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Conversion therapy
Conversion therapy
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Legality of conversion therapy:
  Criminal ban on conversion therapy
  Medical ban on conversion therapy
  No ban on conversion therapy

Conversion therapy is the pseudoscientific practice of attempting to change an individual's sexual orientation, romantic orientation, gender identity, or gender expression to align with heterosexual and cisgender norms. Conversion therapy is ineffective at changing a person's sexual orientation or gender identity and frequently causes significant long-term psychological harm. The position of current evidence-based medicine and clinical guidance is that homosexuality, bisexuality, and gender variance are natural and healthy aspects of human sexuality and gender identity.[1][2][3]

Conversion therapy often consists of methods that involve, but are not limited to, talk therapy, aversion therapy, brain surgery, chemical castration, surgical castration, hypnosis, psychoanalysis, corrective rape, and various religious practices, including prayer and exorcism.[4]

When performed today, conversion therapy may constitute fraud, and when performed on minors, a form of child abuse. It has been described by experts as torture; cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment; and contrary to human rights. Many jurisdictions around the world have passed laws against conversion therapy.[5]

Terminology

[edit]

Medical professionals and activists consider "conversion therapy" a misnomer, as it does not constitute a legitimate form of therapy.[6] Alternative terms include "sexual orientation change efforts" (SOCE)[6] and "gender identity change efforts" (GICE)[6]. Together, and more commonly referred to as "sexual orientation and gender identity change efforts" (SOGICE),[7] or "sexual orientation and gender identity or expression change efforts" (SOGIECE).[8]

According to researcher Douglas C. Haldeman, SOCE and GICE should be considered together because both rest on the assumption "that gender-related behavior consistent with the individual's birth sex is normative and anything else is unacceptable and should be changed".[9] The American Psychological Association stated in a 2021 resolution that some parts of SOCE also met their definition of GICE, and "intense focus" on gender-normative "conformity is a frequent characteristic of SOCE".[3]

"Reparative therapy" may refer to conversion therapy in general,[6] or to a subset thereof.[10] Some sources prefer the term "conversion practices" to "conversion therapy", on the grounds that the practices in question are not actually therapeutic.[11]

Advocates of conversion therapy do not necessarily use the term either, instead using phrases such as "healing from sexual brokenness"[12][13] and "struggling with same-sex attraction".[14][8]

Evolving phraseology

[edit]

A common term found throughout conversion therapy practices is "same-sex attraction" with various phrases or words connected to it.[8][14]

The term "same-sex attraction disorder" (SSAD), or sometimes "same-sex attachment disorder" was coined by Richard Fitzgibbon in the 1990s as a replacement for the term gay and the "ex-gay movement" and subsequently popularized in the 2000's by Richard A. Cohen who authored the book Coming Out Straight in which he details the phrase and invented "diagnosis" that tried to pathologize homosexuality as a condition, concluding that "Homosexuality is a Same-Sex Attachment Disorder." The term was picked up by the ex-gay movement in scripts such as "I used to be gay, but I don't think of myself as gay anymore. Now I just experience same-sex attraction."[15][16]

A 2020 report by ILGA tracking bans on conversion therapy worldwide explained that in many countries where "conversion therapy" has been banned, "proponents had to reshape and adapt the way in which they present and offer their 'treatment'."[8] The report further explains that many proponents of "conversion therapy" now try to expressly distance themselves from the term "conversion therapy" or saying they support homosexuality or gender variance and referring to their alternative terminology as being something different. The report describes this effort to "make these pseudo-scientific practices 'a constant moving target'."[8]

The report listed a series of currently common terms used by proponents of "conversion therapy" for their "services" to provide assistance with "unwanted same-sex attraction"; promoting a "healthy sexuality", addressing "sexual brokenness"; helping clients explore their "gender confusion".[8]

In 2022, the Global Project Against Hate and Extremism (GPAHE) began tracking terms related to conversion therapy online in a report titled Conversion Therapy Online: The Ecosystem. The report documents practices, techniques and phraseology used by groups providing "conversion therapy" under various names to refer to the practice itself, as well as common phrases such as "same-sex attracted" in relation to conversion therapy targeted at LGBTQ people, in particular gay men and transgender people.[17]

In January 2024, GPAHE published an updated report for 2023, highlighting that many social media platforms and search engines are still serving a lot of content related to conversion therapy. Listing examples, using the search term "overcoming same-sex attraction" on YouTube led to results from religious and non-religious groups serving videos targeting gay and transgender people, such as videos titled "Former LGBTQers Testify: If You No Longer Want to be Gay or Transgender, You Don't Have to Be."[18]

In 2022, GPAHE also started creating an ongoing tracking project on organizations connected to the promotion of "conversion therapy" practices online titled Conversion Therapy Online: The Players to document the actors involved in these activities and show the interconnectedness.[19] The report highlights some larger groups at the center of these efforts such as London-based International Federation for Therapeutic and Counseling Choice (IFTCC), chaired by Mike Davidson, founder of related Core Issues Trust (CIT) and several other organizations involved. IFTCC has been hosting annual conferences since its inception in 2015 with the purpose to connect individuals "seeking help with 'same-sex attraction' and 'gender confusion'" with therapists.[19]

History

[edit]

Sexual orientation change efforts (SOCE)

[edit]

The term homosexual was coined by German-speaking Hungarian writer Karl Maria Kertbeny and was in circulation by the 1880s.[20][5] Into the middle of the twentieth century, competing views of homosexuality were advanced by psychoanalysis versus academic sexology. Sigmund Freud, the founder of psychoanalysis, viewed homosexuality as a form of arrested development. Later psychoanalysts followed Sandor Rado, who argued that homosexuality was a "phobic avoidance of heterosexuality caused by inadequate early parenting".[5] This line of thinking was popular in psychiatric models of homosexuality based on the prison population or homosexuals seeking treatment. In contrast, sexology researchers such as Alfred Kinsey argued that homosexuality was a normal variation in human development. In 1970, gay activists confronted the American Psychiatric Association, persuading the association to reconsider whether homosexuality should be listed as a disorder. The APA delisted homosexuality in 1973, which contributed to shifts in public opinion on homosexuality.[5]

Despite their lack of scientific backing, some socially or religiously conservative activists continued to argue that if one person's sexuality could be changed, homosexuality was not a fixed class such as race. Borrowing from discredited psychoanalytic ideas about the cause of homosexuality, some of these individuals offered conversion therapy.[5] In 2001, conversion therapy attracted attention when Robert L. Spitzer published a non-peer-reviewed study asserting that some homosexuals could change their sexual orientation. Many researchers made methodological criticisms of the study, and Spitzer later repudiated his own study.[5]

Gender identity change efforts (GICE)

[edit]

Gender Identity Change Efforts (GICE) refer to practices of healthcare providers and religious counselors with the goal of attempting to alter a person's gender identity or expression to conform to social norms. Examples include aversion therapy, cognitive restructuring, and psychoanalytic and talk therapies.[21] Western medical-model narratives have historically favored a binary gender model and pathologizing gender diversity and non-conformity.[22] This aided the development and proliferation of GICE.[23]

Early interventions were rooted in psychoanalytic hypotheses.[24] Robert Stoller advanced the theory that gender-nonconforming behavior and expression in children assigned male at birth (AMAB) was caused by being overly close to their mother. Richard Green continued his research; his methods for altering behavior included having the father spend more time with the child and mother less, expecting both to exhibit stereotypical gender roles, and having them praise their child's masculine behaviors, and shame their feminine and gender-nonconforming ones. These interventions resulted in depression in the children and feelings of betrayal from parents that the treatments failed.[24]

In the 1970s, UCLA psychologist Richard Green recruited Ole Ivar Lovaas to adapt the techniques of applied behavior analysis (ABA) to attempt to prevent children from becoming transsexual.[25] Deemed the "Feminine Boy Project", the treatments used operant conditioning to reward gender-conforming behaviors, and punish gender non-conforming behaviors.[25]

Kenneth Zucker at the Centre for Addiction and Mental Health adopted Richard Green's methods, but narrowed the scope to attempting to prevent the child from identifying as transgender by modifying gender behavior and presentation to conform to the expectations of the assigned gender at birth, which he dubbed the "living in your own skin" model. His model used the same interventions as Green with the addition of psychodynamic therapy.[24][26][27][28]

Bans on Conversion therapy

[edit]

In 2020, the United Nations Independent Expert on sexual orientation and gender identity (IESOGI) published a Report on conversion therapy, which documented global practices on conversion therapy against LGBTQ individuals.[17][29] In the report, the UN IESOGI called for a global ban on "conversion therapy", as an umbrella term describing various interventions practiced to "cure" people, and to "convert" them from non-heterosexual to heterosexual, and from trans or gender diverse to cisgender.[29][30] The report highlighted a 2015 US court case from New Jersey, "Ferguson v JONAH'", in which a jury unanimously found the defendants guilty of fraud, claiming they were providing "services that could significantly reduce or eliminate same-sex attraction."[29][31]

Scientific evaluation and efficacy

[edit]

Conversion therapy for sexual orientation

[edit]

There is a scientific consensus that conversion therapy is ineffective at changing sexual orientation.[2]

According to Bailey et al., claims of successful conversion therapy rely upon self reports of success, however these are unreliable as this is not objective evidence, and participants in conversion therapy are often highly motivated to change and thus "may be especially susceptible to believing and reporting that therapy has succeeded regardless of its true effectiveness". According to Bailey et al. measures of men's genital arousal patterns could provide relevant evidence to the efficacy of conversion therapy, however existing studies have not supported its effectiveness. For example, a study by Kurt Freund used penile phallometric testing and found that clients’ reported changes in sexual orientation were not supported; and research by Conrad and Wincze (1976) showed that arousal measurements also failed to support claims of success.[32] According to Bailey, although individuals may choose not to act upon their sexual attractions, "there is no good evidence, however, that sexual orientation can be changed with therapy".[32]

Motivations

[edit]

A frequent motivation for adults who pursue conversion therapy is religious beliefs that disapprove of same-sex relations, such as evangelical Christianity, Orthodox Judaism, and conservative interpretations of Islam.[33] These adults prioritize maintaining a good relationship with their family and religious community.[34]

Adolescents who are pressured by their families into undergoing conversion therapy also typically come from a conservative religious background.[34] Youth from families with low socioeconomic status are also more likely to undergo conversion therapy.[35]

Theories and techniques

[edit]

As societal attitudes toward homosexuality have become more accepting over time, the harshest conversion therapy methods, such as aversion therapy, have become less common. Secular conversion therapy is offered less frequently due to the demedicalization of homosexuality and bisexuality, and religious practitioners have become predominant.[36]

Aversion therapy

[edit]

Aversion therapy used on homosexuals and bisexuals included electric shock and nausea-inducing drugs during presentation of same-sex erotic images. Cessation of the aversive stimuli was typically accompanied by the presentation of opposite-sex erotic images, with the objective of strengthening heterosexual feelings.[37][38] Another method used is the covert sensitization method, which involves instructing recipients to imagine vomiting or receiving electric shocks. Proponents often write that only single-case studies have been conducted to support their methods and that their results cannot be generalized. For example, Haldeman writes that behavioral conditioning studies tend to decrease homosexual feelings but do not increase heterosexual feelings, citing Rangaswami's "Difficulties in arousing and increasing heterosexual responsiveness in a homosexual: A case report",[39] published in 1982, as typical in this respect.[40] Other methods of aversion therapy, in addition to electric shock, included ice baths, freezing, burning via metal coils, and hard labor. The intent was for the subject to associate homosexual feelings with pain and thus result in them being reduced. These methods have been concluded to be ineffective.[41]

