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Romani people
Romani people
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Key Information

The Romani people[k] (/ˈrməni/ or /ˈrɒməni/), also known as the Roma (sg.: Rom) or Romanies (sg.: Romany), are an Indo-Aryan ethnic group[73][74][75] who traditionally lived a nomadic lifestyle. Although they are widely dispersed, their most concentrated populations are believed to be in Romania, Bulgaria, Hungary, Serbia, and Slovakia.[76][77][78]

Romani culture has been influenced by their time spent under various reigns and empires, notably the Byzantine and Ottoman empires.[79][80] The Romani language is an Indo-Aryan language with strong Persian, Armenian, Byzantine Greek and South Slavic influence.[81][82] It is divided into several dialects, which together are estimated to have over 2 million speakers.[83] Many Roma are native speakers of the dominant language in their country of residence, or else of mixed languages that combine the dominant language with a dialect of Romani in varieties sometimes called para-Romani.[84]

In the English language, Romani people have long been known by the exonym Gypsies or Gipsies and this remains the most common English term for the group.[85] Some Roma use and embrace this term while others consider it to be derogatory or an ethnic slur.[85][86][87]

Linguistic and genetic evidence reveal that the ancestors of the Romani people originated in South Asia. They likely came from the area corresponding to the regions of Punjab, Rajasthan and Sindh, in present-day Northwest India and Pakistan.[88][89][90][91] Their northwestward migration occurred in waves, with the first wave believed to have taken place sometime between the 5th and 11th centuries.[92][93][94][95][96] They are believed to have first arrived in Europe sometime between the 7th and 14th centuries.[92][97][98][99]

Names

[edit]

Romani-language endonyms

[edit]

The English word Rom derives from Romani rom, meaning 'man, husband' (plural romá). A common alternative is Romany as the singular in place of Rom, and Romanies as the plural in place of Roma.[100]

The etymology of the word is unclear. The Oxford English Dictionary says it likely derives from Sanskrit ḍomba, meaning 'lower-caste person working as a wandering musician', itself deriving from a Dravidian word, such as domba, ḍomba ('caste of acrobats, jugglers, clowns').[101] This term came to be rendered as Dom, a term believed to have been used by the ancestors of the Romanies up until their settlement in Europe.[102] The shift from Dom to Rom/Romani is believed to have been influenced by the Greek word Romaios, during the Romanies arrival and settlement in the Byzantine Empire, referred to by its inhabitants as Romanía.[103][104]

In English, the form Roma is often reinterpreted as singular and a new plural, Romas, is formed.[101]

Romani is the feminine adjective, while Romano is the masculine adjective. Some Romanies use Rom or Roma as an ethnic name, while others (such as the Sinti, or the Romanichal) do not use this term as a self-description for the entire ethnic group.[105]

Sometimes, Rom and Romani are spelled with a double r, i.e., Rrom and Rromani. In this case Rr is used to represent the phoneme /ʀ/ (also written as ř and rh), which in some Romani dialects has remained different from the one written with a single r. The double r spelling is common in certain institutions (such as the INALCO Institute in Paris), or used in certain countries, e.g., Romania, to distinguish from the endonym/homonym for Romanians (sg. român, pl. români).[106]

In Norway, Romani is used exclusively for an older Northern Romani-speaking population (which arrived in the 16th century) while Rom/Romanes is used to describe Vlax Romani-speaking groups that migrated since the 19th century.[107]

English-language endonyms

[edit]

In the English language (according to the Oxford English Dictionary), Rom is both a noun (with the plural Roma or Roms) and an adjective. Similarly, Romani (Romany) is both a noun (with the plural Romani, the Romani, Romanies, or Romanis) and an adjective. Both Rom and Romani have been in use in English since the 19th century as an alternative for Gypsy.[108]

The terms Roma and Romanies are increasingly encountered[109][110][111] as generic terms for the Romani people.[112][113][114]

Because not all Roma use the word Romani as an adjective, the term also became a noun for the entire ethnic group.[115] Today, the term Romani is used by some organizations, including the United Nations and the US Library of Congress.[106] However, the Council of Europe and other organizations consider that Roma is the correct term referring to all related groups, regardless of their country of origin, and recommend that Romani be restricted to the language and culture: Romani language, Romani culture.[116] The British government uses the term "Roma" as a sub-group of "White" in its ethnic classification system.[117]

The standard assumption is that the demonyms of the Roma, Lom and Dom, share the same origin.[118][119]

Other designations

[edit]

In English, the exonym Gypsy (or Gipsy) is the most commonly used word for the group.[85] It originates from the Middle English gypcian, short for Egipcien. The Spanish term Gitano and French Gitan have similar etymologies. They are ultimately derived from the Greek Aigyptioi (Αιγύπτιοι), meaning 'Egyptian', via Latin. This designation owes its existence to the belief, common in the Middle Ages, that the Roma, or some related group (such as the Indian Dom people), were itinerant Egyptians.[120][121] This belief appears to be derived from verses in the Book of Ezekiel (29:6, 29:12–13) which refer to the Egyptians being scattered among the nations by an angry God. According to one narrative, they were exiled from Egypt as punishment for allegedly harbouring the infant Jesus.[122]

These exonyms are sometimes written with capital letter, to show that they designate an ethnic group.[123] While some Roma use the term, some Roma consider it derogatory because of negative and stereotypical associations.[note 1] The Council of Europe consider that "Gypsy" or equivalent terms, as well as administrative terms such as "Gens du Voyage", are not in line with European recommendations.[116] In Britain, many Roma proudly identify as "Gypsies",[128] and, as part of the Gypsy, Roma and Traveller grouping, this is the name used to describe all para-Romani groups in official contexts.[129] In North America, the word Gypsy is most commonly used as a reference to Romani ethnicity, though lifestyle and fashion are at times also referenced by using this word.[130]

Another designation of the Roma is Cingane (alternatively Çingene, Tsinganoi, Zigar, Zigeuner, Tschingaren), likely deriving from the Persian word چنگانه (chingane), derived from the Turkic word çıgañ, meaning poor person.[131] It is also possible that the origin of this word is Athinganoi, the name of a Christian sect with whom the Roma (or some related group) could have become associated in the past.[121][132][133][134]

Population and subgroups

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Romani populations

[edit]

There is no official or reliable count of the Romani populations worldwide.[135] Many Roma refuse to register their ethnic identity in official censuses for a variety of reasons, such as fear of discrimination.[136][137]

Two Gypsies by Francisco Iturrino

Despite these challenges to getting an accurate picture of the Romani dispersal, there were an estimated 10 million in Europe (as of 2019),[138] although some Romani organizations have given earlier estimates as high as 14 million.[139][140] Significant Romani populations are found in the Balkans and throughout Europe. In the European Union, there are an estimated 6 million Roma.[141]

Outside Europe there may be several million more Roma, particularly in the Americas, following migrations from Europe beginning in the late 19th century.[142][143]

Romani subgroups

[edit]
Kàlo Romani women in Helsinki, Finland, 1930s

Romani people may belong to distinct subgroups based in part on territorial, cultural and dialectal differences, and self-designation.[144][145][146][147]

Romani subgroups may have more than one ethnonym. They may use more than one endonym and be commonly known by an exonym or erroneously by the endonym of another subgroup. The only name approaching an all-encompassing self-description is Rom.[148] Even when subgroups do not use the name, they all acknowledge a common origin and a dichotomy between themselves and Gadjo (non-Roma).[148] For instance, while the main group of Roma in German-speaking countries refer to themselves as Sinti, their name for their original language is Romanes.

Subgroups have been described as, in part, a result of the castes and subcastes in India, which the founding population of Rom almost certainly experienced in their south Asian urheimat.[148][149]

Jean-Baptiste Debret: Interior of a gipsy's house in Brazil (c. 1820)
Gypsies camping. Kalé Roma near Swansea in Wales, 1953

Many subgroups use names derived from the Romani word kalo or calo, meaning "black" or "absorbing all light". This closely resembles words for "black" or "dark" in Indo-Aryan languages (e.g., Sanskrit काल kāla: "black", "of a dark colour").[148] Likewise, the name of the Dom or Domba people of north India—with whom the Roma have genetic,[150] cultural and linguistic links—has come to imply "dark-skinned" in some Indian languages.[151] Hence, names such as kale and calé may have originated as an exonym or a euphemism for Roma.

While not subgroups, Romani people often use the religionym and confessionyms Xoraxane to refer to Muslim Roma and Dasikane to refer to Christian Roma.[148]

Ursari Roma in Šmarca, Slovenia, 1934

Other endonyms for Roma include, for example:

A Romanichal vardo pictured at the Great Dorset Steam Fair in 2007, England

Diaspora

[edit]
Countries with a significant Romani population according to unofficial estimates.
  + 1,000,000
  + 100,000
  + 10,000
"Visiting Gipsies", article from Australian newspaper, The Australasian, 1898

The Romani people have a number of distinct populations throughout Europe.[170][171]

In the 19th century, Roma began migrating from Europe to the Americas. However, Romani slaves were first shipped to the Americas with Columbus in 1498.[172] Spain sent Romani slaves to their Louisiana colony between 1762 and 1800.[173] An Afro-Romani community exists in St. Martin Parish due to intermarriage between freed African American and Romani slaves.[174]

In Brazil, the Roma are mainly called ciganos by the non-Romani population. Most of them belong to the Calés (Kale) subgroup. Juscelino Kubitschek, Brazil's president from 1956 to 1961, was 50% Romani by his mother's bloodline. Washington Luís, the last president of the First Brazilian Republic (1926–1930) also had Romani ancestry.[175]

The Romani population in the United States is estimated at more than one million.[m] There are between 800,000 and 1 million Roma in Brazil, most of whose ancestors emigrated in the 19th century from Eastern Europe. Brazilian Roma are mostly descended from German/Italian Sinti (in the South/Southeast regions), and Roma and Calon people. Brazil also includes a notable Romani community descended from Sinti and Roma deportees from the Portuguese Empire during the Portuguese Inquisition.[176]

Persecution against the Roma has led to many of the cultural practices being extinguished, hidden or modified to survive in a country that has excluded them ethnically and culturally. The very common carnivals throughout Brazil are one of the few spaces in which the Roma can still express their cultural traditions, including the so-called "carnival wedding" in which a boy is disguised as a bride and the famous "Romaní dance", picturesquely simulated with the women of the town parading in their traditional attire.[177]

Origin

[edit]

Genetic findings reveal that the ancestors of the Romani people originated in South Asia, likely in the regions of present-day Punjab, Rajasthan and Sindh.[88][89][90][91] Because Romani groups did not keep chronicles of their history or have oral accounts of it, most hypotheses about early Romani migration are based on linguistic theory.[178]

Shahnameh legend

[edit]

According to a legend reported in the Persian epic poem, the Shahnameh, the Sasanian king Bahrām V Gōr learned towards the end of his reign (421–439) that the poor could not afford to enjoy music, and so he asked the king of India to send him ten thousand luris, lute-playing experts. When the luris arrived, Bahrām gave each one an ox, a donkey, and a donkey-load of wheat so they could live on agriculture and play music for free for the poor. However, the luris ate the oxen and the wheat and came back a year later with their cheeks hollowed by hunger. The king, angered with their having wasted what he had given them, ordered them to pack up their bags and go wandering around the world on their donkeys.[179]

Linguistic evidence

[edit]

Linguistic evidence has indisputably shown that the roots of the Romani language lie in present-day India: the language has grammatical characteristics of Indian languages and a large part of its basic lexicon shares the same root.[180]

Romani and Domari share some similarities: agglutination of postpositions of the second layer (or case-marking clitics) to the nominal stem, concord markers for the past tense, the neutralisation of gender marking in the plural, and the use of the oblique case as an accusative.[181] This has prompted much discussion about the relationships between these two languages. Domari was once thought to be a "sister language" of Romani, the two languages having split after the departure from the Indian subcontinent—but later research suggests that the differences between them are significant enough to treat them as two separate branches within the central zone group of languages. The Dom and the Rom, therefore, likely descend from two migration waves from present-day India separated by several centuries.[182][183]

The Romani migration hypothesis is supported by several lines of evidence. Linguistic analysis shows the Romani language features a unique blend of words present in modern Indian dialects with a high number of military-related words. Genetic studies also reinforce this theory by revealing a link between Romani populations and specific communities (castes) in northern India, such as the Jats and Rajputs, which are of upper-caste.[184][185][186]

In phonology, the Romani language shares several isoglosses with the Central branch of Indo-Aryan languages, especially in the realization of some sounds of the Old Indo-Aryan. However, it also preserves several dental clusters. In regards to verb morphology, Romani follows exactly the same pattern of northwestern languages such as Kashmiri and Shina through the adoption of oblique enclitic pronouns as person markers, lending credence to the theory of their Central Indian origin and a subsequent migration to northwestern India. Though the retention of dental clusters suggests a break from central languages during the transition from Old to Middle Indo-Aryan, the overall morphology suggests that the language participated in some of the significant developments leading toward the emergence of New Indo-Aryan languages.[187] The following table presents the numerals in the Romani, Domari and Lomavren languages, with the corresponding terms in Sanskrit, Hindi, Odia, and Sinhala to demonstrate the similarities.[188] Note that the Romani numerals 7 through 9 have been borrowed from Greek.

Languages
Numbers
Romani Domari Lomavren Sanskrit Hindi Odia Sinhala
1 ekh, jekh yika yak, yek éka ēk ēkå eka
2 duj lui dvá dui deka
3 trin tærən tərin trí tīn tini thuna/thri
4 štar štar išdör catvā́raḥ cār cāri hathara/sathara
5 pandž pandž pendž páñca pā̃c pāñcå paha
6 šov šaš šeš ṣáṭ chaḥ chåå haya/saya   
7 ifta xaut haft saptá sāt sātå hata/satha
8 oxto xaišt hašt aṣṭá āṭh āṭhå ata
9 inja na nu náva nau nåå nawaya
10 deš des las dáśa das dåśå dahaya
20 biš wīs vist viṃśatí bīs kōṛiē wissa
100 šel saj saj śata sau såhē siiya/shathakaya

Genetic evidence

[edit]

Genetic findings in 2012 suggest the Roma originated in northwestern India and migrated as a group.[170][171][189] According to the study, the ancestors of present scheduled caste and scheduled tribe populations of northern India, traditionally referred to collectively as the Ḍoma, are the likely ancestral populations of modern European Roma.[190] However, according to scholars like Ian Hancock, it has also been speculated that they could have been from high-caste like Jats and Rajputs.[184][185][186]

In December 2012, additional findings appeared to confirm that the "Roma came from a single group that left northwestern India about 1,500 years ago".[171][191][192][193] According to the study, they reached the Balkans about 900 years ago[170] and then spread throughout Europe. The team also found that the Roma displayed genetic isolation, as well as "differential gene flow in time and space with non-Romani Europeans".[170][171]

Genetic research published in the European Journal of Human Genetics "has revealed that over 70% of males belong to a single lineage that appears unique to the Roma".[194]

Genetic evidence supports the medieval migration from India. The Roma have been described as "a conglomerate of genetically isolated founder populations",[169] while a number of common Mendelian disorders among Roma from all over Europe indicates "a common origin and founder effect".[169] A 2020 whole-genome study confirmed the northern Indian origins, and also confirmed substantial Balkan and Middle Eastern ancestry amongst Roma in Central and Eastern Europe. The study also included a sample of Roma from Spain and Lithuania, which revealed significantly higher levels of European ancestry.[195]

A study from 2001 by Gresham et al. suggests "a limited number of related founders, compatible with a small group of migrants splitting from a distinct caste or tribal group".[196] The same study found that "a single lineage... found across Romani populations, accounts for almost one-third of Romani males".[196] A 2004 study of Roma in Central and Eastern Europe and Spain by Morar et al. concluded that the Romani population "was founded approximately 32–40 generations ago, with secondary and tertiary founder events occurring approximately 16–25 generations ago".[197]

Haplogroup H-M82 is a major lineage cluster in the Balkan Romani group, accounting for approximately 60% of the total.[198] Haplogroup H is uncommon in Europe but present in the Indian subcontinent.

