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Welsh republicanism (Welsh: Gweriniaetholdeb Gymreig) or republicanism in Wales (Welsh: Gweriniaetholdeb yng Nghymru) is the political ideology that advocates for Wales to be governed by a republican system, as opposed to the monarchy of the United Kingdom.

Typically, this ideology is suggested as an element of forming an independent Wales, but can also be considered as part of reforming the political system of the United Kingdom, which could include introducing an elected official as head of state. It is not synonymous with Welsh independence, but one possible form of government, as Wales before English rule had native monarchies, and most of the prominent independence organisations do not explicitly support republicanism. While the Wales Green Party supports a republic and would support independence in a referendum.

Native monarchies in Wales

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Main article: Principality of Wales

During the Middle Ages and since the Roman Empire left the island of Britain, Wales had many monarchical states most notably the kingdoms of Gwynedd, Powys, and Deuheubarth. The most significant Welsh royal house was the House of Gwynedd which started in c. 401 and its cadet branches, Aberffraw, Dinefwr, and Mathrafal.[1]

The legendary King Arthur is embedded in Welsh tradition and national stories through his battles for Celtic independence from the encroachment of Anglo-Saxon forces. Many Welsh leaders referenced King Arthur's messianic return to save the Welsh people and to lead rebellions against England.[citation needed]

Welsh unification fluctuated over time between different kingdoms, including the Anglo-Norman Kingdom of England which held land in southern Wales from the late 11th century. Llywelyn the Great of Gwynedd formally united Wales at the Council of Aberdyfi in 1216 under the Principality of Wales with the title Prince of Wales.[2] The title of Prince of Wales was used not as one subservient to a king (as it is now), but to invoke the Roman Imperial title of princeps.[citation needed]

Some native Welsh nobles would continue to hold a few positions of power or status in Wales after English conquest. Owain Glyndŵr as a member of the House of Mathrafal shortly reasserted Wales and an independent principality of Wales 1400–1409. The Welsh Tudors of Penmynydd were a prominent royal house which supported Glyndŵr, and would then become English monarchs after Henry VII won the War of the Roses.[3]

English monarchy rule in Wales

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Main article: English rule in Wales

In the 13th century, the last Prince of Wales, Llywelyn the Last was forced into an agreement by Edward I of England that saw Llywelyn withdraw his powers to Gwynedd only. In 1282 whilst attempting to gather support in Cilmeri near Builth Wells, Llywelyn was killed by one of Edward's soldiers. Llywelyn's brother, Dafydd ap Gruffydd briefly led a force in Wales, but was captured and later hanged, drawn and quartered by Edward, thus ending Welsh independence.[4][5]

Since conquest, there have been Welsh rebellions against English rule. The last, and the most significant revolt was the Glyndŵr Rising of 1400–1415, which briefly restored independence. Owain Glyndŵr held the first Welsh parliament (Senedd) in Machynlleth in 1404 where he was proclaimed Prince of Wales and a second parliament in 1405 in Harlech. Following the eventual defeat of the Glyndŵr rebellion and a brief period of independence, it wasn't until 1999 that a Welsh legislative body was re-established as the National Assembly of Wales which was renamed Senedd Cymru/Welsh Parliament in 2020.[6][7]

In the 16th century, King Henry VIII of the Tudor dynasty, (a royal house of Welsh origin) and the English parliament, passed the Laws in Wales Acts, also referred to as the "Acts of Union", which incorporated Wales fully into the Kingdom of England.[8]

History of republicanism in Wales

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20th century

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Cliff Bere, a founder of the Welsh Republican Movement, stated in the early 1950s, "The English Crown still forms an important part of the English machinery of domination, accusing politicians of all hues of being willing to avail themselves of the English crown's usefulness … as a means of maintaining domination upon the Celtic nations of Britain".[9]

The 1969 investiture of Charles, Prince of Wales, saw strong opposition from Welsh nationalists, with the situation described before the investiture as "something close to open warfare between the Government's police and young people of Wales".[10]

The Welsh Socialist Republican Movement was a short lived political group that emerged following the 1979 devolution referendum which campaigned for an independent and socialist Welsh independent republic.[11]

The song "Charles Windsor" by the English indie pop band McCarthy was covered by the Welsh rock band Manic Street Preachers on their 1994 EP Life Becoming a Landslide. It includes lyrics describing the deposing of Charles.[12]

21st century

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Wales' largest pro-independence party, Plaid Cymru and Gwlad, both have a neutral position and propose a referendum after independence on the future status of the monarchy in Wales. Plaid Cymru has a number of republican members and supporters, including former party leader Leanne Wood.[13][14]

Bethan Sayed MS argued in 2019 that Senedd members should not have to swear an oath of allegiance to the queen, and instead should be allowed to swear an oath of allegiance, loyalty and service to the people of Wales.[15]

In September 2021, the pressure group Republic crowdfunded billboards across Britain calling for the abolition of the monarchy, with billboards appearing in Wales in Aberdare, Swansea and Cardiff declaring in both Welsh and English that "Wales doesn't need a prince", referring to Charles.[16][17]

The Wales Green Party support a Welsh republic in the event that Wales becomes independent.[18] The party has stated that if a referendum were to be held on the matter of Welsh independence then it would support Welsh independence.[19]

In 2021 the Welsh Underground Network was formed. The network is a mass organisation that undertakes community work and has stated its commitment to the creation of a socialist republic of Wales.[20] The network is fraternally linked to Plaid Gomiwnyddol Cymru.[21]

Propel and Sovereign Wales do not hold a position on the monarchy or a future Head of State in an independent Wales,[22][23] whilst Socialist Party Wales advocate a 'socialist Wales as part of a socialist federation of Wales, England, Scotland and Ireland'.[24]