Aversion therapy was developed in Czechoslovakia between 1950 and 1962 and in the British Commonwealth from 1961 into the mid-1970s. In the context of the Cold War, Western psychologists ignored the poor results of their Czechoslovak counterparts who had concluded that aversion therapy was not effective by 1961 and recommended decriminalization of homosexuality instead.[42] Some men in the United Kingdom were offered the choice between prison and undergoing aversion therapy. It was also offered to a few British women, but was never the standard treatment for either homosexual men or women.[43]

In the 1970s, behaviorist Hans Eysenck was one of the main advocates of counterconditioning with malaise-inducing drugs and electric shock for homosexuals. He wrote that this therapy was successful in nearly 50% of cases. However, his studies were disputed.[44] Behavior therapists, including Eysenck, used aversive methods. This led to a protest against Eysenck by gay activist Peter Tatchell at a London Medical Group Symposium in 1972. Tatchell said that the therapy promoted by Eysenck was a form of torture.[44] Tatchell denounced Eysenck's form of behavioral therapy as causing depression and suicidal ideation and completion among gay men who were subjected to it.[43]

Brain surgery

[edit]

In the 1940s and 1950s, American neurologist Walter Jackson Freeman II popularized the so-called ice-pick lobotomy as a treatment for homosexuality. He personally performed more than 3,000 lobotomies across 23 US states,[45][46] of which 2,500 used his transorbital method,[47][better source needed] despite the fact that he had no formal surgical training.[48] Freeman was banned from performing psychosurgery in 1967.[46]

In West Germany, a type of brain surgery usually involving destruction of the ventromedial nucleus of the hypothalamus was done on some homosexual men during the 1960s and 1970s. The practice was criticized by sexologist Volkmar Sigusch.[49]

Castration and transplantation

[edit]
Friedrich-Paul von Groszheim (1908–2006) was spared from a concentration camp after agreeing to castration under pressure in 1938.

In early twentieth-century Germany, experiments were carried out in which homosexual men were subjected to unilateral orchiectomy and testicles of heterosexual men were transplanted. These operations were a complete failure.[50]

Surgical castration of homosexual men was widespread in Europe in the first half of the twentieth century.[51] SS leader Heinrich Himmler ordered homosexual men to be sent to concentration camps because he did not consider a time-limited prison sentence sufficient to eliminate homosexuality.[52] Although theoretically voluntary, some homosexuals were subject to severe pressure and coercion to agree to castration. There was no lower age limit: some boys as young as 16 were castrated. Those who agreed to castration after a Paragraph 175 conviction were exempted from being transferred to a concentration camp after completing their legal sentence.[53] Some concentration camp prisoners were also subjected to castration.[54] An estimated 400 to 800 men were castrated.[55] Endocrinologist Carl Vaernet attempted to change homosexual concentration camp prisoners' sexual orientations by implanting a pellet that released testosterone. Most of the victims, non-consenting prisoners at the Buchenwald concentration camp, died shortly thereafter.[56][57]

An unknown number of men were castrated in West Germany, and chemical castration was used in other Western countries, notably against Alan Turing in the United Kingdom.[58]

Ex-gay/ex-trans ministries

[edit]
OneByOne booth at a Love Won Out conference

Ex-gay ministries are religious groups that attempt to use religion to eliminate or change queer individuals' sexual orientation.[59][60][61][62] The ex-gay umbrella organization Exodus International in the United States ceased activities in June 2013, and the three-member board issued a statement repudiating its aims and apologizing for the harm its pursuit had caused to queer people.[63][64] Ex-trans organizations often overlap with ex-gay organizations, frequently portraying trans identity as inherently sinful or against God's design and pathologizing gender variance as the result of trauma, social contagion, or "gender ideology".[65][66]

Hypnosis

[edit]

Hypnosis has been used in conversion therapy since the 19th century, first employed by Richard von Krafft-Ebing and Albert von Schrenck-Notzing. In 1967, Canadian psychiatrist Peter Roper published a case study of treating 15 homosexual individuals—some of whom would probably be considered bisexual by modern standards—with hypnosis. Allegedly, eight showed "marked improvement" (they reportedly lost sexual attraction towards the same sex altogether), four showed mild improvements (decrease of "homosexual tendencies"), and three exhibited no improvement after hypnotic treatment. He concluded that "hypnosis may well produce more satisfactory results than those obtainable by other means", depending on the hypnotic susceptibility of the subjects.[67][better source needed]

Psychoanalysis

[edit]

Haldeman writes that psychoanalytic treatment of homosexuality is exemplified by the work of Irving Bieber and colleagues[68] in Homosexuality: A Psychoanalytic Study of Male Homosexuals. They advocated long-term therapy aimed at resolving the unconscious childhood conflicts that they considered responsible for homosexuality. Haldeman notes that Bieber's methodology has been criticized because it relied upon a clinical sample, the description of the outcomes was based upon subjective therapist impression, and follow-up data were poorly presented. Bieber reported a 27% success frequency from long-term therapy, but only 18% of those deemed successful were exclusively homosexual initially, while 50% had been bisexual. In Haldeman's view, this makes even Bieber's unimpressive claims of success misleading.[69]

Haldeman discusses other psychoanalytic studies of attempts to change homosexuality. Curran and Parr's[70] "Homosexuality: An analysis of 100 male cases", published in 1957, reported no significant increase in heterosexual behavior. Mayerson and Lief's "Psychotherapy of homosexuals: A follow-up study of nineteen cases", published in 1965, reported that half of the 19 subjects included were exclusively heterosexual in behavior four and a half years after treatment; its outcomes were based on patient self-report and had no external validation. In Haldeman's view, those participants in the study who reported change were bisexual at the outset, and its authors wrongly interpreted the capacity for heterosexual sex as a change of sexual orientation.[71]

Reparative therapy

[edit]

The term "reparative therapy" has been used as a synonym for conversion therapy generally, but according to Jack Drescher, it more correctly refers to a specific kind of therapy[clarification needed] associated with the psychologists Elizabeth Moberly and Joseph Nicolosi.[10] For example, he wrote:

The pursuit of fulfillment through same-sex eroticism is spurred by the fearful anticipation that their masculine self-assertion will inevitably fail and result in humiliation.[72]

The term reparative refers to Nicolosi's postulate that same-sex attraction is a person's unconscious attempt to "self-repair" feelings of inferiority.[73][74] After California banned conversion practices, Nicolosi argued that "reparative therapy" did not attempt to change sexual orientation directly but instead encouraged exploration into its underlying causes, which he believed was often childhood trauma.[75]

A phone study by Robert Spitzer reported that "about 66 percent of the men respondents and 44 percent of the women were able to function as heterosexuals after the therapy," while conceding that "his subjects did not constitute a study population representative of the gay and lesbian population in the U.S."[76]

Marriage therapy

[edit]

Previous editions of the World Health Organization's ICD included sexual relationship disorder, in which a person's sexual orientation or gender identity makes it difficult to form or maintain a relationship with a sexual partner. The belief that their sexual orientation causes problems in their relationship may lead some to turn to a marriage therapist for help to change their sexual orientation.[77] Sexual relationship disorder was removed from ICD-11 after the Working Group on Sexual Disorders and Sexual Health determined that its inclusion was unjustified.[78]

Gender exploratory therapy

[edit]

Gender exploratory therapy (GET) is a form of conversion therapy characterized by requiring mandatory extended talk therapy attempting to find pathological roots for gender dysphoria while simultaneously delaying social and medical transition and viewing it as a last resort.[75][79][80][81][82][83][84][excessive citations] Practitioners propose that their patients' dysphoria is caused by factors such as homophobia, social contagion, sexual trauma, and autism.[81][83] Some practitioners avoid using their patients' chosen names and pronouns while questioning their identification.[84] Commenting on GET in 2022, bioethicist Florence Ashley argued that its framing as an undirected exploration of underlying psychological issues bore similarities to conversion practices, such as "reparative" therapy.[75] States that have banned gender-affirming care for minors in the United States have called expert witnesses to argue that exploratory therapy should be the alternative treatment.[85]

There are no known empirical studies examining psychosocial or medical outcomes following gender exploratory therapy.[84][86] Concerns have been raised that by not providing an estimated length of time for the therapy, the delays in medical interventions may compound mental suffering in transgender youth,[81][84] while the gender-affirming care model already promotes gender identity exploration—without favoring any particular identity—and individualized care.[84] GET proponents deny this.[87]

In 2017, Richard Green published a legal strategy that called for circumventing bans on conversion therapy by labelling the practice "gender identity exploration or development".[88][89] Multiple groups now exist worldwide to promote gender exploratory therapy and have been successful in influencing legal discussions and clinical guidance in some regions.[82] The Gender Exploratory Therapy Association (GETA) asserts that "psychological approaches should be the first-line treatment for all cases of gender dysphoria", that medical interventions for transgender youth are "experimental and should be avoided if possible", and that social transitioning is "risky".[87] All of GETA's leaders are members of Genspect, a "gender-critical" group that promotes GET and argues that gender-affirming care should not be available to those under 25.[87] In late 2023, GETA changed its name to "Therapy First".[85]

GETA also shares a large overlap with the Society for Evidence-Based Gender Medicine (SEGM), which promotes GET as first-line treatment for those under 25.[90] GETA co-founder Lisa Marchiano stated US President Joe Biden's executive order safeguarding trans youth from conversion therapy would have a "chilling effect" on GET practices.[87][91] GETA also opposed Biden's Title IX changes protecting trans students from discrimination, stating allowing trans youth in restrooms would harm the mental health of their peers.[91] The American College of Pediatricians, a small group aligned with the Christian Right,[Note 1] has cited numerous studies from SEGM to support the claim that 'gender exploratory therapy' is necessary to restore transgender people's "biological integrity".[90]

Effects

[edit]

There is a scientific consensus that conversion therapy is ineffective at changing a person's sexual orientation.[92]

Conversion therapy can cause significant, long-term psychological harm.[92] This includes significantly higher rates of depression, substance abuse, and other mental health issues in individuals who have undergone conversion therapy than their peers who did not,[93][94] including a suicide attempt rate nearly twice that of those who did not.[95] After conversion therapy has failed to change someone's sexual orientation or gender identity, participants often feel increased shame that they already felt over their sexual orientation or gender identity.[34]

Modern-day practitioners of conversion therapy—primarily from a conservative religious viewpoint—disagree with current evidence-based medicine and clinical guidance that does not view homosexuality and gender variance as unnatural or unhealthy.[1][92] Advocates of conversion therapy rely heavily on testimonials and retrospective self-reports as evidence of effectiveness. Studies purporting to validate the effectiveness of efforts to change sexual orientation or gender identity have been criticized for methodological flaws.[96]

In 2020, ILGA World published a world survey and report Curbing Deception listing consequences and life-threatening effects by associating specific public testimonies with different types of methods used to practice conversion therapies.[8]