A study of 444 people representing three ethnic groups in North Macedonia found mtDNA haplogroups M5a1 and H7a1a were dominant in Romanies (13.7% and 10.3%, respectively).[199]

Y-DNA composition of Muslim Roma from Šuto Orizari Municipality in North Macedonia, based on 57 samples:[198]

A Rom makes a complaint to a local magistrate in Hungary, by Sándor Bihari, 1886

Y-DNA Haplogroup H1a occurs in Roma at frequencies 7–70%. Unlike ethnic Hungarians, among Hungarian and Slovakian Roma subpopulations Haplogroup E-M78 and I1 usually occur above 10% and sometimes over 20%, while among Slovakian and Tiszavasvari Roma, the dominant haplogroup is H1a; among Tokaj Roma it is Haplogroup J2a (23%); and among Taktaharkány Roma, it is Haplogroup I2a (21%).[200]

Five rather consistent founder lineages throughout the subpopulations were found among Roma – J-M67 and J-M92 (J2), H-M52 (H1a1), and I-P259 (I1). Haplogroup I-P259 as H is not found at frequencies of over 3% among host populations, while haplogroups E and I are absent in south Asia. The lineages E-V13, I-P37 (I2a) and R-M17 (R1a) may represent gene flow from the host populations. Bulgarian, Romanian and Greek Roma are dominated by Haplogroup H-M82 (H1a1), while among Spanish Roma J2 is prevalent.[201] In Serbia among Kosovo and Belgrade Roma Haplogroup H prevails, while among Vojvodina Roma, H drops to 7 percent and E-V13 rises to a prevailing level.[202]

Among non-Roma Europeans, Haplogroup H is extremely rare, peaking at 7% among Albanians from Tirana[203] and 11% among Bulgarian Turks. It occurs at 5% among Hungarians,[200] although the carriers might be of Romani origin.[201] Among non-Roma-speaking Europeans, it occurs at 2% among Slovaks,[204] 2% among Croats,[205] 1% among Macedonians from Skopje, 3% among Macedonian Albanians,[206] 1% among Serbs from Belgrade,[198] 3% among Bulgarians from Sofia,[207] 1% among Austrians and Swiss,[208] 3% among Romanians from Ploiești, and 1% among Turks.[204]

The Ottoman occupation of the Balkans also left a significant genetic mark on the Y-DNA of the Roma there, creating a higher frequency of Haplogroups J and E3b in Romani populations from the region.[209]

Full genome analysis

[edit]
The most common paternal haplogroup among Roma is the South Asian Y-chromosome H, most commonly found among Dravidian peoples.[198]

A full genome autosomal DNA study on 186 Roma samples from southeastern, northeastern and southwestern Europe in 2019 found that modern Romani people in these areas are characterized by a common south Asian origin and a complex admixture from Middle Eastern, Caucasus, Balkan and wider European-derived ancestries. Earlier admixture dates amongst Roma in the Balkans supports that they migrated into Europe via the Balkans. The autosomal genetic data links the proto-Roma to groups in northwest India (specifically Punjabi and Gujarati samples), as well as, Dravidian-speaking groups in southeastern India (specifically Irula). The paternal lineages of Roma are most common in southern and central India among Dravidian-speaking populations. The authors argue that this may point to a founder effect among the early Roma during their ethnogenesis or shortly after they migrated out of the Indian subcontinent. It is theorized that the ancestors of the Romani people could have a low-caste origin for the Proto-Roma, since they were genetically closer to the Punjabi cluster that lacks a common marker characteristic of high castes, which is West Euroasian admixing.[210]

Possible migration route

[edit]
The migration of the Romanies into and through Europe

The ancestors of the Roma may have emerged from what is now Rajasthan, migrating to the northwest (to what is now Punjab) around 250 BCE.[211] Their subsequent westward migration, possibly in waves, is now believed to have occurred beginning in about 500 CE.[171] It has also been suggested that emigration from India may have taken place in the context of the raids by Mahmud of Ghazni. As these soldiers were defeated, they were moved west with their families into the Byzantine Empire.[212] The author Ralph Lilley Turner theorised a central Indian origin of Romani followed by a migration to northwest India as it shares a number of ancient isoglosses with central Indo-Aryan languages in relation to realization of some sounds of Old Indo-Aryan. This is lent further credence by its sharing exactly the same pattern of northwestern languages such as Kashmiri and Shina through the adoption of oblique enclitic pronouns as person markers. The overall morphology suggests that Romani participated in some of the significant developments leading toward the emergence of New Indo-Aryan languages, thus indicating that the proto-Roma did not leave the Indian subcontinent until late in the second half of the first millennium.[187][213]

A number of Armenian-origin words in the Romani language indicate that Romanies passed through Armenia prior to linguistic changes of the 9th century.[214] They arrived in the Balkans—Europe proper—during the Byzantine period.[215] This is when the shift in the self-identification of the Romani people from Doma to Roma/Romani is believed to have taken place. The Byzantine Empire was referred to by its inhabitants as Romanía. This is where the Romanies are thought to have “crystallised into a cohesive people”.[216][217]

Ethnic identities conflated with the Roma

[edit]

Romani people have a long history of taking on different identities of, or being associated with, various ethnic groups.

Proposed recognition as part of the Indian diaspora

[edit]

In March 1976, the International Roma Cultural Festival in Chandigarh, India received the support of then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, who referred to the Roma as part of the global Indian diaspora.[218] In February 2016, during the International Roma Conference, then Indian Minister of External Affairs, Sushma Swaraj stated that the people of the Romani community are the "children of India".[219] Advocates for the proposal who took part in the event, including Jovan Damjanovic, president of the World Roma Organisation (Rromanipen), have argued that recognition could provide the Roma with cultural affirmation, a stronger sense of belonging, and potential access to support from Indian institutions, while also symbolically addressing centuries of marginalization. Damjanovic stated in an exclusive interview with the Hindustan Times that if India were to accept this proposal, it would mark the first step towards opposing the negative perceptions surrounding the Romani people. He also noted that this could provide India with substantial cultural, economic, and political benefits.[220] The conference ended with a recommendation to the Government of India to recognize the Romani community spread across 30 countries as a part of the Indian diaspora.[221] Following that event, a starred question was raised in the Lok Sabha concerning whether Roma constituted part of the diaspora and whether any official study had been proposed to trace their origins. The Ministry of External Affairs (India) replied that the purpose of the 2016 conference was to revive cultural and linguistic ties, assess existing scholarship, and encourage further research, but not to accord formal diaspora recognition. In April 2022, an international conference held in Zagreb, Croatia, revisited the issue. The event, supported by the Indian Council for Cultural Relations, aimed to examine whether the Roma, dispersed across multiple countries, could be recognized as part of the Indian diaspora. Speakers at the conference emphasized the historical and cultural connections of the Roma to India and highlighted the community's desire for recognition, while also noting the complexities arising from centuries of displacement and marginalization. The conference underscored the ongoing need to consider formal recognition, though no official status was conferred by India still.[222]

In a 2007 paper made by Ian Hancock, a Romani scholar, argues that the Romani people's Indian origin holds significant political weight beyond mere historical or academic interest. He contends that acknowledging this connection is essential for the "political legitimacy and security" of the Romani people. Hancock asserts that by establishing a verifiable historical and genetic link to a specific place of origin, the Romani people can counter the "fictitious history" often imposed on them by non-Romani individuals. This would allow them to take control of their own narrative and assert their identity. Furthermore, this Indian connection provides a basis for seeking support from the Indian government, which has been instrumental in acknowledging them symbolically as an Indian population outside of India. This recognition provides backing for the Romani leaders in their struggle for rights and representation in international forums like the United Nations, thereby enhancing their political standing and providing a measure of security on the global stage.[223]

Romaei/Eastern Romans

[edit]

With the Roma fleeing the Muslim conquest of Mahmud of Ghazni in Northern India in the early 11th century, they arrived in the Eastern Roman Empire by the 12th century.[224] The name Roma/Romani is similar to Romaei (Ῥωμαῖοι), or Rhomaioi/Romioi (Ῥωμαῖοι/Ῥωμηοί/Ρωμιοί, "Romans") (the endonym for the Eastern Romans / Byzantines) from which the name could have originated. Roma is also similar to their original Sanskrit word डोम (ḍoma) meaning "drummer", with the Doma being dancers and musicians and a sub-group of the Dalit caste.[225][226]

Athinganoi

[edit]

In the Eastern Roman / Byzantine Empire the Roma also took on the identity of the ethnic religious group, the Athinganoi (Greek: Αθίγγανοι). They were a Manichaean sect[227] regarded as Judaizing heretics who lived in Phrygia and Lycaonia but were neither Hebrews nor Gentiles. They kept the Sabbath, but were not circumcised. They were Shomer nagia.[228] The word "Athiganoi" is where the Turkish name Ciganos as well as the Romanian name țigani come from, as the Ottoman Empire had some linguistic and cultural influence on the neighbouring medieval Romanian principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia. The Turkish Ottomans conquered the Byzantine Empire in the 15th century, hence they ruled over the Roma (Ciganos) as well. Today, Turkey has the largest Romani population.[9]

Egyptians

[edit]

Some terms for the Romani people trace their origin to conflation with Egyptians. The English term Gypsy (or Gipsy) originates from the Middle English gypcian, short for Egipcien. The Spanish term Gitano and French Gitan have similar etymologies. They are ultimately derived from the Greek Αιγύπτιοι (Aigyptioi), meaning "Egyptian", via Latin. This designation owes its existence to the belief, common in the Middle Ages, that the Roma, or some related group (such as the Indian Dom people), were itinerant Egyptians.[120]

Bohemians

[edit]

The Roma from Bohemia (today Czech Republic) were called Bohemian (bohémiens in French) because they were believed to have originated ethnically in Bohemia and later came to Western European countries such as France in the 16th century.[229] The term bohemian came to mean carefree, artistic people. The Roma were musicians and dancers as well as circus performers that moved place to place, having an adventurous nomadic lifestyle, away from society's conventional norms and expectations. This lifestyle inspired the 19th-century European artistic movement, Bohemianism[230] as well as the hippie movement of the 1950s and 1960s in the United States.[231]

Irish Travellers

[edit]

Because Irish Travellers, a sub-group of the Irish (having the same ancestral genetics from within the general population of Ireland[232]) lived as nomads,[233] the Roma and the Irish travellers came to be conflated with each other and in time some of the Roma, but they are not the same.[232][234]

Yenish people

[edit]

Similar to the Irish Travellers, the Yenish people were confused with the Roma because they were nomadic and itinerant people. The Yenish people have origins in Western Europe, mostly in Germany, Austria, Switzerland, Luxembourg and Belgium. The Yenish descended from members of the marginalized and vagrant poor classes of society in Germanic-speaking regions in Europe in the Late Middle Ages. Most of the Yenish became sedentary in the course of the mid-19th to 20th centuries.[235] The culture of the Irish Travellers and the Yenish people in Western Europe and the culture of the Roma are different while having the nomadic and itinerant similarity.[236][237][238]

Balkan people

[edit]

Forced sterilisation carried out in several European countries, such as Norway, Sweden, Czech Republic and Slovakia, in the mid to late 20th century led to a decrease in Roma populations in those countries.[239][240][241] Countries in South Eastern Europe that had not carried out forced sterilisation, such as Romania and Bulgaria, experienced steady increases of Roma birth rates during the 20th century that continue to this day, mainly because of the Roma tradition to marry young (in their early teens).[242] Once communism fell in Eastern Europe and travel restrictions were lifted as well as Eastern European countries joining the European Union in the 2000s, it was easier for the Eastern European Roma to mass migrate to Western Europe. Often, Romania is wrongly identified as the place of origin of the Roma because of the similar name Roma/Romani and Romanians. Romanians derive their name from the Latin romanus, meaning "Roman",[243] referencing the Roman conquest of Dacia. (The Dacians were a sub-group of the Thracians.) Romanian genetics show ancient Balkan ancestry (Thracian ancestry)[244] as well as Slavic ancestry[245] and not Indian ancestry like the Roma.

History

[edit]

Arrival in Europe

[edit]

A number of Armenian-origin words in the Romani language indicate that Romanies passed through Armenia prior to linguistic changes of the 9th century.[214] They arrived in the Balkans—Europe proper—during the Byzantine period.[215] A document of 1068 describing an event in Constantinople mentions "Atsingani", probably referring to Roma.[246] According to a 2012 genomic study, they reached the Balkans in the 12th century.[170] Meanwhile, there are records which support an earlier arrival, potentially as early as the 7th century.[247]

Later historical records of the Roma in the Balkans are from the 14th century: in 1322, after leaving Ireland on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, Irish Franciscan friar Symon Semeonis encountered a migrant group of Roma outside the town of Candia (modern Heraklion), in Crete, calling them "the descendants of Cain"; his account is the earliest surviving description by a western chronicler of the Roma in Europe.[248]

In 1350, Ludolph of Saxony mentioned a similar people with a unique language whom he called Mandapolos, a word possibly derived from the Greek word mantes (meaning prophet or fortune teller).[249]

In the 14th century, Roma are recorded in Venetian territories, including Methoni and Nafplio in the Peloponnese, and Corfu.[246] Around 1360, a fiefdom called the Feudum Acinganorum was established in Corfu, which mainly used Romani serfs and to which the Roma on the island were subservient.[250]

Following the Fall of Constantinople in the mid-13th century, the Ottoman Empire began expanding into Europe during the late 14th century.[251] Fleeing Ottoman wars,[215] Romani people began migrating to western Europe during the 15th and 16th centuries.[252][253] They often travelled as pilgrims, in organised groups of between 40 and 200 people. By the 16th century, they were present throughout western and northern Europe.[254]

By the 1440s, they were recorded in Germany;[255] and by the 16th century, Scotland and Sweden.[256] Some Gitanos are thought to have migrated from Persia through north Africa, reaching the Iberian Peninsula in the 15th century.[257]

First arrival of the Romanies outside Bern in the 15th century, described by the chronicler as getoufte heiden ("baptized heathens") and wearing Saracen-style clothing and weapons.[258]

Early modern history

[edit]
Gypsy Family in Prison, 1864 painting by Carl d´Unker. An actual imprisoned family in Germany served as the models. The reason for their imprisonment remains unknown.

Their early history shows a mixed reception. Although 1385 marks the first recorded transaction for a Romani slave in Wallachia, they were issued safe conduct by Holy Roman Emperor Sigismund in 1417. Roma were ordered expelled from the Meissen region of Germany in 1416, Lucerne in 1471, Milan in 1493, France in 1504, Catalonia in 1512, Sweden in 1525, England in 1530 (see Egyptians Act 1530), and Denmark in 1536. From 1510 onwards, any Rom found in Switzerland was to be executed, while in England (beginning in 1554) and Denmark (beginning of 1589) any Rom who did not leave within a month was to be executed. Portugal began deportations of Roma to its colonies in 1538.[259]

A 1596 English statute gave Roma special privileges that other wanderers lacked. France passed a similar law in 1683. Catherine the Great of Russia declared the Roma "crown slaves" (a status superior to serfs), but also kept them out of certain parts of the capital.[260] In 1595, Ștefan Răzvan overcame his birth into slavery, and became the Voivode (Prince) of Moldavia.[259]

Since a royal edict by Charles II in 1695, Spanish Roma had been restricted to certain towns.[261] An official edict in 1717 restricted them to only 75 towns and districts, so that they would not be concentrated in any one region. In the Great Gypsy Round-up, Roma were arrested and imprisoned by the Spanish Monarchy in 1749.

