave him instructions in chemistry. Davy was also acquainted with the Wedgwood family, who spent a winter at Penzance.[4]

Thomas Beddoes

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Thomas Beddoes

At this time, physician and scientific writer Thomas Beddoes and geologist John Hailstone were engaged in a geological controversy on the rival merits of the Plutonian and Neptunist hypotheses. They travelled together to examine the Cornish coast accompanied by Giddy—an intimate friend of Beddoes—and made Davy's acquaintance. Beddoes had established at Bristol a medical research facility called the 'Pneumatic Institution,' and needed an assistant to superintend the laboratory. Giddy recommended Davy, and in 1798 Gregory Watt showed Beddoes Davy's Young man's Researches on Heat and Light, which he later published in the first volume of West-Country Contributions. After prolonged negotiations, Mrs. Davy and Borlase consented to Davy's departure. Tonkin wished him to remain in his native town as a surgeon, and altered his will when Davy insisted on going to Dr Beddoes.

Pneumatic Institution

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Site of the Pneumatic Institution, Bristol

On 2 October 1798, Davy joined the Pneumatic Institution at Bristol. It had been established to investigate the medical powers of factitious airs and gases (gases produced experimentally or artificially), and Davy was to superintend the various experiments. The arrangement agreed between Dr Beddoes and Davy was generous, and enabled Davy to give up all claims on his paternal property in favour of his mother. He did not intend to abandon the medical profession and was determined to study and graduate at Edinburgh, but he soon began to fill parts of the institution with voltaic batteries. While living in Bristol, Davy met the Earl of Durham, who resided in the institution for his health.

Anna Beddoes

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Davy threw himself energetically into the work of the laboratory and formed a long romantic friendship with Mrs Anna Beddoes, the novelist Maria Edgeworth's sister, who acted as his guide on walks and other fine sights of the locality. The critic Maurice Hindle was the first to reveal that Davy and Anna had written poems for each other.[9] Wahida Amin has transcribed and discussed a number of poems written between 1803 and 1808 to "Anna" and one to her infant child.[10]

Non-existence of caloric

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In 1799, the first volume of the West-Country Collections was issued. Half consisted of Davy's essays On Heat, Light, and the Combinations of Light, On Phos-oxygen and its Combinations, and on the Theory of Respiration. On 22 February 1799 Davy, wrote to Davies Giddy, "I am now as much convinced of the non-existence of caloric as I am of the existence of light."

Nitrous oxide

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James Watt in 1792 by Carl Frederik von Breda
Robert Southey
Sir Humphry Davy's Researches chemical and philosophical: chiefly concerning nitrous oxide (1800), pp. 556 and 557 (right), outlining potential anaesthetic properties of nitrous oxide in relieving pain during surgery

In 1799, Davy became increasingly well known due to his experiments with the physiological action of some gases, including laughing gas (nitrous oxide).[11] The gas was first synthesised in 1772 by the natural philosopher and chemist Joseph Priestley, who called it dephlogisticated nitrous air (see phlogiston).[12] Priestley described his discovery in the book Experiments and Observations on Different Kinds of Air (1775), in which he described how to produce the preparation of "nitrous air diminished", by heating iron filings dampened with nitric acid.[13] In another letter to Giddy, on 10 April, Davy informs him: "I made a discovery yesterday which proves how necessary it is to repeat experiments. The gaseous oxide of azote (the laughing gas) is perfectly respirable when pure. It is never deleterious but when it contains nitrous gas. I have found a mode of making it pure." He said that he breathed sixteen quarts of it for nearly seven minutes, and that it "absolutely intoxicated me."[4]

In addition to Davy himself, his enthusiastic experimental subjects included his poet friends Robert Southey and Samuel Taylor Coleridge,[14][15] as well as Gregory Watt and James Watt, other close friends. James Watt built a portable gas chamber to facilitate Davy's experiments with the inhalation of nitrous oxide. At one point the gas was combined with wine to judge its efficacy as a cure for hangover (his laboratory notebook indicated success). The gas was popular among Davy's friends and acquaintances, and he noted that it might be useful for performing surgical operations.[16] Anesthetics were not regularly used in medicine or dentistry until decades after Davy's death.[17]

Carbon monoxide

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In the gas experiments Davy ran considerable risks. His respiration of nitric oxide which may have combined with air in the mouth to form nitric acid (HNO3),[14] severely injured the mucous membrane, and in Davy's attempt to inhale four quarts of "pure hydrocarbonate" gas in an experiment with carbon monoxide he "seemed sinking into annihilation." On being removed into the open air, Davy faintly articulated, "I do not think I shall die,"[14] but some hours elapsed before the painful symptoms ceased.[4] Davy was able to take his own pulse as he staggered out of the laboratory and into the garden, and he described it in his notes as "threadlike and beating with excessive quickness".

Early publications

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During 1799, Beddoes and Davy published Contributions to physical and medical knowledge, principally from the west of England and Essays on heat, light, and the combinations of light, with a new theory of respiration. On the generation of oxygen gas, and the causes of the colors of organic beings. Their experimental work was poor, and the publications were harshly criticised.[18] In after years Davy regretted he had ever published these immature hypotheses, which he subsequently designated "the dreams of misemployed genius which the light of experiment and observation has never conducted to truth."[4] These criticisms, however, led Davy to refine and improve his experimental techniques,[18] spending his later time at the institution increasingly in experimentation.

In December 1799 Davy visited London for the first time and extended his circle of friends. Davy features in the diary of William Godwin, with their first meeting recorded for 4 December 1799.[19]

In 1800, Davy informed Giddy that he had been "repeating the galvanic experiments with success" in the intervals of the experiments on the gases, which "almost incessantly occupied him from January to April." In 1800, Davy published his Researches, Chemical and Philosophical, chiefly concerning Nitrous Oxide and its Respiration, and received a more positive response.[18]

Proofreading Lyrical Ballads

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William Wordsworth at 28, by William Shuter (1798)
Samuel Taylor Coleridge, by Peter Vandyke (1795)

William Wordsworth and Samuel Taylor Coleridge moved to the Lake District in 1800, and asked Davy to deal with the Bristol publishers of the Lyrical Ballads, Biggs & Cottle. Coleridge asked Davy to proofread the second edition, the first to contain Wordsworth's "Preface to the Lyrical Ballads", in a letter dated 16 July 1800: "Will you be so kind as just to look over the sheets of the lyrical Ballads".[20] Wordsworth subsequently wrote to Davy on 29 July 1800, sending him the first manuscript sheet of poems and asking him specifically to correct: "any thing you find amiss in the punctuation a business at which I am ashamed to say I am no adept".[21] Wordsworth was ill in the autumn of 1800 and slow in sending poems for the second edition; the volume appeared on 26 January 1801 even though it was dated 1800.[22] While it is impossible to know whether Davy was at fault, this edition of the Lyrical Ballads contained many errors, including the poem "Michael" being left incomplete.[23] In a personal notebook marked on the front cover "Clifton 1800 From August to Novr", Davy wrote his own Lyrical Ballad: "As I was walking up the street".[24] Wordsworth features in Davy's poem as the recorder of ordinary lives in the line: "By poet Wordsworths Rymes" [sic].

Royal Institution

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In 1799, Benjamin Thompson (Count Rumford) had proposed the establishment in London of an 'Institution for Diffusing Knowledge', i.e. the Royal Institution. The house in Albemarle Street was bought in April 1799.[25] Rumford became secretary to the institution, and Dr Thomas Garnett was the first lecturer.

In February 1801 Davy was interviewed by the committee of the Royal Institution, comprising Joseph Banks, Benjamin Thompson and Henry Cavendish. Davy wrote to Davies Giddy on 8 March 1801 about the offers made by Banks and Thompson, a possible move to London and the promise of funding for his work in galvanism. He also mentioned that he might not be collaborating further with Beddoes on therapeutic gases. The next day Davy left Bristol to take up his new post at the Royal Institution,[17] it having been resolved 'that Humphry Davy be engaged in the service of the Royal Institution in the capacity of assistant lecturer in chemistry, director of the chemical laboratory, and assistant editor of the journals of the institution, and that he be allowed to occupy a room in the house, and be furnished with coals and candles, and that he be paid a salary of 100l. per annum.'[4]

On 25 April 1801, Davy gave his first lecture on the relatively new subject of 'Galvanism'. He and his friend Coleridge had had many conversations about the nature of human knowledge and progress, and Davy's lectures gave his audience a vision of human civilisation brought forward by scientific discovery. "It [science] has bestowed on him powers which may almost be called creative; which have enabled him to modify and change the beings surrounding him, and by his experiments to interrogate nature with power, not simply as a scholar, passive and seeking only to understand her operations, but rather as a master, active with his own instruments."[17] The first lecture garnered rave reviews, and by the June lecture Davy wrote to John King that his last lecture had attendance of nearly 500 people. "There was Respiration, Nitrous Oxide, and unbounded Applause. Amen!"[17] Davy revelled in his public status.

Chemical lectures – etching by Thomas Rowlandson

Women's scientific education

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1802 satirical cartoon by James Gillray showing a Royal Institution lecture on pneumatics, with Davy holding the bellows and Count Rumford looking on at extreme right. Dr Thomas Garnett is the lecturer, holding the victim's nose.