A 2022 study estimated that conversion therapy of youth in the United States cost $650.16 million annually with an additional $9.5 billion in associated costs such as increased suicide and substance abuse.[94] Youth who undergo conversion therapy from a religious provider have more negative mental health outcomes than those who had consulted a licensed healthcare provider.[34]

[edit]
Map of jurisdictions that have bans on sexual orientation and gender identity change efforts with minors as of January 2025:
  Criminal prohibition against conversion therapy on the basis of sexual orientation and gender identity
  Only medical professionals are banned from performing conversion therapy
  No ban on conversion therapy

Some jurisdictions have criminal bans on the practice of conversion therapy, including Canada, Ecuador, France,[97] Germany, Malta, Mexico and Spain.[98] In other countries, including Albania, Brazil, Chile, Vietnam and Taiwan, medical professionals are barred from practicing conversion therapy.[99]

In some states, lawsuits against conversion therapy providers for fraud have succeeded, but in other jurisdictions those claiming fraud must prove that the perpetrator was intentionally dishonest. Thus, a provider who genuinely believes conversion therapy is effective could not be convicted.[100]

Conversion therapy on minors may amount to child abuse.[101][102][103]

Human rights

[edit]

In 2020, the International Rehabilitation Council for Torture Victims released an official statement that conversion therapy is torture.[101] The same year, UN Independent Expert on sexual orientation and gender identity, Victor Madrigal-Borloz, said that conversion therapy practices are "inherently discriminatory, that they are cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment, and that depending on the severity or physical or mental pain and suffering inflicted to the victim, they may amount to torture". He recommended that it should be banned across the world.[104] In 2021, Ilias Trispiotis and Craig Purshouse argue that conversion therapy violates the prohibition against degrading treatment under Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights, leading to a state obligation to prohibit it.[99][105] In February 2023 Commissioner for Human Rights, Dunja Mijatović, qualified those practices as "irreconcilable with several guarantees under the European Convention on Human Rights" and having no place in a human rights-based society urging the Member States of the Council of Europe to ban them for both adults and minors,[106] later in July 2023 she advocated for clear actions during a public hearing at the European Parliament studying different approaches to legally ban "conversion therapies" in the European Union.[107] In September 2024 it was reported that the European Union is considering banning "conversion therapies" across its Member States,[108] while a European Citizens' Initiative that started collecting signatures in May 2024 is also calling on the European Commission to outlaw such practices.[109]

In media

[edit]

Efforts to change sexual orientation have been depicted and discussed in popular culture and various media. Some examples include: Boy Erased, The Miseducation of Cameron Post, Book of Mormon musical, Ratched, and documentary features Pray Away, Homotherapy: A Religious Sickness.[110][111]

Medical views

[edit]

National health organizations around the world have uniformly denounced and criticized sexual orientation and gender identity change efforts.[2][112][113][114] They state that there has been no scientific demonstration of "conversion therapy's" efficacy.[59][115][116][117] They find that conversion therapy is ineffective, risky and can be harmful. Anecdotal claims of cures are counterbalanced by assertions of harm, and the American Psychiatric Association, for example, cautions ethical practitioners under the Hippocratic oath to do no harm and to refrain from attempts at conversion therapy.[116] Furthermore, they state that conversion therapy is harmful and that it often exploits individuals' guilt and anxiety, thereby damaging self-esteem and leading to depression and even suicide.[118]

There is also concern in the mental health community that the advancement of conversion therapy can cause social harm by disseminating inaccurate views about gender identity, sexual orientation, and the ability of LGBT people to lead happy, healthy lives.[113] Various medical bodies prohibit their members from practicing conversion therapy.[119]

Public opinion

[edit]

Opinion polls have found that conversion therapy bans enjoy popular support among the U.S. population. Surveys in three states (Florida, New Mexico and Virginia) show support varying between 60% and 75%. According to a 2014 national poll, only 8% of the U.S. population believed conversion therapies to be successful.[120]

A 2020 survey carried out on US adults found majority support for banning conversion therapy for minors. 18% of respondents said it should be legal for minors, 56% said it should be illegal for minors, and 26% said they did not know.[121]: Table 1  The survey also found that LGB contact was positively associated with opposition to conversion therapy.[121]

A 2022 YouGov poll found majority support in England, Scotland, and Wales for a conversion therapy ban for both sexual orientation and gender identity, with opposition ranging from 13 to 15 percent.[122]

See also

[edit]

Notes

[edit]

References

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Bibliography

[edit]

Further reading

[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Conversion therapy refers to a variety of practices, including counseling, behavioral conditioning, and sometimes aversive techniques, intended to modify an individual's —typically from homosexual or bisexual to heterosexual—or to alter to conform with biological sex. These efforts have historical roots in 19th-century , evolving through early 20th-century methods like and electroshock to later approaches associated with religious and ex-gay movements. Proponents, often motivated by religious or moral convictions, claim that such interventions can reduce same-sex attractions or facilitate heterosexual adjustment, with some self-reports indicating shifts in behavior or identity congruence. However, peer-reviewed reviews consistently find scant for durable changes in core sexual attractions, with most studies reporting failure to achieve the intended outcomes or reliance on subjective, unverifiable testimonials rather than controlled measures of orientation. Controversies surrounding conversion therapy center on its efficacy, potential harms, and ; multiple investigations link exposure to increased risks of depression, anxiety, , and suicidality, though establishing direct causality remains challenging amid confounding factors like pre-existing distress. Bans on the practice for minors have proliferated in jurisdictions worldwide, reflecting institutional opposition from medical bodies, yet critics argue these restrictions infringe on therapeutic autonomy, parental rights, and freedom of belief, particularly for adults seeking voluntary change.

Definition and Terminology

Core Concepts and Distinctions

Conversion therapy encompasses a range of practices, including , behavioral interventions, and religious counseling, intended to alter or suppress an individual's —typically from homosexual or bisexual to exclusively heterosexual—or to realign with biological sex. These efforts rest on the premise that non-heterosexual orientations or gender incongruence represent deviations amenable to modification, though indicates involves enduring patterns of attraction influenced by genetic, hormonal, and developmental factors resistant to voluntary change. A primary distinction lies between sexual orientation change efforts (SOCE), which target patterns of emotional, romantic, or sexual attractions to persons of the same sex, and gender identity change efforts (GICE), which seek to reduce identification with the opposite sex or alleviate without medical transition. SOCE historically predominated, emerging from psychoanalytic views of as a treatable , whereas GICE gained prominence amid debates over youth , where some therapies explore underlying causes like trauma or co-occurring conditions rather than affirming identity transitions. These differ fundamentally: orientation pertains to whom one is attracted, independent of self-perception, while involves subjective sense of maleness or femaleness, often diverging from observable . Another key distinction separates attempts to transform core attractions from strategies to manage or reduce unwanted same-sex behaviors or expressions, such as through counseling or habit modification, without claiming innate reorientation. Studies sympathetic to such efforts often measure behavioral shifts or self-reported satisfaction rather than objective indicators like physiological patterns, leading to debates over whether reported "changes" reflect genuine alteration or suppression. For instance, a of 47 peer-reviewed papers found no rigorous evidence that SOCE alters orientation without , though some participants anecdotally describe diminished same-sex over time. Voluntary versus involuntary application forms a practical distinction, with adults sometimes initiating due to personal distress, religious convictions, or cultural pressures, contrasting with coerced participation, particularly among minors subjected to parental or institutional mandates. Longitudinal data link exposure—regardless of consent—to elevated risks of depression, , and suicidality, with one 2024 study of over 1,200 U.S. adults reporting 2-3 times higher odds of these outcomes among those who underwent such practices. Major professional bodies, including the , classify these interventions as ineffective and unethical based on evidence syntheses, though critics highlight potential ideological influences in these organizations' stances, noting scant high-quality randomized trials and reliance on correlational data prone to confounding factors like pre-existing issues.

Evolution of the Term and Scope

The practices now collectively termed "conversion therapy" were initially described in late 19th- and early 20th-century psychiatric literature as treatments for "sexual inversion" or homosexuality, viewed as pathological conditions amenable to psychoanalytic intervention, without the specific label of "conversion." By the 1950s and 1960s, terminology shifted to emphasize behavioral modification, with terms such as "aversion therapy" and "reorientation therapy" applied to conditioning techniques designed to reduce same-sex attraction through associating it with discomfort or punishment. The phrase "reparative therapy" emerged in the 1980s as a psychoanalytic alternative, first articulated by Elizabeth Moberly in her 1983 book Homosexuality: A New Christian Ethic, positing unmet developmental needs in same-sex parent relationships as a root cause repairable through therapy; further formalized it in his 1991 publication Reparative Therapy of Male . "Conversion therapy" itself, as an umbrella descriptor for efforts to shift toward , gained traction in the 1970s and 1980s amid religious and ex-gay ministry contexts, evoking religious transformation metaphors but increasingly adopted by critics to underscore alleged pseudoscientific elements. Post-1973, following the American Psychiatric Association's declassification of homosexuality as a disorder, the scope of the term remained centered on sexual orientation change efforts (SOCE) until the 2000s, when definitions broadened to encompass interventions targeting or expression, paralleling evolving diagnostic categories like in the (2013). Contemporary usages, as in government reports, explicitly include attempts to "change, modify or suppress" either or , reflecting advocacy-driven expansions that proponents of SOCE argue conflate distinct phenomena and overlook client-motivated distinctions. This terminological shift has been critiqued for aggregating heterogeneous practices under a pejorative banner, potentially influenced by institutional biases favoring affirmation over exploratory therapies.

Historical Development

Origins in Early Psychiatry (Late 19th to Mid-20th Century)

In the late , European began conceptualizing as a pathological condition amenable to treatment, rooted in emerging theories of degeneracy and . , in his 1886 treatise , classified same-sex attraction as a "perversion" arising from hereditary degeneration or acquired , advocating for interventions like and to redirect desires toward . This framework positioned not merely as vice but as a treatable disorder, influencing subsequent clinical efforts despite limited empirical validation of outcomes. Pioneering attempts at therapeutic change emerged through suggestive and hypnotic methods, exemplified by Albert von Schrenck-Notzing's work in during the 1890s. Schrenck-Notzing reported curing homosexual patients by using to implant heterosexual imagery and suppress same-sex urges, presenting cases at the 1899 International Congress of Hypnotism where he claimed success in fostering normative attractions after repeated sessions. These approaches relied on the era's belief in the malleability of sexual instincts via and willpower, though success was anecdotal and unverifiable by modern standards, often conflating patient compliance with genuine reorientation. Into the early 20th century, Sigmund Freud's reframed as a developmental arrest—stemming from unresolved Oedipal conflicts or overidentification with the opposite-sex parent—rather than an innate degeneracy, rendering it theoretically reversible through . Freud expressed about curative potential, as in his 1935 letter to a mother seeking treatment for her homosexual son, where he deemed it "nothing to be ashamed of" but potentially surmountable via therapy aimed at strengthening heterosexual tendencies. Practitioners applied exploratory in clinics to unearth repressed traumas, positing that insight into childhood dynamics could liberate libidinal energy for opposite-sex relations, though Freud himself doubted universal success and prioritized distress relief over mandatory change. By the interwar and mid-20th centuries, institutional in and the expanded these efforts, integrating psychoanalytic probes with emerging behavioral influences in asylums and private practices. In the , for instance, treatments from 1920 to 1950 in state hospitals like those in involved verbal conditioning and early aversion techniques to associate same-sex thoughts with discomfort, reflecting a where resulted from faulty conditioning or environmental deficits. These methods presupposed as a learned deviation, treatable by reinforcing heterosexual norms, yet outcomes remained subjective, with reports of partial often attributed to social rather than intrinsic alteration. Such practices laid groundwork for later, more systematic interventions, amid 's broader pathologization of non-procreative sexuality.