2022

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First minister of Wales, Mark Drakeford has stated that there will be future discussions about an elected head of state in Wales, but "not this week" during the period of mourning for the Queen.[25]

A minority of crowd of protesters opposed to the British monarch attended events in Cardiff that proclaimed the accession of Charles III.[26] Upon Charles' visit to Cardiff Castle, a silent protest against the monarchy will be held by trade unions, Labour for an Independent Wales and equality campaigners, led by Bethan Sayed.[27]

CNN described Wales as the most 'hostile' country to Charles' visit. One man said: "While we struggle to heat our homes, we have to pay for your parade." King Charles sighed, saying "oh" and turned away. The man then said "We pay £100 million a year for you, and for what?". Protestors outside Cardiff Castle held banners including the phrases "Abolish the Monarchy", "Citizen not subject", "Democracy now".[28]

Senedd member for Mid and West Wales region,[29] Cefin Campbell asked in the current "more inclusive" and "egalitarian" society, whether "we need a monarchy at all".[30]

Laura McAllister, Welsh academic, former international footballer and senior sports administrator has said of the monarchy, "I'm a republican but, if I'm honest, it's pretty low on my own list of priorities. A hereditary sovereign most definitely isn't the representation of my nation that I'd choose, but I care more about poverty, education and climate change than I do about this particular debate."[31]

Prince of Wales

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Main article: Controversy of the Prince of Wales title

The Prince Charles's 1969 investiture was "largely welcomed" in Wales,[32] but protests also took place in the days leading up to the ceremony.[33][34] Multiple Welsh organisations and individuals were against the event, including Dafydd Iwan,[35] Edward Millward,[36] Cofia 1282 ('Remember 1282'),[37] and the Welsh Language Society.[38] On the day of the investiture, a few protesters were arrested.[39]

Since then, further prominent organisations and figures in Wales have called for an end to the title Prince of Wales. This includes Plaid Cymru MP, Adam Price, who called in 2006 for a referendum to end the Prince of Wales title.[40] Welsh actor Michael Sheen returned his OBE in 2017, so he could campaign to end the title.[41]

Following Charles III's accession to the throne on 8 September 2022, Lord Dafydd Elis-Thomas suggested to the media that the Prince of Wales title had "no meaning to it in the constitution" and could be discontinued.[42] When the title was passed to Prince William within a few days, further opposition was voiced.[43] The campaign group, Republic, raised £25,000 to put up billboards declaring "Wales doesn't need a prince".[44] A petition was launched calling for the abolition of the title 'Prince of Wales', which had received over 35,000 signatures.[45] First Minister Mark Drakeford,[46] Adam Price MS,[47] Jane Dodds MS,[48] and YesCymru[49] acknowledged a potential for a debate or have suggested potential for Welsh decision. On the 6 October, Gwynedd Council, the local authority where Charles was invested, voted to declare opposition to the title of 'Prince of Wales' and against holding another investiture in Wales.[50]

Welsh republicans

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Politics

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Arts

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Activists

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Public opinion

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In 2019, a Focaldata poll commissioned by UnHerd revealed that support for the British royal family in Wales ("I am a strong supporter of the continued reign of the Royal Family") was lowest in Swansea East at 40% (21% opposed) and highest in Montgomeryshire at 61% (18% opposed), with no overall figures for Wales available.[70]

The latest poll by YouGov was held in March 2022. The poll asked 3,041 people in Wales for their views on the monarchy which showed that 55% support the monarchy whilst 28% would prefer an elected head of state (66.3% versus 33.7% excluding don't knows/ambivalent).[71]

An opinion poll by Omnisis in February 2022 showed 52% in favour of the monarchy and 48% against.[72] An opinion poll by Omnisis in May 2022 showed 57% supporting the monarchy and 43% against in Wales, but only had 42 people in Wales in the sample.[72][73][74]

Graphical summary

[edit]
Table of public opinion in Wales on the Monarchy
Polling date Polling organisation and client Sample size Support the
monarchy 		Support an
elected
head of state 		Do not know Lead
3–15 March 2023 Lord Ashcroft[75] 659 54% 23% 23% 31%
17–23 February 2023 YouGov / WalesOnline[76] 1,083 52% 28% 11% 25%
March 2022 YouGov / Cardiff University[71] 3,041 55% 28% 17% 27%
November 2019 Focaldata / Unherd[77] 21,119 (UK)

(Wales not specified)

48% 25% 28% 23%
7–23 February 2019 ICM Unlimited / BBC Wales[78] 1,000 62% 18% 2% 44%
May 2018 DeltaPoll / Policy Exchange[79][80] 513 49% 18% 6% 31%
12–24 June 2009 Beaufort Research / BBC[81][82] 922 59% 29% - 30%
1999 Beaufort Research / BBC[83] 1,000 62% - - -

By age (2023)

[edit]
Age group Support the
monarchy 		Support an
elected
head of state 		Do not know Lead
16–24 28% 20%
25–49 43% 28% 15%
50–64 61%
65+ 69% 20% 49%

[76]

Opinion polls on the title Prince of Wales in Wales

[edit]
Date(s) conducted Polling organisation and client Sample size Support Oppose Undecided Other Lead Note
15–23 March 2023 Lord Ashcroft[75] 659 51% 32% 17% 19% "Some argue that the Prince and Princess of Wales have no real connection to Wales, and that the titles should be abolished. Others think it is a valuable "
20–22 September 2022[84] YouGov / Barn Cymru 1,014 66% 22% 12% – 44% Non-standard question: Do you support or oppose Prince William being titled Prince of Wales?
June 2022[85] YouGov / ITV – 46% 31% 23% – 15%
2019[86][87] ICM / BBC Wales – 50% 22% 28% – 28%
2018[88] YouGov / ITV Wales – 57% 22% 16% Neither: 5% 35%
12–24 June 2009[81][82] BBC 922 58% 26% – 42% 32%
1999[83] Beaufort Research / BBC Wales – 73% – – 27% 46% Opposition and don't knows not specified.