Davy's lectures included spectacular and sometimes dangerous chemical demonstrations along with scientific information, and were presented with considerable showmanship by the young and handsome man.[26] Davy also included both poetic and religious commentary in his lectures, emphasizing that God's design was revealed by chemical investigations. Religious commentary was in part an attempt to appeal to women in his audiences. Davy, like many of his enlightenment contemporaries, supported female education and women's involvement in scientific pursuits, even proposing that women be admitted to evening events at the Royal Society. Davy acquired a large female following around London. In a satirical cartoon by Gillray, nearly half of the attendees pictured are female. His support of women caused Davy to be subjected to considerable gossip and innuendo, and to be criticised as unmanly.[27]

Incandescent light and arc light

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An electric arc between two nails

In 1802, Humphry Davy had what was then the most powerful electrical battery in the world at the Royal Institution. With it, Davy created the first incandescent light by passing electric current through a thin strip of platinum, chosen because the metal had an extremely high melting point. It was neither sufficiently bright nor long lasting enough to be of practical use, but demonstrated the principle. By 1806 he was able to demonstrate a much more powerful form of electric lighting to the Royal Society in London. It was an early form of arc light which produced its illumination from an electric arc created between two charcoal rods.

Full lecturer at the Royal Institution

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When Davy's lecture series on Galvanism ended, he progressed to a new series on agricultural chemistry, and his popularity continued to skyrocket. By June 1802, after just over a year at the Institution and at the age of 23, Davy was nominated to full lecturer at the Royal Institution of Great Britain. Garnett, the incumbent lecturer, quietly resigned, citing health reasons.[17]

Royal Society

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In November 1804 Davy became a Fellow of the Royal Society, over which he would later preside. He was one of the founding members of the Geological Society of London in 1807[28] and later became a Fellow.[29] He was elected a foreign member of the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences and as an honorary member of the American Philosophical Society in 1810,[30] and a Foreign Honorary Member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 1822.[31]

Mid-career: 1802–1820

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Photographic enlargements

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In June 1802 Davy published in the first issue of the Journals of the Royal Institution of Great Britain his An Account of a Method of Copying Paintings upon Glass, and of Making Profiles, by the Agency of Light upon Nitrate of Silver. Invented by T. Wedgwood, Esq. With Observations by H. Davy in which he described their experiments with the photosensitivity of silver nitrate.[32][33]

He recorded that "images of small objects, produced by means of the solar microscope, may be copied without difficulty on prepared paper." Josef Maria Eder, in his History of Photography, though crediting Wedgwood, because of his application of this quality of silver nitrate to the making of images, as "the first photographer in the world," proposes that it was Davy who realised the idea of photographic enlargement using a solar microscope to project images onto sensitised paper. Neither found a means of fixing their images, and Davy devoted no more of his time to furthering these early discoveries in photography.[34]

The principle of image projection using solar illumination was applied to the construction of the earliest form of photographic enlarger, the "solar camera".

Elements

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A voltaic pile
Sodium metal, about 10 g, under oil
Magnesium metal crystals

Potassium and sodium

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Davy was a pioneer in the field of electrolysis using the voltaic pile to split common compounds and thus prepare many new elements. He went on to electrolyse molten salts and discovered several new metals, including sodium and potassium, highly reactive elements known as the alkali metals. Davy discovered potassium in 1807, deriving it from caustic potash (KOH). Before the 19th century, no distinction had been made between potassium and sodium. Potassium was the first metal that was isolated by electrolysis. Davy isolated sodium in the same year by passing an electric current through molten sodium hydroxide.[26][1]

Barium, calcium, strontium, magnesium, and boron

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During the first half of 1808, Davy conducted a series of further electrolysis experiments on alkaline earths including lime, magnesia, strontites and barytes. At the beginning of June, Davy received a letter from the Swedish chemist Berzelius claiming that he, in conjunction with Dr. Pontin, had successfully obtained amalgams of calcium and barium by electrolysing lime and barytes using a mercury cathode. Davy managed to successfully repeat these experiments almost immediately and expanded Berzelius' method to strontites and magnesia.[35] He noted that while these amalgams oxidised in only a few minutes when exposed to air they could be preserved for lengthy periods of time when submerged in naphtha before becoming covered with a white crust.[36]

On 30 June 1808 Davy reported to the Royal Society that he had successfully isolated four new metals which he named barium, calcium, strontium and magnium (later changed to magnesium) which were subsequently published in the Philosophical Transactions. Although Davy conceded magnium was an "undoubtedly objectionable" name he argued the more appropriate name magnesium was already being applied to metallic manganese and wished to avoid creating an equivocal term.[37] The observations gathered from these experiments also led to Davy isolating boron in 1809.[18] Berzelius called Davy's 1806 Bakerian Lecture On Some Chemical Agencies of Electricity[38] "one of the best memoirs which has ever enriched the theory of chemistry."[39]

Davy performed a number of experiments aimed to isolate the metal aluminium and is credited as the person who named the element. The first name proposed for the metal to be isolated from alum was alumium, which Davy suggested in an 1808 article on his electrochemical research, published in Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society.[40] It appeared that the name was created from the English word alum and the Latin suffix -ium; but it was customary then to give elements names originating in Latin, so this name was not adopted universally. This name was criticized by contemporary chemists from France, Germany, and Sweden, who insisted the metal should be named for the oxide, alumina, from which it would be isolated.[41] The English name alum does not come directly from Latin, whereas alumine/alumina comes from the Latin word alumen (upon declension, alumen changes to alumin-).

Chlorine

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Chlorine

Chlorine was discovered in 1774 by Swedish chemist Carl Wilhelm Scheele, who called it "dephlogisticated marine acid" (see phlogiston theory) and mistakenly thought it contained oxygen. Davy showed that the acid of Scheele's substance, called at the time oxymuriatic acid, contained no oxygen. This discovery overturned Lavoisier's definition of acids as compounds of oxygen.[26] In 1810, chlorine was given its current name by Humphry Davy, who insisted that chlorine was in fact an element.[42] The name chlorine, chosen by Davy for "one of [the substance's] obvious and characteristic properties – its colour", comes from the Greek χλωρος (chlōros), meaning green-yellow.

Laboratory incident

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Davy seriously injured himself in a laboratory accident with nitrogen trichloride.[43] French chemist Pierre Louis Dulong had first prepared this compound in 1811, and had lost two fingers and an eye in two separate explosions with it. In a letter to John Children, on 16 November 1812, Davy wrote: "It must be used with great caution. It is not safe to experiment upon a globule larger than a pin's head. I have been severely wounded by a piece scarcely bigger. My sight, however, I am informed, will not be injured".[44] Davy's accident induced him to hire Michael Faraday as a co-worker, particularly for assistance with handwriting and record keeping. They were both injured in another NCl3 explosion shortly thereafter.[45] He had recovered from his injuries by April 1813.[44]

Travels

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European tour

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Portrait of Sir Humphry Davy by Thomas Lawrence, 1821
A diamond crystal in its matrix

In 1812, Davy was knighted and gave up his lecturing position at the Royal Institution. He was given the title of Honorary Professor of Chemistry.[44] He gave a farewell lecture to the Institution, and married a wealthy widow, Jane Apreece. (While Davy was generally acknowledged as being faithful to his wife, their relationship was stormy, and in later years he travelled to continental Europe alone.)[citation needed]

Dedication page of an 1812 copy of "Elements of Chemical Philosophy," which Davy dedicated to his wife

Davy then published his Elements of Chemical Philosophy, part 1, volume 1, though other parts of this title were never completed. He made notes for a second edition, but it was never required.[44] In October 1813, he and his wife, accompanied by Michael Faraday as his scientific assistant (also treated as a valet), travelled to France to collect the second edition of the prix du Galvanisme, a medal that Napoleon Bonaparte had awarded Davy for his electro-chemical work. Faraday noted "Tis indeed a strange venture at this time, to trust ourselves in a foreign and hostile country, where so little regard is had to protestations of honour, that the slightest suspicion would be sufficient to separate us for ever from England, and perhaps from life".[46] Davy's party sailed from Plymouth to Morlaix by cartel, where they were searched.[44]

Upon reaching Paris, Davy was a guest of honour at a meeting of the First Class of the Institut de France and met with André-Marie Ampère and other French chemists.[44] It was later reported that Davy's wife had thrown the medal into the sea, near her Cornish home, "as it raised bad memories". The Royal Society of Chemistry has offered over £1,800 for the recovery of the medal.[47]

While in Paris, Davy attended lectures at the Ecole Polytechnique, including those by Joseph Louis Gay-Lussac on a mysterious substance isolated by Bernard Courtois. Davy wrote a paper for the Royal Society on the element, which is now called iodine.[48][49] This led to a dispute between Davy and Gay-Lussac on who had the priority on the research.[44]

Davy's party did not meet Napoleon in person, but they did visit the Empress Joséphine de Beauharnais at the Château de Malmaison.[44] The party left Paris in December 1813, travelling south to Italy.[50] They sojourned in Florence, where using the burning glass of the Grand Duke of Tuscany [51] in a series of experiments conducted with Faraday's assistance, Davy succeeded in using the sun's rays to ignite diamond, proving it is composed of pure carbon.