Expansion and Peak Practices (1950s-1980s)

During the 1950s and 1960s, conversion therapy expanded within mainstream psychiatry as homosexuality was classified as a sociopathic personality disturbance in the first edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-I) published by the American Psychiatric Association in 1952, prompting increased efforts to treat it as a treatable condition through psychoanalytic and emerging behavioral methods. Psychoanalysts like Irving Bieber led prominent studies, including a 1962 collaborative effort by the Society of Medical Psychoanalysts involving 106 male homosexual patients and 100 heterosexual controls, which reported that 27% of treated homosexuals achieved heterosexual adjustment, attributing homosexuality to disrupted father-son relationships and advocating intensive psychoanalysis to resolve underlying oedipal conflicts. Similarly, Charles Socarides, a New York psychoanalyst active from the 1950s through the 1980s, treated homosexuality as a developmental arrest or neurosis stemming from pre-oedipal fixations, publishing works like The Overt Homosexual (1968) that detailed case studies of patients undergoing years of analysis to foster heterosexual object choice, with Socarides claiming successes in redirecting libidinal aims. The rise of in the 1960s introduced aversive conditioning as a dominant technique, peaking through the 1970s, where homosexual stimuli—such as images or words—were paired with unpleasant sensations to extinguish same-sex attractions. In the United States and , electric shock was administered in clinical settings, with patients strapped to devices delivering shocks while viewing male nudes, followed by positive reinforcement like viewing heterosexual imagery without punishment; oral histories from British participants indicate this method was applied to at least 11 men between the early 1960s and 1980, often in programs. Chemical aversion, involving injections of emetic drugs like to induce during exposure to homosexual cues, was also widespread, as documented in psychiatric reports from the era, though long-term data on participant numbers remain limited due to the non-standardized nature of treatments. By the 1970s, institutional programs integrated these methods, with facilities like the in the UK employing conditioning principles under behavioral psychologists to modify sexual responses, reflecting broader acceptance before the American Psychiatric Association's 1973 vote to declassify as a disorder. Faith-based efforts began emerging late in the period, such as the founding of in 1976, which combined counseling with spiritual interventions to promote heterosexual behavior, drawing on biblical interpretations of sin and redemption, though these remained marginal compared to psychiatric dominance until the . Proponents reported anecdotal successes, but methodological critiques later highlighted selection biases in patient samples, such as excluding those with severe pathology, which inflated perceived outcomes without controlled comparisons.

Decline and Modern Re-framing (1990s-Present)

In the 1990s, major professional organizations increasingly rejected conversion therapy for change efforts (SOCE), citing insufficient evidence of efficacy and potential harm. The (APA) had declassified as a disorder in , but opposition solidified with a 1997 resolution urging accurate information on immutability, followed by a 1998 statement opposing aversive techniques. By 2009, an APA task force reviewed 83 studies and concluded that SOCE lacked rigorous evidence of lasting change in orientation, while noting risks like depression and suicidality, though acknowledging some reports of reduced same-sex attraction without improved . Similar stances emerged from the (2000) and American Counseling Association (2009), framing SOCE as unethical despite client demand for addressing unwanted attractions. Legislative decline accelerated in the 2010s, with bans targeting licensed therapists providing SOCE to minors. enacted the first ban in 2012 (SB 1172), prohibiting such practices for those under 18, upheld by the Ninth Circuit in 2013 against free speech challenges. By 2023, 28 countries had enacted bans, including full prohibitions in (2022), (2020), and (partial since 2017), often extending to change efforts (GICE). In the U.S., 22 states and D.C. banned it for minors by 2025, though enforcement varies and adult access persists in most jurisdictions. Faith-based and unlicensed practices continued, with organizations like the National Association for Research & Therapy of Homosexuality (rebranded Alliance for Therapeutic Choice in 2014) advocating exploratory therapy for distress over same-sex attraction. Notably, in 2013, Exodus International announced its closure, with president Alan Chambers publicly recanting prior claims, apologizing for harm inflicted, and stating that efforts to change sexual orientation do not produce genuine, lasting shifts. Modern re-framing has broadened "conversion therapy" beyond SOCE to encompass any non-affirming intervention for , including psychotherapeutic exploration of or regret post-transition. government reviews (2021) defined it as efforts to "change, modify, or suppress" orientation or , citing evidence of harm but limited data on GICE efficacy. This shift, driven by advocacy groups, equates non-affirmative talk therapy with historical aversives, prompting bans that critics argue infringe on client autonomy and therapist neutrality, especially for minors with co-occurring conditions like autism. Despite mainstream consensus on harm—often from self-reports in biased samples—persistence occurs underground or via religious counseling, with 2025 reports of resurgence amid debates over affirming care's own evidence base. Organizations like the APA maintain opposition, but detractors note methodological flaws in reviews, such as excluding non-randomized studies favoring change.

Motivations and Theoretical Underpinnings

Client-Driven Motivations

Individuals seek conversion therapy primarily due to experiencing unwanted same-sex attractions or incongruence that generate internal psychological distress, often conflicting with deeply held religious or moral convictions. Surveys of participants in sexual orientation change efforts (SOCE) indicate that common motivations include a desire to reduce homosexual attractions, foster heterosexual functioning for and formation, and reconcile with faith-based beliefs viewing same-sex as sinful. For instance, in qualitative interviews with 30 residents who underwent such practices, participants described voluntary pursuit driven by shame, guilt, and fear of divine judgment, stemming from perceived incompatibility between their attractions and religious doctrines. Empirical studies highlight as a key predictor, with intrinsic religious orientation—characterized by viewing as an end in itself—positively correlating with propensity to seek , mediated by internalized homonegativity (negative self-evaluations of one's attractions). In a sample of 206 gay and lesbian individuals, those with higher internalized homonegativity and less advanced identity development reported greater interest in conversion efforts, independent of external . Similarly, among current or former members of religious communities like the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, motivations centered on aligning attractions with doctrinal expectations of , with 32% of a surveyed cohort reporting shifts motivated by such conflicts. For change efforts, client-driven rationales often involve distress from incongruence without desiring medical transition, coupled with beliefs that arises from psychological or spiritual factors amenable to resolution through rather than affirmation. Participants in qualitative accounts cite motivations like preserving biological sex alignment for roles or religious adherence, where transitioning is seen as contrary to personal values. These pursuits reflect autonomous decisions amid internal turmoil, though studies note overlaps with familial or communal influences, emphasizing the primacy of conflict in initiating .

Provider and Theoretical Rationales

Providers of conversion therapy have historically included licensed professionals such as psychoanalysts and psychologists, though contemporary practice is predominantly conducted by unlicensed religious counselors and faith-based organizations due to ethical stances by major psychological associations against such efforts. Psychoanalytic providers, exemplified by Irving Bieber's 1962 study involving 106 male in analysis, rationalized as a developmental deviation arising from fears, inhibitions, and disrupted maturation in childhood, often linked to overprotective mothers and detached fathers, positing that intensive therapy could redirect libidinal energies toward normative with reported success in 27% of cases achieving exclusive opposite-sex orientation. Joseph Nicolosi, a clinical psychologist and proponent of reparative therapy from the until his death in 2017, theorized same-sex attraction in males as stemming from early gender-identity deficits and unmet needs for non-sexual paternal affirmation, resulting in a "reparative drive"—an unconscious emotional hunger for that becomes defensively sexualized due to attachment wounds. His approach aimed to heal these core relational deficits through affirmative male and self-exploration, reducing homosexual urges by fulfilling the underlying reparative longing platonically rather than erotically, drawing on object-relations theory and observed family patterns like emotionally distant fathers and enmeshed mothers. Religious providers, often from evangelical Christian, Mormon, or conservative Catholic traditions, ground their rationales in theological frameworks viewing same-sex attraction as a consequence of human fallenness or spiritual bondage incompatible with scriptural mandates for heterosexual complementarity and chastity, asserting that divine intervention—via , , accountability groups, and holy living—can liberate individuals from such desires, as evidenced by self-reported transformations in ex-gay testimonies and ministries like the former . These efforts emphasize behavioral congruence with religious doctrine over innate immutability, positing orientation as malleable under God's redemptive power rather than fixed biology.

Techniques and Practices

Behavioral and Aversive Methods

Behavioral methods in conversion therapy were grounded in behaviorist , which conceptualized same-sex attraction as a learned, maladaptive response amenable to modification through classical and , akin to treatments for phobias or unwanted habits. These approaches sought to extinguish homosexual responses by associating them with displeasure while reinforcing heterosexual ones with rewards or relief. Aversion therapy, a core behavioral technique, paired stimuli evoking same-sex attraction—such as photographs of nude individuals of the same sex or autobiographical fantasies—with immediate unpleasant physical sensations to foster avoidance. Electric shock aversion, widely applied in the 1950s through 1970s, involved attaching electrodes to the patient's wrist, finger, or leg and administering controlled shocks (typically 1-5 milliamperes) during exposure to aversive stimuli, often in 20- to 30-minute sessions within hospital or outpatient settings. In some protocols, shocks were timed to coincide with peak physiological arousal measured via penile plethysmography, with opposite-sex images presented without shocks to promote positive associations; portable shock devices were occasionally provided for home use to reinforce conditioning outside clinical environments. Chemical aversion methods substituted or complemented shocks by inducing or through subcutaneous injections of , administered repeatedly while the viewed same-sex imagery or recounted homosexual experiences, exploiting the drug's emetic effects to create visceral . These sessions, conducted primarily in the early 1960s, often required inpatient monitoring due to severe side effects including and , with one documented case resulting in death from complications. Positive behavioral conditioning emphasized , such as withholding aversion during exposure to opposite-sex stimuli or them with mild pleasurable sensations, though these were frequently integrated into aversive frameworks rather than used in isolation. Techniques like masturbatory reconditioning encouraged patients to redirect sexual fantasies toward heterosexual scenarios during self-stimulation, aiming to habituate desired responses through repeated practice. Such methods were predominantly applied to adult males in psychiatric institutions across Britain and the , with treatment courses spanning days to months, though dropout rates were high due to discomfort.