Non-standard sample: only Welsh speakers asked.

See also

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Wales

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Other

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References

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Welsh republicanism

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from Grokipedia
Welsh republicanism encompasses political advocacy and activism in aimed at abolishing the role of the British as and establishing a with an elected equivalent, typically intertwined with aspirations for enhanced or full from the . Distinct from broader , which predominates in parties like that presently accommodate the within any framework, republicanism manifests in smaller, often socialist-leaning groups emphasizing anti-monarchical sentiment rooted in egalitarian principles. Historically, republican efforts have produced fringe organizations, such as socialist republican networks drawing inspiration from Irish models to challenge British state structures, though without achieving electoral viability or widespread mobilization. data reveal limited traction, with surveys indicating 21-27% of respondents favoring replacement of the by an elected , contrasted against majority preferences for retention amid higher monarchical approval ratings in (around 56%) than in regions like . These figures underscore republicanism's peripheral status, even as support fluctuates independently at 18-41% in recent polls, without implying republican consensus among separatists. Notable characteristics include associations with Marxist-Leninist ideologies in contemporary iterations, prioritizing national liberation from perceived imperial remnants over parliamentary reform, yet lacking institutional footholds in devolved governance where reserved powers like the Crown's role remain Westminster-controlled. Controversies arise from this ideological fringe positioning, including critiques of alignment with revisionist or electoral-averse stances that hinder mainstream appeal, amid broader devolution dynamics where republican demands have not catalyzed constitutional shifts.

Historical Background

Native Welsh Monarchies

Prior to the Norman incursions beginning in , fragmented into several successor states following the Roman withdrawal around 410 AD, with the primary native kingdoms emerging as in the northwest, in the east, and (encompassing former and other southern territories) by the early medieval period. These realms operated as independent principalities under dynastic rulers, often engaging in internecine conflicts and alliances rather than forming a centralized monarchy, though figures like (reigned c. 844–878) temporarily consolidated power over , , and parts of the south through military conquests, establishing a brief hegemony remembered in Welsh annals as a high point of native unification. Similarly, Gruffudd ap Llywelyn (reigned 1055–1063) achieved dominance over most Welsh territories, styling himself as king of Wales and extracting tribute from subordinate princes until his defeat and death in a Anglo-Welsh coalition campaign in 1063, marking the last pre-Norman claim to overarching Welsh kingship. The House of Aberffraw, ruling from the 6th century onward, provided the most enduring native dynasty, with its princes frequently asserting overlordship amid persistent fragmentation exacerbated by Viking raids, internal succession disputes, and external pressures. (Llywelyn the Great, reigned 1195–1240) exemplified this through strategic marriages, alliances with under King John, and campaigns that subordinated and , enabling him to convene the Council of in 1216 to redistribute lands among Welsh lords and assert de facto control over much of . His grandson, (reigned 1258–1282), inherited and expanded this influence, forging alliances with English barons during the Second Barons' War and securing formal recognition as via the Treaty of Montgomery in 1267, under which King Henry III acknowledged his sovereignty over native Welsh territories in exchange for homage. These native monarchies emphasized patrilineal succession, fortified residences like and , and a legal tradition rooted in (the laws of , codified c. 946), which governed , kinship, and dispute resolution independently of English . However, chronic disunity—evident in Powys's division into Wenwynwyn and Fadog branches by the 12th century and Deheubarth's vulnerability to Norman incursions after Rhys ap Tewdwr's death in 1093—prevented sustained unification, leaving the principalities susceptible to piecemeal annexation by Anglo-Norman marcher lords. Llywelyn ap Gruffudd's resistance culminated in open war with Edward I from 1277, leading to his death in battle on December 11, 1282, near Builth Wells, followed by the execution of his brother Dafydd ap Gruffudd in October 1283, effectively extinguishing native princely rule. The in 1284 then imposed English administrative structures, integrating into the English crown's domain without restoring indigenous monarchy.

English Conquest and Monarchical Integration

The military conquest of by reached its decisive phase under I, who launched campaigns in 1282 against , the last independent ruling . Llywelyn's refusal to pay homage and his alliances with discontented Marcher lords prompted Edward's invasion, culminating in Llywelyn's death on 11 December 1282 during the near Builth Wells. Edward's forces, numbering around 800 , 15,000 , and siege engines, overwhelmed Welsh guerrilla resistance, capturing key strongholds like by early 1283. The death of Llywelyn's brother Dafydd ap Gruffudd in October 1283 marked the end of organized native opposition, with Edward annexing northern and central directly under crown control. To consolidate authority, implemented the on 19 March 1284, which divided into shires governed by , abolished native Welsh legal customs in conquered territories, and established royal castles such as , , and as administrative and military centers. These fortifications, built at a cost exceeding £60,000 (equivalent to millions in modern terms), symbolized English dominance and facilitated demographic shifts through English settlers, eroding the remnants of princely . In 1301, conferred the title upon his son (later Edward II), a symbolic gesture that subordinated any Welsh princely tradition to the English succession, ensuring loyalty to the unified monarchy rather than independent rule. Legal and administrative integration advanced under the Tudor dynasty, particularly through the Laws in Wales Acts of 1535 and 1542 enacted by . The 1535 Act abolished the separate legal jurisdiction of the , extended English to all of , and required English-language proceedings in courts, effectively dissolving the palatinates and lordships marchers that had preserved semi-autonomous governance. The 1542 Act completed this by creating five new shires (, , , , and ), granting 24 seats in the English , and integrating Welsh taxation and administration into the Kingdom of . These measures, driven by Tudor efforts to centralize power and suppress residual feudal disorders, fused Welsh territories into the English realm under a single sovereign, eliminating any basis for distinct Welsh monarchical claims. This process entrenched monarchical continuity through the English—later British—crown, as Welsh elites, including Tudor descendants of Welsh gentry, aligned with the royal authority for land tenure and status, fostering a composite identity that prioritized loyalty to the sovereign over separatist aspirations. Periodic revolts, such as Owain Glyndŵr's uprising from 1400 to 1415, tested but ultimately reinforced this integration, as English military superiority and internal Welsh divisions prevented restoration of native rule. The resultant structure subordinated Welsh political agency to Westminster and the monarchy, a foundational grievance for later republican critiques viewing the union as an imposed hierarchy rather than voluntary partnership.