Davy's party continued to Rome, where he undertook experiments on iodine and chlorine and on the colours used in ancient paintings. This was the first chemical research on the pigments used by artists.[44]

He also visited Naples and Mount Vesuvius, where he collected samples of crystals. By June 1814, they were in Milan, where they met Alessandro Volta, and then continued north to Geneva. They returned to Italy via Munich and Innsbruck, and when their plans to travel to Greece and Istanbul were abandoned after Napoleon's escape from Elba, they returned to England.

After the Battle of Waterloo, Davy wrote to Lord Liverpool urging that the French be treated with severity:

My Lord, I need not say to Your Lordship that the capitulation of Paris not a treaty; lest everything belonging to the future state of that capital & of France is open to discussion & that France is a conquered country. It is the duty of the allies to give her more restricted boundaries which shall not encroach upon the natural limits of other nations. to weaken her on the side of Italy, Germany & Flanders. To take back from her by contributions the wealth she has acquired by them to suffer her to retain nothing that the republican or imperial armies have stolen: This last duty is demanded no less by policy than justice.

— Sir Humphry Davy, Letter to Lord Liverpool[44][52]

Davy lamp

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The Davy lamp
Statue of Davy in Penzance, Cornwall, holding his safety lamp

After his return to England in 1815, Davy began experimenting with lamps that could be used safely in coal mines. The Revd Dr Robert Gray of Bishopwearmouth in Sunderland, founder of the Society for Preventing Accidents in Coalmines, had written to Davy suggesting that he might use his 'extensive stores of chemical knowledge' to address the issue of mining explosions caused by firedamp, or methane mixed with oxygen, which was often ignited by the open flames of the lamps then used by miners. Incidents such as the Felling mine disaster of 1812 near Newcastle, in which 92 men were killed, not only caused great loss of life among miners but also meant that their widows and children had to be supported by the public purse. The Revd Gray and a fellow clergyman also working in a north-east mining area, John Hodgson of Jarrow, were keen that action should be taken to improve underground lighting and especially the lamps used by miners.[53]

Davy conceived of using an iron gauze to enclose a lamp's flame, and so prevent the methane burning inside the lamp from passing out to the general atmosphere. Although the idea of the safety lamp had already been demonstrated by William Reid Clanny and by the then unknown (but later very famous) engineer George Stephenson, Davy's use of wire gauze to prevent the spread of flame was used by many other inventors in their later designs. George Stephenson's lamp was very popular in the north-east coalfields, and used the same principle of preventing the flame reaching the general atmosphere, but by different means.[54] Unfortunately, although the new design of gauze lamp initially did seem to offer protection, it gave much less light, and quickly deteriorated in the wet conditions of most pits. Rusting of the gauze quickly made the lamp unsafe, and the number of deaths from firedamp explosions rose yet further.

There was some discussion as to whether Davy had discovered the principles behind his lamp without the help of the work of Smithson Tennant, but it was generally agreed that the work of the two men had been independent. Davy refused to patent the lamp, and its invention led to his being awarded the Rumford medal in 1816.[1]

Acid studies

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In 1815 Davy also suggested that acids were substances that contained replaceable hydrogen ions;– hydrogen that could be partly or totally replaced by reactive metals which are placed above hydrogen in the reactivity series. When acids reacted with metals they formed salts and hydrogen gas. Bases were substances that reacted with acids to form salts and water. These definitions worked well for most of the nineteenth century.[55]

Herculaneum papyri

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Davy experimented on fragments of the Herculaneum papyri before his departure to Naples in 1818. His early experiments showed hope of success. In his report to the Royal Society Davy writes that: 'When a fragment of a brown MS. in which the layers were strongly adhered, was placed in an atmosphere of chlorine, there was an immediate action, the papyrus smoked and became yellow, and the letters appeared much more distinct; and by the application of heat the layers separated from each other, giving fumes of muriatic acid.'[56][57]

The success of the early trials prompted Davy to travel to Naples to conduct further research on the Herculaneum papyri. Accompanied by his wife, they set off on 26 May 1818 to stay in Flanders where Davy was invited by the coal miners to speak.[58] They then traveled to Carniola (now Slovenia) which proved to become 'his favourite Alpine retreat' before finally arriving in Italy. In Italy, they befriended Lord Byron in Rome and then went on to travel to Naples.[59]

Initial experiments were again promising and his work resulted in 'partially unrolling 23 MSS., from which fragments of writing were obtained' [60] but after returning to Naples on 1 December 1819 from a summer in the Alps, Davy complained that 'the Italians at the museum [were] no longer helpful but obstructive'.[61] Davy decided to renounce further work on the papyri because 'the labour, in itself difficult and unpleasant, been made more so, by the conduct of the persons at the head of this department in the Museum'.[60]

Later life: 1820–1829

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President of the Royal Society

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Election to the presidency

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Joseph Banks

On 20 October 1818, Davy was created a baronet;[62][63] this was the first such honour conferred on a man of science in Britain. It was followed a year later with the presidency of the Royal Society. The Society was in transition from a club for gentlemen interested in natural philosophy, connected with the political and social elite, to an academy representing increasingly specialised sciences. The previous president, Joseph Banks, had held the post for over 40 years and had presided autocratically over what David Philip Miller calls the "Banksian Learned Empire", in which natural history was prominent.[64] Banks had groomed Davies Gilbert to succeed him and preserve the status quo, but Gilbert declined to stand. Fellows who thought royal patronage was important proposed Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg (later Leopold I of Belgium), who also withdrew, as did the Whig Edward St Maur, 11th Duke of Somerset. Davy was the outstanding scientist but some fellows did not approve of his popularising work at the Royal Institution.

Elections took place on St Andrew's Day and Davy was elected on 30 November 1820. Although he was unopposed, other candidates had received initial backing. These candidates embodied the factional difficulties that beset Davy's presidency and which eventually defeated him. The strongest alternative had been William Hyde Wollaston, who was supported by the "Cambridge Network" of outstanding mathematicians such as Charles Babbage and John Herschel, who tried to block Davy. They were aware that Davy supported some modernisation, but thought that he would not sufficiently encourage aspiring young mathematicians, astronomers and geologists, who were beginning to form specialist societies. Davy was only 41, and reformers were fearful of another long presidency.

In his early years Davy was optimistic about reconciling the reformers and the Banksians. In his first speech as president he declared, "I trust that, with these new societies, we shall always preserve the most amicable relations ... I am sure there is no desire in [the Royal Society] to exert anything like patriarchal authority in relation to these institutions".[65]

Protection of ships' bottoms

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New piece of copper sheathing surrounded by old, corroded copper on USS Constitution

From 1761 onwards, copper plating had been fitted to the undersides of Royal Navy ships to protect the wood from attack by shipworms.[66] However, the copper bottoms were gradually corroded by exposure to the salt water. Between 1823 and 1825, Davy, assisted by Michael Faraday, attempted to protect the copper by electrochemical means. He attached to the copper sacrificial pieces of zinc or iron, which provided cathodic protection to the host metal.[67] It was discovered, however, that protected copper became foul quickly, i.e. pieces of weed and/or marine creatures became attached to the hull, which had a detrimental effect on the handling of the ship.

The Navy Board approached Davy in 1823, asking for help with the corrosion. Davy conducted a number of tests in Portsmouth Dockyard, which led to the Navy Board adopting the use of Davy's "protectors". By 1824, it had become apparent that fouling of the copper bottoms was occurring on the majority of protected ships. By the end of 1825, the Admiralty ordered the Navy Board to cease fitting the protectors to sea-going ships, and to remove those that had already been fitted. Davy's scheme was seen as a public failure, despite success of the corrosion protection as such. As Frank A. J. L. James explains, "[Because] the poisonous salts from [corroding] copper were no longer entering the water, there was nothing to kill the barnacles and the like in the vicinity of a ship. This meant that barnacles [and the like] could now attach themselves to the bottom of a vessel, thus impeding severely its steerage, much to the anger of the captains who wrote to the Admiralty to complain about Davy's protectors."[68]

Presidency

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Humphry Davy

Davy spent much time juggling the factions but, as his reputation declined in the light of failures such as his research into copper-bottomed ships, he lost popularity and authority. This was compounded by a number of political errors. In 1825 his promotion of the new Zoological Society, of which he was a founding fellow, courted the landed gentry and alienated expert zoologists. He offended the mathematicians and reformers by failing to ensure that Babbage received one of the new Royal Medals (a project of his) or the vacant secretaryship of the Society in 1826. In 1826 Davy suffered a stroke from which he never fully recovered. In November 1826 the mathematician Edward Ryan recorded that: "The Society, every member almost ... are in the greatest rage at the President's proceedings and nothing is now talked of but removing him."[69]

In the event he was again re-elected unopposed, but he was now visibly unwell. In January 1827 he set off to Italy for reasons of his health. It did not improve and, as the 1827 election loomed, it was clear that he would not stand again. He was succeeded by Davies Gilbert.

Final years

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Portrait of Michael Faraday by Thomas Phillips c. 1841–1842[70]

Davy's laboratory assistant, Michael Faraday, went on to enhance Davy's work and would become the more famous and influential scientist. Davy is supposed to have even claimed Faraday as his greatest discovery. Davy later accused Faraday of plagiarism, however, causing Faraday (the first Fullerian Professor of Chemistry) to cease all research in electromagnetism until his mentor's death.