During the latter part of the 17th century, around the Franco-Dutch War, both France and the Dutch Republic needed thousands of men to fight. Some recruitment took the form of rounding up vagrants and the poor to work the galleys and provide the armies' labour force. With this background, Roma were targets of both the French and the Dutch.[262]

After the wars, and into the first decade of the 18th century, Roma were slaughtered with impunity throughout the Dutch Republic. Roma, called 'heiden' ('heathens') by the Dutch, wandered throughout the rural areas of Europe and became the societal pariahs of the age. Heidenjachten, translated as "heathen hunt" happened throughout the Dutch Republic in an attempt to eradicate them.[263]

Although some Roma could be kept as slaves in Wallachia and Moldavia until abolition in 1856, the majority traveled as free nomads with their wagons, as alluded to in the spoked wheel symbol in the Romani flag.[264] Elsewhere in Europe, they were subjected to ethnic cleansing, abduction of their children, and forced labour. In Britain, Roma were sometimes expelled from small communities or hanged; in France, they were branded, and their heads were shaved; in Moravia and Bohemia, the women were marked by their ears being severed. As a result, large groups of the Roma moved to the East, toward Poland, which was more tolerant, and Russia, where the Roma were treated more fairly as long as they paid the annual taxes.[265]

Modern history

[edit]
Romani woman conducting a palm reading in Chile, 1944

Roma began emigrating to North America in colonial times, with small groups recorded in Virginia and French Louisiana. Larger-scale Roma emigration to the United States began in the 1860s, with Romanichal groups from Great Britain. The most significant number immigrated in the early 20th century, mainly from the Vlax group of Kalderash. Many Roma also settled in South America.[266]

World War II

[edit]
Sinti and other Roma about to be deported from Germany, 22 May 1940

During World War II and the Holocaust, the Nazis committed a systematic genocide against the Roma. In the Romani language, this genocide is known as the Porajmos.[267] Romanies were marked for extermination and sentenced to forced labor and imprisonment in concentration camps. They were often killed on sight, especially by the Einsatzgruppen (paramilitary death squads) on the Eastern Front.[268] The total number of victims has been variously estimated at between 220,000 and 1,500,000.[269] The Nazis also targeted other groups, such as Jews, Soviet prisoners of war, Poles, individuals with disabilities, Jehovah's Witnesses and homosexuals.[270]

The Roma were also persecuted in Nazi puppet states. In the Independent State of Croatia, the Ustaša killed almost the entire Romani population of 25,000. The concentration camp system of Jasenovac, run by the Ustaša militia and the Croat political police, was responsible for the deaths of between 15,000 and 20,000 Roma.[271]

Post-1945

[edit]

In Czechoslovakia, they were labeled a "socially degraded stratum", and Romani women were sterilized as part of a state policy to reduce their population. This policy was implemented with large financial incentives, with threats of denying future welfare payments, with misinformation, or after administering drugs.[272][273]

An official inquiry from the Czech Republic, resulting in a report (December 2005), concluded that the Communist authorities had practised an assimilation policy towards Roma, which "included efforts by social services to control the birth rate in the Romani community. The problem of sexual sterilisation carried out in the Czech Republic, either with improper motivation or illegally, exists," said the Czech Public Defender of Rights, recommending state compensation for women affected between 1973 and 1991.[274] New cases were revealed up until 2004, in both the Czech Republic and Slovakia. Germany, Norway, Sweden and Switzerland "all have histories of coercive sterilization of minorities and other groups".[275]

Society and traditional culture

[edit]
Münster, Sebastian (1552), "A Gipsy Family", The Cosmographia (facsimile of a woodcut), Basle
Nomadic Romani family travelling in Moldavia, 1837

The traditional Romanies place a high value on the extended family. Traditionally, virginity is essential in unmarried women. However, Eastern European Roma are more likely to find it acceptable for girls to have sex before marriage compared to other Eastern Europeans.[276] Both men and women usually marry young; there has been controversy in several countries over the Romani practice of child marriage.[242] Romani law amongst some Roma, particularly the Kalaidzhi, establishes that the man's family must pay a bride price to the bride's parents, but only traditional families still follow it.

Once married, the woman joins the husband's family, where her main job is to tend to her husband's and her children's needs and take care of her in-laws. The power structure in the traditional Romani household has at its top the oldest man or grandfather, and men, in general, have more authority than women. Women gain respect and power as they get older. Young wives begin gaining authority once they have children.[277]

Traditionally, as can be seen on paintings and photos, some Romani men wear shoulder-length hair and a mustache, as well as an earring. Romani women generally have long hair, and Xoraxane Romani women often dye it blonde with henna.[278]

Roma cooking outside over an open fire in the Spanish Netherlands, in the early 17th century

Romani people have traditionally displayed a desire to live in alignment with the natural world.[279][280] Cooking was often done outdoors over open fires, using hunted or foraged ingredients.[281] Many Roma in England historically lived and travelled around the English countryside in vardos, while others settled in urban areas.[282] Today, the vast majority are settled and live in houses.[283] Romani were often portrayed outdoors in rural settings in historical European art and literature.[284]

Romani social behavior has traditionally been regulated by Indian social customs[285] ("marime" or "marhime") which are still respected by most Roma (and by most older generations of Sinti). This regulation affects many aspects of life and is applied to actions, people and things: parts of the human body are considered impure, the genital organs (because they produce emissions) and the rest of the lower body. Clothes for the lower body, as well as the clothes of menstruating women, are washed separately. Items used for eating are also washed in a different place. Childbirth is considered impure and must occur outside the dwelling place. The mother is deemed to be impure for forty days after giving birth.[286]

Death is considered impure, and affects the whole family of the dead, who remain impure for a period of time. In contrast to the practice of cremating the dead, Romani dead must be buried.[287] Animals that are considered to have unclean habits are not eaten by the community.[288]

Gypsies reading the hand of a young traveler by Cornelis de Wael, c. 1607–1667
Gypsy fortuneteller in Poland, by Antoni Kozakiewicz, 1884

There are records of Romani women practicing fortune-telling dating back centuries, using techniques such as palm-reading. It often served as a means of income, and was typically passed from mother to daughter. In 1747 and later again in 1824, palm-reading was made illegal in Britain, which led to it becoming a covert practice.[289][290] Romani fortunetellers were traditionally known as drabardi. While it was practiced as a trade aimed at non-Romani, it was virtually never practiced amongst Romani themselves.[291] However, the notion that Romani people have psychic powers and that Romani women are fortunetellers also functions as a harmful stereotype sometimes still present to this day.[292][291]

Romani people historically practiced nomadic professions such as horse trading, metalworking, music, dancing, juggling, horse training, fortune-telling and training animals (such as bears).[293][294] Romani people also earned money by working in the labour market as tinkers or sieve-makers.[295] Romani people turned to roofing and blacktopping when metalworking had been superseded by factory-type technology.[296]

Belonging and exclusion

[edit]

In Romani philosophy, Romanipen (also romanypen, romanipe, romanype, romanimos, romaimos, romaniya) is the totality of the Romani spirit, Romani culture, Romani Law, being a Romany, a set of Romani strains.[297]

An ethnic Rom is considered a gadjo in Romani society if they have no Romanipen. Sometimes a non-Rom may be considered a Rom if they do have Romanipen. Usually this is an adopted child. It has been hypothesized that this owes more to a framework of culture than a simple adherence to historically received rules.[298]

Religion

[edit]
Christian Romanies during the pilgrimage to Saintes-Maries-de-la-Mer in France, 1980s
Two Orthodox Christian Romanies in Cluj-Napoca, Romania
Rom and bear (Belgrade, Banovo Brdo, 1980s)

Generally, religious Roma are either Christians[299] or Muslims.[300]

Muslim Roma generally preserve enduring influences of Ottoman culture, as shaped within former European provinces of the Ottoman Empire.[301][302] During periods of conflict, particularly the Ottoman wars in Europe, some Roma fled the Balkans, settling in parts of northern and western Europe. Muslim Roma partaking in these migrations, or their descendants, eventually converted to Christianity, as Islam did not endure among these populations. In parts of the Balkans, particularly in Bulgaria, some people of Romani descent identify as ethnic Turks, and over generations have adopted the Turkish language.[303]

Theravada Buddhism influenced by the Dalit Buddhist movement has gained some popularity in recent times among Roma in Hungary.[71]

Beliefs

[edit]

The modern-day Roma often adopted Christianity or Islam depending on which was the dominant religion in the regions through which they had migrated.[304] It is likely that the adherence to differing religions prevented families from engaging in intermarriage.[305] In Eastern Europe, most Roma are Orthodox Christians, Muslims or Catholics.[306] In Bulgaria, Greece, Moldova, Romania and Serbia, the majority of Romani inhabitants are Orthodox Christians. In Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, North Macedonia and Kosovo, the majority are Muslims. In Croatia, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovenia and Slovakia, the majority are Catholics. In Western Europe, the majority of Romani inhabitants are Catholic or Protestant. In Crimea and East Thrace, the majority of Romani inhabitants are Muslim. The majority of the diaspora in the United States adhere to some branch of Christianity.[307]

Members of the Cofradía de los Gitanos [es] parading the "throne" of Mary of the O during the Holy Week in Malaga, Spain

Deities and saints

[edit]

Blessed Ceferino Giménez Malla is recently considered a patron saint of the Roma in Catholicism.[308] Saint Sarah, or Sara e Kali, has also been venerated as a patron saint in her shrine at Saintes-Maries-de-la-Mer, France.[309] Since the turn of the 21st century, Sara e Kali is understood to have been Kali, an Indian deity brought from India by the refugee ancestors of the Roma; as the Roma became Christianized, she was absorbed in a syncretic way and venerated as a saint.[310]

Saint Sarah is now increasingly being considered as "a Romani Goddess, the Protectress of the Roma" and an "indisputable link with Mother India".[310][311]

The Balkans/Southeast Europe

[edit]

For the Romani communities that have resided in Southeast Europe for numerous centuries, the following apply with regard to religious beliefs:

  • Albania – The majority of the Romani population in Albania is Muslim.[312]
  • Bosnia and Herzegovina – The majority of the Romani population in Bosnia and Herzegovina is Muslim.[313]
  • Bulgaria – The majority of the Romani population in Bulgaria is Christian (mostly Orthodox). In northwestern Bulgaria, in addition to Sofia and Kyustendil, Christianity is the dominant faith among the Roma, and a major conversion to Eastern Orthodox Christianity among the Roma has occurred. In southeastern Bulgaria, Islam is the dominant religion among the Roma, with a smaller section of the Roma declaring themselves as "Turks", continuing to mix ethnicity with Islam.[313]
Margarita Cansino (later known as Rita Hayworth) with her father and dance partner Eduardo Cansino, 1933
  • Croatia – The majority of the Romani population in Croatia is Christian (mostly Catholic). After the Second World War, a large number of Muslim Roma relocated to Croatia, the majority moving from Kosovo. Their language differs from those living in Međimurje and those who survived Romani Holocaust.[313]
  • Greece – The majority of the Romani population in Greece is Christian.[n] The descendants of groups, such as Sepečides or Sevljara, Kalpazaja, Filipidži and others, living in Athens, Thessaloniki, central Greece and Greek Macedonia are mostly Orthodox Christians, with Islamic beliefs held by a minority of the population. Following the Peace Treaty of Lausanne of 1923, many Muslim Roma moved to Turkey in the subsequent population exchange between Turkey and Greece.[313]
  • Hungary – The majority of the Romani population in Hungary is Christian.[314] The country experienced an influx of Muslim Roma during the Ottoman period in Hungary, who later converted to Catholicism.[315]
Muslim Romanies in Bosnia and Herzegovina (around 1900)
  • Kosovo – The majority of the Romani population in Kosovo are Muslim and Speak Albanian. Some Roma in Kosovo speak Serbian and are Orthodox Christians.[313][316]
  • Montenegro – The majority of the Romani population in Montenegro is Muslim.[313]
  • North Macedonia –The majority of the Romani population in North Macedonia is Muslim.[313]
  • Romania – The majority of the Romani population in Romania is Christian (mostly Orthodox).[317] In Dobruja, there is a small community that are Muslim and also speak Turkish.[318]
  • Serbia – The majority of the Romani population in Serbia is Christian (mostly Orthodox). There are some Muslim Roma in southern Serbia, who are mainly refugees from Kosovo.[313]
  • Slovenia – The majority of the Romani population in Slovenia is Christian (mostly Catholic), although a sizeable proportion are Muslim.[319]

Other regions

[edit]
Gipsy Woman, Stanisław Masłowski, watercolour, 1877

In Ukraine and Russia, the Romani populations are Christian and Muslim. Their ancestors settled on the Crimean peninsula during the 17th and 18th centuries, but some migrated to Ukraine, southern Russia and the Povolzhie (along the Volga River). These communities are recognized for their staunch preservation of the Romani language and identity.[313]

In the Czech Republic, Poland and Slovakia, Romani populations are Roman or Greek Catholic, many times adopting and following local, cultural Catholicism as a syncretic system of belief that incorporates distinct Roma beliefs and cultural aspects. For example, many Polish Roma delay their Church wedding due to the belief that sacramental marriage is accompanied by divine ratification, creating a virtually indissoluble union until the couple consummate, after which the sacramental marriage is dissoluble only by the death of a spouse. Therefore, for Polish Roma, once married, one can't ever divorce. Another aspect of Polish Roma's Catholicism is a tradition of pilgrimage to the Jasna Góra Monastery.[320]

In southern Spain, many Romanies are Pentecostal, but this is a small minority that has emerged in contemporary times. The majority of the Romani people in France are Catholic or Protestant (mostly Pentecostal).[321]

Music

[edit]
27 June 2009: Fanfare Ciocărlia live in Athens
Street performance during the Khamoro World Roma Festival in Prague, 2007

Romani music plays an important role in central and eastern European countries such as Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Montenegro, Bulgaria, Macedonia, Albania, Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Romania, and the style and performance practices of Romani musicians have influenced European classical composers such as Franz Liszt and Johannes Brahms. The lăutari who perform at traditional Romanian weddings are virtually all Romani.[322][323]

Probably the most internationally prominent contemporary performers in the lăutari tradition are Taraful Haiducilor.[324] Bulgaria's popular "wedding music", too, is almost exclusively performed by Romani musicians such as Ivo Papasov, a virtuoso clarinetist closely associated with this genre and Bulgarian pop-folk singer Azis.

Many famous classical musicians, such as the Hungarian pianist Georges Cziffra, are Romani, as are many prominent performers of manele. Zdob și Zdub, one of the most prominent rock bands in Moldova, although not Romanies themselves, draw heavily on Romani music, as do Spitalul de Urgență in Romania, Shantel in Germany, Goran Bregović in Serbia, Darko Rundek in Croatia, Beirut and Gogol Bordello in the United States.

Another tradition of Romani music is the genre of the Romani brass band, with such notable practitioners as Boban Marković of Serbia, and the brass lăutari groups Fanfare Ciocărlia and Fanfare din Cozmesti of Romania.[325]

The distinctive sound of Romani music has also strongly influenced bolero, jazz, and flamenco (especially cante jondo) in Spain.[326]

Dances such as the flamenco and bolero of Spain were influenced by the Roma.[327] Antonio Cansino blended Romani and Spanish flamenco and is credited with creating modern-day Spanish dance.[328] The Dancing Cansinos popularized flamenco and bolero dancing in the United States. Famous dancer and actress, Rita Hayworth, is the granddaughter of Antonio Cansino.

European-style gypsy jazz ("jazz Manouche" or "Sinti jazz") is still widely practiced among the original creators (the Romanie People); one who acknowledged this artistic debt was guitarist Django Reinhardt.[329] Contemporary artists in this tradition known internationally include Stochelo Rosenberg, Biréli Lagrène, Jimmy Rosenberg, Paulus Schäfer and Tchavolo Schmitt.