Intellectual Foundations

Early Modern Influences

During the (1642–1651), republican sentiments in were limited and largely confined to Puritan Parliamentarians amid widespread royalist allegiance among the Welsh gentry and populace. Colonel John Jones of Maes-y-garnedd (c. 1597–1660), a landowner and military commander, emerged as a prominent exception, leading Parliamentary forces in and serving as an MP for Merioneth and Montgomery. A committed Puritan radical, Jones advocated the trial and , signing the king's death warrant on 30 January 1649 as one of 59 regicides, viewing as incompatible with and religious reform. His actions reflected influences from English ideology, including the via the Rump Parliament's declaration of as a republic on 19 May 1649, though such views isolated him in predominantly royalist , where he was later executed by hanging, drawing, and quartering on 17 October 1660 following the Restoration. The (1649–1660) briefly introduced republican governance structures to through measures like the Act for the Propagation of in (1650), which established commissioners to reform the clergy and promote Puritan education, challenging episcopal authority tied to the . However, this experiment faced resistance from traditional Welsh Anglican loyalties, and waned after 1660, with Jones's fate underscoring its marginal status. In the 18th century, Enlightenment rationalism provided subtler influences via dissenting thinkers like David Williams (1738–1816), a Caerphilly-born philosopher and Unitarian minister who critiqued in works such as Letters on Political Liberty (), arguing for representative government based on natural rights and over divine-right rule. Williams's deistic advocacy for a rational and political reform, informed by French and English radicals, prefigured later republican critiques of monarchical privilege, though his ideas circulated more in and than in , where Jacobite sympathies and Hanoverian consolidation reinforced monarchism. These early modern strands—Puritan regicidal zeal and Enlightenment liberty—laid nascent groundwork for anti-monarchical thought, distinct from broader Welsh rooted in medieval princely traditions.

19th-Century Stirrings

The 19th-century stirrings of republican sentiment in were primarily embedded within radical working-class movements rather than forming a distinct ideological campaign against the . Industrialization in fueled discontent among miners and ironworkers, manifesting in , a British-wide push for democratic reforms including universal male suffrage, annual parliaments, and the . , active from the late 1830s, organized in secrecy using the to evade authorities, with strongholds in and where economic grievances intertwined with political radicalism. While focused on , its rhetoric frequently assailed aristocratic privilege and the unequal political system upheld by the crown, echoing broader British republican undercurrents influenced by the . The on 4 November 1839 represented the peak of this agitation, as around 5,000 Chartists marched from industrial valleys to Newport demanding the release of imprisoned leaders like Henry Vincent and John Frost, clashing with troops in a violent confrontation that left several dead and over 60 transported to . Symbols deployed during the uprising, including tricolour flags with red and white stripes and liberty trees like the , linked to continental republican and neo-druidic traditions associating natural symbols with anti-establishment . These elements reflected a fusion of Welsh cultural motifs with , though explicit calls to abolish the remained marginal amid the movement's emphasis on . The suppression of the rising underscored the limits of such dissent, yet it perpetuated underground radical networks in nonconformist chapels, where anti-hierarchical sentiments persisted. By mid-century, Chartist fervor waned after failed petitions and the European revolutions, but residual radicalism influenced later liberal . The Cymru Fydd (Young Wales) society, founded in 1886 by expatriate Welsh figures like Thomas Edward Ellis and , prioritized , Welsh-language education, and disestablishment of the Anglican Church—challenges to monarchical prerogatives as supreme governor—without advocating outright. Nonconformist dominance, representing over 80% of Welsh worshippers by 1851, fostered a cultural skeptical of state-imposed authority, laying indirect groundwork for 20th-century , though loyalty to prevailed among nationalists.

20th-Century Developments

Interwar and WWII Era

The marked the formal organization of through the founding of (Party of Wales) on August 5, 1925, at the National Eisteddfod in , , by figures including , but this movement prioritized cultural revival, Welsh-language preservation, and opposition to anglicization over republican ideology. 's early platform sought greater autonomy within the rather than severance from the , with Lewis explicitly arguing for Welsh freedom "under the " and describing himself as a strong monarchist who viewed English as preferable to a for due to historical ties predating parliamentary integration. This stance reflected a distributist and Catholic-influenced worldview that rejected both and full independence, focusing instead on decentralist reforms amid and rural decline in , where unemployment reached 30% in some valleys by the 1930s. Anti-establishment actions, such as the 1936 firebombing of the RAF bombing school at Penyberth by Lewis, D.J. Williams, and Lewis Valentine to protest perceived cultural erosion, underscored nationalist resistance to centralized British authority but stopped short of monarchical critique, framing the issue as defense against English rather than royal abolition. remained marginal electorally, garnering under 2% of the vote in , with membership below 2,000, limiting broader republican discourse amid dominance by Labour and Liberal parties in Welsh politics. During , adopted a pacifist position, opposing introduced in 1939 and extended to in 1940, arguing it threatened Welsh identity and resources without direct benefit to national ; the party distributed leaflets urging non-compliance and prioritized "the defense of " over Allied efforts. This stance led to internal divisions and external accusations of disloyalty, but again lacked explicit anti-monarchism, as leaders like Lewis maintained loyalty to while critiquing wartime policies. British authorities, concerned by rising nationalism, considered postwar strategies including elevating the future Queen Elizabeth II's role in to bolster monarchical appeal and counter separatist sentiments, indicating perceived but not yet republican threats. as a distinct thus remained embryonic, emerging more prominently post-1945 amid disillusionment with failures.