The preceding paragraph may be unduly charitable to Davy. The accusation by Davy of plagiarism by Faraday occurred already in 1821, regarding Faraday's first major discovery independent of Davy, of electromagnetic rotation (the first electric motor). According to Geoffrey Cantor's 1991 biography of Faraday, this dubious accusation was Davy's "final bid to dominate Faraday.... Davy, resenting the success of his earnest and hardworking assistant, was trying to keep him down. Master and servant were in direct competition and their rivalry may have motivated Davy's attempt to block Faraday's membership of the Royal Society. .... Although Davy was unsuccessful in preventing Faraday's membership, this incident proved a turning point in their relationship."[71] Other sources report the jibe that "Davy's greatest discovery was Faraday" as a cruel joke at Davy's expense, not a gracious acknowledgment by Davy himself of Faraday's greater scientific achievements.[citation needed]

Of a sanguine, somewhat irritable temperament, Davy displayed characteristic enthusiasm and energy in all his pursuits. According to June Z. Fullmer, one of Davy's biographers, he was a deist.[72] As is shown by his verses and sometimes by his prose, his mind was highly imaginative; the poet Coleridge declared that if he "had not been the first chemist, he would have been the first poet of his age", and Southey said that "he had all the elements of a poet; he only wanted the art." In spite of his ungainly exterior and peculiar manner, his happy gifts of exposition and illustration won him extraordinary popularity as a lecturer, his experiments were ingenious and rapidly performed, and Coleridge went to hear him "to increase his stock of metaphors." The dominating ambition of his life was to achieve fame; occasional petty jealousy did not diminish his concern for the "cause of humanity", to use a phrase often employed by him in connection with his invention of the miners' lamp. Careless about etiquette, his frankness sometimes exposed him to annoyances he might have avoided by the exercise of tact.[73]

Death

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Davy's grave at Cimetière Plainpalais in Geneva

Davy spent the last months of his life writing Consolations in Travel, an immensely popular, somewhat amorphous compendium of poetry, thoughts on science and philosophy. Published posthumously, the work became a staple of both scientific and family libraries for several decades afterward. Davy spent the winter in Rome, hunting in the Campagna on his fiftieth birthday. But on 20 February 1829 he had another stroke. After spending many months attempting to recuperate, Davy died in a room at L'Hotel de la Couronne, in the Rue du Rhone, in Geneva, Switzerland, on 29 May 1829.[74][1] An appendix to his will had included his last wishes; that there be no post-mortem, that he be buried where he died, and that there be an interval between the two, to ensure that he was not merely comatose. But the ordinances of the city did not allow such an interval and his funeral took place on the following Monday, 1 June, in the Plainpalais Cemetery, outside the city walls.[74]

Honours

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Geographical locations

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Scientific and literary recognition

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  • in 1827, the mineral davyne was named in his honour by W. Haidinger.[91]
  • Annually since 1877, the Royal Society of London has awarded the Davy Medal "for an outstandingly important recent discovery in any branch of chemistry."[92]
  • The Davy lunar crater is named after him. It has a diameter of 34 km and its coordinates are 11.8S, 8.1W.[93]
  • Davy's passion for fly-fishing earned him the informal title "the father of modern fly-fishing", and his book Salmonia[94] is often considered to be "the fly-fisherman bible".
  • The poet Samuel Taylor Coleridge said he "attended Davy's lectures to enlarge my stock of metaphors".[95]
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Novels and poetry

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  • Davy is the subject of a humorous song by Richard Gendall, recorded in 1980 by folk-singer Brenda Wootton in the album Boy Jan Cornishman,[96] the seven verses of which each recall a day of the week on which Davy purportedly made a particular discovery.[97]
  • English playwright Nick Darke wrote Laughing Gas (2005) a comedy script about the life of Sir Humphry Davy, unfinished at the time of Nick Darke's death; completed posthumously by actor and playwright Carl Grose and produced by the Truro-based production company O-region.
Sir Humphry Davy
Abominated gravy.
He lived in the odium
Of having discovered sodium.[98]
  • There is a humorous rhyme of unknown origin about the statue in Penzance:
Sir Humphrey Davy's kindly face,
Is turned away from Market Place
Towards St Michael's Mount
So, if he do want to tell the time
He've got to wait till the clock do chime
Then he's forced to count.[99]

Publications

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See Fullmer's work for a full list of Davy's articles.[100]

Humphry Davy's books are as follows:

  • — (1800). Researches, Chemical and Philosophical; Chiefly Concerning Nitrous Oxide, or Dephlogisticated Nitrous Air, and Its Respiration. Bristol: Biggs and Cottle. p. 1. Retrieved 18 September 2016.
  • — (1812). Elements of Chemical Philosophy. London: Johnson and Co. p. 1. ISBN 978-0-217-88947-6. {{cite book}}: ISBN / Date incompatibility (help)
  • — (1813). Elements of Agricultural Chemistry in a Course of Lectures. London: Longman.
  • — (1816). The Papers of Sir H. Davy. Newcastle: Emerson Charnley. (on Davy's safety lamp)
  • — (1827). Discourses to the Royal Society. London: John Murray.
  • — (1828). Salmonia or Days of Fly Fishing. London: John Murray. p. 13.
  • — (1830). Consolations in Travel or The Last Days of a Philosopher. London: John Murray. p. 1.

Davy also contributed articles on chemistry to Rees's Cyclopædia, but the topics are not known.

His collected works were published in 1839–1840:

See also

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References

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[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Sir , 1st Baronet FRS (17 December 1778 – 29 May 1829) was a British and inventor whose work advanced and pneumatic medicine. Born in , , Davy apprenticed as a before conducting early experiments on gases at Thomas Beddoes's Pneumatic Institution in , where he explored the effects of , identifying its anesthetic properties. Appointed as a at the Royal Institution in 1801, he rose to prominence through public lectures and research using voltaic batteries for , isolating and sodium in 1807 and subsequently magnesium, calcium, strontium, and barium. These discoveries demonstrated the electrical nature of and expanded the periodic table with reactive metals previously unknown in pure form. Knighted in 1812 and created a in 1818, Davy served as president of the Royal Society from 1820 to 1827, though his later years were marked by health issues and geological pursuits. In response to disasters, he invented the in 1815, featuring a enclosure to prevent propagation in explosive atmospheres, thereby reducing fatalities in coal mines.

Early Life and Education

Birth and Family Background

Humphry Davy was born on 17 December 1778 in Penzance, Cornwall, England, the first child of Robert Davy and Grace Millett, who had married in Madron parish earlier that year on 16 September. Robert Davy (c. 1746–1794), of yeoman stock, worked primarily as a woodcarver in Penzance, though records indicate he also practiced minor surgery as a bleeder and attempted small-scale farming, reflecting the family's reliance on multiple modest occupations amid Cornwall's rural economy. Grace Davy (née Millett, 1752–1826), the second daughter of Humphry Millett and Elizabeth Adams, originated from an established but declining Cornish family; her parents died within hours of each other from malignant fever when she was young, leaving her orphaned and contributing to the household's financial precarity. The couple raised five children in total, with Davy as the eldest son, in a household strained by Robert's death in 1794, which exacerbated debts and prompted Grace to manage a small business to support the family.

Apprenticeship and Early Influences

In 1794, following the death of his father Robert Davy, 16-year-old Humphry Davy was apprenticed to Borlase, a surgeon-apothecary practicing in , , to help support his family. The , which began around 1795 and lasted approximately four years, involved assisting in Borlase's and medical duties, where Davy gained practical exposure to pharmaceutical preparations and rudimentary chemical manipulations, though his duties were often interrupted by personal pursuits. A premium of sixty guineas was paid by family associate Mr. Tonkin to secure the position, reflecting the modest socioeconomic circumstances of the Davy family after relocating to . During this period, Davy pursued self-directed studies, devouring works on chemistry such as those by Antoine Lavoisier, which ignited his interest in pneumatic chemistry and combustion processes, marking the onset of his independent scientific inquiry outside formal medical training. He also composed poetry and philosophical essays, including early reflections on heat, light, and matter, demonstrating a precocious blend of literary and analytical talents that distracted from his apprentice obligations. These activities were facilitated by access to local resources, but Davy's intellectual development was profoundly shaped by key local figures, notably Davies Giddy (later Davies Gilbert), a scientifically inclined landowner and Oxford graduate whom Davy encountered casually in Penzance around 1797. Giddy recognized Davy's potential, providing mentorship through conversations on , lending books from his personal library—including advanced texts on and chemistry—and sponsoring informal experiments, which encouraged Davy to prioritize scientific exploration over completing his surgical training. This relationship not only honed Davy's experimental skills but also connected him to broader intellectual networks in , fostering a shift from medical apprenticeship toward pneumatic and chemical research by late 1798.