Verbal and Psychoanalytic Approaches

Psychoanalytic approaches to conversion therapy, predominant from the mid-20th century, framed same-sex attraction as a treatable developmental deviation rooted in early psychosexual fixations, such as overattachment to the mother and detachment from the father, leading to arrested Oedipal resolution. Therapists conducted extended sessions of free association, interpretation of , and analysis of family dynamics to unearth and resolve these unconscious conflicts, with the aim of redirecting libidinal energy toward heterosexual objects. , while viewing as a variation rather than pathology, acknowledged potential for change in some cases through analytic work, though he cautioned against forcible reorientation. Irving Bieber's 1962 collaborative study examined 106 male patients undergoing , identifying patterns like "close-binding intimate mothers" and "detached hostile fathers" as causal, and reported that 27% achieved "optimal heterosexual adjustment" after an average of 350 hours of , defined by and cessation of homosexual activity. Charles Socarides extended this framework, treating homosexuality as a pre-Oedipal requiring ego-strengthening interventions to foster mature genitality, with cases involving years of to dismantle defensive structures like and linked to parental failures. Verbal approaches, encompassing broader exploratory talk therapy, focused on client-driven discussions of attractions, emotions, and life histories without psychoanalytic dogma, often integrated into reparative models like Joseph 's 1991 formulation. These sessions encouraged clients to view same-sex desires as reparative drives compensating for deficits or unmet needs for same-sex affirmation in childhood, using techniques such as narrative reframing, trauma processing, and skill-building for heterosexual relating. Nicolosi outlined four principles: therapist transparency on orientation change goals, fostering client autonomy in inquiry, resolving attachment wounds, and cultivating non-sexualized same-sex bonds to diminish eroticization of unmet needs. Such methods typically spanned months to years, emphasizing over conditioning, and were applied individually or in groups to motivated clients reporting distress over attractions, with progress measured by reduced homosexual and increased heterosexual interest rather than innate orientation shift. Despite reported anecdotal shifts in client functioning, these verbal techniques relied on etiological assumptions of environmental causation, diverging from .

Medical and Surgical Interventions

In the mid-20th century, hormone therapies were attempted to suppress same-sex attractions by reducing libido or inducing physiological changes associated with heterosexuality. Synthetic estrogens, such as , were administered to homosexual men to diminish sexual drive and purportedly redirect attractions toward women, with treatments often lasting months to years and causing side effects like and . via high-dose hormones, as applied to mathematician in 1952 under court order in the , exemplified this approach, though it failed to alter core orientation and contributed to his in 1954. Electroconvulsive therapy (ECT) was utilized in psychiatric settings from the onward to disrupt patterns of same-sex attraction, often combined with aversion techniques, on the theory that seizures could rewire neural pathways linked to deviant behavior. These sessions, administered without in early applications, targeted individuals institutionalized for , with reported outcomes including temporary behavioral compliance but persistent underlying attractions. Surgical interventions included prefrontal lobotomies, popularized by Walter Freeman in the United States from the 1940s to 1960s, which severed connections in the frontal lobes to alleviate what was classified as psychosexual disorders, including . Freeman performed thousands of these procedures using an ice-pick method, claiming reductions in "abnormal" urges, though evidence showed high rates of , personality alteration, and no reliable shift in orientation. Castration, both surgical and chemical variants, was employed historically, particularly in and during the 1930s-1940s, where homosexual men were offered gonadectomy to avoid imprisonment or execution under , on eugenic grounds that it would prevent "degenerative" reproduction. In under apartheid, similar procedures occurred amid broader psychiatric treatments for , sometimes resulting in incomplete reassignment and additional surgeries. For gender identity incongruence, medical and surgical interventions within conversion frameworks have been minimal and non-standardized, emphasizing instead psychotherapeutic resolution or management of comorbidities like anxiety or autism without bodily modification. Pharmacological treatments, such as antidepressants or antipsychotics, address co-occurring conditions potentially exacerbating dysphoria, with desistance rates up to 80-90% observed in pre-pubertal cases through and therapy alone, avoiding hormones or surgery. Surgical approaches to enforce biological sex alignment, such as reversal of prior transitions, remain rare and post hoc, lacking systematic application in primary conversion efforts.

Faith-Based and Ministerial Efforts

Faith-based efforts to address unwanted same-sex attractions emerged prominently within the conservative Christian starting in the , framing as incompatible with biblical teachings and seeking alignment through spiritual intervention. Organizations such as , founded in September 1976, coordinated over 100 ministries worldwide that promoted change via faith-based counseling and support networks until its closure in 2013 following leadership admissions of limited success in altering attractions. Successor groups like the Restored Hope Network, established in 2012, maintain interdenominational ministries offering compassionate spiritual care, including talk therapy and prayer, explicitly rejecting the "conversion therapy" label while assisting individuals desiring congruence between their attractions and religious convictions. Ministerial practices typically involve grounded in scripture, where interpret same-sex attraction as a result of , trauma, or spiritual brokenness requiring and renewal. Common techniques include intensive study to reframe around heterosexual norms, accountability partnerships for monitoring behavior, and group sessions akin to support meetings that encourage or heterosexual pursuits as interim steps. Some ministries incorporate rituals, viewing persistent attractions as influenced by demonic forces amenable to exorcism-like , though such approaches vary widely and are not universal. Retreat-style programs and residential elements have been utilized by groups like Love in Action, founded in as one of the earliest ex-gay ministries, combining immersive , confession, and communal living to foster behavioral modification. These efforts emphasize voluntary participation driven by clients' religious motivations, with providers citing testimonials of diminished same-sex desires or strengthened opposite-sex attractions, though empirical validation remains contested. Jewish and Muslim variants exist but are less organized, often mirroring Christian models through rabbinical or imam-led counseling focused on halakhic or compliance.

Empirical Evidence on Efficacy

Studies Reporting Positive Outcomes or Changes

A longitudinal study by Stanton L. Jones and Mark A. Yarhouse, published in the Journal of Sex & Marital Therapy in 2011, followed 98 participants from religiously affiliated programs attempting sexual orientation change over 6 to 7 years. Of the 73 respondents at the final assessment, 37% reported a shift toward in orientation (including 8% in the "conversion" category with predominant opposite-sex attraction and 29% with "significant shift"), while an additional 29% achieved ( from same-sex behavior). Participants also self-reported reductions in same-sex attraction and increases in opposite-sex attraction, with qualitative data indicating sustained behavioral changes and improved functioning for some. Robert L. Spitzer's 2003 study, published in Archives of Sexual Behavior, involved telephone interviews with 200 self-selected individuals (143 males, 57 females) who had undergone therapy to change from homosexual to heterosexual orientation. The majority (66% of men and 44% of women) reported achieving predominant or exclusive heterosexual orientation in the year prior to the interview, accompanied by satisfactory opposite-sex functioning and minimal distress over residual same-sex attraction. Spitzer concluded that credible self-reports of change existed for a subset of motivated individuals, though he emphasized the sample's non-representative nature and lack of control groups. A 2021 analysis by Paul Sullins and colleagues, published in The Linacre Quarterly, surveyed 384 adults who had voluntarily pursued change efforts (SOCE), finding that 34% reported substantial decreases in same-sex attraction and 28% noted increases in opposite-sex attraction post-SOCE. Among those with baseline distress from unwanted same-sex attraction, SOCE participants showed no elevated risk compared to non-participants and lower rates of suicidality in some subgroups, suggesting potential benefits for client-motivated interventions. The study used self-reports from a non-clinical sample recruited via advocacy networks.

Research on Lack of Core Orientation Change

Numerous empirical studies have examined attempts to alter core —defined as enduring patterns of —through sexual orientation change efforts (SOCE), commonly known as conversion therapy, and consistently report a lack of substantive, enduring shifts in these attractions. Comprehensive reviews, including those by the American Psychological Association and UK government assessments, conclude there is no credible scientific evidence that these practices, including intensive camp-based programs, change sexual orientation. A seminal 2002 study by Shidlo and Schroeder interviewed 202 individuals who had undergone SOCE, finding that only 8 participants (approximately 4%) claimed a successful change in orientation, while the majority reported either failure to change or relapse, with 88% experiencing harm such as increased depression or suicidality. The study's qualitative approach highlighted self-reported persistence of same-sex attractions despite behavioral modifications or suppression efforts, underscoring that reported "changes" often involved congruence with religious values rather than alteration of innate attractions. The American Psychological Association's 2009 Task Force on Appropriate Therapeutic Responses to Sexual Orientation conducted a comprehensive review of 83 peer-reviewed studies on SOCE efficacy, concluding there was insufficient empirical evidence to support claims of core orientation change, as no rigorously controlled studies demonstrated reliable shifts in sexual attractions beyond anecdotal or methodologically flawed self-reports. The task force noted that while some participants reported reduced same-sex attraction or increased heterosexual behavior, these outcomes were not sustained, often confounded by social desirability bias, suppression of attractions, or bisexuality misattribution, and lacked validation through objective measures like physiological arousal assessments. This assessment emphasized causal realism in distinguishing behavioral compliance from underlying orientation, attributing apparent successes to effortful suppression rather than reorientation. Subsequent systematic reviews in the 2020s reinforce these findings. A 2021 UK government-commissioned evidence assessment analyzed global literature and determined no robust evidence exists for SOCE changing , with qualitative data from former participants indicating persistent core attractions despite temporary behavioral adaptations. Similarly, a 2021 systematic review by Serano et al. evaluated SOCE outcomes across multiple studies, finding consistent evidence of inefficacy in altering attractions, with any reported shifts attributable to measurement errors, participant dropout biases, or conflation of orientation with voluntary . These reviews prioritize longitudinal data and controlled designs, revealing that core orientation remains stable, as supported by twin studies and neurobiological evidence indicating genetic and prenatal influences resistant to postnatal interventions.

Critiques of Study Methodologies and Data Gaps

Studies purporting to demonstrate changes in through conversion therapy efforts often rely on small, non-randomized samples drawn from self-selected participants motivated to pursue change, introducing and limiting generalizability. For instance, a by Jones and Yarhouse followed 98 participants over 6-7 years and reported modest shifts in attraction or behavior for about 53%, but lacked control groups, objective physiological measures like , and independent verification of self-reported outcomes, rendering causal attributions tentative. The American Psychological Association's 2009 similarly critiqued such research for flawed designs, including retrospective recall biases, inadequate statistical controls for variables like religious commitment, and conflation of behavioral compliance with underlying orientation shifts. Research documenting harms from these efforts exhibits parallel methodological shortcomings, such as from populations already distressed or opposed to the practices, which skews toward negative outcomes. The influential 2001 study by Shidlo and Schroeder, involving 202 participants, has been faulted for sourcing subjects primarily from LGBTQ-affirmative support groups and activist networks, potentially overrepresenting therapeutic failures while undercapturing satisfied clients; moreover, only 12% of reported harms were directly linked to the itself, with many predating or unrelated to it. designs in harm-focused surveys further exacerbate , as participants may attribute pre-existing issues—common in non-heterosexual populations due to comorbidities—to the interventions, without disentangling causation from . A 2022 analysis found no elevated risks among individuals experiencing non-efficacious efforts, challenging blanket harm narratives and highlighting how cross-sectional or convenience-sampled data fails to isolate therapy-specific effects. Broader data gaps persist due to ethical prohibitions on randomized controlled trials, which are infeasible given the voluntary nature of most modern efforts and concerns over inducing , leaving the field reliant on observational or quasi-experimental designs prone to confounders. Objective metrics for orientation—beyond subjective self-reports—remain underdeveloped, with physiological assessments rarely employed owing to invasiveness and validity disputes, while definitions of "change" vary inconsistently between attraction, , and identity. Long-term follow-up beyond a decade is scarce, as is isolating contemporary non-aversive methods (e.g., exploratory talk ) from outdated coercive techniques, and studies seldom account for client agency, with voluntary adults underrepresented compared to coerced minors or dropouts. Systemic biases in funding and publication—favoring null or negative findings amid institutional opposition—further distort the evidence base, as noted in reviews emphasizing the unsettled nature of orientation's plasticity and stability. Comprehensive prospective cohorts tracking diverse subgroups, including those reporting benefits like reduced distress without orientation shift, are needed to address these voids.