Post-War Republican Efforts

The Welsh Republican Movement was established in September 1949 in (Castell Nedd) as a faction splitting from , driven by frustrations over the parent party's perceived moderation on achieving full from the , explicitly advocating for a republican Wales free of monarchical ties. The group's founders, including Cliff Bere, argued that the British Crown perpetuated English domination over , viewing it as a core obstacle to Welsh sovereignty rather than mere symbolic tradition. With membership numbering only in the low hundreds, the movement remained marginal but vocal, prioritizing anti-monarchical rhetoric and direct actions over electoral politics. In response to the 1953 coronation of Queen Elizabeth II, the movement mounted pointed opposition, with polemicist Harri Webb decrying the event in the group's publication The Welsh Republican (June–July 1953) as "sickening" and irrelevant to Welsh interests, dismissing it as a spectacle for "Welsh lickspittles" and expressing hope that no future English monarch would be acclaimed as sovereign over Wales. Activists conducted flag-burning campaigns targeting Union Jacks, framing the monarchy as complicit in cultural genocide through efforts to erode Welsh nationhood, a charge rooted in historical grievances over language suppression and territorial integration. These protests contrasted sharply with broader Welsh societal responses, which ranged from enthusiasm to apathy, highlighting the republicans' outlier status amid post-war reconstruction priorities. The movement's activities persisted into the and early but yielded limited traction, dissolving by amid internal divisions and the rising focus on language rights campaigns led by , such as opposition to the Tryweryn reservoir flooding in 1957–1965, which galvanized without centering . While itself evolved toward endorsing independence—implicitly republican in structure—its post-war leadership under figures like prioritized and cultural preservation over explicit anti-monarchical agitation until later decades. These efforts underscored a persistent but fringe strand of Welsh republicanism, often overshadowed by socioeconomic recovery and Labour dominance in Welsh politics following the 1945 election.

Contemporary Movements

Devolution and Early 21st Century

The establishment of the for Wales on 1 July 1999, following the and a narrowly approved in September 1997 (50.3% in favor on a 50.1% turnout), marked a limited transfer of powers from Westminster but preserved 's integration within the under the British monarchy. Republican advocates viewed this devolution as insufficient, arguing it perpetuated symbolic and institutional ties to , including oaths of allegiance by assembly members and the absence of full fiscal or foreign policy autonomy. Fringe socialist republican groups, such as Cymru Goch—a small party formed in 1986 from earlier movements—criticized the framework for entrenching dependency rather than enabling republican self-determination, though their influence remained negligible, with no seats won in assembly elections. In the early , Cymru Goch sustained limited through publications like the monthly Y Faner Goch (ceasing around ) and the Seren (launched ), which promoted a socialist Welsh alongside environmental and anti-imperialist causes. The group allied briefly with Forward Wales in , a left-leaning party that contested elections but disbanded by 2010 without advancing republican agendas electorally. Concurrently, the Welsh Republican Army, a splinter re-formed around and tracing roots to direct-action groups, conducted minor —such as in Cilmeri in 2005 protesting royal symbols—but these actions drew negligible public or political support and highlighted the movement's isolation. The 2006 Government of Wales Act expanded the assembly's legislative competence, allowing measures within devolved areas from May 2011, yet this incremental reform further marginalized republicanism by channeling nationalist energies into pragmatic governance rather than anti-monarchical rupture. Mainstream parties like , which gained ground in 2003 and entered coalition government in 2007, prioritized devolution's expansion over republican constitutional overhaul, reflecting broader public attachment to the amid low appetite for . Republican efforts thus persisted as a tiny, ideologically driven undercurrent, with no measurable shift in policy or opinion during this period.

Post-2020 Events and Activism

Following the accession of King Charles III on September 8, 2022, Prince William's designation as Prince of Wales on September 9 provoked renewed opposition in Wales to the title's imposition without Welsh consent. Kensington Palace confirmed on November 16, 2022, that no investiture ceremony akin to Charles's 1969 event in Caernarfon would occur, attributing the decision to ongoing controversy over the title's relevance and historical associations with English conquest. Anti-monarchy sentiment manifested prominently during preparations for Charles's coronation on May 6, 2023, with protests occurring alongside pro-royal events in Welsh cities including and . On May 8, 2023, more than 500 demonstrators assembled in city center, organized by republican and advocates, voicing demands for democratic , Welsh , and poverty alleviation while rejecting monarchical authority. Activism persisted into 2025, exemplified by Republic's rally on May 10, which drew participants to hear speakers critique the monarchy's costs and democratic deficits, continuing the group's annual tradition in . In September 2025, Irish republican organization convened a public meeting on September 20 in support of Welsh republicanism, emphasizing its intersections with linguistic preservation and socialist principles amid devolution's limitations. Groups such as Cymru Republic maintained online and grassroots campaigns for a sovereign Welsh republic, leveraging to highlight the monarchy's incompatibility with national , though these efforts remained marginal compared to broader drives. Royal scandals, including financial scrutiny and colonial legacies, have correlated with heightened republican discourse in , as noted by activists, yet public support for abolition remains limited, with polls indicating persistent attachment to the institution despite localized protests.