Intellectual Development and Early Writings

During his apprenticeship to the apothecary-surgeon Bingham Borlase in , which commenced in 1795 following the death of his father in 1794, Humphry Davy pursued a rigorous course of self-education facilitated by local mentor William Tonkin. By 1797, at age 19, he initiated studies in and, toward year's end, directed his attention to chemistry through independent reading, including works by on heat and light. These efforts reflected Davy's precocious and eclectic intellect, encompassing poetry, history, , , metaphysics, and rudimentary chemical experimentation, rather than formal instruction. Davy's early writings spanned literary and nascent scientific domains. His first preserved poem, titled "The Sons of Genius," dates to 1795 and exemplifies the youthful enthusiasm typical of adolescent verse. Subsequent poems, often inscribed in diaries and notebooks, frequently evoked Cornish landscapes such as , blending Romantic sensibility with observations of nature. These compositions demonstrated his verbal facility, which later informed his public lectures, though they remained largely unpublished during this period. In June 1798, after approximately three months of chemical study, Davy drafted his inaugural scientific manuscript, "An Essay on and the Combinations of Light," composed in . This work critiqued elements of French chemical , particularly Lavoisier's conceptions of as a fluid and light's role in affinities, while proposing alternative views on thermal and luminous phenomena based on Davy's initial experiments. Though not formally published at the time, the essay evidenced his swift analytical progression from autodidact to theorist, foreshadowing his electrochemical innovations.

Early Scientific Career

Association with Thomas Beddoes and Pneumatic Institution

Thomas Beddoes, a physician influenced by the chemical revolution and trained under Joseph Black at Edinburgh, relocated from Oxford to Bristol in 1793 to establish an institution dedicated to exploring the therapeutic effects of gases, or "factitious airs," on diseases such as tuberculosis. Beddoes secured funding through subscribers including James Watt and Richard Lovell Edgeworth, opening the Pneumatic Institution in Clifton, Bristol, by late 1798 as a combined laboratory, clinic, and hospital targeting respiratory ailments prevalent in the industrialized region. Beddoes encountered Humphry Davy during travels in , where the 19-year-old Davy, apprenticed to surgeon J.W. Borlase in , demonstrated precocious scientific talent through self-directed readings and early essays on topics like and . Impressed, Beddoes recruited Davy, recommended by mutual acquaintance Giddy, to serve as laboratory superintendent upon Davy's apprenticeship release on 1 October 1798; Davy commenced work on 2 October. In this role, Davy managed gas production and apparatus construction while collaborating closely with Beddoes on pneumatic medicine, producing detailed observations that Beddoes published in works like Contributions to Medical and Physical Knowledge (1799). The partnership exposed Davy to systematic experimentation and medical applications of chemistry, fostering his transition from autodidact to professional scientist, though the institution's therapies yielded limited clinical success and shifted toward a general poor by 1802. Davy departed for the Royal Institution in 1801, maintaining intellectual ties with Beddoes until the latter's death in 1808.

Experiments with Gases, Including Nitrous Oxide

In 1798, Humphry Davy assumed responsibility for the laboratory at the Pneumatic Institution in , where he initiated systematic investigations into the physiological effects of inhaled gases, motivated by Thomas Beddoes's interest in their potential therapeutic applications for respiratory diseases such as . Davy employed self-experimentation as the primary method, inhaling gases through silk bags or masks while monitoring like rate and recording subjective sensations, often corroborated by observations from assistants or volunteers. He prepared gases via , including from metal-acid reactions, oxygen from heating nitrates, and from incomplete or zinc with acids. Davy's trials encompassed a range of gases beyond oxygen and hydrogen, such as , which induced headache and dyspnea even in diluted forms, and , which caused mild exhilaration but irritation to mucous membranes. In one hazardous episode in , he inhaled "water gas"—a mixture of and —resulting in severe weakness, vision impairment, and near-fatal collapse, from which he recovered after prolonged exposure; this underscored the risks of asphyxiant gases and informed his cautions on dosage limits. Nitrous oxide (N₂O), synthesized by heating ammonium nitrate to decomposition, emerged as the focal point of Davy's research, with over 160 sessions conducted between April and June 1799. Initial trials on 11 April 1799 involved breathing pure N₂O for short durations, yielding subtle effects like slight giddiness without , but escalated doses—up to several quarts held in the lungs—produced pronounced responses: accelerated (from 66 to 104 beats per minute), facial flushing, muscular relaxation, uncontrollable laughter, and heightened sensory vividness, which Davy likened to "sublime emotion" or harp-like . He noted potential, as subjects reported diminished pain from toothaches or during , and observed no long-term harm in healthy individuals despite transient oxygen deprivation. These findings culminated in Davy's 1800 monograph, Researches, Chemical and Philosophical; Chiefly Concerning , or Dephlogisticated Nitrous Air, and Its Respiration, which cataloged preparation techniques, respiratory mechanics, and psychotropic effects, advocating N₂O's administration via for pain relief in or . Davy popularized the term "laughing gas" based on the mirth elicited, extending trials to volunteers including poets and , who described sensations of intellectual enhancement and poetic inspiration under its influence. Though the work highlighted N₂O's safety relative to other gases and its non-addictive nature, Davy's emphasis on subjective drew criticism for veering into recreational territory, tempering immediate medical uptake.

Transition to the Royal Institution

By the end of , Humphry Davy, then aged 22, sought to leave Thomas Beddoes' Medical Pneumatic Institution in amid political frictions and personal ambitions for broader scientific engagement. Discussions of his potential relocation to the Royal Institution, founded in 1799 to advance practical science and public education, began by 22 January 1801. Davy arrived in on 7 1801 to pursue the opportunity, conferring that day with key figures including (Count Rumford), , and . On 16 , the Institution's Managers, under Banks' chairmanship, appointed him Assistant Lecturer in Chemistry to incumbent Thomas Garnett, offering an annual salary of £105 plus furnished quarters; he also assumed duties as Director of the Laboratory. After a brief return to to conclude his prior commitments, Davy established himself at the on 11 March 1801 and commenced lecturing on in the newly completed theatre by 25 April. His early performances impressed observers, prompting promotion to full on 1 June 1801. Garnett resigned two days later on 3 June, attributing it to health concerns, which cleared the path for Davy's unchallenged leadership in chemical instruction. This shift from Bristol's provincial and ideologically charged setting to the Royal Institution's well-resourced base enabled Davy to leverage advanced apparatus for and galvanic studies, unencumbered by prior constraints. Despite lacking formal lecturing experience, his appointment reflected recognition of his pneumatic and respiratory , aligning with Rumford's vision for applied demonstrations to elite audiences. By , Davy advanced to Professor of Chemistry, cementing his institutional role.

Major Scientific Contributions

Electrolysis and Isolation of Elements

Humphry Davy pioneered the use of electrolysis for decomposing chemical compounds, employing large voltaic piles consisting of hundreds of copper-zinc cells to generate sufficient electrical current. These batteries, constructed at the Royal Institution in London, enabled him to apply high voltages to fused or molten substances, facilitating the separation of elements from their compounds. In late 1807, Davy successfully isolated the alkali metals and through of their molten hydroxides. was obtained by electrolyzing very dry molten caustic potash (, KOH) using electrodes, yielding small globules of a soft, that rapidly tarnished in air and burst into flame upon contact with . was similarly isolated from molten caustic soda (, NaOH), producing a metal with comparable reactivity but slightly lower vigor. These discoveries were publicly announced in Davy's Bakerian Lecture to the Royal Society on 19 1807, titled "On some Chemical Agencies of Electricity," marking the first laboratory isolation of these elements in pure metallic form. Davy named potassium after "potash" and sodium after "soda," reflecting their sources, and demonstrated their elemental nature by showing they were not compounds but simple substances capable of further reaction. His method relied on excluding water to prevent its decomposition, which would otherwise interfere, and heating the hydroxides to a molten state for conductivity. Extending this technique in 1808, Davy isolated the alkaline earth metals—magnesium, calcium, strontium, and barium—primarily through electrolysis of their oxides or related compounds. On 30 June 1808, he announced these isolations, obtained by passing electric current through moistened lime (calcium oxide, CaO) for calcium, magnesia (magnesium oxide, MgO) for magnesium, strontia (strontium oxide, SrO) for strontium, and baryta (barium oxide, BaO) for barium, often using mercury as an amalgamating agent to collect and purify the metals. These metals appeared as ductile, silvery solids less reactive than the alkalis but still prone to oxidation. Davy's electrolytic decompositions proved that the "earths"—previously considered irreducible elements—were oxides of metals, challenging prevailing chemical theories and establishing as a fundamental tool for element discovery. His work required meticulous preparation to achieve dryness and high temperatures, underscoring the causal role of electrical affinity in chemical bonding. By 1808, these isolations had expanded the periodic table significantly, with Davy isolating five new elements in quick succession through this method.