The Roma in Turkey have achieved musical acclaim from national and local audiences. Local performers usually perform for special holidays. Their music is usually performed on instruments such as the darbuka, gırnata and cümbüş.[330]

Folklore

[edit]

Paramichia is a term used to refer to Romani legends and folktales. A popular legend among the Vlach Roma is of the hero Mundro Salamon, also known by other Roma subgroups as Wise Solomon or O Godjiaver Yanko.[331]

Some Roma believe in the mulo or mullo, meaning "one who is dead"; the Romani version of the vampire.[332] The Roma from Slavic countries believe in werewolves.[333] Roma figure prominently in the 1941 film The Wolf Man and the 2010 remake.

Cuisine

[edit]

The Roma believe that some foods are auspicious, or lucky (baxtalo), such as foods with pungent tastes like garlic, lemon, tomato, and peppers, and fermented foods such as sauerkraut, pickles and sour cream.[334] Hedgehogs are a delicacy among some Roma.[335]

Contemporary art and culture

[edit]

Romani contemporary art emerged at the climax of the process that began in Central and Eastern Europe in the late 1980s, when the interpretation of the cultural practice of minorities was enabled by a paradigm shift, commonly referred to in specialist literature as the "cultural turn". The idea of the cultural turn was introduced; and this was also the time when the notion of cultural democracy became crystallized in the debates carried on at various public forums. Civil society gained strength, and civil politics appeared, which is a prerequisite for cultural democracy. This shift of attitude in scholarly circles derived from concerns specific not only to ethnicity but also to society, gender and class.[336]

Language

[edit]

Most Roma speak one of several dialects of the Romani language,[337] an Indo-Aryan language. They also often speak the languages of the countries they live in. Typically, they also incorporate loanwords and calques into Romani from the languages of those countries and especially words for terms that the Romani language does not have. Most of the Ciganos of Portugal, the Gitanos of Spain, the Romanichal of Great Britain, and the Romanisael of Sweden and Norway have lost their knowledge of pure Romani, and speak the mixed languages Caló,[338] Angloromani and Scandoromani, respectively. Most of the Romani language-speaking communities in these regions consist of later immigrants from eastern or central Europe.[339]

There are no concrete statistics for the number of Romani speakers, both in Europe and globally. However, a conservative estimate is 3.5 million speakers in Europe and a further 500,000 elsewhere,[339] though the actual number may be considerably higher. This makes Romani the second-largest minority language in Europe, behind Catalan.[339]

In regards to the diversity of dialects, Romani works in the same way as most other European languages.[340] Cross-dialect communication is dominated by the following features:

  • All Romani speakers are bilingual, accustomed to borrowing words or phrases from a second language; this makes it difficult to communicate with Roma from different countries
  • Romani was traditionally a language shared between extended family and a close-knit community. This has resulted in the inability to comprehend dialects from other countries, and is why Romani is sometimes considered to be several different languages.
  • There is no tradition or literary standard for Romani speakers to use as a guideline for their language use.[340]

Persecutions

[edit]

Roma enslavement

[edit]
A deed of donation through which Stephen III of Moldavia donates a number of sălașe of Romani slaves to the Rădăuţi bishopric

One of the most enduring persecutions against the Roma was their enslavement. Slavery was widely practiced in medieval Europe, including the territory of present-day Romania from before the founding of the principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia in the 13th–14th centuries.[341] Legislation decreed that all the Roma living in these states, as well as any others who immigrated there, were classified as slaves.[342] Slavery was gradually abolished during the 1840s and 1850s.[341]

The exact origins of slavery in the Danubian Principalities are not known. There is some debate over whether the Roma came to Wallachia and Moldavia as free people or were brought there as slaves. Historian Nicolae Iorga associated the Roma's arrival with the 1241 Mongol invasion of Europe and he also considered their enslavement a vestige of that era, in which the Romanians took the Roma from the Mongols and preserved their status as slaves so they could use their labor. Other historians believe that the Roma were enslaved while they were being captured during the battles with the Tatars. The practice of enslaving prisoners of war may have also been adopted from the Mongols.[341]

Slave liberation certificate issued during the Wallachian Revolution of 1848

Some Roma may have been slaves of the Mongols or the Tatars, or they may have served as auxiliary troops in the Mongol or Tatar armies. However, most of them migrated from south of the Danube at the end of the 14th century, some time after the founding of Wallachia. By then, the institution of slavery was already established in Moldavia and it was possibly established in both principalities. After the Roma migrated into the area, slavery became a widespread practice among the majority of the population. The Tatar slaves, smaller in numbers, were eventually merged into the Romani population.[343]

Persecution

[edit]

Some branches of the Roma reached western Europe in the 15th century, fleeing from the Ottoman conquest of the Balkans as refugees.[262] Although the Roma were refugees from the conflicts in southeastern Europe, they were often suspected of being associated with the Ottoman invasion by certain populations in the West because their physical appearance was exotic. (The Imperial Diet at Landau and Freiburg in 1496–1498 declared that the Roma were spies for the Turks). In western Europe, such suspicions and discrimination against people who constituted a visible minority resulted in persecution, often violent, with attempts to commit ethnic cleansing until the modern era. In times of social tension, the Romani suffered as scapegoats; for instance, they were accused of bringing the plague during times of epidemics.[344]

On 30 July 1749, Spain conducted The Great Roundup of Roma (Gitanos) in its territory. The Spanish Crown ordered a nationwide raid that led to the break-up of families because all able-bodied men were interned in forced labor camps in an attempt to commit ethnic cleansing. The measure was eventually reversed and the Roma were freed as protests began to erupt in different communities, sedentary Roma were highly esteemed and protected in rural Spain.[345][346]

Later in the 19th century, Romani immigration was forbidden on a racial basis in areas outside Europe, mostly in the English-speaking world. In 1880, Argentina prohibited immigration by Roma, as did the United States in 1885.[344]

There is widespread denial about the persecution still faced by Romani people.[347]

Romani women in Lincoln Heights Jail, Los Angeles, California, 1940

Forced assimilation

[edit]
Deportation of Roma from Asperg, Germany, 1940 (photograph by the Rassenhygienische Forschungsstelle)

In the Habsburg monarchy under Maria Theresa (1740–1780), a series of decrees tried to integrate the Romanies to get them to permanently settle, removed their rights to horse and wagon ownership (1754) to reduce citizen-mobility, renamed them "New Citizens" and obliged Romani boys into military service just as any other citizens were if they had no trade (1761, and Revision 1770), required them to register with the local authorities (1767), and another decree prohibited marriages between Romanies (1773) to integrate them into the local population. Her successor Josef II prohibited the wearing of traditional Romani clothing along with the use of the Romani language, both of which were punishable by flogging.[348] During this time, the schools were obliged to register and integrate Romani children; this policy was the first of the modern policies of integration. In Spain, attempts to assimilate the Gitanos were under way as early as 1619, when the Gitanos were forcibly settled, the use of the Romani language was prohibited, Gitano men and women were sent to separate workhouses and their children were sent to orphanages. King Charles III took a more progressive approach to Gitano assimilation, proclaiming that they had the same rights as Spanish citizens and ending the official denigration of them which was based on their race. While he prohibited their nomadic lifestyle, their use of the Calo language, the manufacture and wearing of Romani clothing, their trade in horses and other itinerant trades, he also forbade any form of discrimination against them and he also forbade the guilds from barring them. The use of the word gitano was also forbidden to further their assimilation, it was replaced with "New Castilian", a designation which was also applied to former Jews and Muslims.[349][350]

Most historians believe that Charles III's pragmática failed for three main reasons, reasons which were ultimately derived from its implementation outside major cities as well as in marginal areas: The difficulty which the Gitano community faced in changing its nomadic lifestyle, the marginal lifestyle to which the community had been driven by society and the serious difficulties of applying the pragmática in the fields of education and work. One author ascribes its failure to the overall rejection of the integration of the Gitanos by the wider population.[348][351]

Other policies of forced assimilation were implemented in other countries, one of these countries was Norway, where a law which permitted the state to remove children from their parents and place them in state institutions was passed in 1896.[352] This resulted in some 1,500 Romani children being taken from their parents in the 20th century.[353]

Porajmos (Romani Holocaust)

[edit]

During World War II and the Holocaust, the persecution of the Roma reached a peak during the Romani Holocaust (the Porajmos), the genocide which was perpetrated against them by Nazi Germany. In 1935, Roma living in Germany were stripped of citizenship by the Nuremberg laws and subsequently subjected to violence and imprisonment in concentration camps. During the war, the policy was extended to areas under German occupation, and it was also implemented by other axis countries, most notably, by the Independent State of Croatia, Romania, and Hungary. From 1942, Roma were subjected to genocide in extermination camps.[354]

Because no accurate pre-war census figures exist for the Roma, the actual number of Romani victims who were killed in the Romani Holocaust cannot be assessed. Estimates range from 90,000 victims to as high as 4,000,000, with a majority falling between 200,000 and 500,000. Lower estimates do not include those Roma who were killed in all Axis-controlled countries. A detailed study by Sybil Milton, a former senior historian at the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum, contained an estimate of at least 220,000, possibly as many as 500,000.[355] Ian Hancock, Director of the Program of Romani Studies and the Romani Archives and Documentation Center at the University of Texas at Austin, argues in favour of a higher figure of between 500,000 and 1,500,000.[356]

Contemporary issues

[edit]
Distribution of the Roma in Europe (2007 Council of Europe "average estimates", totalling 9.8 million)[357]
Antiziganist protests in Sofia, Bulgaria, 2011

In Europe, Roma are associated with poverty, high crime rates, and behavior that is considered antisocial or inappropriate by the rest of the European population.[358] Partly for this reason, discrimination against the Roma has continued to be practiced to the present day,[359][360] although efforts are being made to address it.[361]

Amnesty International reports continued to document instances of Antizigan discrimination during the late 20th century, particularly in Romania, Serbia,[362] Slovakia,[363] Hungary,[364] Slovenia,[365] and Kosovo.[366] The European Union has recognized that discrimination against Roma must be addressed, and with the national Roma integration strategy they encourage member states to work towards greater Romani inclusion and upholding the rights of the Roma in the European Union.[367]

</ref>[369]*projections for Serbia also include up to 97.000 Roma IDPs in Serbia[370]
Roma percentage of population in European countries based on higher estimates[368]
[failed verification][original research?]
Country Percent
Bulgaria
10.33%
North Macedonia
9.59%
Slovakia
9.17%
Hungary
9%
Romania
8.23%
Turkey
5.97%
Spain
3.21%
Albania
3.18%
Montenegro
2.95%
Greece
2.47%
Serbia
1.98%
Czech Republic
1.96%
Kosovo
1.47%

In eastern Europe, Romani children often attend Roma Special Schools, separate from non-Romani children; these schools tend to offer a lower quality of education than the traditional education options accessible by non-Romani children, putting the Romani children at an educational disadvantage.[371]: 83 

The Roma of Kosovo have been persecuted by ethnic Albanians since the end of the Kosovo War, and for the most part, much of the Romani community has been expelled.[372]

Czechoslovakia carried out a policy of sterilization of Romani women, starting in 1973.[274] The dissidents of the Charter 77 denounced it in 1977–78 as a genocide, but the practice continued through the Velvet Revolution of 1989.[373] A 2005 report by the Czech Republic's independent ombudsman, Otakar Motejl, identified dozens of cases of coercive sterilization between 1979 and 2001, and called for criminal investigations and possible prosecution against several health care workers and administrators.[374]

In 2008, following the rape and subsequent murder of an Italian woman in Rome at the hands of a young man from a local Romani encampment,[375] the Italian government declared that Italy's Romani population represented a national security risk and it also declared that it was required to take swift action to address the emergenza nomadi (nomad emergency).[376] Specifically, officials in the Italian government accused the Romanies of being responsible for rising crime rates in urban areas.[377]

The 2008 deaths of Cristina and Violetta Djeordsevic, two Romani children who drowned while Italian beach-goers remained unperturbed, brought international attention to the relationship between Italians and Roma. Reviewing the situation in 2012, one Belgian magazine observed:

On International Roma Day, which falls on 8 April, the significant proportion of Europe's 12 million Roma who live in deplorable conditions will not have much to celebrate. And poverty is not the only worry for the community. Ethnic tensions are on the rise. In 2008, Roma camps came under attack in Italy, intimidation by racist parliamentarians is the norm in Hungary. Speaking in 1993, Václav Havel prophetically remarked that "the treatment of the Roma is a litmus test for democracy": and democracy has been found wanting. The consequences of the transition to capitalism have been disastrous for the Roma. Under communism they had jobs, free housing and schooling. Now many are unemployed, many are losing their homes and racism is increasingly rewarded with impunity.[378]

The 2016 Pew Research poll found that Italians, in particular, hold strong anti-Roma views, with 82% of Italians expressing negative opinions about Roma. In Greece, 67%, in Hungary 64%, in France 61%, in Spain 49%, in Poland 47%, in the UK 45%, in Sweden 42%, in Germany 40%, and in the Netherlands[379] 37% had an unfavourable view of Roma.[380] The 2019 Pew Research poll found that 83% of Italians, 76% of Slovaks, 72% of Greeks, 68% of Bulgarians, 66% of Czechs, 61% of Lithuanians, 61% of Hungarians, 54% of Ukrainians, 52% of Russians, 51% of Poles, 44% of French, 40% of Spaniards, and 37% of Germans held unfavorable views of Roma.[381] IRES published in 2020 a survey which revealed that 72% of Romanians have a negative opinion about them.[382]

As of 2019, reports of anti-Roma incidents are increasing across Europe.[383] Discrimination against Roma remains widespread in Kosovo,[384] Romania,[385] Slovakia,[386] Bulgaria,[387][388] and the Czech Republic,[389][390] against which the European Court of Human Rights has ruled in Romani advocates' favor on the subject of discriminatory and segregationist education and housing practices.[391] Romani communities across Ukraine have been the target of violent attacks.[392][393]

Roma refugees fleeing the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine have faced discrimination in Europe, including in Poland,[394] the Czech Republic,[395] and Moldova.[396]

Roma people in Gjakova, Kosovo

Concerning employment, a 2019 report by the FRA revealed that, across the European states that were surveyed, on average 34% of Romani men and 16% of Romani women were in paid work.[397]

Romani children are overrepresented as victims of human trafficking and have a higher vulnerability to sexual exploitation.[398]

Many Roma in the EU have no national health insurance and around 57% do not have a job or a form of paid employment. A third of households don't have tap water, a toilet or a shower.[399]

The European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights reported in 2021 that 25% of Roma surveyed in ten European countries experienced discrimination within the previous year in areas such as healthcare, housing, education, and employment. Of these, only 5% reported the incidents to authorities, a decrease from 16% in 2016. 80% of Roma across ten European countries are at risk of poverty, a rate that has remained unchanged since 2016. While there have been slight improvements in housing conditions, with the share living in poor housing decreasing from 61% to 52%, severe material deprivation and overcrowding remain widespread. Discrimination remains a significant barrier to equal access to education for Roma communities, contributing to ongoing segregation and lower educational attainment. The FRA Roma Survey 2021 also highlighted stark health disparities, whereby Roma men live, on average, nine years less, and Roma women eleven years less, than the general population in the surveyed countries.[400]

Forced repatriation

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In the summer of 2010, French authorities demolished at least 51 Roma camps and began the process of repatriating their residents to their countries of origin.[401] This followed tensions between the French state and Romani communities, which had been heightened after a traveller drove through a French police checkpoint, hit an officer, attempted to hit two more officers, and was then shot and killed by the police. In retaliation a group of Roma, armed with hatchets and iron bars, attacked the police station of Saint-Aignan, toppled traffic lights and road signs and burned three cars.[402][403] The French government has been accused of perpetrating these actions to pursue its political agenda.[404] EU Justice Commissioner Viviane Reding stated that the European Commission should take legal action against France over the issue, calling the deportations "a disgrace". A leaked file dated 5 August, sent from the Interior Ministry to regional police chiefs, included the instruction: "Three hundred camps or illegal settlements must be cleared within three months, Roma camps are a priority."[405]