Organizations and Campaigns

Key Republican Groups

Undod, a democratic socialist movement, campaigns for Welsh independence explicitly within a republican framework, rejecting the British monarchy as antithetical to national sovereignty. It emphasizes grassroots organization, anti-imperialism, and policies aimed at economic redistribution in an independent Wales, drawing support from activists disillusioned with mainstream nationalist parties. The Welsh Underground Network, founded in 2019 as a Marxist-Leninist collective, promotes a socialist Welsh republic through direct community actions such as mutual aid and protests against perceived colonial structures. In 2023, elements of the network formalized into Plaid Gomiwnyddol Cymru, a revolutionary socialist party that positions itself as the vanguard for a working-class-led independent republic, critiquing both capitalism and unionism. These groups, while numerically small, represent the core of organized republican activism in Wales, often intersecting with broader independence efforts but distinguished by their explicit opposition to monarchical continuity post-independence. Larger entities like YesCymru focus primarily on secession without mandating republicanism, reflecting varied priorities within nationalist circles.

Linkages to Broader Nationalism

Welsh republicanism maintains ideological and activist ties to , drawing historical inspiration from Ireland's anti-monarchical struggles against British rule, which influenced early 20th-century Welsh nationalist formations seeking and cultural revival. These connections manifested in shared opposition to unionism, with Welsh groups occasionally aligning with Irish counterparts on republican principles emphasizing sovereignty free from . In the 1970s and 1980s, leftist republican networks bridged Wales and Scotland, as evidenced by collaborations between the Welsh Socialist Republican Movement, Scottish republican socialists, and platforms hosting Sinn Féin perspectives to foster cross-border dialogue on dismantling monarchical and unionist structures. Welsh independence advocates have since expressed support for Scottish referendum efforts, positioning them as precedents for Welsh self-determination that implicitly reject the UK's monarchical framework. Contemporary solidarity appears in joint events, such as a 2025 rally attended by representatives, which featured a supportive message from the Irish republican rap group Kneecap, prompting criticism for perceived alignment with militant Irish elements despite the party's emphasis on democratic . Such instances highlight ongoing, if contentious, linkages to Irish republicanism's emphasis on republican over British institutions. Broader pan-Celtic frameworks provide cultural underpinnings, with Welsh republicans occasionally invoking shared Celtic heritage to critique British centralism, though political efforts prioritize national republicanism over supranational Celtic unionism. These ties reinforce Welsh republicanism's positioning within a peripheral challenge to monarchy, informed by empirical parallels in outcomes and independence polling trends across .

Notable Figures

Political and Activist Republicans

, leader of from 2012 to 2018, led the party during a period of internal tension over republicanism, with her left-leaning approach highlighting divisions between constitutional nationalists and those favoring abolition of the . Wood's tenure emphasized , aligning with broader republican critiques of monarchical symbols as barriers to sovereignty, though officially avoids direct confrontation on the issue to maintain electoral viability. Bethan Sayed, a for West from 2007 to 2021, has actively promoted republican alternatives, organizing public discussions on replacing the UK with a republican framework for . Her post-parliamentary activism reflects a pattern among former Plaid figures who integrate anti-monarchism with independence advocacy, critiquing royal titles like as emblematic of subjugation. Activist republicans are prominent in groups like Undod, a non-hierarchical socialist movement founded in 2018 to pursue explicitly as a , rejecting hereditary rule in favor of democratic . Undod members have coordinated protests against royal engagements and constraints, framing as essential to economic and cultural , drawing on historical precedents like 1960s militant . Historical activists such as , who co-founded the in 1966, exemplified early direct-action through drills and declarations of , opposing British including its monarchical core—actions that led to his 1969 imprisonment under anti-terrorism laws.

Cultural and Intellectual Contributors

(1723–1791), a Welsh dissenting minister and philosopher from , contributed to early republican thought through his critiques of hereditary rule and advocacy for rational governance based on moral philosophy. In works like Observations on the Nature of Civil Liberty (1776), Price argued against and supported the American Revolution's principles of , influencing figures such as while emphasizing reform over outright republicanism in Britain. His ideas on resisting abusive power and promoting civic equality resonated in Welsh dissenting circles, laying intellectual groundwork for later anti-monarchical sentiments tied to national . Harri Webb (1920–1994), a Swansea-born poet, journalist, and librarian, explicitly advanced socialist in Welsh literature during the mid-20th century. Through collections such as The Green Desert (1969) and political essays, Webb lambasted the British monarchy as an emblem of imperial oppression, calling for a Welsh independent from Westminster's "crown and coronet." His verse often blended Marxist analysis with Celtic romanticism, portraying as essential to liberating Welsh culture from anglicized hierarchies, and he co-founded Undod, a republican pressure group within . Webb's prolific output, including over 20 poetry volumes, positioned him as a vocal bridge between and anti-monarchist ideology. Dafydd Iwan (b. 1943), a prominent Welsh-language folk singer and former president, has shaped cultural opposition to through protest ballads and . In 1969, Iwan co-authored an anti-investiture song protesting Charles's installation as , which fueled public dissent and led to his imprisonment for related , amplifying republican critiques of the title as a symbol of subjugation. His later calls, in 2023, for King Charles III to transfer Norman castles like to Welsh ownership underscore ongoing cultural resistance, framing as incompatible with national sovereignty. Iwan's music, including enduring anthems like Yma o Hyd (1983), has sustained republican themes within broader Welsh identity movements.