Discoveries of Chlorine and Other Compounds

Humphry Davy conducted extensive experiments on the greenish-yellow gas previously termed oxymuriatic acid, which Carl Wilhelm Scheele had isolated in 1774 by reacting manganese dioxide with hydrochloric acid. Davy sought to determine its composition, testing whether it was a compound of oxygen and muriatic acid (hydrochloric acid), as proposed by French chemists like Antoine Lavoisier and Claude Berthollet. Through electrolysis and heating experiments, he failed to liberate oxygen or decompose the gas into simpler constituents, concluding it was an undecomposable element. On 15 November 1810, Davy announced 's elementary nature before the Royal Society, naming it chlorine from the Greek chloros (greenish-yellow) to denote its distinctive hue and simple status. This overturned the oxygen-centric paradigm of Lavoisier's nomenclature, which required all acids to contain oxygen, and established as the first new element identified without assuming oxygenation. His findings, detailed in the paper "On the Nature of Oxymuriatic Acid," provided via the gas's inability to support in ways consistent with and its reactions forming muriates (chlorides) without residual oxygen. Beyond , Davy investigated related compounds, including the discovery of in 1811 through the reaction of chlorine gas with moist or by heating chlorates. This yellow, unstable gas (ClO₂) exhibited distinct properties, such as explosiveness and a red solid form at low temperatures, further illustrating his systematic decomposition studies of halogen-oxygen systems. Davy also examined fluoric acid (), proposing in 1813 that it contained a new simple substance, later confirmed as , though isolation proved challenging due to its reactivity. These efforts extended his electrochemical and analytical methods to non-metallic compounds, emphasizing simplicity over composite theories.

Invention of the Miner's Safety Lamp

In the early 19th century, frequent explosions in British coal mines, caused by the ignition of fire-damp (methane gas) by open-flame lamps, posed severe risks to workers, as demonstrated by the 1812 Felling Colliery disaster that claimed 92 lives. These incidents prompted appeals for a safer lighting solution, including from Reverend John Hodgson, leading to consultations with Humphry Davy in 1815. Davy, then a prominent chemist at the Royal Institution, accepted the challenge to devise a lamp that could illuminate mines without propagating flames to explosive atmospheres. Davy's development began in August 1815 with fieldwork in Newcastle-upon-Tyne, where he examined mine conditions and collected fire-damp samples for analysis. Returning to , he conducted intensive experiments from to 1815, testing flame propagation in confined spaces. He discovered that a would not pass through narrow metal tubes with diameters less than 1/7 inch (approximately 3.6 mm) or through fine due to rapid heat dissipation cooling the gases below the ignition temperature of methane-air mixtures. This principle formed the basis of the design: an airtight enclosure housing an oil wick or candle , surrounded by a cylindrical shield typically featuring 625 to 6,400 apertures per , permitting air flow for while containing any internal ignition. A was successfully tested in explosive mixtures by November 9, 1815, prompting Davy to present his initial findings in a paper to the Royal Society that day. He refined the apparatus through further trials, reading additional papers on January 11 and January 25, 1816, and detailed its construction in a . Field trials at Colliery in January 1816 validated its performance in operational conditions, enabling detection of fire-damp via flame color changes without risk of explosion. The lamp's adoption accelerated in the , significantly reducing firedamp-related fatalities and facilitating deeper mining operations, though it required careful maintenance to prevent clogging or overheating. Contemporaneously, engine-wright developed an independent , tested on October 21, 1815, employing glass enclosures and air currents to achieve similar protection. This sparked priority disputes, with Davy accusing rivals of derivation, though the Royal Society affirmed his independent scientific foundation in 1818. Davy eschewed patenting, donating the design to miners and receiving parliamentary recognition via the and a baronetcy in 1818.

Early Work on Light and Agricultural Chemistry

Davy's early theoretical work on appeared in his 1799 essay "An Essay on Heat, , and the Combinations of ," published in Thomas Beddoes's Contributions to Physical and Medical Knowledge, Principally from the . Therein, he critiqued Antoine Lavoisier's , positing instead that heat arises from the motion of particles and that consists of material emissions from luminous bodies. At the Royal Institution, Davy advanced practical investigations into . In 1802, he generated the first incandescent glow by passing current from a powerful voltaic battery through a thin strip, which heated to incandescence due to its high . By 1807, he demonstrated the using charcoal electrodes connected to a battery of approximately 2,000 cells, creating a sustained, brilliant discharge capable of illuminating large areas and serving as the basis for later arc lamps. This phenomenon, observed as a continuous spark between separated electrodes, produced far brighter than oil lamps but required substantial electrical power, limiting immediate applications. Parallel to his optical studies, Davy pioneered through a series of lectures delivered to the Board of Agriculture between 1802 and 1812. These addressed the of soils, the decomposition of organic manures, and the nutritional requirements of crops, emphasizing elements such as , , and for plant growth. He quantified the and ash content of various grasses to infer mineral needs, arguing that stems from soluble salts and rather than mere decay. Compiled and expanded, these lectures formed Elements of Agricultural Chemistry (1813), the inaugural systematic text applying chemical analysis to farming practices. Davy detailed experimental methods for assessing soil acidity, manure efficacy, and crop responses to amendments, influencing subsequent agronomic by integrating empirical chemistry with practical husbandry. His work underscored causal links between chemical inputs and yields, predating Justus von Liebig's Die organische Chemie in ihrer Anwendung auf Agrikulturchemie und Physiologie (1840) while establishing foundational principles verified through later field trials.

Mid-to-Late Career and Institutional Roles

European Travels and Geological Studies

In late 1813, shortly after his knighthood, Humphry Davy departed Britain for a continental tour, accompanied by his wife Jane and initially bound for under a flag of truce amid the , with the journey framed as a scientific expedition to study natural phenomena including volcanoes and minerals. The party sailed from Plymouth on 26 October 1813 aboard HMS Hibernia, arriving in before proceeding to , where Davy engaged with leading French scientists such as Gay-Lussac and Arago, though geological pursuits intensified southward. From , the travelers moved through and into by spring 1814, prioritizing volcanic sites; joined as Davy's assistant in late 1813, assisting in specimen collection and observations during the extended itinerary that lasted until mid-1815. Davy's geological focus centered on active volcanoes, particularly Vesuvius, which he ascended multiple times starting in May 1814 alongside Faraday, documenting eruptions, lava flows, and fumaroles in detailed notebooks. He extended observations to during 1815, examining its craters and , and visited other sites like , collecting mineral samples such as , , and deposits to analyze volcanic composition and heat sources. These efforts contributed to the Royal Institution's expanding mineral collection, with Davy acquiring over 1,000 specimens during the tour, many shipped back for classification and display, reflecting his interest in integrating chemistry with to classify rocks and minerals empirically. Davy's analyses challenged prevailing Neptunian theories of aqueous rock formation, favoring a chemical-volcanic model where subterranean reactions—such as alkali metals igniting upon contact with water—drove eruptions, as outlined in his 1816 Philosophical Transactions paper "On the Phænomena of Volcanoes." He measured temperatures of lava streams exceeding 1,000°C near Vesuvius using thermometers and pyrometers, noting the fluidity and inclusions in flows, and hypothesized that volcanic gases like and carbureted played causal roles in igniting surface materials rather than relying solely on central igneous forces. These observations, grounded in direct fieldwork rather than speculative , informed his broader critiques of geological orthodoxy, emphasizing empirical chemistry over abstract central heat theories, though contemporaries like Berzelius disputed his metallic ideas for lacking sufficient evidence. The tour yielded practical insights into , with Davy advocating for systematic catalogs of European deposits to advance applied sciences like and upon his return.

Presidency of the Royal Society

Humphry Davy was elected President of the Royal Society on 30 November 1820, following the death of on 19 June 1820 after a 41-year tenure. His candidacy faced competition from figures including Prince Leopold, the , and initially Davies Gilbert, though Gilbert withdrew; Davy garnered support from and elements of the reform-minded network, such as and . The election process revealed Davy's aggressive campaigning, including private letters soliciting votes through flattery of allies and denigration of rivals, conduct contemporaries deemed ungentlemanly. During his presidency from to , Davy pursued modest reforms to address governance weaknesses and redirect focus toward physical and mathematical sciences, including a proposal to revise the Society's statutes for modernization and improved funding mechanisms. These efforts, informed by his prior reforms at the Royal Institution, encountered strong resistance from aristocratic and entrenched interests, resulting in largely abortive outcomes and portraying the period as a missed opportunity for institutional advancement. Davy aligned with conservative factions, endorsing works like William Whewell's, but clashed with reformists over appointments, such as the 1826 secretary selection, and specific initiatives like the 1824 optical glass committee involving . Internal divisions intensified under Davy's leadership, exacerbating tensions between scientific advocates and traditional networks, with limited net progress in elevating the Society's scientific priorities. He resigned on 30 November 1827, citing declining health amid ongoing controversies, including fallout from applied projects like naval , and was succeeded by Davies Gilbert.