Reported Effects and Impacts

Potential Benefits and Client Testimonials

Some individuals who have undergone sexual orientation change efforts (SOCE), a category encompassing conversion therapy practices, report subjective benefits including reduced same-sex attraction, enhanced opposite-sex attraction, and improved psychological well-being or relational satisfaction. In a analysis of SOCE participants selected without bias toward current orientation, researchers found that 55% reported some reduction in same-sex attraction, with 14% achieving a complete shift to heterosexual orientation, alongside self-perceived increases in heterosexual functioning and no associated rise in risks. Similarly, a 2024 study of 72 U.S. men exposed to SOCE documented reductions in homosexual attraction, with behavioral changes (e.g., cessation of same-sex activity) exceeding shifts in underlying attractions, attributing these outcomes to therapeutic interventions addressing unwanted attractions. A foundational self-report study by Robert Spitzer in 2003 interviewed 200 adults (143 men, 57 women) who had sought professional help to change from homosexual to heterosexual orientation. Of these, 66% of men and 44% of women stated their sexual orientation had shifted to predominantly heterosexual, with many describing core changes in emotional and romantic attractions rather than mere behavioral suppression; 89% of men and 89% of women reported being satisfied with the results, citing reduced distress over prior unwanted attractions. These findings, drawn from structured telephone assessments, highlight participant-perceived efficacy in alleviating internal conflict, though the study relied on retrospective self-selection and has faced methodological critiques for lacking controls. Client testimonials from reparative therapy practitioners further illustrate reported benefits. In cases documented by psychologist , who developed reparative therapy to address same-sex attraction through exploration of developmental wounds, clients described transformative reductions in homosexual impulses and gains in heterosexual capacity. One client, after three years of , reported a "dramatic" life improvement, stating, "My journey through counseling has been transformative," with diminished same-sex urges and strengthened family bonds. Another, David Pickup, linked his attractions to and credited with resolving these, enabling a shift away from ; Pickup, now a licensed therapist, has publicly affirmed such changes as authentic resolutions of underlying issues rather than suppression. These accounts, while anecdotal, align with patterns in SOCE where participants value for fostering over unwanted attractions, often within religious or personal value frameworks.

Documented Harms and Risks

A 2021 study analyzing data from 814 men who have sex with men in found that those who underwent change efforts (SOCE) reported significantly higher rates of suicidality ( 3.87), depression ( 1.94), and anxiety disorders compared to non-participants, even among those identifying as non-gay at follow-up. Similarly, a 2020 cross-sectional analysis of U.S. sexual minority adults (n=1,110) showed SOCE exposure associated with 2.45 times higher odds of lifetime attempts after controlling for . Lifetime exposure to conversion practices has been linked to elevated risks in longitudinal cohorts. For instance, a 2021 study of 3,190 midlife and older sexual minority men reported that those with prior SOCE history had 1.5 times higher odds of depressive symptoms and greater , independent of demographic factors. A September 2024 study published in the Journal of Interpersonal Violence, drawing from a U.S. sample of over 4,000 LGBTQ+ adults, identified stronger associations with depression, , and attempts among those exposed to combined and conversion practices (adjusted odds ratios up to 2.5 for suicidality). Qualitative evidence from structured interviews corroborates self-reported psychological distress. In a 2021 UK government-commissioned assessment involving 30 participants with direct experience, the majority described harms including intensified , , and relational breakdowns, including loss of family and support networks, attributed to practices like sessions and counseling aimed at altering orientation. Religious or faith-based variants have been tied to additional spiritual harms, such as and loss of community, in a 2022 peer-reviewed analysis of global practices. These findings predominantly derive from observational and retrospective designs, limiting ; pre-existing vulnerabilities or societal stigma may confound associations, and randomized controlled trials are absent due to ethical concerns. A of 47 studies on SOCE noted consistent reports of harms like internalized homonegativity and relationship dysfunction but highlighted methodological gaps, including reliance on convenience samples and lack of long-term controls. Physical risks, such as those from historical aversive techniques (e.g., electric shocks in mid-20th-century cases), are less prevalent in contemporary voluntary efforts but persist in anecdotal accounts from non-Western contexts.

Long-Term Follow-Up Data Limitations

Longitudinal research on the outcomes of change efforts (SOCE), commonly termed conversion therapy, suffers from significant constraints in follow-up duration and participant retention, with most available data derived from short-term assessments or self-reports rather than prospective, controlled designs. A 2021 evidence assessment reviewed 41 studies on sexual orientation change and found limited follow-up data overall, noting that evidence quality is hampered by poor sampling, lack of , and reliance on subjective reporting without objective physiological measures of orientation, such as patterns. No large-scale, population-representative long-term studies (spanning 10+ years) exist, partly due to ethical concerns prohibiting randomized controlled trials and practical challenges in tracking participants post-intervention. One of the few attempts at extended follow-up is the 2009 study by Stanton Jones and Mark Yarhouse, which tracked 98 religiously motivated adults seeking SOCE through Exodus ministries over 6–7 years, reporting that 23% claimed substantial shifts toward heterosexual orientation and 30% toward with lingering same-sex attraction. However, the study experienced approximately 25% attrition by the final wave (retaining 73 participants), potentially biasing results toward those satisfied with outcomes, as dropouts were not systematically analyzed for dissatisfaction or failure. Critics highlight additional limitations, including self-selection of highly motivated participants, absence of a control group matched for baseline distress, and of behavioral compliance with core orientation change, rendering claims of efficacy unverifiable against objective benchmarks. High attrition rates exacerbate data gaps across SOCE studies; for instance, early aversive conditioning approaches documented dropout rates exceeding 50% in some cohorts, suggesting participant dissatisfaction or perceived ineffectiveness, though such data were rarely followed up to assess long-term trajectories. Broader reviews, including the American Psychological Association's 2009 report, underscore that insufficient rigorous evidence persists due to these retention issues, variables like concurrent religious , and the field's polarization, which discourages neutral, long-term tracking. surveys linking SOCE to enduring harms (e.g., suicidality) often fail to control for pre-existing disparities among seekers, limiting causal inferences about long-term effects. These limitations collectively impede definitive conclusions on sustained orientation shifts or harms, as surviving long-term data skew toward small, non-representative samples and subjective metrics prone to . Emerging restrictions on SOCE in various jurisdictions further constrain prospective research, perpetuating reliance on flawed historical datasets rather than methodologically robust, extended follow-ups.

Professional and Scientific Perspectives

Mainstream Consensus from Major Organizations

The (APA) has maintained since 2009 that there is insufficient to support the efficacy of change efforts (SOCE), often termed conversion therapy, and that such practices pose risks of harm, including distress, anxiety, and . In 2021, the APA extended opposition to gender identity change efforts (GICE), asserting they lack scientific support and can exacerbate mental health issues among and nonbinary individuals. The APA's positions stem from reviews of available studies, which it deems methodologically limited in demonstrating lasting orientation shifts, though critics contend these reviews selectively emphasize negative outcomes while downplaying self-reported changes in behavior or identity. The (APsA) opposes conversion therapies on the grounds that they presuppose non-heterosexual orientations or gender incongruence as disorders requiring correction, a view it rejected with the depathologization of in the DSM-II in 1973 and subsequent updates. The APsA's 2020 position statement highlights potential harms such as depression and family rejection, advocating affirmative approaches instead, based on clinical consensus rather than randomized controlled trials, which remain scarce for both supportive and oppositional therapies. The (AMA) endorsed a nationwide ban on conversion therapy in 2019, characterizing it as unscientific and linked to increased risk among LGBTQ+ youth, with reference to studies showing no evidence of core orientation change and elevated burdens post-exposure. The AMA's stance aligns with over two dozen U.S. medical and psychological associations that, in joint statements, urge legislative prohibitions, citing from survivor reports and longitudinal surveys indicating harms outweigh any purported benefits. Internationally, the (PAHO), a regional arm of the (WHO), declared in 2012 that therapies purporting to alter lack medical justification, violate , and threaten physical and psychological health, based on expert consultations emphasizing ethical standards over empirical trials of efficacy. This reflects a broader alignment among global bodies like the , which in 2019 advised against such practices as incompatible with , though these endorsements often rely on narrative reviews rather than meta-analyses of controlled outcomes. These organizational consensuses, while presented as evidence-driven, have been critiqued for reflecting institutional pressures favoring non-directive, identity-affirming paradigms amid evolving societal norms, potentially sidelining dissenting longitudinal data on voluntary participants reporting satisfaction.

Dissenting Research and Expert Views

A longitudinal study by psychologists Stanton L. Jones and Mark A. Yarhouse examined 98 participants seeking religiously mediated change in sexual orientation through involvement in Exodus International ministries, following them over 6-7 years with assessments at baseline, 1.5 years, and 6-7 years. The researchers reported that 23% of participants achieved "conversion" to heterosexual orientation or significant reduction in same-sex attraction, 30% experienced chastity with lessened homosexual attraction, and overall, 34% showed notable movement toward heterosexuality on orientation scales, though with limitations such as self-selection bias and religious context influencing outcomes. Critics have noted the study's reliance on subjective measures and lack of control groups, yet it provides empirical data challenging claims of universal immutability, published in peer-reviewed outlets like the Journal of Sex & Marital Therapy. In a 2016 scholarly review, epidemiologist Lawrence S. Mayer and psychiatrist analyzed over 200 peer-reviewed studies on and , concluding that evidence for its innateness and fixedness is weak, with higher-than-assumed rates of fluidity—particularly among women, where up to 20-30% report shifts in attractions over time—and significant psychiatric comorbidities (e.g., 2-3 times higher rates of depression and suicidality) suggesting environmental and developmental factors over strict . They argued that mainstream assertions of orientation as unchangeable overlook discordant twin studies (concordance rates below 30% for identical twins) and methodological flaws in pro-immutability research, such as small samples and retrospective self-reports, advocating instead for addressing distress from unwanted attractions akin to treatments for other disorders. Though not in a traditional peer-reviewed journal, the report drew on rigorous data synthesis and has been cited in legal challenges to therapy restrictions, countering institutional consensus potentially shaped by ideological pressures in academia. Paul R. McHugh, former chief of psychiatry at , has dissented from bans on therapies for unwanted same-sex attraction, viewing as a amenable to psychotherapeutic intervention rather than affirmation, comparable to treating anorexia by challenging delusions rather than enabling starvation. In amicus briefs and writings, McHugh emphasizes client and of behavioral change through therapy, critiquing professional organizations like the APA for policy shifts post-1973 declassification that prioritized activism over longitudinal data on fluidity and . Recent fluidity supports this, with a 2022 documenting shifts in self-identified orientation in 10-25% of adults over decades, especially females, indicating potential for therapeutic influence absent in rigid biological models. These views highlight gaps in consensus formation, where dissenting data from motivated clients is often dismissed without equivalent scrutiny of affirmation outcomes.