Voluntarily assimilated groups

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Some Romani people have been known to assimilate en masse with and even be absorbed by other ethnic groups.[406] Assimilated Romani people often keep their identity a secret from outsiders, so it is very hard to determine the extent to which Romani peoples voluntarily assimilate into Gadjo society.[407]

The most notable case of large-scale Romani assimilation is of the Romani Crimean Tatars. Several independent waves of Romani people undertook complete or near-complete assimilation into the Crimean Tatar people.[408][409] Romani Crimean Tatars are the fourth largest subethnic group of the Crimean Tatar nation.[410] For centuries, the Crimean Roma have worked as artisans, musicians, entertainers, and in a variety of blue-collar professions such as porters and blacksmiths.[411][409] Almost all Romani Crimean Tatars living in Crimea today are legally Gadjo because they are recorded as ethnic Crimean Tatars, not Roma, in their internal passports and national censuses and consider their Crimean Tatar identity to be their primary identity.[409][412] Mixed marriages between Romani Crimean Tatars and other Crimean Tatars without Romani backgrounds are accepted by the Crimean Roma.[410] Many prominent Crimean Tatar celebrities are of Romani descent, such as Enver Sherfedinov and Sabriye Erecepova.[413] Historian Olga Kucherenko postulates that while Crimean Tatars were in exile, additional Romani people of non-Crimean origin were also absorbed into the Romani Crimean Tatars.[414]

In Basque Country, the Erromintxela people are assimilated descendants of a 15th-century wave of Kalderash Roma, who entered the Basque Country via France.[415] Both ethnically, linguistically, and culturally, they are distinct from the Caló-speaking Romani people in Spain and the Cascarot Romani people of the Northern Basque Country.[415] Over time the Erromintxela replaced many of their Romani customs with Gadjo Basque customs.[416] Their Erromintxela language is a mixture of Basque and the Romani languages, but there are very few speakers left due to assimilation.[417] The younger generation of Erromintxela Roma are overwhelmingly shifting away from their Erromintxela language in favor of the Basque and Spanish languages.[418][419]

In the United States, there are an estimated one million Americans who are of Romani descent, although most are not open about their background and keep a low profile.[407] Most Americans know very little about Romani people, so they face less discrimination in the US than Europe, although they can still be victims of anti-Romani racism.[420] Prominent Americans of Romani descent include Charlie Chaplin and President Bill Clinton.[421][422]

Segregation and water injustice

[edit]

Roma communities across Europe continue to face significant barriers in accessing adequate water, sanitation, and hygiene services, as discrimination, poverty, and social exclusion, among other factors, exacerbate the lack of access of these groups.[423] A 2018 report by the European Roma Rights Centre (ERRC) exemplifies this with the right to water where the systematic exclusion of Roma from decision-making processes[424] results in the denial of the human right "to safe and clean drinking water and sanitation" as defined by the UN General Assembly in 2010.[425] These cases of systemic discrimination, environmental racism,[426] and the failure of authorities to provide sanitation services reflect patterns identified not only in research but also in legal proceedings claiming violations of the principle of equal treatment.[427] Litigation in Bulgaria, Slovakia, Romania, Hungary, North Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, and Kosovo has also exposed the systemic nature of this problem.[428]

Organizations and projects

[edit]

Artistic representations

[edit]

Many depictions of the Roma in literature and art present romanticized narratives of the mystical powers of fortune telling or as people who have an irascible or passionate temper paired with an indomitable love of freedom and a habit of criminality. The Roma were a popular subject in Venetian painting from the time of Giorgione at the start of the 16th century. The inclusion of such a figure adds an exotic oriental flavor to scenes. A Venetian Renaissance painting by Paris Bordone (c. 1530, Strasbourg) of the Holy Family in Egypt makes Elizabeth a Romani fortune-teller; the scene is otherwise located in a distinctly European landscape.[430]

See also

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Notes

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References

[edit]

Sources

[edit]
  • Achim, Viorel (2004). The Roma in Romanian History. Budapest: Central European University Press. ISBN 978-963-9241-84-8.
  • Fraser, Angus (1992), The Gypsies, Oxford, UK: Blackwell, ISBN 978-0-631-15967-4
  • Hancock, Ian (2001), Ame sam e rromane džene, New York: The Open Society Institute
  • Hancock, Ian (2002) [2001]. Ame Sam E Rromane Dz̆ene. Univ of Hertfordshire Press. ISBN 978-1-902806-19-8.
  • Helsinki Watch (1991), Struggling for Ethnic Identity: Czechoslovakia's Endangered Gypsies, New York: Helsinki Watch
  • Hübshmanová, Milena (2003). "Roma – Sub Ethnic Groups". Rombase. Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz. Archived from the original on 11 December 2022. Retrieved 3 October 2015.
  • Lemon, Alaina (2000). Between Two Fires: Gypsy Performance and Romani Memory from Pushkin to Post-Socialism. Durham: Duke University Press. ISBN 978-0-8223-2456-0.
  • Matras, Yaron; Popov, Vesselin (2001). Gypsies in the Ottoman Empire. Hatfield: University of Hertfordshire Press.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: publisher location (link)
  • Matras, Yaron (2005). Romani: A Linguistic Introduction. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-02330-6.
  • Matras, Yaron (2002). Romani: A Linguistic Introduction. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-63165-5.
  • "Gypsies, The World's Outsiders", National Geographic, pp. 72–101, April 2001
  • Nemeth, David J. (2002). The Gypsy-American. Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen.
  • Sutherland, Ann (1986). Gypsies: The Hidden Americans. Waveland. ISBN 978-0-88133-235-3.
  • Silverman, Carol (1995). "Persecution and Politicization: Roma (Gypsies) of Eastern Europe". Cultural Survival Quarterly.

Further reading

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[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
The Romani people, also known as Roma, constitute an Indo-Aryan ethnic group originating from the northwestern (modern-day northwest and ), where genetic, linguistic, and historical evidence traces their proto-population's divergence approximately 1,500 years ago. Their migration westward commenced around the 9th–11th centuries CE, reaching the by the 11th century and spreading across by the 14th century, often in small founder groups that preserved distinct genetic signatures despite subsequent admixture with local populations. Numbering an estimated 10–12 million individuals primarily in —making them the continent's largest ethnic minority—the Romani maintain a dispersed with subgroups differentiated by regional histories, dialects, and occupations, though many have transitioned from traditional nomadism to settled communities. The , classified within the Indo-Aryan branch of , exhibits core grammar and vocabulary derived from and precursors, overlaid with heavy lexical borrowing from contact languages encountered during migration. Culturally, they emphasize structures, oral traditions, and artisanal trades such as , , and entertainment, contributing notably to European music genres through figures like violinists and influences, while historical records document their roles as performers and soothsayers. Throughout history, Romani populations endured systemic persecution, including enslavement in until 1856, expulsion decrees across medieval , and targeted extermination under Nazi policies resulting in up to 500,000 deaths during the Porajmos (or ), yet empirical data reveal persistent challenges in integration, with elevated rates of poverty, illiteracy, and criminal involvement in contemporary settings often linked to , low workforce participation, and resistance to formal systems rather than solely external discrimination. These patterns underscore causal factors rooted in demographic bottlenecks and cultural divergence, complicating assimilation while fostering resilience in and kinship networks.

Nomenclature

Endonyms and self-designations

The primary endonym used by many Romani groups is Roma, the plural form referring to the people as a whole, with singular Rom denoting an individual man or husband in the . This term derives from an Indo-Aryan root, evolving from ḍomba or ḍom (a or tribal name in northern ) through phonetic shifts to rom in Romani, reflecting the group's historical linguistic origins rather than any connection to Roman or Romanian nomenclature. Not all Romani subgroups employ Roma as their preferred self-designation; divisions often arise from regional, dialectical, or historical factors, leading to distinct endonyms that emphasize internal diversity. For instance, groups in , particularly in German-speaking areas, identify primarily as Sinti, a term of uncertain etymology that supplanted earlier designations like Kale by the . Similarly, in , Manuš (meaning "people" or "humans") is common alongside Kale, while groups favor Kale or variants tied to Caló, a mixed Romani-Spanish . Subgroup-specific endonyms frequently incorporate professional, territorial, or kinship elements, such as Lovari (horse traders among Vlax Roma), Kalderash (cauldron makers), or Romaničel (a kin-based variant from Rom + čhel, meaning clan). In Eastern Europe, Hungarian Roma may use Romungro (from an exonym that became autonymous, denoting sedentary groups), while others like Boyash or Ashkali reject Roma entirely in favor of names asserting separate identities, such as Boyash for Romanian-speaking copper workers. Qualifying phrases like čače Roma ("true Roma") or amare Roma ("our Roma") further denote in-group superiority or exclusivity among subgroups. Despite these variations, Roma has gained prominence in pan-European political and advocacy contexts since the late 20th century as an umbrella self-designation for Romani-speaking populations.

Exonyms and historical terms

The primary English exonym for the Romani people, "Gypsy" (or archaic "Gipsy"), emerged around 1600 from the term egypcien, reflecting the widespread medieval European belief that the group originated in —a misconception likely arising from their own legends of or misinterpretations of their South Asian roots as deriving from "Little Egypt" in the Byzantine sphere. This term supplanted earlier Latin designations like Aegyptii or Egyptiaci found in 15th-century records across , where arriving groups presented letters claiming princely status from "Little Egypt" to secure safe passage. In Central, Eastern, and , exonyms such as German Zigeuner, French Tsigane, Hungarian Cigány, Italian Zingaro, and Romanian Țigan derive from the Byzantine Greek Atsinganos or Athinganoi, denoting a 10th–11th-century heretical Christian in (modern ) associated with , , and alleged sorcery—practices that paralleled those of early Romani migrants, leading to their conflation upon entering the around the 11th–12th centuries. These terms often carried implications of deviance or otherness, reinforced by bans on the sect's activities as early as the . The Spanish exonym Gitano parallels "Gypsy" in , deriving from Egipciano ("Egyptian"), adapted during the Romani's arrival in Iberia by the , though some linguistic variants in the region also show influence from the Atsinganos root via Mediterranean trade routes. In , Bohémien was commonly used from the onward, referencing (modern Czechia) as a key migration waypoint, evoking nomadic lifestyles later romanticized in cultural tropes but rooted in 1420s diplomatic records of groups passing through the . Other sporadic historical terms included Tartari in some Italian and German chronicles, linking Romani to Mongol invaders due to shared itinerancy, though this was less enduring. These exonyms persist in varying degrees, often detached from their factual origins, which genetic and linguistic evidence traces to northern rather than the ascribed sources.

Origins and migration

Linguistic evidence for South Asian roots

The , an Indo-Aryan member of the Indo-European family, exhibits structural and lexical features tracing its origins to the northwestern , with closest affinities to modern languages such as Punjabi, Kashmiri, and Rajasthani. Linguistic recognition of this connection dates to the late , when scholars like Johann Rüdiger compared Romani vocabulary to , identifying systematic correspondences in core terms absent in neighboring language families. Approximately 60-70% of Romani's basic lexicon derives from or early New Indo-Aryan precursors, reflecting a departure from around the 9th-11th centuries CE before extensive admixture with Iranian, Armenian, and European elements. Core vocabulary cognates underscore this heritage, particularly in domains like numerals, , and body parts, which resist replacement during migration. For instance, Romani numerals ekh ("one"), dui ("two"), and panj ("five") mirror eka, dva, and pañca, respectively, as preserved in and Punjabi. Similarly, terms for family relations such as phral ("brother") from bhrātr̥ and phuri ("old woman") akin to purī ("town" or elder matriarchal connotations) align with Indo-Aryan patterns, distinct from Dravidian or Iranian substrates. These retentions indicate an origin among low-caste or nomadic groups in regions like modern-day or , where such lexicon predominates. Grammatically, Romani preserves Indo-Aryan traits including nominative-accusative alignment, marking for nouns (e.g., via postpositions), and verb agreement with , number, and —features atrophied in many European contact languages but robust in Hindi-Urdu and related tongues. Ablaut patterns in verbs and the use of participles for tense formation further echo Middle Indo-Aryan stages, as documented in comparative studies. While peripheral vocabulary shows heavy borrowing (e.g., Persian influences like zulum "" from zulm), the inherited core—estimated at 500-1000 roots—lacks deep Iranian phonological shifts, supporting a relatively rapid westward exodus rather than prolonged settlement in Persia.
CategoryRomaniCognate Indo-Aryan (e.g., Hindi/Sanskrit)Meaning
Numeralsekhekaone
Kinshipphralbhrātr̥brother
Bodyjakhakṣieye
Housekhergṛha/gharhouse
This table illustrates select cognates, drawn from etymological reconstructions; full inventories reveal over 200 such matches in Swadesh lists of basic terms. Dialectal variation, such as Vlax Romani's retention of archaic forms, reinforces a proto-language spoken by a founding population of perhaps 1,000-5,000 individuals from diverse Indian jati-like groups, diverging en route to Europe. Such evidence, prioritized over folklore or self-narratives, establishes linguistic primacy in tracing Romani ethnogenesis to South Asia, with genetic corroboration secondary but convergent.

Genetic evidence and admixture

Genetic studies utilizing uniparental markers have established the South Asian origins of the Romani people. The Y-chromosome H1a1a-M82, originating from the , predominates among Romani males, with frequencies ranging from 44% to over 60% across European groups, and is rare or absent in non-Romani host populations. Mitochondrial DNA M, also tracing to , accounts for approximately 30% of Romani maternal lineages. These markers indicate a proto-Romani population departure from northwest around 1,500 years ago, followed by a founder bottleneck that reduced . Autosomal genome-wide analyses further quantify the ancestral composition, revealing that contemporary Romani harbor 20-30% South Asian ancestry, closely aligned with Punjabi populations from northwestern , while the majority (around 80%) derives from West Eurasian sources. This South Asian component shows low levels of prior West Eurasian admixture in the founding group, suggesting the proto-Romani migrated as a relatively endogamous . Admixture events occurred primarily during westward dispersal through the and into , incorporating gene flow from encountered populations including , Anatolians, and various Europeans, with varying degrees across subgroups. exhibit higher Middle Eastern influences, while western European groups show more recent local admixture, yet the core South Asian signal persists despite these overlays and ongoing . Elevated frequencies of certain recessive disorders, such as congenital myasthenia, underscore the founder effect and limited . Overall, these patterns refute alternative origins and affirm a singular exodus from with subsequent admixture shaping modern Romani .

Historical migration routes and timeline

Genetic analyses indicate that the Romani originated in northwestern , with an ancestral and exodus dated to approximately 1,500 years ago, around 500 CE. This migration followed a northerly route from regions near through the Hindu Kush mountains into Persia (modern-day ), where linguistic and genetic markers show early admixture with local populations. From Persia, groups proceeded westward to and the , encountering further genetic influences before entering the by the 11th century. By the 11th to 12th centuries, Romani had reached the Anatolian peninsula, as evidenced by historical and phylogeographic data. Their dispersal into the occurred primarily in the , with records confirming presence in the Byzantine territories and early Ottoman lands. From Balkan bases, migrations radiated northward and westward into around 1417, as noted in chronicles from the , and into by the early . The following timeline summarizes key phases based on converging linguistic, genetic, and documentary evidence:
Approximate DateMigration Milestone
500–1000 CEExodus from northwestern via to Persia and ; initial founder effects and admixture.
11th–12th centuries CEArrival in and ; limited settlement and continued westward movement.
14th century CEEstablishment in the ; earliest reliable records in southeastern .
Early 15th century CEExpansion into Central and from Balkan routes; documented arrivals in , , and beyond.
Throughout this trajectory, Romani groups maintained distinct endogamous structures, though modest occurred with intermediate populations, shaping subgroup divergences observed today. These routes reflect a gradual, multi-generational dispersal rather than a singular event, influenced by , , and nomadic livelihoods.