Efforts in Ship Protection and Other Applied Sciences

In 1823, the British Admiralty sought methods to mitigate the of on naval vessels, which had been introduced around 1761 to deter marine by organisms such as and shipworms but suffered rapid degradation in seawater, particularly when in contact with iron fastenings that accelerated electrolytic action. Humphry Davy, leveraging his electrochemical expertise, was consulted and proposed attaching sacrificial iron protectors—blocks or plates of malleable or in direct electrical contact with the —to act as anodes that would corrode preferentially, thereby cathodically protecting the and inhibiting both and . This approach, grounded in Davy's observations of galvanic couples where iron dissolved to deposit protective layers on , was detailed in his paper to the Royal Society, which included tests showing copper's preservation in saline solutions via iron-zinc pairings. Field trials commenced in 1824 on , , and other ships, with iron protectors sized at approximately 1/250th the copper surface area, bolted through the sheathing to ensure contact. Results were initially promising: vessels returned from voyages with intact free of and minimal , as the galvanic action suppressed oxide formation and marine growth adhesion, outperforming unprotected hulls that required frequent docking for scraping. Davy refined the system in subsequent experiments, advocating supplements for finer protection and insulating from iron hull elements to avoid unintended couples, as documented in his 1825 communications. However, practical drawbacks emerged: protectors corroded rapidly (e.g., 1/8-inch iron blocks depleting in months), necessitating costly replacements during extended deployments, and excessive protection occasionally led to risks in the . By 1827, the Admiralty discontinued the protectors fleet-wide, deeming the maintenance burdens uneconomical compared to accepting copper's slow rate (tolerable at 1/60th inch per year if was managed via periodic cleaning) and prioritizing operational readiness over perfect preservation. Despite abandonment, Davy's work established the principles of impressed-current and sacrificial anode , influencing modern applications in marine structures, though naval priorities favored antifouling paints by the 1830s. Beyond ship hulls, Davy extended electrochemical preservation to other materials, experimenting with iron-zinc combinations to lead sheathing on roofs and components from atmospheric , as outlined in his 1824-1825 papers, though these saw limited adoption due to similar logistical challenges. He also applied galvanic principles to timber preservation against rot, proposing metallic contacts to alter electrolytic environments in wood, but empirical trials yielded inconsistent results and no widespread implementation. These efforts underscored Davy's emphasis on causal mechanisms of differences driving metal dissolution—over empirical coatings, influencing later industrial chemistry despite contemporaneous skepticism from naval engineers favoring mechanical solutions.

Personal Life and Character

Marriage and Relationships

In the late 1790s, while assisting Thomas Beddoes at the Pneumatic Institution in , Davy developed a romantic involvement with Anna Beddoes, the physician's wife. This relationship, spanning approximately 1799 to 1801, involved emotional intimacy amid Davy's early experiments with , to which Anna was also exposed as a subject. Davy shared living quarters with the Beddoes family during this period, fostering close personal ties that extended beyond professional collaboration. Davy's courtship of Jane Apreece, a wealthy widow and , began around 1811 and culminated in their on 11 1812. Jane, née Kerr, had previously married Shuckburgh Ashby Apreece in 1798; he died in 1807, leaving her substantial inherited wealth from his family's estates, which supported Davy's scientific pursuits post-marriage. Surviving love letters from Davy to Jane reveal intense affection during their engagement, with Davy expressing devotion despite his prior reluctance toward matrimony, viewing it as potentially incompatible with a scientific career. The marriage produced no children and grew strained over time, marked by interpersonal difficulties and Davy's increasing focus on social and travel engagements. Jane's assertive personality reportedly created tensions, including with Davy's associates such as , whom she occasionally antagonized. Historians have described it as Davy's most challenging personal relationship, exacerbated by his later solo continental travels for health reasons, though contemporaries noted his fidelity. Jane outlived Davy, passing away in 1855.

Personality Traits and Interpersonal Conflicts

Davy displayed a personality marked by ambition, egotism, and a penchant for self-dramatization, traits that propelled his early successes but later alienated associates. Contemporaries described him as arrogant, haughty, and excessively vain, with an insufferable pride that prioritized personal acclaim over collaborative norms. In a 1801 letter to John King, Davy reflected on his own "weak glorious, pitiful, sublime, conceited egotism," revealing a self-awareness of these flaws amid his drive to position himself as the "Newton of chemistry." His enthusiasm for public lecturing and social elevation—evident in his pursuit of knighthood in 1812 and baronetcy in 1818—often manifested as grandiosity and a lack of empathy, aligning with patterns of narcissistic behavior where threats to his status elicited hostility. Interpersonal conflicts arose frequently from Davy's sensitivity to criticism and his manipulative tendencies, particularly during his presidency of the Royal Society from 1820 to 1827. He alienated many fellows through conservative stances against reformers and by leveraging institutional power to defend personal claims, straining relations across the society's divided factions. A notable rift developed with his former assistant , whom Davy had hired in 1813 but later exploited and publicly quarreled with, including tensions over Faraday's independent work on electromagnetic rotations in 1821, which built on Davy's and William Wollaston's prior experiments. These frictions extended to Davy's wife Jane, exacerbating the estrangement. Davy's most vituperative disputes involved priority claims, as seen in his 1816–1818 feud with engineer over the miner's . Dismissing Stephenson's parallel invention, Davy labeled him "a thief and a liar" in an 1817 letter to John Buddle and an "illiterate pirate" in correspondence with James Losh, while lobbying allies like John George Lambton to manipulate support for his version. Such episodes, documented in his notebooks through petty diatribes against rivals, underscored a pattern of resentment toward challengers, undermining his later institutional influence despite his charisma.

Controversies and Criticisms

Scientific Priority Disputes and Theoretical Overreach

Davy engaged in a notable priority dispute with Joseph Louis Gay-Lussac concerning the recognition of iodine as a new element in late 1813. French chemist Bernard Courtois had isolated a violet-vaporizing substance from seaweed ash in 1811, but it was Davy, during his European tour in Paris, who first examined a sample on 29 November 1813 and proposed it as an undescribed simple substance based on its electrochemical behavior and failure to combine with oxygen. Gay-Lussac, working independently, published his analysis on 6 December 1813, concluding similarly, while Davy delayed formal publication until January 1814 due to travel and verification efforts. Davy asserted precedence through private correspondence predating Gay-Lussac's paper, yet the French chemist's earlier public announcement fueled acrimony, with both insisting on independent insight despite crediting Courtois for the initial isolation. This iodine controversy exemplified Davy's pattern of invoking analogy and prior electrochemical insights to claim priority, as seen in his broader tensions with Gay-Lussac and Louis Jacques Thénard over related halogen-like substances and reduction techniques. For instance, Davy contested Thénard's assertions on boracium () isolation in 1808–1813, arguing his electrolytic methods anticipated French potassium-based reductions, though empirical verification lagged. Such disputes often stemmed from Davy's reliance on unpublished notes and rapid deductions rather than swift publication, contrasting continental chemists' emphasis on formal priority, and highlighted national rivalries in post-Napoleonic . Davy's theoretical ambitions culminated in overreach within his 1812 Elements of Chemical Philosophy, where he posited a universal electrochemical theory attributing all chemical affinities to attractions between positively and negatively charged particles, framing compounds as dynamic electrical equilibria rather than fixed unions. This schema extended his 1807–1808 electrolytic decompositions of alkalis and earths to hypothesize that electricity underlay affinity itself, predicting element behaviors from polarity and dismissing caloric or other subtle fluids as intermediaries. Critics, including Jöns Jacob Berzelius, faulted the framework for extrapolating beyond verifiable electrolysis to untested organic and mineral combinations, where observed affinities defied strict bipolarity—such as chlorine's variable bonding—revealing the theory's speculative leap from causation to universality. The work's reception underscored Davy's hubris in prioritizing personal experiments over systematic evidence, with reviewers decrying its self-centered narrative and premature grandiosity amid unresolved debates on atomic weights and isomerism. Berzelius countered with a dualistic radical in 1811–1819, accommodating as a tool but rejecting its explanatory monopoly, as Davy's model struggled with non-decomposable salts and thermal effects independent of electricity. Davy persisted in defending the into the despite mounting anomalies, such as Faraday's later quantifications exposing inconsistencies in polarity predictions, marking an instance where empirical rigor yielded to philosophical overextension.

Nitrous Oxide Experiments and Public Perception

In 1799, Humphry Davy, serving as superintendent at the Pneumatic Institution in under Thomas Beddoes, initiated systematic experiments on (N₂O), synthesizing the gas primarily by heating and collecting it via hydraulic bellows. He conducted radical self-trials, inhaling doses such as four quarts initially and escalating to 20 quarts every five minutes on 1799 within a sealed box designed by , often multiple times daily and sometimes combining with wine or other gases, occasionally leading to unconsciousness lasting up to two hours. Davy meticulously recorded subjective effects, including a sweet taste, head pressure, , uncontrollable (prompting his coining of "laughing gas"), heightened sensory , muscular exhilaration, states evoking phrases like "Nothing exists but thoughts!", and temporary relief from pains such as . These observations extended to animal trials and human subjects, including poets and , who reported similar thrilling pleasure and vivid imagination. Davy's findings culminated in the 580-page Researches, Chemical and Philosophical, Chiefly Concerning (published by 1800), which detailed the gas's composition, respiratory impacts, and potential medical applications, including its capacity to "destroy physical pain" and thus aid surgical operations—a suggestion rooted in observed analgesia but not immediately adopted clinically. The work framed as a tool for probing respiratory diseases, aligning with the Institution's therapeutic goals, yet emphasized its psychotropic properties, blending empirical chemistry with philosophical on and sensation. Contemporary reception mixed scientific innovation with skepticism and mockery, viewing the experiments as emblematic of Bristol's radical intellectual circles amid post-French tensions. While the publication earned Davy acclaim for pioneering self-experimentation and advancing pneumatic knowledge—elevating his profile toward the Royal Institution—critics in and periodicals dismissed the trials as frivolous "Pneumatic Revellers'" antics, with the Anti-Jacobin Review lampooning participants via satirical verse and James Gillray's 1802 Scientific Researches!—New Discoveries in Pneumaticks! caricaturing Davy inhaling from an air bag amid chaotic revelry. This perception of overreach into hedonistic or pseudoscientific territory temporarily tarnished his image as a rigorous , associating the gas more with recreational than strict medical utility, though it presaged later developments without crediting Davy contemporaneously.