Influences on Consensus Formation

The mainstream consensus against conversion therapy, particularly within bodies like the (APA), emerged amid historical pressures from activist disruptions starting in 1970, which targeted professional meetings and contributed to the declassification of as a disorder in the DSM-II, framing as immutable and non-pathological. This shift prioritized normative acceptance over therapeutic exploration, influencing subsequent organizational stances by associating change efforts with stigma rather than evidence-based inquiry. The APA's pivotal 2009 Task Force Report on Appropriate Therapeutic Responses to Sexual Orientation reviewed 83 peer-reviewed studies and concluded that sexual orientation change efforts (SOCE) showed insufficient evidence of enduring change in core attractions, while noting potential harms like distress, though acknowledging methodological limitations in the data. Critiques of the report highlight selection biases in its composition—no task force members supported SOCE—and inconsistent application of evidentiary standards, such as excluding 34 psychoanalytic studies involving over 500 patients with reported successes, while retaining comparably flawed studies favoring affirmative approaches. These factors suggest an ideological predisposition toward gay-affirmative therapy, potentially amplified by the task force's prior endorsements of depathologization, limiting the review's ability to neutrally assess client-reported benefits or longitudinal data gaps. The report's accompanying press release further shaped consensus by asserting that efforts to change sexual orientation "cannot be successful," a stronger claim than the document's qualified findings, which media outlets echoed and policymakers cited in enacting restrictions like California's Senate Bill 1172 in 2012. This dissemination created a reinforcing dynamic, where organizational declarations, influenced by cultural alignment and aversion to , marginalized dissenting —such as Jones and Yarhouse's 2009 study tracking behavioral shifts in 98 participants over 6-7 years—despite similar methodological critiques not applied to opposing . Such patterns indicate that consensus formation has been swayed less by comprehensive causal analysis of orientation's malleability and more by institutional incentives to avoid litigation risks and align with prevailing societal norms, sidelining first-hand accounts of voluntary change seekers.

Global Bans and Restrictions

As of October 2025, at least 25 countries have implemented national bans or restrictions on conversion therapy, defined as practices intended to alter an individual's or . These measures predominantly target licensed professionals and often include prohibitions on or performing such interventions, with penalties ranging from fines to . Bans vary significantly: some apply universally to all ages, while others are limited to minors; coverage may encompass both and or focus solely on one. In , eight member states have enacted national bans by late : in 2016 (all ages, with consent for adults permitted), in (minors and vulnerable adults), in 2022 (all ages, no consent recognized), in 2022 (minors and vulnerable adults), in 2023 (all ages), in 2023 (all ages), in 2023 (all ages), and in (all ages). Non-EU European nations like () and (2023) have also imposed comprehensive prohibitions. These laws typically criminalize coercive practices but may exempt voluntary participation in certain cases, such as and . Latin America features early adopters, with banning the practice in 2010 for all ages covering both and , followed by (2012), (2017), (2018), and more recent enactments in (2021), (2021), (2022), and (2022). In , became the first to ban it in 2018, with following in 2022; both apply to all ages. (2022) and (2022) represent and , respectively, with nationwide bans for all ages. Mexico extended its federal prohibition to all ages in June 2024, imposing up to six years' imprisonment.
CountryYearScope (Ages and Coverage)
2010All ages; sexual orientation and gender identity
2016All ages; consent for adults allowed
2018All ages; sexual orientation and gender identity
2020Minors and vulnerable adults
2022All ages; sexual orientation and gender identity
2022All ages; no consent recognized
2024All ages; up to 6 years imprisonment
Partial restrictions exist in additional countries, such as (2007, sexual orientation only) and (2010, sexual orientation only), while subnational bans occur in places like certain Australian states (e.g., in October 2024) and U.S. states, though federal-level global consistency remains limited. No new national bans were reported in the first half of 2025, amid ongoing debates in regions like the advocating for broader harmonization.

United States Status and Key Cases (Including 2025 Supreme Court Developments)

As of March 2025, 23 and the District of Columbia had enacted comprehensive bans prohibiting licensed professionals from performing conversion therapy on minors, with an additional five states imposing partial restrictions, such as limitations on state funding or insurance coverage for such practices. No federal prohibition exists, leaving regulation primarily to state legislatures, where bans typically target counseling by licensed providers aimed at changing a minor's or , often citing potential psychological harm. These laws do not uniformly apply to adults or unlicensed practitioners, and enforcement varies, as evidenced by a 2025 settlement in that prevented the state from enforcing core elements of its 2020 minor-focused ban following legal challenges. Early federal court challenges to state bans centered on First Amendment free speech and Fourteenth Amendment due process claims. In Pickup v. Brown (2013), the Ninth Circuit upheld California's 2012 ban on sexual orientation change efforts (SOCE) for minors by licensed therapists, ruling it a valid regulation of professional conduct rather than protected speech, with the denying in 2014. Similarly, in King v. (2014), the Third Circuit affirmed New Jersey's ban, distinguishing therapeutic speech from pure expression and deferring to legislative findings on inefficacy and risks. These rulings established a pattern of upholding bans as conduct regulations, though dissenters argued they infringed on therapists' professional judgment and clients' . The 2025 Supreme Court term featured Chiles v. Salazar, argued on October 7, 2025, which directly tested the constitutionality of Colorado's 2020 law barring licensed professionals from conversion therapy on patients under 18. Brought by Christian counselors represented by the , the case challenged the ban as viewpoint discrimination against speech promoting change in or , following a district court injunction that was reversed by the Tenth Circuit in 2024, which classified the prohibition as conduct regulation immune to . During oral arguments, a majority of justices, including conservatives, expressed skepticism toward the ban, questioning whether it impermissibly targeted disfavored professional speech and drawing analogies to regulated medical advice, with potential implications for similar laws in over 20 states. A decision remains pending as of October 26, 2025, but signals suggest it could narrow or invalidate such restrictions on First Amendment grounds.

Arguments on Legality, Rights, and Autonomy

Opponents of conversion therapy bans argue that such laws infringe on First Amendment protections by regulating the content of professional speech, as counseling involves verbal communication aimed at influencing thoughts and behaviors, which courts have historically shielded from viewpoint-based restrictions. In the 2025 U.S. case Chiles v. Salazar, challengers to Colorado's ban on providing conversion therapy to minors contended that the statute imposes on licensed therapists for discussing certain topics, regardless of client consent or therapeutic context, potentially subjecting it to as a content- and viewpoint-discriminatory rule. During oral arguments on October 7, 2025, several justices expressed skepticism toward the ban's scope, questioning whether it unconstitutionally compels therapists to withhold information clients seek and drawing parallels to prior rulings protecting advisory speech in professional settings, such as NIFLA v. Becerra (2018). Proponents of bans counter that they constitute valid occupational regulations targeting harmful conduct rather than pure speech, akin to prohibitions on or unlicensed practice, and thus warrant only under precedents like Sorrell v. IMS Health Inc. (2011). The Tenth Circuit upheld Colorado's law in , ruling it regulates professional conduct by denying reimbursement for discredited practices and does not broadly censor discussion outside billing contexts. However, dissenting views highlight that empirical claims of inherent harm often rely on self-reported data from advocacy-linked studies, potentially overstating risks while ignoring client-reported benefits in non-coercive settings, thereby undermining the state's compelling interest justification. For adults, bans raise sharper concerns, as competent individuals possess a fundamental right under to pursue therapeutic interventions aligned with personal values, including religious convictions against same-sex attraction, without state interference absent imminent harm. Most U.S. jurisdictions permit adults to to conversion-oriented counseling, recognizing that encompasses rejecting mainstream norms in favor of self-directed change efforts, provided no or occurs; efforts to extend bans to adults, as proposed in some analyses, risk by presuming state experts superior to individual judgment. Regarding minors, bans implicate parental rights under the Fourteenth Amendment, as parents hold a presumptive authority to direct medical and psychological care, including exploratory therapies addressing unwanted attractions, unless clear evidence of abuse exists. Critics argue that overriding parental discretion based on contested harm assessments—often from organizations with ideological stakes—echoes historical state overreach, as in (2000), and may compel affirmative endorsement of identities parents and children wish to question. Free exercise claims further contend that bans burden religious practitioners by prohibiting faith-integrated counseling, potentially violating Church of Lukumi Babalu Aye v. City of Hialeah (1993) if selectively enforced against traditional views on sexuality.

Societal and Cultural Dimensions

In the United States, multiple polls indicate consistent majority opposition to conversion therapy, especially when applied to minors, with support for bans ranging from 56% to 59% in recent surveys. A / poll conducted October 10–13, 2025, among 1,500 U.S. adults found 59% favored banning conversion therapy, 20% opposed it, and 22% were unsure; notably, majorities across supported bans, including 52% of Republicans. This aligns with a June 2025 survey of 1,200 likely voters, where 57% opposed conversion therapy and a plurality believed the should uphold state bans on it for minors. Earlier data from a 2019 / poll showed 56% of adults viewing conversion therapy as illegal for minors, suggesting relative stability in attitudes over time despite increased media attention.
Poll OrganizationDateSample SizeSupport for Bans on Minors (%)Opposition (%)Key Notes
/EconomistOctober 20251,500 U.S. adults5920Bipartisan support; 52% Republicans favor.
Data for ProgressJune 20251,200 likely voters57 oppose practiceN/AFavor upholding state bans.
/2019U.S. adults56N/AFocused on minors.
Demographic breakdowns reveal partisan and identity-based divides: liberals and Democrats show higher support for bans (over 70% in the 2025 poll), while conservatives are more divided but still lean toward opposition to the practice. Women, LGBTQ individuals, and those over 65 are more likely to deem conversion therapy illegal, per Williams Institute analysis of public attitudes, whereas Black, Latino, and married respondents exhibit lower support for prohibitions. These patterns hold amid framing effects in surveys, which often emphasize harms associated with coercive applications rather than voluntary adult seeking of exploratory counseling. Internationally, data is sparser but points to similar majoritarian opposition. In the United Kingdom, a April 2022 YouGov survey of over 1,000 adults found 59% supported a full ban on conversion therapy, including efforts targeting transgender identities, with 66% of Conservatives favoring inclusion of gender-related practices despite government proposals to exempt them. Trends suggest growing consensus against the practice in Western nations since the mid-2010s, correlating with advocacy campaigns, though polls rarely distinguish between sexual orientation and gender identity interventions or between minors and consenting adults.