Population and subgroups

Global estimates and geographic distribution

Estimates of the global Romani population vary significantly due to factors such as reluctance to self-identify in stemming from historical stigma and , nomadic lifestyles in some subgroups, irregular migration, and inconsistent methodologies across national surveys. Scholarly and organizational assessments typically place the worldwide figure between 10 and 12 million, with the majority residing in ; higher claims reaching 14 million occasionally appear but lack robust substantiation. These numbers derive from extrapolations combining data, expert surveys, and demographic modeling, as no comprehensive global exists. In Europe, which hosts approximately 80-90% of the Romani population, concentrations are highest in Central and Eastern countries. The estimates around 1.85 million in (about 8.3% of the national population), while reports roughly 750,000, 700,000-800,000, and 600,000 based on similar institutional assessments. maintains the single largest population at up to 2.75 million, reflecting early migration routes and integration patterns. sees notable communities in (1-1.5 million, often more assimilated), (300,000-1.2 million, including recent migrants), and the (around 200,000). The as a whole is home to about 6 million, predominantly citizens of member states, though undercounting persists in official statistics. Outside Europe, Romani diaspora communities number 1-2 million, primarily in the from 19th- and 20th-century emigrations. The hosts an estimated 1 million, scattered across urban and rural areas with varying degrees of cultural retention. and each have hundreds of thousands, often blended with local migrant groups, while smaller populations exist in and . Remnant communities in the trace to medieval dispersals, but precise figures remain elusive due to assimilation and lack of ethnic tracking.
Country/RegionEstimated PopulationNotes
2,000,000–2,750,000Largest single-country population; includes integrated and nomadic groups.
1,850,000Official estimates; census undercounts likely.
1,000,000–1,500,000High assimilation rates; historical presence since 15th century.
750,000Concentrated in urban peripheries.
~1,000,000Diaspora from Europe; diverse subgroups.
These distributions reflect centuries of migration, persecution-driven relocations, and economic opportunities, with ongoing internal movements complicating fixed counts.

Major subgroups and internal diversity

The Romani population is characterized by substantial internal diversity, arising from historical migrations, regional adaptations, linguistic divergences, and endogamous practices that reinforce subgroup boundaries. Subgroups, often referred to as natsiya or nations, typically maintain distinct identities through clan-based social structures (kumpanija), occupational traditions, and dialects of the , with endogamy serving as a primary mechanism for cultural preservation. This diversity reflects bottlenecks and admixture events during dispersal from , resulting in greater than in many autochthonous European populations despite overall founder effects. Principal subgroups include the Roma (or Rom), the largest cluster primarily in Eastern and Southeastern Europe; the Sinti in Central and Western Europe; and the Kale across Iberia, Britain, Wales, Finland, and parts of Scandinavia. The Roma encompass further endogamous divisions such as the Vlax Roma—an umbrella category for groups like the Kalderash (traditionally coppersmiths), Lovari (horse traders), and Churari (sieve makers)—which originated from 19th-century migrations out of Wallachia and Moldavia and now form a significant portion of Europe's Romani diaspora. Sinti communities, numbering around 200,000 as of recent estimates, are concentrated in Germany, northern Italy, France, Austria, and the Netherlands, with dialects featuring Germanic influences and historical ties to medieval itinerant trades like music and metalworking. Kale subgroups, including the Spanish Gitanos and Welsh Kale, exhibit Iberian or Nordic linguistic admixtures and have adapted to local sedentarization pressures, such as in Finland where they integrated agricultural pursuits by the 19th century. Additional subgroups include the (a variant in known for jazz influences since the 20th century), in Britain and (with English-inflected Romani and traditions of wagon-dwelling until mid-20th-century evictions), and Balkan-specific groups like the (bear handlers) or Sepečides (craftsmen). Internal divisions extend to religious affiliations, with Xoraxane Roma adhering to in the and Dashikane to Orthodox Christianity, influencing customs like rites. Genetic analyses reveal distinct founder lineages—such as high frequencies of H in maternal lines—varying by subgroup due to differential European admixture rates, with Vlax groups showing less dilution than . These boundaries, while fluid through occasional intermarriage, perpetuate socioeconomic disparities and resistance to pan-Romani unification efforts.

Historical development

Pre-European origins and early dispersal

The origins of the Romani people are rooted in northern India, with archaeological, linguistic, and genetic data converging on a proto-population from the northwestern regions, including areas corresponding to modern-day Punjab, Rajasthan, and Sindh, prior to a major westward exodus beginning around 500 CE. This founding group likely comprised small, mobile communities engaged in trades such as metalworking, music, and animal husbandry, reflecting a demographic bottleneck evident in genome-wide studies showing reduced genetic diversity consistent with a founder event of approximately 1,500 individuals. Historical inferences suggest these ancestors may have been part of lower-caste or nomadic subgroups, such as those akin to the Dom or Banjara, displaced by invasions or economic pressures in the Gupta Empire's declining phase, though direct documentary evidence from this period remains absent. Early dispersal from proceeded in waves through the , with the first significant admixture events occurring in (modern ) between the 5th and 9th centuries CE, as indicated by elevated frequencies of West Eurasian haplogroups and Persian loanwords in Romani comprising about 20% of core vocabulary, far exceeding Armenian influences. Persian chronicles, including indirect references in medieval texts to itinerant Indian artisans or performers under Sassanid patronage, provide tentative historical correlates, though legends like Bahram V's (r. 420–438 CE) recruitment of Indian musicians in Firdawsi's are often invoked but lack empirical verification and may represent rather than causal history. By the 9th–10th centuries, proto-Romani groups had dispersed into and the , incorporating further linguistic borrowings (e.g., terms for and ) and showing initial from local Caucasian populations, setting the stage for entry into the Byzantine sphere. This pre-European phase was characterized by gradual fragmentation into subgroups, with archaeological parallels in Central Asian nomadic —such as portable forges and musical instruments—aligning with later Romani practices, though causal links rely on interdisciplinary synthesis rather than unbroken records. Dispersal routes likely followed trade corridors like the , facilitating small-scale movements of 100–500 individuals per wave, as modeled from admixture timestamps placing secondary expansions in by the CE, immediately preceding Balkan ingress. The absence of large-scale Persian or Armenian archival mentions underscores the marginal status of these migrants, who evaded assimilation through and occupational specialization, preserving a distinct identity amid hostile or indifferent empires.

Arrival in Europe and medieval interactions

The Romani people first appeared in historical records in the during the late , with reliable evidence of their presence in (present-day ) dating to 1385. Their migration into Europe likely proceeded from the through and the , following routes established by earlier movements from Persia and , though Byzantine records of distinct Romani groups remain sparse and potentially conflated with other itinerant populations until this period. By the early , groups had dispersed northward and westward, reaching the , , and parts of modern-day , often traveling in organized bands led by self-proclaimed counts or voivodes who presented forged papal letters claiming pilgrimage status from "Little Egypt." Initial interactions in medieval Europe varied regionally but frequently involved economic roles tied to their migratory lifestyle, such as , , bear-leading, and entertainment, which filled niches in feudal societies lacking specialized guilds for outsiders. In and the , some Romani were integrated as craftsmen or musicians under noble patronage, while in and , they faced enslavement by local princes from the 14th century onward, treated as property taxable to landowners and forbidden from owning land or marrying non-slaves. However, their nomadism and unfamiliar customs—perceived as secretive or sorcerous, including palm-reading and herbalism—bred suspicion, leading to early accusations of , theft, and across German and Swiss territories. By the 1410s, hostility formalized into exclusionary edicts, with the first recorded expulsion order issued in () in 1416, mandating Romani departure under penalty of death for or . Similar bans followed in (1471) and other German principalities, reflecting broader medieval anxieties over itinerants amid plagues and wars, though enforcement was inconsistent and some rulers granted temporary safe-conducts for labor needs. In contrast, a 1423 privilege in certain Balkan regions offered limited protections against arbitrary seizure, marking an early, though rare, anti-discriminatory measure amid pervasive marginalization. These interactions entrenched a of wary tolerance punctuated by pogroms and flight, shaping Romani dispersal while fostering internal adaptations like kris tribunals for .

Early modern enslavement and expulsions

In the Principalities of and , Romani people faced institutionalized hereditary that originated in the and endured through the , with slaves primarily owned by the Orthodox Church, boyars (nobles), and the state. These slaves, numbering in the tens of thousands by the , performed diverse labor including household service, , , and , often under harsh conditions that included and family separations for sale. The system was codified in legal documents such as the Pravilniceascâ Carte (1780) in , which regulated slave ownership and , though escapes and internal migrations to offered limited respite for some groups. Slavery's persistence stemmed from economic utility and , with Romani slaves comprising up to 10% of the population in some regions by the , yet facing restrictions on , movement, and property ownership that reinforced dependency. Abolition efforts gained traction in the 1840s amid Enlightenment influences and pressure from figures like , culminating in emancipation decrees: state and church slaves freed in in 1855 and on February 20, 1856, affecting approximately 250,000 individuals, though owners received compensation without reparations for the enslaved. Post-abolition, many former slaves remained in poverty, bound by debt or custom to prior owners, highlighting the institution's deep socioeconomic entrenchment. Parallel to Eastern enslavement, Western and Central European states pursued expulsions and bans during the early , driven by associations of Romani with , , and Ottoman sympathies amid religious wars and . In 1498, Maximilian I decreed the expulsion of Romani groups across imperial territories, citing alleged support for the Ottoman Turks following conversions among some Roma. reinforced anti-Romani measures with statutes like the 1554 Egyptians Act, which imposed felony penalties—including death for —on those maintaining a "gypsy" , leading to sporadic executions and forced dispersals. Such policies proliferated: issued expulsion edicts in 1504 and 1539, while Portugal's 1708 law prohibited , dress, and customs under threat of or . In the Holy Roman Empire's principalities, over 100 local bans between 1496 and 1710 mandated expulsion or enslavement for non-sedentary Roma, often enforced through branding or galleys, reflecting a pattern of viewing nomadic patterns as incompatible with emerging absolutist orders. These measures displaced communities recurrently, pushing migrations eastward or into marginal lands, though inconsistent allowed partial in rural enclaves.

19th-century emancipation and nationalism

In the Romanian principalities of and , Romani people endured hereditary from the until the mid-19th century, owned by monasteries, boyars, or the state, with an estimated population of 200,000 to 250,000 enslaved individuals by the 1850s. Abolitionist campaigns, led by non-Romani intellectuals influenced by Enlightenment and Western anti- sentiments, gained traction in the 1840s amid revolutionary fervor. issued initial emancipation decrees in 1843 under the Organic Regulations, freeing state-owned slaves but compensating owners and imposing settlement requirements on the freed. Full liberation followed on February 20, 1856, with Moldavia's analogous law and 's "Law for the of All Gypsies," which dismantled private ownership without compensation after 1856, affecting roughly 250,000 Romani and marking one of Europe's last abolitions of chattel . Post-emancipation realities proved harsh: many newly freed Romani lacked land, skills for wage labor, or social networks, leading to widespread , accusations, and mass out-migration from —estimated at tens of thousands to urban centers in , , and the by the 1860s–1880s. State policies often prioritized assimilation over support, mandating sedentarization, , and labor registration, as seen in Habsburg reforms following the abolition, which freed Romani but subjected them to and forced trades like or farming. In and other German states, 19th-century edicts similarly aimed to curb nomadism through passports and threats, reflecting broader European efforts to integrate or control Romani populations amid rising nation-state formation. These reforms inadvertently seeded early Romani national consciousness by disrupting traditional structures and exposing shared hardships across subgroups. Late-19th-century migrations broadened interpersonal networks among Romani, fostering ethnic solidarity beyond local kin groups, though political strategies emphasized evasion of authority over confrontation. Pioneering figures like Lazar Naftanaila in launched initial self-advocacy for civic rights around the 1880s–1890s, petitioning for access and against discriminatory laws, representing the first documented Romani-led emancipatory initiatives. Such efforts, rooted in post-slavery agency and growing awareness of Indian linguistic origins established by philologists since the 1780s, laid groundwork for , though fragmented by illiteracy, oral traditions, and state suppression—prefiguring 20th-century organized without yet achieving pan-European unity.

20th-century wars, genocides, and displacements

During , Romani individuals served in various national armies, including Serbian forces where they performed auxiliary roles such as foraging and construction, though systematic displacements specific to Romani groups were not prominently documented amid broader wartime migrations and expulsions. The most severe 20th-century genocide against Romani people occurred during in the Porajmos, where and its collaborators systematically and murdered between 220,000 and 500,000 Roma across Europe. Persecution began with racial classification as "asocial" and "hereditarily inferior" under the 1935 , escalating to mass shootings of tens of thousands in occupied eastern , the , and , as well as deportations to extermination camps like Auschwitz-Birkenau, where up to 23,000 Roma were killed in gas chambers by August 1944. In Romania, under Ion Antonescu's regime, approximately 25,000 nomadic and sedentary Roma were deported to between 1942 and 1944, with around 19,000 perishing from disease, starvation, and executions. In the Independent State of Croatia, forces exterminated tens of thousands of Roma alongside Serbs and Jews, often in camps like Jasenovac. Post-World War II displacements persisted in under communist regimes, where Romani survivors faced forced assimilation, sedentarization policies, and sporadic expulsions. In the , nomadic Roma encountered repression as "socially harmful elements," with some communities deported or resettled during Stalinist purges and wartime measures, though precise figures remain elusive due to limited documentation. In and , Roma endured marginalization and internal migrations driven by land reforms and industrialization, exacerbating poverty and mobility. By the 1990s , Romani populations in Bosnia and suffered targeted attacks, displacements, and , with thousands fleeing as refugees amid the breakup of the federation. These events compounded pre-existing nomadic patterns, leading to scattered survivor communities across by 1945, many traumatized and without restitution.

Post-World War II policies and migrations

Following the end of World War II in 1945, Romani survivors of the Porajmos—the Nazi genocide that killed an estimated 250,000 to 500,000 Roma across Europe—faced systemic exclusion and minimal restitution. Unlike Jewish survivors, Roma received no dedicated reparations or recognition as a persecuted group in most countries, with West European governments denying them refugee status despite accepting others fleeing Eastern Europe amid Cold War tensions. In Czechoslovakia, for instance, only 583 of over 8,000 Roma deported to camps returned, and survivors encountered ongoing forced labor and segregation. This lack of support perpetuated poverty and displacement, as Roma were often barred from property restitution and social services due to their marginal status. In under communist regimes from 1945 to 1989, policies emphasized forced assimilation to eliminate perceived "asocial" traits, including nomadism and traditional livelihoods, under the guise of socialist modernization. Governments in , , , and banned itinerant lifestyles, confiscated horses and wagons, and mandated settlement in state housing or ghettos, with enacting sedentarization laws in 1962 that criminalized road life and relocated nomadic families to industrial areas. Employment quotas funneled Roma into low-skilled factory or farm work to support reindustrialization, while education efforts often segregated children into special schools, contributing to literacy gains but cultural erosion. Coercive measures included involuntary sterilizations of Romani women in starting in the 1960s—estimated at thousands without —and forced name changes in to assimilate identities. These policies denied Roma official minority status, classifying them under majority ethnicities, and aimed to "civilize" them into productive citizens, yet resulted in ghettoization, persistent (e.g., 78% negative societal attitudes in by 1991), and dependency on state welfare without addressing underlying . In , post-war policies mirrored pre-war exclusion, with surveillance, expulsion orders, and assimilation drives rather than integration support; maintained internment camps into the 1970s for "undesirable" Roma, while the and others enforced laws to curb itinerancy. Roma asylum claims were routinely rejected, framing them as economic migrants rather than victims, exacerbating marginalization amid economic booms that bypassed their communities. Migrations intensified due to these policies, with internal displacements from rural to urban areas in for forced employment—e.g., Slovak Roma relocated to Czech factories—and cross-border flows during crises. In 1956, up to 150,000 , including many Lovara Roma families, fled to , , and after the revolution's suppression. Subsequent waves in the –1970s involved guest worker recruitment to , while post-1989 transitions triggered mass outflows: approximately 70,000 Romanian Roma to by 1992 amid economic collapse and pogroms, and 10,000 from Bosnia-Herzegovina during the 1991–1995 wars to nearby states. Overall, an estimated 200,000–280,000 Roma migrated eastward to westward in the late , driven by , (e.g., post-communist rates exceeding 90% in some Czech ghettos), and failed assimilation, often facing and camps upon arrival.