Symbolic Contests

Opposition to the Prince of Wales Title

The title of , conferred on the British heir apparent since Edward I granted it to his son in 1301 following the conquest of , is viewed by Welsh republicans as a symbol of subjugation rather than honor, evoking the suppression of native Welsh sovereignty after the killing of indigenous princes like in 1282. Republicans argue that the title perpetuates a of English overlordship, distinct from historical Welsh claims to the title, such as Glyndŵr's self-proclamation during his 1400–1415 revolt against English rule. Opposition peaked during the 1969 investiture of Charles as at , which nationalists framed as a deliberate imposition amid rising Welsh cultural revival. Protests included mass demonstrations, sit-ins, and cultural resistance like Dafydd Iwan's protest ballad , while the militant group (MAC) conducted bombings, including an attack on government offices that killed two members, highlighting the depth of resentment over the event's perceived colonial overtones. An estimated 40,000 attended the ceremony under heavy security, but opposition galvanized the nationalist movement, restoring its momentum after earlier setbacks in language campaigns. In September 2022, following King Charles III's accession and the conferral of the title on Prince William, republican groups renewed calls for abolition, with a Senedd e-petition garnering over 5,000 signatures by early October to end the title, citing its irrelevance to modern Welsh identity. Plaid Cymru figures, including leader Adam Price, described the decision as externally imposed without Welsh consultation, while Gwynedd Council—controlled by Plaid and independents—passed a motion on October 5, 2022, declaring the title "archaic and oppressive" and opposing any investiture in Wales. YesCymru activists, such as Trystan Gruffydd, labeled it an "insult" tied to historical conquest, though polls indicated only about 25–30% opposition among Welsh adults, with support for the title holding at 66% in a contemporaneous survey. This stance aligns with broader republican critiques, prioritizing elected institutions over hereditary titles, though practical abolition would require parliamentary action, as the title remains a prerogative of .

Protests Against Royal Visits

Protests against royal visits in have primarily been organized by Welsh nationalist and republican groups, viewing such events as affirmations of monarchical and British authority over Welsh sovereignty. The most prominent historical example occurred during the investiture of Prince Charles as on July 1, 1969, at , where nationalists staged demonstrations against what they perceived as an imposition of English symbolism on Welsh identity. Organizers, including figures like , composed protest songs and rallied supporters, framing the event as a colonial relic; bombings targeted infrastructure beforehand, such as a device at a railway station in on June 30, 1969, killing two, though attributed to the militant group MAC rather than mainstream protesters. These actions galvanized the Welsh language and independence movements, with participants estimating thousands involved in broader opposition, though official crowds at the castle numbered around 4,000 supporters amid heightened security. In more recent decades, protests have remained small-scale but persistent, often coordinated by groups like Cymru Republic and the UK-wide Republic campaign. During King Charles III's first official visit to Cardiff on September 16, 2022, following Queen Elizabeth II's death, approximately 40 anti-monarchy demonstrators gathered outside Cardiff Castle, holding placards demanding a Welsh republic and booing the proceedings amid a larger pro-royal crowd waving union jacks and Welsh flags. A separate silent protest emphasized "real democracy now," highlighting republican critiques of hereditary rule as incompatible with Welsh self-determination. Welsh First Minister Mark Drakeford affirmed the right to peaceful protest, urging proportionate policing, though turnout remained limited compared to supportive gatherings. Such demonstrations extended to corollary events like the May 6, 2023, , with hundreds marching in under "Not My King" banners, organized by Cymru Republic to protest monarchical pomp amid economic hardships. These actions underscore a fringe but vocal republican strain within , prioritizing abolition of the as a step toward , though empirical support remains marginal, with polls indicating majority attachment to the institution despite nationalist critiques. No major disruptions or arrests were reported in Welsh-specific royal visits post-1969, reflecting both limited mobilization and institutional tolerance for dissent.

Public Opinion

A poll conducted in March 2022 revealed that 55% of respondents in supported retaining the , while 28% favored replacing it with an elected . This was closely mirrored in a subsequent survey from March 2023, where 52% opted to keep the and 28% preferred abolition. An ITV Wales-commissioned poll later in 2023 indicated slightly higher republican support, with 56% backing the and 34% advocating for a . These results, drawn from samples of Welsh adults, highlight a persistent majority favoring monarchical continuity amid varying question wordings, though direct long-term series specific to remain scarce prior to 2022.
DatePollsterSupport for (%)Support for /Elected Head (%)
March 20225528
March 20235228
2023 (ITV)5634
The consistency across these polls—conducted during the transition to King Charles III—suggests republicanism has not gained substantial traction in over this period, with pro-monarchy views holding at or above 50% despite national events like the late Queen's death and . Earlier historical data is limited, but the available evidence points to stable rather than rising anti-monarchical sentiment, contrasting with broader trends of modest erosion in institutional approval.

Demographic and Regional Variations

Support for Welsh republicanism, measured through preferences for an elected over the , exhibits clear demographic patterns, with younger cohorts showing markedly lower attachment to the . A 2023 YouGov poll of 1,000 Welsh adults found that only 33% of those aged 16-24 favored retaining the , compared to 75% among those 65 and over, indicating a generational divide where republican sentiments strengthen among the youth. Similarly, views on the 's value to were negative among the young, with just 14% of 16-24-year-olds deeming it beneficial, versus 58% of seniors. This trend aligns with broader observations that correlates with declining deference to traditional institutions among under-35s, though absolute support remains minority overall. Gender differences are subtler, with women displaying slightly higher pro-monarchy leanings. In the same YouGov survey, 56% of females supported the versus 47% of males, a pattern echoed in favorability toward King Charles III (59% positive among women, 51% among men). Such variances may stem from socialization factors, but they do not override the age effect, as republican preferences among men remain below majority levels. Regionally, support for the monarchy is stronger in rural and western areas than in urban south Wales. The 2023 YouGov data revealed 60% monarchy backing in mid and west Wales, dropping to 45% in Cardiff and south central regions, where economic ties to Westminster and cultural cosmopolitanism may foster greater openness to republican alternatives. A 2024 British Social Attitudes survey further highlighted elevated republicanism among those identifying exclusively as Welsh (64% favoring an elected head), potentially concentrated in nationalist-leaning valleys and northern areas, though this exceeds typical polling averages and may reflect self-selection in national identity responses. Overall, these variations underscore republicanism's niche appeal, amplified in younger, urban, and identity-focused demographics but constrained by enduring regional traditionalism.