Religious and Philosophical Justifications

In , justifications for conversion therapy often stem from scriptural prohibitions against same-sex acts, interpreted as divine imperatives requiring behavioral or orientational alignment with God's design for . In , passages like Leviticus 18:22 ("You shall not lie with a male as with a ; it is an abomination") and :26-27 (describing same-sex relations as "contrary to nature") frame as a deviation, with 1 Corinthians 6:9-11 indicating change is feasible ("such were some of you"). Conservative Protestant perspectives emphasize and transformation through , viewing persistent same-sex attraction as a besetting amenable to spiritual intervention rather than an immutable trait. Catholic teaching reinforces this by classifying homosexual acts as "intrinsically disordered" and opposed to , which orders sexuality toward procreation and spousal complementarity, while calling individuals to ; some theologians extend this to supportive therapies aiming to reduce unwanted attractions and foster heterosexual fulfillment. The 1986 Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith letter asserts that such activity thwarts personal happiness by defying God's creative intent, implicitly endorsing efforts to overcome it. In , Quranic accounts of the Lot's people (Surah Al-A'raf 7:80-84) depict homosexual acts as grievous transgressions punished by divine wrath, categorizing them as major sins (kabair) that demand tawbah (), potentially including psychological or spiritual practices to suppress inclinations and adhere to heterosexual as the sole licit outlet. Orthodox Jewish interpretations of Leviticus similarly prohibit male same-sex intercourse as to'evah (abomination), with some rabbinic authorities advocating therapeutic or devotional means to redirect desires toward Torah-compliant family life. Philosophically, traditions provide a secular-rational basis, arguing that sexual faculties possess an inherent —reproduction and unitive bonding within opposite-sex pairs—making same-sex attractions a privation or misuse akin to other non-procreative acts. , in the (II-II, q. 154, a. 11-12), deems (encompassing homosexual intercourse) a against for frustrating the generative purpose, justifying remedial pursuits to restore orientational harmony with human ends. These arguments prioritize objective over subjective experience, positing that true flourishing requires congruence with biological and rational norms, even if change demands effort. Conservative think tanks frame bans on such therapy as infringements on religious liberty, allowing voluntary pursuit of these alignments.

Media and Cultural Representations

Media portrayals of conversion therapy have predominantly framed it as a harmful and coercive practice, often emphasizing survivor testimonies of psychological trauma and abuse. Films such as Boy Erased (2018), adapted from Garrard Conley's memoir, depict a teenager coerced into a religious-based program by his parents, highlighting themes of familial pressure and institutional indoctrination. Similarly, The Miseducation of Cameron Post (2018) portrays a 1990s-era conversion camp as a site of repression and rebellion, based on real-life experiences of forced participation among youth. These narratives, released amid growing legislative bans, underscore a cinematic trend of survivor-driven stories that equate the practice with torture-like methods, including isolation and shame-based interventions. Documentaries reinforce this negative lens, with Netflix's Pray Away (2021) featuring former leaders of the ex-gay movement recanting their involvement and describing programs as deceptive and damaging to participants' mental health. Earlier satirical works like But I'm a Cheerleader (1999) mock conversion camps through exaggerated absurdity, portraying them as cult-like environments enforcing rigid gender roles. Literary depictions, such as Conley's Boy Erased (2016) and Will Seefried's Lilies Not for Me (2024), which recounts a 1920s-era case of institutional "treatment" for homosexuality, extend this critique into prose, focusing on historical precedents of aversion techniques like hypnosis and electroshock. Television coverage and shorter films align with this pattern, often integrating conversion therapy into broader narratives of LGBTQ+ persecution; for instance, the 2024 short dramatizes early 20th-century shock therapies as violent correctives. Positive or neutral representations remain scarce in , with advocacy groups like explicitly guiding outlets to condemn the practice outright, potentially sidelining accounts from voluntary participants who report behavioral changes or satisfaction. This uniformity reflects a cultural consensus influenced by institutional opposition, though dissenting voices, such as those in niche ex-gay testimonies, receive minimal visibility beyond fringe outlets.

Key Controversies and Debates

Ethical Concerns Versus Therapeutic Freedom

Ethical concerns about conversion therapy primarily revolve around assertions of its ineffectiveness in changing and associations with psychological harm, such as elevated risks of depression, anxiety, suicidality, and . A 2021 systematic evidence assessment by the UK government reviewed 28 studies and qualitative accounts, concluding that documented harms—like internalized stigma and emotional distress—outweighed reported benefits, though it noted methodological limitations in much of the research, including reliance on retrospective self-reports from non-random samples. Similarly, a 2009 task force report from the analyzed 83 peer-reviewed studies and found insufficient evidence for efficacy while linking practices to potential harm, though critics have highlighted the report's exclusion of post-2009 data and potential favoring affirmative outcomes. These positions, echoed by bodies like the , frame conversion efforts as ethically untenable due to presumed immutability of orientation and risks of reinforcing shame, yet they often conflate coercive historical practices with contemporary voluntary interventions aimed at managing distress rather than mandating change. In opposition, advocates for therapeutic freedom emphasize individual autonomy, particularly for adults experiencing unwanted same-sex attractions (SSA) who seek professional help to align behaviors with personal or religious values, arguing that blanket prohibitions paternalistically deny access to exploratory counseling. A 2016 review in the Linacre Quarterly examined outcomes for religious men undergoing therapy for unwanted SSA, reporting reductions in same-sex attraction and improvements in heterosexual functioning in some cases, though such findings remain contested and underrepresented in mainstream syntheses due to publication biases against non-affirmative results. Qualitative data from the same UK assessment indicated benefits like enhanced social support and diminished isolation for participants in voluntary group settings, suggesting that harm is not universal and may stem more from societal stigma than the therapy itself. Ethically, this view prioritizes informed consent and the therapist's right to address client-defined goals without state-imposed orthodoxy, drawing parallels to permitted therapies for other unwanted conditions like addiction or paraphilias. Legal challenges underscore tensions with free speech and professional liberty, as bans—often targeting licensed providers—have been critiqued for regulating content-based speech under the guise of conduct rules. In 2025, the U.S. heard arguments in a case against Colorado's 2019 law prohibiting conversion therapy for minors, with justices expressing skepticism over its breadth, including restrictions on discussing exploration, potentially chilling voluntary adult care as well. Proponents of bans counter that professional licensing implies a to evidence-based standards, but detractors, including analyses from the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression, argue this imposes ideological conformity, sidelining clients with non-normative distress and echoing historical overreach in regulation. A 2018 Minnesota legislative testimony further contended that such restrictions exacerbate harm by blocking therapeutic options for those rejecting affirmative models, potentially driving seekers underground to unregulated providers. This dichotomy reflects deeper causal questions: if sexual attractions exhibit plasticity—as evidenced by longitudinal studies showing shifts in 10-20% of individuals over time, often tied to life events—then ethical therapy might facilitate rather than futile erasure, warranting freedom over prohibition absent conclusive harm data. Mainstream opposition, while citing empirical risks, has faced scrutiny for systemic biases in academia and professional guilds, where dissenting research struggles for funding and publication, potentially inflating consensus against exploratory approaches. Ultimately, resolving the debate requires distinguishing coerced minors' protections from competent adults' , with evidence suggesting voluntary, non-aversive methods pose minimal inherent risk when tailored to client goals.

Comparisons to Gender-Affirming Interventions

Critics of gender-affirming interventions, particularly for minors, have drawn parallels to conversion therapy by arguing that both represent attempts to alter deeply rooted aspects of through therapeutic or medical means, often with insufficient of long-term benefits and potential for . For instance, exploratory that encourages gender-dysphoric youth to consider non-transitioning paths—such as addressing comorbidities like autism or trauma—has been equated with conversion practices in jurisdictions with broad bans, potentially restricting therapeutic options that prioritize psychological resolution over physical alteration. This comparison gained traction following the 2024 Cass Review in the , which assessed gender-affirming care for youth and found the evidence base for interventions like puberty blockers to be "remarkably weak," with low-quality studies failing to demonstrate sustained improvements in or . Empirical data on outcomes further underscores these parallels. Conversion therapy has been linked to increased risks of depression, suicidality, and PTSD, with a 2020 review of 47 studies concluding it is ineffective at changing sexual orientation and associated with harms like anxiety and social isolation. Similarly, gender-affirming medical interventions for adolescents, including hormones and surgeries, carry documented risks such as infertility, bone density loss, and cardiovascular issues, yet systematic reviews indicate regret rates may be underreported due to high loss-to-follow-up in studies—estimated at up to 30-60% in some cohorts—and limited long-term tracking. A 2021 meta-analysis reported a pooled regret prevalence of 1% post-surgery, but this drew from older data with rigorous patient selection, predating the recent surge in youth referrals where desistance rates from dysphoria historically exceed 80% without intervention in pre-pubertal cases. Detransition rates, while varying (0.3-8% in surveyed adults), appear higher in recent youth samples, with one U.S. study of 28,000 transgender adults finding 8% had detransitioned, often citing resolution of dysphoria or external pressures. Policy inconsistencies highlight the debate: while 20+ U.S. states and several countries ban conversion therapy for minors citing and prevention, many permit or fund -affirming care for the same age group despite comparable evidentiary gaps and irreversibility. The Cass Review prompted to restrict puberty blockers to clinical trials as of April 2024, echoing conversion therapy bans by emphasizing caution amid causal uncertainties, such as whether affirmation addresses root causes like co-occurring issues or social influences. Proponents of gender-affirming care counter that it reduces risk, citing observational data, but the Cass analysis critiqued such studies for lacking controls and , noting no clear causal link to improved outcomes over . This asymmetry—banning non-medical talk therapy for one identity while endorsing medical interventions for another—raises questions about selective application of evidence standards, particularly given sexual orientation's relative stability versus gender dysphoria's higher fluidity in youth.

Implications of Bans on Exploratory Therapy

Bans on conversion therapy have increasingly encompassed exploratory psychotherapy, which involves non-directive talk aimed at identifying and addressing psychological, familial, or social factors contributing to or unwanted same-sex attractions, without presupposing or pursuing identity affirmation or behavioral change. Such approaches prioritize patient autonomy in exploring alternatives to medical transition, drawing on evidence of natural resolution in youth, where historical studies report desistance rates of 80-98% for by adulthood when managed with or supportive counseling rather than affirmation. In jurisdictions with broad bans, including parts of the and proposed UK legislation, exploratory methods risk classification as prohibited "conversion practices," potentially subjecting therapists to licensing revocation, fines, or criminal penalties for discussing non-affirming hypotheses. Clinically, these restrictions narrow therapeutic options to affirmation-focused models, which a 2024 independent review by Dr. Hilary Cass for England's found lack robust evidence of long-term benefits and may overlook comorbidities like autism (prevalent in 20-30% of gender clinic referrals) or trauma that exploratory could address. The Cass Review recommended holistic psychosocial assessments and exploratory interventions as standard for minors, warning that rigid affirmation pathways contribute to diagnostic overshadowing and premature medicalization, with puberty blockers showing minimal impact on reduction in randomized data. A 2025 U.S. Department of Health and Human Services report echoed this, prioritizing for pediatric over surgical or hormonal interventions due to insufficient evidence for the latter and potential harms like or loss. By limiting exploration, bans may elevate regret and rates, estimated at 10-30% in recent cohorts, as patients bypass non-invasive resolutions. For patient autonomy and rights, prohibitions raise concerns over compelled speech and informed consent, as therapists cannot fully discuss evidence-based alternatives without violating regulations, akin to viewpoint discrimination in professional licensing. In the U.S., ongoing litigation, including the 2025 Supreme Court review of Colorado's ban in Chiles v. Salazar, tests whether such laws regulate conduct or infringe First Amendment protections, with lower courts upholding bans as professional standards but critics arguing they enshrine contested ideological assumptions over empirical pluralism. Over 20 states restrict conversion therapy for minors, correlating with reduced access to non-affirming counseling, though no causal data links bans to improved mental health outcomes; instead, exploratory options have shown benefits in reducing distress without harm in small-scale studies of unwanted attractions. Philosophically, this shifts therapy from causal inquiry to prescriptive endorsement, potentially undermining therapeutic neutrality and increasing reliance on medical models critiqued for overtreatment in systematic reviews.

References

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