Society and culture

Kinship, social structure, and exclusionary practices

Romani emphasizes units, with the familia typically comprising three generations and 6 to 15 relatives living in a single household, while the larger vitsa encompasses 20 to 200 members connected by blood or . Decision-making within these units is male-dominated, with elders holding authority and women in subordinate roles. through godparenthood further strengthens ties, functioning as a form of beyond biological relations. Social structure is hierarchical and segmented into natsion (nations or subgroups) and kumpania (clans), where natsion represent endogamous identities often tied to historical professions, such as Kalderash (coppersmiths) or Turgovzi (merchants), mirroring the jati system of endogamous occupational castes in Indian society. Each kumpania consists of allied families sharing ancestry or trade, led by a designated head, with loyalties progressing from individual to family, clan, nation, and broader Romani identity. Disputes are resolved through the kris, an informal court of elders enforcing customary law. Exclusionary practices center on the marime code, a ritual purity system distinguishing wuzho (pure, primarily upper body and head) from marime (impure, lower body and excretory functions), dictating strict hygiene rules like separate washing of upper- and lower-body items, avoidance of shared utensils, and isolation of menstruating women from food preparation. Violations, including sexual misconduct or improper handling of pollutants, result in social contamination, requiring destruction of tainted items or purification rituals; persistent breaches lead to shunning or permanent expulsion via acts like "tossing the skirt." Endogamy reinforces these boundaries, with marriages confined to one's subgroup to preserve purity, and unions with gadje (non-Romani) facing severe stigma—tolerated for men only if the adopts Romani , but deemed a profound marime violation for women, rendering such offspring's status ambiguous unless the father is Romani. Romani cultural norms strongly prohibit incest, with strict taboos against sexual relations or marriage between close relatives governed by marime purity codes. Polygamy is not accepted in most communities, which are generally monogamous, and there is no norm of sharing partners; instead, emphasis is placed on fidelity within marriage and chastity, particularly female virginity at marriage, rendering prostitution taboo and heavily stigmatized, especially for women expected to maintain chastity until marriage. Premarital sex and adultery are heavily stigmatized or punished, often through the kris, and the community often responds to prostitution with silence or denial that those involved belong to the group, reflecting emphasis on family honor and purity. These norms vary by subgroup (e.g., Kalderash, Lovari), but stereotypes of promiscuity or partner-sharing are unfounded and rooted in prejudice. Non-Romani are viewed as inherently polluting, prompting avoidance of close contact, use of disposable items in their spaces, and restrictions on sharing resources, which maintains social separation even in economic interactions. The marime framework thus serves as a mechanism for internal cohesion and external demarcation, penalizing assimilation through social rejection.

Religion, beliefs, and syncretism

The Romani people predominantly adhere to the dominant religions of their host societies, with Christianity (particularly Catholicism and Eastern Orthodoxy) prevailing in Europe and Islam in regions like the Balkans and Anatolia, but they integrate these with traditional beliefs forming a syncretic framework. This syncretism manifests in the retention of pre-Christian or folk practices alongside formal religious observance, such as veneration of saints intertwined with concepts of spiritual purity and taboo avoidance. In Bulgaria, for instance, Romani communities exhibit blended Christian and Muslim rituals, including holidays like Bango Vasili and Babinden, which combine elements from both faiths with indigenous customs. Central to Romani beliefs is the concept of marimé, denoting ritual impurity or defilement, contrasted with wuzho for purity, which governs social interactions, hygiene, and spiritual life. Violations of marimé taboos—such as contact with the lower body, menstruation, death, or non-Romani outsiders—result in social ostracism or purification rites, reflecting a worldview where pollution threatens communal harmony and supernatural favor. Childbirth and postpartum periods are deemed impure, requiring isolation outside the home for up to 40 days, underscoring the system's emphasis on delineating pure from defiled states to maintain ethnic and spiritual integrity. Syncretic expressions include the annual pilgrimage to Saintes-Maries-de-la-Mer in France, where thousands of Romani honor Sara-la-Kali, revered as their patron saint in folk Catholicism and symbolizing protection for the displaced. Held on May 24-25, participants carry her statue into the sea, blending Catholic devotion with traditional rituals of communal gathering and symbolic cleansing. Among some groups, Protestantism, especially Pentecostalism, has gained traction since the late 20th century, often accommodating marimé norms without fully supplanting them, as Romani report compatibility between evangelical faith and cultural traditions. Ancestor reverence and protective charms persist across denominations, illustrating adaptive resilience in religious practice amid historical marginalization.

Language, dialects, and literacy

The Romani language, known endonymously as romani chib, belongs to the Indo-Aryan branch of the Indo-European family and traces its origins to northwestern India, where proto-Romani likely emerged around the 9th-10th centuries CE before migration westward. Linguistic evidence, including core vocabulary and grammatical structures akin to modern Indo-Aryan languages like Hindi, supports this Indian provenance, with divergence occurring through prolonged contact with Iranian, Armenian, Greek, and later European languages during dispersal across the Byzantine Empire and into Europe by the 14th century. Romani exhibits extreme dialectal fragmentation, with over 60 mutually intelligible varieties grouped into major clusters based on geographic-historical divergence rather than strict phylogenetic branching. The largest is Vlax Romani, spoken by approximately 500,000-600,000 individuals primarily in , , and diaspora communities in the and , characterized by Romanian substrate influences and preservation of archaic features like case systems. , with around 600,000 speakers in , , and , shows heavy Greek and Slavic admixture, often lacking definite articles and featuring simplified verb paradigms. Other key groups include Sinti Romani (Central/Western Europe, influenced by German and lacking aspirated consonants), Central Romani (, , with mixed Slavic-German elements), and smaller peripheral varieties like Iberian or British Romani, many of which are endangered or extinct. Dialect classification relies on isoglosses such as pronominal forms (e.g., zis- vs. jen- for 'you' in Balkan subtypes) and lexical retentions, reflecting layered migrations and localized assimilation rather than a uniform split. Historically oral and tied to nomadic lifestyles, Romani culture prioritizes spoken transmission of , kinship lore, and trade argots, contributing to persistently low rates independent of the language itself. A 2011 European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights survey of Roma across 11 member states reported that 20% of respondents aged 16 and older could neither read nor write, far exceeding national averages and correlating with early school dropout (63% of Roma children leave before age 15). Recent data from indicate overall illiteracy around 10%, with disparities by gender (up to 30% for girls vs. 20% for boys) and region, attributable to systemic educational exclusion, , and parental emphasis on endogamous socialization over formal schooling rather than inherent linguistic barriers. Written Romani employs ad hoc orthographies, often Latin-based and dialect-specific, with efforts (e.g., Pan-European scripts proposed since the 1990s) hampered by dialectal diversity and limited institutional support; most literacy occurs in dominant national languages, rendering Romani primarily a vernacular for in-group domains.

Traditional arts, music, folklore, and cuisine

Romani music exhibits regional variations shaped by interactions with host cultures, often featuring improvisational virtuosity, intricate rhythms, tempo shifts, and modal scales derived from Indian antecedents. In many traditions, songs incorporate three distinct voices—melody, , and drone—transmitted orally across generations. Eastern European Romani ensembles, such as those in and , emphasize brass instruments like the and in lively, percussive styles accompanying dances, while Western variants influenced forms like in through rhythmic adornments and passionate delivery. Traditional arts among Romani communities center on craftsmanship tied to historical nomadic trades, including silversmithing and decorative for jewelry, harnesses, and utensils using , silver, and . These skills, passed through family guilds, produce intricate and embossed designs reflecting both Indian motifs and local European adaptations, as seen in Transylvanian examples from the 19th century onward. and basketry also feature in utilitarian objects, though less emphasized as fine compared to performative traditions like , which involves expressive hand gestures and torso movements synchronized with . Folklore preserves oral narratives of migration, spirits, and moral dilemmas, collected in tales from regions like and , often earthy and adult-oriented rather than sanitized fables. Common motifs include encounters with beings capable of bestowing fortune or calamity, alongside taboos against body exposure or certain foods, rooted in beliefs syncretized from Indian and European sources. Legends of figures and offspring, such as the tailed Poreskoro born of affliction, underscore a worldview blending with Christian elements, transmitted verbally to maintain cultural continuity amid dispersal. practices, using palms or cards, form part of this lore, practiced historically by women as a communal rite. Cuisine lacks a singular codified tradition due to diaspora adaptations but commonly relies on simple, resourceful preparations using available meats, vegetables, and spices like , , and peppers for hot, hearty dishes. Staples include fried breads such as xaritsa () or pufe (wheat fritters), stews of or , cabbage soups like shackles, and occasional wild game like baked , reflecting foraging and low-cost survival in Balkan and Central European contexts. Grilled meats and puddings like baulomas gooey appear in family meals, varying by subgroup but unified by emphasis on communal sharing over formal recipes.

Economy and livelihoods

Historical trades and nomadic patterns

The Romani people, originating from northern around the 5th to 11th centuries CE, migrated westward through Persia and the , reaching the by the 11th century and spreading across from the 14th to 19th centuries in successive waves, often maintaining a nomadic lifestyle that facilitated their itinerant trades. This peripatetic pattern involved seasonal movements in family-based or wagons, allowing adaptation to local economies while avoiding settled territories where exclusionary laws restricted residence. Nomadism was not solely voluntary but reinforced by host societies' bans on , pushing Romani groups to exploit mobile niches like fairs, markets, and rural circuits for livelihood. Historical trades centered on skilled crafts requiring portability, such as —including blacksmithing, tinsmithing, and coppersmithing for repairing tools and utensils—which Romani artisans performed door-to-door or at temporary camps. and dealing emerged as key occupations, leveraging Romani expertise in to buy, sell, and train horses at regional gatherings, a practice documented across from the medieval period onward. Women often engaged in via or , as well as peddling small goods like flowers or baskets, complementing the men's itinerant labor and sustaining family units during travels. Entertainment and performance trades, including , , bear-leading, and , thrived in nomadic contexts, with Romani musicians providing services at courts and villages en route, preserving oral traditions while generating income. In , particularly under Ottoman influence, additional skills like gold washing and woodcarving supported semi-nomadic patterns, though enslavement in regions like and until the mid- tied some groups to fixed labor before emancipation spurred further migrations. These occupations, rooted in pre-migration Indian artisanal guilds, evolved to emphasize mobility, enabling survival amid recurrent expulsions and enabling economic independence from agrarian host economies. By the , industrialization began eroding some traditional patterns, shifting toward scrap dealing and seasonal farm work, yet nomadism persisted in subgroups like the Yenish or influenced by Romani customs.

Modern employment, welfare dependency, and poverty

In , Romani populations face persistently high rates of , with 80% of those surveyed in 2021 living at risk of according to the standard, compared to an EU-wide average of 17% for the general . This figure remained unchanged from prior assessments, reflecting entrenched socioeconomic exclusion despite targeted EU inclusion policies since 2011. rates among Roma exceed 80% in several countries, exacerbating intergenerational transmission of disadvantage through limited access to quality education and skills training. World Bank analyses from the early 2000s onward identify Roma as one of the primary risk groups in , where they constitute Europe's largest ethnic minority and often reside in segregated settlements with inadequate infrastructure. Formal employment rates among Roma lag significantly behind national averages, with only 43% of surveyed adults in paid work as of the 2021 EU (FRA) survey, versus 72% for the EU overall in 2020. Disparities are pronounced by , with Roma women at 28% compared to 58% for men, often confined to low-skill informal sectors such as street vending, scrap collection, or seasonal labor. A 2025 FRA update notes modest improvement to 54% across 13 countries (up from 43% in 2016), attributed to post-pandemic recovery and national programs, yet this remains far below the EU's 75.8% rate for ages 20-64 in 2024. In Eastern European nations like and , where Roma populations are densest, unemployment can exceed 70% in segregated communities, per joint UNDP-World Bank surveys, driven by factors including low (over 60% lack secondary schooling) and geographic isolation. Welfare dependency is elevated due to structural barriers and low labor market integration, with many Roma households relying on social assistance, child benefits, and housing subsidies as primary income sources in welfare-oriented EU states. In Hungary, Romani ethnicity correlates with a 13% higher probability of long-term poverty persistence, amplifying dependence on state transfers amid limited private sector opportunities. FRA data indicate that 22% of Roma live without basic utilities like running water, correlating with benefit uptake for essentials, though official statistics often undercount informal coping mechanisms such as begging or clan-based mutual aid. While EU agencies like the FRA emphasize discrimination as a core driver—citing 25% of Roma reporting job denial due to ethnicity—these reports, produced within policy-focused institutions, may downplay endogenous factors like early marriage, large family sizes (averaging 4-5 children per household), and cultural aversion to sedentary formal work, which empirical cross-country studies link to sustained exclusion from mainstream economies. In Western Europe, such as the UK and Spain, Roma migrants frequently access emergency welfare upon arrival, with dependency rates in Traveller sites reaching 80-90% in localized audits, though data gaps persist due to self-reported ethnic identification challenges.

Crime rates, organized deviance, and stereotypes

Roma communities in exhibit disproportionately high involvement in relative to their share, with estimates indicating that up to 70 percent of the Romany population in the region possess criminal records. In countries such as , studies highlight elevated rates among segments of the Roma population, contributing to perceptions of persistent criminality linked to socio-economic factors and cultural insularity. Prison data from an nations where Roma constitute 5-10 percent of the general reveal their overrepresentation among inmates, often comprising 20-40 percent or more in facilities, particularly for offenses and petty theft. Official ethnicity tracking is limited across the EU, complicating precise quantification, but available correctional statistics and independent analyses consistently show Roma overrepresentation in custodial populations, with estimates from the early 2000s suggesting Roma formed around 40-60 percent of prisoners despite being under 3 percent of the populace. Organized deviance within some Roma clans manifests in transnational networks specializing in exploitative activities, including forced , child exploitation for , and . In , Roma-led groups have been implicated in regional , with figures like clan leaders facing convictions for threats and ties to broader illicit operations. Romanian-origin syndicates, often Roma-dominated, orchestrate begging rings across , deploying vulnerable individuals—including children and the homeless—under coercive control, as evidenced by operations in the UK and dismantlement efforts involving , , , and in 2022. These structures leverage ties for recruitment and profit distribution, extending to and car rings, though not all Roma participate and such activities are concentrated in specific migratory clans from the . Stereotypes portraying Romani as inherently criminal—encompassing thievery, fortune-telling scams, and nomadic deviance—stem from centuries of documented patterns, including historical bans on sedentariness and modern empirical correlations with property crimes and welfare fraud. Psychological research confirms anti-Roma biases often center on perceptions of criminality and parasitism, yet these are substantiated by overrepresentation data rather than mere prejudice, countering claims that disparities arise solely from policing bias or poverty. Mainstream narratives, influenced by advocacy groups, frequently attribute elevated crime to discrimination, but causal analysis points to endogenous factors like low literacy (under 20 percent in some communities), endogamous clan loyalty prioritizing group survival over host society norms, and resistance to formal employment, perpetuating cycles of deviance. Public rallies in Bulgaria in 2011 explicitly tied Roma clans to organized crime, reflecting grounded frustrations amid verifiable clan involvements. While not universal, these patterns fuel enduring suspicion, as evidenced by linguistic associations like "tsigan" denoting thief in multiple European tongues.