Criticisms and Challenges

Empirical Shortcomings

Polls conducted in Wales have consistently demonstrated limited public backing for republicanism, with support for abolishing the monarchy typically ranging from 21% to 34%. A 2023 YouGov survey for BBC Panorama found that 58% of Welsh respondents favored retaining the monarchy, while only 26% preferred an elected head of state. Similarly, an ITV poll from the same year indicated 56% support for the monarchy, with republican sentiment at 34%. These figures underscore a persistent empirical gap, as republican advocacy has failed to translate into majority or even plurality opposition to the Crown despite high-profile events like royal visits and coronations. Electoral outcomes further highlight the movement's shortcomings, with no dedicated republican party securing seats in the or UK Parliament. In the , parties explicitly opposing or -related structures, such as Abolish the Welsh Assembly, garnered only marginal vote shares (around 4% regionally) without winning representation. Mainstream nationalist parties like , while advancing , have not prioritized republicanism and maintain compatibility with the , reflecting broader voter preferences that prioritize constitutional over . This absence of breakthrough electoral success indicates that republican arguments have not empirically swayed in competitive races. Organizational efforts by groups like Cymru Republic or the Welsh Republican Congress have also shown minimal scalable impact, with protests and campaigns attracting small turnouts relative to population size and failing to shift longitudinal polling trends. Analyses of movements, often overlapping with republican rhetoric, reveal that anti-monarchy stances may deter broader support; for instance, advocates within have argued that retaining the monarch as could boost viability, suggesting republicanism's empirical drag on allied causes. Overall, the lack of demonstrable growth in affiliation, funding, or policy influence points to structural weaknesses in mobilizing empirical consensus for change.

Practical and Economic Objections

Critics of Welsh republicanism argue that establishing a separate Welsh republic would impose severe economic burdens due to the region's structural fiscal deficit within the United Kingdom. In 2018-19, Wales generated £29.5 billion in tax revenues while incurring £43 billion in public spending, resulting in a net deficit of £13.5 billion funded by UK-wide transfers, primarily from England. This shortfall equates to roughly 18% of Welsh GDP, higher than the UK's overall deficit and driven by lower per capita GVA—£20,200 in Wales versus £31,600 UK-wide in recent data—exacerbating reliance on subsidies for public services like health and welfare. Independence would necessitate closing this gap through tax hikes, spending cuts, or increased borrowing, potentially destabilizing an economy already marked by deindustrialization and high public sector employment. Practical implementation faces formidable logistical hurdles, including apportioning UK national debt—estimated at over £100 billion attributable to Wales on a basis—and negotiating trade barriers with the 's dominant market, which absorbs 60% of Welsh exports. Currency adoption poses another barrier; retaining the pound without a risks loss of monetary control, while adopting the or a new could trigger and , as seen in other small post-union transitions. Establishing defense, foreign affairs, and regulatory institutions from scratch would require billions in upfront costs, diverting resources from pressing needs like infrastructure amid ' net importer status for and . Regarding the monarchy specifically, economic objections emphasize negligible net costs outweighed by branding benefits, rendering abolition impractical for marginal gains. The UK Sovereign Grant totals £86 million annually, or about £1.29 , a dwarfed by estimated and boosts of £1.7 billion yearly from royal symbolism, including Welsh sites like royal castles drawing 2 million visitors. Brand Finance valuations peg the 's overall economic contribution at £67 billion in brand value, with low per-person costs of £4.50, though anti-monarchist groups like counter that true expenses, including security, reach £510 million—still minor relative to Wales' £80 billion economy. Transitioning to a would incur administrative expenses for referendums and constitutional rewrites without offsetting gains, as republican models in comparable nations show no superior fiscal outcomes.

Cultural and Historical Counterpoints

The Tudor dynasty's ascension to the English throne in 1485 under Henry VII, who traced his lineage to Welsh nobility through Owen Tudor and claimed descent from ancient British kings like Cadwaladr ap Cadwallon, intertwined Welsh heritage with the monarchy. Henry VII adopted the red dragon—a symbol rooted in Welsh legend from the Mabinogion and earlier Romano-British motifs—as his battle standard at Bosworth Field, signaling legitimacy derived from Welsh prophetic traditions of a returning savior king. This act not only bolstered his claim but also embedded monarchical symbolism within Welsh national identity, as the dragon later featured prominently on the Welsh flag, blending indigenous iconography with royal patronage. Subsequent legal incorporation via the Laws in Wales Acts of 1535 and 1542 formalized ' union with England, extending parliamentary representation and English common law while preserving certain Welsh customs, which over centuries cultivated institutional loyalty to among the Welsh and populace. During the English Civil Wars (1642–1651), emerged as a bastion, with the majority of its counties and leading families supporting Charles I against Parliament, driven by attachments to traditional hierarchy, , and the perceived continuity of monarchical authority from native princely lines. Key engagements, such as the Royalist victory at Middlewood Green in 1645 and the subsequent defeat at St Fagans in 1648 involving 8,000–12,000 troops, underscored this allegiance, which persisted despite eventual Parliamentary conquest. The enduring title of Prince of Wales, conferred on the heir apparent since Edward I's grant in 1301 and ritualized through investitures like Charles's in 1969 at Caernarfon Castle, has symbolized a perpetual bond between the monarchy and Welsh sovereignty claims, countering narratives of outright subjugation by emphasizing ceremonial recognition of Wales' distinct status within the realm. Early modern Welsh society viewed the monarchy as a foundational pillar linking contemporary rule to pre-conquest princes like Rhodri the Great (r. 844–878), fostering a cultural continuity that republican critiques often overlook in favor of selective emphasis on the 1282–1283 Edwardian conquest.

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