Views on Race, Slavery, and Era-Specific Prejudices

Humphry Davy's family connections to transatlantic arose primarily through his 1812 to Jane Apreece (née Kerr), whose father Charles Kerr owned approximately 40 enslaved individuals on plantations in , and whose stepfather Robert managed four plantations across and that collectively enslaved 219 people between 1817 and 1821. received nearly £19,000 in compensation under the 1833 Abolition Act for the of these individuals, reflecting the financial benefits Davy indirectly accessed via his wife's , which derived partly from such colonial enterprises. Davy himself did not directly own slaves or participate in the trade, though these marital ties positioned him within networks profiting from the institution during a period when Britain had banned the slave trade in 1807 but permitted existing colonial until 1833. Davy's documented views on race, drawn from his early notebooks and later writings, aligned with prevailing early 19th-century scientific speculations that categorized differences hierarchically, often invoking environmental and physiological explanations. In a circa 1795 entry, he attributed traits such as Africans being "crafty, indolent, & careless" to the effects of "unhealthy air" and the "Meridian Sun," positing that relocation to temperate climates might alter such characteristics, though he expressed about meaningful improvement. He proposed a chemical mechanism for skin pigmentation, suggesting in a 1798 essay that exposure to depleted oxygen in the skin, elevating carbon levels to produce darker hues—a theory later discredited but influential among contemporaries like Thomas Beddoes and Everard Home. By 1829, in Consolations in Travel, Davy had shifted toward essentialist interpretations, asserting that racial traits were hereditary and that non-European peoples, particularly Africans, had "never been cultivated," implying inherent inferiority in capacity for . These ideas echoed pseudoscientific and climatic determinism common in European circles, where Europeans were positioned as apex in intellectual and moral hierarchies, though Davy's early associations with radicals like Beddoes—who critiqued —did not translate into progressive racial . Regarding slavery specifically, Davy offered no public advocacy for abolition and rarely addressed it directly, even amid heated parliamentary debates on the slave trade in the and 1800s. His notebooks and letters employ as a for intellectual or poetic liberation—such as in verses contrasting "slavish" with creative freedom—but avoid condemning the transatlantic system itself. This reticence contrasted with contemporaries like , who campaigned vigorously against the trade, highlighting how Davy's prejudices persisted despite broader societal shifts toward reform. Such era-specific attitudes, rooted in colonial expansion and emerging racial taxonomies, informed Davy's without evident self-critique, reflecting a broader scientific community's entanglement with imperial ideologies that prioritized empirical of differences over causal analysis of systemic exploitation.

Legacy and Recognition

Enduring Scientific Impact

Davy's pioneering work in , particularly his use of to decompose compounds and isolate pure elements, established foundational principles that underpin modern electrochemical theory and industrial processes such as and battery technology. In 1807, he successfully isolated from caustic and sodium from soda ash, demonstrating that these substances were metallic elements rather than compounds, which challenged prevailing chemical doctrines and advanced understanding of alkali metals. His subsequent isolations of magnesium, calcium, , , and further expanded the periodic table and illustrated the power of electrical decomposition, influencing later scientists like in developing quantitative electrochemistry. The , invented in 1815, revolutionized mining safety by enclosing the flame in a that prevented ignition of () while allowing ventilation, thereby reducing explosion risks in coal mines across and saving thousands of lives over the subsequent decades. This practical application of scientific principles not only extended to variations like the Stephenson lamp but also underscored the role of empirical testing in , with the design principle of flame quenching still informing contemporary explosion-proof equipment in hazardous environments. Davy's experiments with in 1799 revealed its euphoric and properties, laying groundwork for its adoption as an anesthetic agent in and by the mid-19th century, despite initial recreational associations. His detailed observations in "Researches, Chemical and Philosophical" suggested potential therapeutic uses for respiratory ailments and pain relief, contributing to the development of inhalation anesthesia and influencing medical practices that persist in modern .

Honours, Institutions, and Cultural Depictions

Davy was knighted on 14 February 1812, recognizing his electrochemical discoveries and practical inventions such as the miner's . In 1818, he was created a , the first such hereditary honor bestowed on a natural philosopher in Britain, reflecting his elevated status in scientific and industrial circles. He also received foreign accolades, including a medal from Napoleon Bonaparte for his chemical work and an honorary doctorate from in 1813. Davy held prominent roles in key scientific institutions. He joined the Royal Institution in 1801 as assistant lecturer in chemistry, becoming superintendent of its laboratory and delivering popular Friday evening discourses that drew large audiences, including aristocracy and literati, thereby establishing public science lectures as a cultural staple. Elected a in 1803, he served as its president from 1820 to 1827, during which he advocated for reforms amid internal debates over the society's direction. His involvement extended to founding the as a fellow member. Culturally, Davy is depicted in historical accounts as a bridge between and Romantic literature, owing to his friendships with poets like and , who attended his lectures and corresponded on pneumatic chemistry's philosophical implications. Posthumously, his notebooks revealed over 400 unpublished poems blending scientific observation with , published in editions like his brother's 1839-1840 collected works, highlighting his dual identity as and experimenter. refers to Davy's geological theories in his 1864 novel Journey to the Centre of the Earth. He is also referenced in 's (Chapter 2), where the character Mr. Brooke recalls dining with him, underscoring Davy's prestige in 19th-century intellectual circles. Edmund Clerihew Bentley's first clerihew, published in 1905, was written about Sir Humphry Davy: Sir Humphry Davy / Abominated gravy. / He lived in the odium / Of having discovered sodium. There is a humorous rhyme of unknown origin about the statue in Penzance: Sir Humphrey Davy's kindly face, / Is turned away from Market Place / Towards St Michael's Mount / So, if he do want to tell the time / He've got to wait till the clock do chime / Then he's forced to count. Davy appears in modern media, such as dramas on his experiments, portraying him as a daring innovator whose public demonstrations influenced perceptions of scientific and . Davy is the subject of a humorous song by Richard Gendall, recorded in 1980 by folk-singer Brenda Wootton in the album Boy Jan Cornishman, the seven verses of which each recall a day of the week on which Davy purportedly made a particular discovery. English playwright Nick Darke wrote Laughing Gas (2005), a comedy script about the life of Sir Humphry Davy, unfinished at the time of Nick Darke's death; completed posthumously by actor and playwright Carl Grose and produced by the Truro-based production company O-region.

Modern Reassessments and Balanced Evaluations

Modern scholarship has reaffirmed Humphry Davy's foundational role in , particularly his 1807 experiments isolating and alkaline earth metals such as sodium, , calcium, and , which laid groundwork for understanding and electrolytic processes still central to industrial applications like aluminum production. His , developed in 1815 amid the colliery disasters that killed 92 miners in 1812, reduced explosions through diffusion, saving countless lives and influencing standards into the , though later surpassed by electric lamps. Recent archival efforts, including a 2020–2024 project involving 3,500 volunteers transcribing Davy's notebooks via , have uncovered unpublished details on his interdisciplinary pursuits—from geological speculations to —portraying him not merely as a but as a Romantic-era philosopher integrating , , and , challenging 19th-century reductions of his work to "petty experimentalism." These findings, detailed in a 2019 Ambix special issue, critique disciplinary silos that marginalized his broader philosophical contributions, emphasizing his resistance to overly mechanistic views in favor of vitalistic and caloric theories, which, while empirically limited, spurred debate leading to Faraday's advancements. Balanced evaluations acknowledge Davy's charisma as a —drawing crowds of up to 1,000 at the Royal Institution in 1801–1812 through dramatic demonstrations—but note his interpersonal flaws, including priority claims over Gay-Lussac in iodine discovery (1813) and theoretical overreach in rejecting Avogadro's molecular hypotheses, which delayed atomic weight consensus until Cannizzaro's 1860 work. A 2016 biographical analysis highlights his "dazzling mix of personas": innovative experimenter yet aristocratic elitist, whose trials (1799) pioneered but risked public moral backlash by associating science with recreational euphoria. Twenty-first-century scrutiny, informed by efforts, has spotlighted Davy's late-life racial views, including 1828 claims of Black intellectual inferiority tied to cranial differences and skin color experiments using prussic acid, reflecting era prejudices despite his earlier abolitionist leanings via Beddoes' circle. Such revelations, drawn from consolidated notebooks, prompt debates in educational contexts like MOOCs, where views range from condemnation of his slavery-linked sentiments to defense of contextualizing a "complicated modernizer" whose empirical rigor advanced human welfare amid personal contradictions. Overall, reassessments portray Davy as a pivotal yet flawed transitional figure, bridging Enlightenment and Romantic science, with his legacy enduring through practical innovations while inviting caution against .

References

  1. https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Dictionary_of_National_Biography%2C_1885-1900/Davy%2C_Jane
  2. https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Middlemarch_(Eliot)/Chapter_II
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