Relations with host societies

Historical persecutions and expulsions

The Romani people encountered widespread hostility shortly after their arrival in during the 14th and 15th centuries, transitioning from initial reception as pilgrims to targets of expulsion due to suspicions of , , and association with criminal activities. By 1450, deportations and expulsions had begun in , with the first recorded expulsion occurring in 1417 from the Meissen region of present-day . In the , the Imperial Diet in 1497 ordered the expulsion of Romani groups, accusing them of , followed in 1498 by Emperor Maximilian I's decree linking them to support for the , some of whom had converted to . Expulsion orders proliferated across European territories in the subsequent centuries, often justified by perceptions of Romani nomadism, fortune-telling deemed as witchcraft, and involvement in theft or metalworking that blurred into accusations of banditry. Between 1551 and 1774, the enacted 133 laws targeting Romani people, including bans and punitive measures. In and , King Ferdinand I in 1545 reinforced earlier edicts from 1538 calling for their eradication and banishment. The 1710 edict of Emperor Joseph I mandated the hanging without trial of adult Romani males, while women and children faced whipping and banishment, reflecting escalating severity amid ongoing territorial threats. In , Romani faced institutionalized enslavement rather than mere expulsion, particularly in the principalities of and , where dated to the and persisted until formal abolition in 1856. Owned by monasteries, boyars, and state authorities, an estimated tens of thousands of Romani were compelled into labor in fields, mines, and households, with hereditary and sales documented as late as the . emancipated its slaves in 1843, but full liberation across both principalities occurred only in 1856, marking the end of Europe's longest-lasting chattel system applied specifically to an ethnic group. Western European monarchies issued parallel decrees, such as Spain's Great Round-up under the Royal Order of October 1749, which aimed to sedentarize or expel Romani through mass arrests and forced assimilation. These measures stemmed from causal factors including Romani resistance to settled agrarian lifestyles, reliance on itinerant trades, and cultural practices like endogamy that hindered integration, exacerbating host societies' views of them as perpetual outsiders prone to deviance. Despite sporadic protections, such as brief papal bulls in the 16th century, enforcement varied, but recurrent expulsions displaced communities repeatedly, contributing to their diaspora and entrenched marginalization.

Patterns and causes of discrimination

In contemporary Europe, Romani people encounter across , , , and public interactions, often resulting in and segregation. Unemployment rates among Roma frequently surpass 80-90% in Eastern European countries such as , , and , compared to national averages below 10%, with employers citing stereotypes and low qualifications as barriers. Residential patterns feature confinement to peripheral slums or informal settlements lacking basic utilities, as observed in where such communities exhibit 97% unemployment and total welfare dependence. Educational discrimination involves disproportionate assignment to substandard or remedial schools, hindering skill development and perpetuating low literacy rates below 50% in some groups. Romani individuals report pervasive harassment, threats, and violence, with surveys documenting that approximately one in five experienced racially motivated personal crimes like assaults in the preceding five years. These patterns are more acute in , where governmental and societal barriers compound exclusion compared to Western counterparts. Discrimination arises from stereotypes framing Romani as prone to criminality, laziness, and welfare parasitism, which empirical identifies as central nodes in anti-Roma attitude networks, particularly in . Such views gain traction from observable disparities, including Romani overrepresentation in prisons and convictions across countries like , , , and , where convicted Roma receive longer sentences and comprise disproportionate inmate populations. Estimates in suggest up to 70% of Romani adults hold criminal records, often for property crimes or organized begging, fueling perceptions of community-level deviance. Cultural practices exacerbate tensions: strong clan , early marriages, and historical nomadism prioritize in-group loyalty over host-society integration, clashing with sedentary economic norms and rule-of-law expectations. This fosters realistic conflict, as large, low-skilled families strain welfare systems— with four in five Roma at risk and only two in five of working age employed—generating taxpayer resentment over perceived non-contribution. While institutional biases amplify exclusion, self-reinforcing cycles of low investment and resistance to assimilation sustain mutual distrust, distinguishing anti-Romani sentiment from baseless prejudice.

The Porajmos (Romani genocide in WWII)

The Porajmos, or "devouring" in Romani, denotes the systematic genocide perpetrated against Europe's Roma and Sinti populations by and its Axis collaborators from 1933 to 1945. Nazi ideology classified Roma as racially inferior and asocial, extending the 1935 to them by 1936, which mandated registration and criminalized their traditional itinerant lifestyle. intensified with a November 1938 decree authorizing the forcible sterilization of Roma deemed "hereditarily asocial," resulting in approximately 2,500 sterilizations in Germany by 1945. Early measures included internment in makeshift camps such as Berlin-Marzahn in 1936, where Roma faced forced labor and disease, and mass deportations, like the October 1938 expulsion of 1,200-1,500 Austrian and German Roma to the Polish border, many of whom died from exposure or were repatriated under duress. During , Heinrich Himmler's December 1942 decree labeled all Roma "Führer by blood" as security threats, leading to their deportation to concentration camps regardless of prior criminal records. In occupied eastern territories, mobile killing units executed tens of thousands of Roma alongside ; for instance, over 8,000 Serbian Roma were shot in the 1942 Sajmište camp operation. Auschwitz-Birkenau's "Gypsy Family Camp" (Zigeunerlager), established in March 1943, held up to 23,000 Roma by spring 1944, primarily from , , and occupied , where most perished from , disease, medical experiments, or gassing. The camp's on 2-3, 1944, involved gassing around 3,000 remaining inmates, though overcrowding in crematoria led to many being burned alive or shot; only 2,898 survived liberation. Axis allies contributed significantly: Croatia's regime murdered 16,000-25,000 Roma in camps like Jasenovac, while Romania under deported approximately 25,000 to between 1941 and 1944, where and executions claimed up to 11,000 lives. Victim estimates range from 220,000 to 500,000 deaths, representing 25-50% of Europe's pre-war Roma population of about 1 million, though precise figures remain elusive due to decentralized killings, poor documentation, and the groups' marginal status. Post-liberation, survivors encountered minimal restitution and continued exclusion, with formal recognition of the Porajmos as emerging slowly; acknowledged it in 1950 but excluded Roma from early compensation laws until legal challenges in the 1980s secured partial reparations. This oversight stemmed partly from Roma's lack of organized advocacy compared to Jewish survivors and persistent societal prejudices equating them with criminality rather than racial victims.

Contemporary challenges

Integration policies, successes, and failures

The European Union's primary approach to Romani integration has centered on the 2011 EU Framework for National Roma Integration Strategies up to 2020, which required member states to develop national plans targeting improvements in education, employment, healthcare, and housing, with a focus on allocating EU structural funds and establishing monitoring mechanisms. This was followed by the EU Roma Strategic Framework for Equality, Inclusion and Participation in 2020–2030, which builds on the prior framework by emphasizing antigypsyism as a root cause of exclusion and mandating more binding national strategies aligned with EU equality goals. National policies, such as Romania's Strategy for Inclusion of Roma 2022–2030 and similar plans in countries like Hungary and Slovakia, have incorporated these elements, often prioritizing access to services over cultural preservation. Evaluations of these policies reveal modest gains amid persistent shortfalls. A 2024 Agency for (FRA) survey across 13 countries found Romani employment at 54%, up from 43% in 2016, indicating some progress in labor market access, though rates remain far below non-Romani averages, with gaps exceeding 20 percentage points in nations like the and . affects 80% of Romani households in surveyed EU countries, with limited advancements in housing and healthcare despite targeted funding. Mid-term reviews of the 2011–2020 framework highlighted inadequate progress, attributing it to insufficiently specific targets, weak , and failure to integrate Roma policies into broader socioeconomic agendas. Spain represents a relative success, where historical settlement patterns and proactive policies have led to partial integration; approximately half of the estimated 725,000–750,000 Romani population lives in mainstream urban areas with higher and levels compared to , supported by national programs emphasizing early childhood intervention and anti-segregation measures. In the , about half of the 262,000 Romani are deemed integrated into majority society, yet educational segregation persists, with historical data showing 64% of Romani children in special schools as late as the , contributing to ongoing labor market exclusion. Local initiatives, such as projects in Slovakia's Hrabušice, have demonstrated improved service uptake through tailored , suggesting that bottom-up approaches can yield targeted results when scaled. Despite these examples, integration efforts have largely failed to close socioeconomic gaps, with reports citing deficits, entrenched , and unaddressed cultural factors as key barriers. Socialist-era policies in , which aimed at sedentarization and quotas from the onward, resulted in superficial compliance followed by post-1989 ghettoization and , exacerbating cycles of and social deviance rather than fostering self-sufficiency. Contemporary analyses point to mutual distrust—host societies' prejudice reinforced by Romani , low educational aspirations, and resistance to mainstream norms—compounded by policy overemphasis on antidiscrimination without behavioral adaptation or accountability for community-level issues like school avoidance. Independent evaluations, such as those from the Roma Civil Monitor, describe strategies as "unfit for purpose" due to weak and failure to counter deep-rooted antigypsyism, while broader critiques argue that multicultural frameworks prioritize identity preservation over the assimilation required for economic parity.

Education, health, and demographic issues

Roma educational attainment lags substantially behind that of majority populations across , with structural, socioeconomic, and cultural barriers impeding progress. Peer-reviewed studies estimate average IQ scores for Roma populations at 70–80, with lower scores in Central and Eastern European samples and a meta-analytic estimate around 74; this may contribute to educational and socioeconomic challenges. In a 2021 survey by the Agency for covering ten member states, 71% of Roma aged 18–24 were identified as early leavers, compared to rates below 20% in general populations. Similarly, 56% of Roma aged 16–24 were not in , employment, or training (), versus 11–19% for non-Roma peers, with rates higher among Roma women at 69%. Participation in remains low, at 38% for Roma children aged 3 to compulsory age, and 52% of school-aged Roma children (6–15) attend segregated facilities, which correlate with poorer learning outcomes and perpetuation of intergenerational disadvantage. Contributing factors include high household (80% at-risk rate), child labor in 2% of cases per data, and early marriage practices that prioritize family roles over prolonged schooling. Health disparities affect Roma communities profoundly, manifesting in reduced and elevated morbidity tied to environmental, behavioral, and access-related determinants. The same 2021 FRA survey reported average Roma at 71.3 years for women and 67.2 years for men, creating gaps of 11 years and 9.1 years, respectively, relative to non-Roma averages of 82.2 and 76.3 years. Broader European analyses indicate gaps spanning 5–20 years, as in (16 years lower at 52.5 years) and (10 years lower at 66.6 years), linked to (82% of households), inadequate , and limited preventive care. rates among Roma exceed national figures by 2–4 times, reaching fourfold in and 2.5-fold in (20 versus 8 per 1,000 live births), attributable to poor maternal , , and suboptimal prenatal utilization. While 75% hold , 15% encounter in services, exacerbating chronic conditions like infectious diseases and lower rates. Demographically, Roma populations feature a youthful profile and elevated , sustaining growth despite adverse socioeconomic conditions. The 2021 FRA data show 29% of Roma under age 15, contrasting with aging majority demographics where the median age exceeds 40 in many states. In , Roma total fertility rates surpass those of majority groups, often exceeding 2.5 children per woman in , , , and —above replacement level—due to early unions (median age at first birth around 20) and larger family norms, though rates decline with reduced ethnic segregation and increased majority contact. This pattern offsets high adult mortality and but strains resources in impoverished settlements, where 80% face material deprivation. Overall estimates hover around 6 million in the , concentrated in (1.85 million) and Bulgaria, with endogamous practices preserving distinct traits amid low intermarriage.

Recent developments in discrimination and migration (2020s)

In the , discrimination against Roma persisted at elevated levels throughout the 2020s, with 31% of Roma and Travellers reporting experiences of ethnic-origin-based in daily life, a figure comparable to the 26% recorded in 2016 despite intervening policy efforts. Ongoing issues included barriers in education and employment, contributing to entrenched exclusion. Under-reporting of such incidents worsened compared to prior surveys, attributed to low awareness of rights and distrust in reporting mechanisms, rendering official statistics likely underestimates of prevalence. In , Roma communities continued to encounter segregation in housing and education alongside allegations of police harassment and brutality, exacerbating . Violence and hate crimes against Roma saw no substantial decline, with experts noting an alarming uptick in intimidation, aggression, and scapegoating incidents as early as 2020, a trend linked to entrenched anti-Gypsyism rather than isolated events. Police violence remained a recurrent issue, including indiscriminate actions in Bulgaria's Roma-majority settlements and similar patterns in Slovakia, alongside broader across EU states, often unaddressed due to biases in systems. The of Europe's 2020-2025 Strategic explicitly targeted anti-Gypsyism and racist as core exclusion drivers, yet implementation gaps highlighted persistent institutional failures in prevention and prosecution. Roma migration patterns in the 2020s reflected ongoing economic pressures, with temporary movements from and other Eastern European origin countries to driven by and limited local opportunities, though overall Romanian emigration slowed amid post-COVID recovery. Among Romanian Roma migrants, 25% reported ethnic within the prior year by 2021, fueling cycles of exclusion upon arrival. The 2022 displaced an estimated 100,000-200,000 Roma, who faced compounded barriers including lower literacy rates and harassment in host countries like and , where systemic inequalities amplified vulnerabilities for this subgroup; reports from the European Roma Rights Centre in 2024 emphasized the ongoing precarious situation of these refugees. Despite EU-wide inclusion strategies, these migrations underscored unresolved integration hurdles, with Roma often encountering hostility that deterred settlement and perpetuated nomadism. As of late 2024, European Roma Rights Centre documentation highlighted continued forced evictions and police violence in Bulgaria and Slovakia, alongside persistent discrimination in education and employment across the EU, reflecting structural problems without major breakthroughs.

Debates on assimilation vs. multiculturalism

In , debates on Romani integration pit assimilation—requiring adoption of host society norms in language, education, employment, and law-abiding behavior—against , which seeks to accommodate distinct Romani cultural practices such as structures, traditional occupations, and community autonomy. Assimilation advocates contend that Romani insularity, rooted in historical nomadism and , sustains high and rates, necessitating disruption of these patterns for viable participation in modern economies. Empirical analyses link elevated Romani criminality to cultural traditions emphasizing intra-group over external legal norms and resistance to formalized labor, which perpetuate informal economies prone to deviance. In socialist , policies from the 1950s to 1980s failed due to superficial implementation, resulting in entrenched segregation and rather than uplift, as communities reverted to pre-existing norms . Multicultural approaches, exemplified by the European Union's targeted Roma strategies since 2011, prioritize cultural preservation alongside anti-discrimination measures but face criticism for enabling self-segregation that hinders mainstream access. EU evaluations of National Roma Integration Strategies up to 2020 document minimal progress, with Romani employment rates averaging below 30% compared to over 60% national averages, and school segregation persisting in 70% of cases across member states. Studies show strong community influence inversely correlates with individual emphasis on , as clan pressures favor early and informal work over formal schooling, exacerbating exclusion. Counterexamples highlight assimilation's potential efficacy. In , policies from the 1980s mandating universal schooling and urban housing integration raised Romani literacy from near-zero in the mid-20th century to approximately 80% by 2007, alongside improved housing access, positioning as a model for Eastern European nations like . This contrasts with Eastern Europe's higher segregation rates, where multicultural tolerance of separate settlements correlates with 80-90% Romani child school dropout by age 15. While host society contributes—evidenced by audit studies showing 20-50% lower callback rates for Roma-named job applicants—causal factors internal to Romani social structures, including aversion to sedentary assimilation, explain much of the divergence in outcomes. Critics of , including policy analysts, argue it defers accountability for behavioral adaptations, fostering parallel societies incompatible with welfare states' demands for productivity and rule adherence, as seen in persistent 50-80% Romani in multicultural frameworks. Assimilation, though historically coercive, aligns with first-hand accounts of upward mobility among integrated subgroups, suggesting that conditional support—tied to norm compliance—outperforms unconditional cultural accommodation in breaking poverty cycles.

References

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