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Carl Linnaeus
Carl Linnaeus
from Wikipedia

Carl Linnaeus[a] (23 May 1707[note 1] – 10 January 1778), also known after ennoblement in 1761 as Carl von Linné,[3][b] was a Swedish biologist and physician who formalised binomial nomenclature, the modern system of naming organisms. He is known as the "father of modern taxonomy".[4] Many of his writings were in Latin; his name is rendered in Latin as Carolus Linnæus and, after his 1761 ennoblement, as Carolus a Linné.

Key Information

Linnaeus was the son of a curate[5] and was born in Råshult, in the countryside of Småland, southern Sweden. He received most of his higher education at Uppsala University and began giving lectures in botany there in 1730. He lived abroad between 1735 and 1738, where he studied and also published the first edition of his Systema Naturae in the Netherlands. He then returned to Sweden where he became professor of medicine and botany at Uppsala. In the 1740s, he was sent on several journeys through Sweden to find and classify plants and animals. In the 1750s and 1760s, he continued to collect and classify animals, plants, and minerals, while publishing several volumes. By the time of his death in 1778, he was one of the most acclaimed scientists in Europe.

Philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau once wrote of Linnaeus, "I know no greater man on Earth."[6] Johann Wolfgang von Goethe wrote: "With the exception of William Shakespeare and Baruch Spinoza, I know no one among the no longer living who has influenced me more strongly."[6] Swedish author August Strindberg wrote: "Linnaeus was in reality a poet who happened to become a naturalist."[7] Linnaeus has been called Princeps botanicorum (Prince of Botanists) and "The Pliny of the North".[8] He is also considered one of the founders of modern ecology.[9]

In botany, the abbreviation L. is used to indicate Linnaeus as the authority for a species' name.[10] In zoology, the abbreviation Linnaeus is generally used; the abbreviations L., Linnæus, and Linné are also used.[c] In older publications, the abbreviation "Linn." is found. Linnaeus's remains constitute the type specimen for the species Homo sapiens[11] following the International Code of Zoological Nomenclature, since the sole specimen that he is known to have examined was himself.[note 2]

Early life

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Childhood

[edit]
Birthplace at Råshult

Linnaeus was born in the village of Råshult in Småland, Sweden, on 23 May 1707. He was the first child of Nicolaus (Nils) Ingemarsson (who later adopted the family name Linnaeus) and Christina Brodersonia. His siblings were Anna Maria Linnæa, Sofia Juliana Linnæa, Samuel Linnæus (who would eventually succeed their father as rector of Stenbrohult and write a manual on beekeeping),[12][13][14] and Emerentia Linnæa.[citation needed] His father taught him Latin as a small child.[15]

One of a long line of peasants and priests, Nils was an amateur botanist, a Lutheran minister, and the curate of the small village of Stenbrohult in Småland. Christina was the daughter of the rector of Stenbrohult, Samuel Brodersonius.[16]

A year after Linnaeus's birth, his grandfather Samuel Brodersonius died, and his father Nils became the rector of Stenbrohult. The family moved into the rectory from the curate's house.[17][18]

Even in his early years, Linnaeus seemed to have a liking for plants, flowers in particular. Whenever he was upset, he was given a flower, which immediately calmed him. Nils spent much time in his garden and often showed flowers to Linnaeus and told him their names. Soon Linnaeus was given his own patch of earth where he could grow plants.[19]

Carl's father was the first in his ancestry to adopt a permanent surname. Before that, ancestors had used the patronymic naming system of Scandinavian countries: his father was named Ingemarsson after his father Ingemar Bengtsson. When Nils was admitted to the Lund University, he had to take on a family name. He adopted the Latinate name Linnæus after a giant linden tree (or lime tree), lind in Swedish, that grew on the family homestead.[12] This name was spelled with the æ ligature. When Carl was born, he was named Carl Linnæus, with his father's family name. The son also always spelled it with the æ ligature, both in handwritten documents and in publications.[17] Carl's patronymic would have been Nilsson, as in Carl Nilsson Linnæus.[20]

Early education

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Örtaboken (Herb book), an early Linnaeus manuscript, 1725

Linnaeus's father began teaching him basic Latin, religion, and geography at an early age.[21] When Linnaeus was seven, Nils decided to hire a tutor for him. The parents picked Johan Telander, a son of a local yeoman. Linnaeus did not like him, writing in his autobiography that Telander "was better calculated to extinguish a child's talents than develop them".[22]

Two years after his tutoring had begun, he was sent to the Lower Grammar School at Växjö in 1717.[23] Linnaeus rarely studied, often going to the countryside to look for plants. At some point, his father went to visit him and, after hearing critical assessments by his preceptors, he decided to put the youth as an apprentice to some honest cobbler.[24] He reached the last year of the Lower School when he was fifteen, which was taught by the headmaster, Daniel Lannerus, who was interested in botany. Lannerus noticed Linnaeus's interest in botany and gave him the run of his garden.

He also introduced him to Johan Rothman, the state doctor of Småland and a teacher at Katedralskolan (a gymnasium) in Växjö. Also a botanist, Rothman broadened Linnaeus's interest in botany and helped him develop an interest in medicine.[25][26] By the age of 17, Linnaeus had become well acquainted with the existing botanical literature. He remarks in his journal that he "read day and night, knowing like the back of my hand, Arvidh Månsson's Rydaholm Book of Herbs, Tillandz's Flora Åboensis, Palmberg's Serta Florea Suecana, Bromelii's Chloros Gothica and Rudbeckii's Hortus Upsaliensis".[27]

Linnaeus entered the Växjö Katedralskola in 1724, where he studied mainly Greek, Hebrew, theology, and mathematics, a curriculum designed for boys preparing for the priesthood.[28][29] In the last year at the gymnasium, Linnaeus's father visited to ask the professors how his son's studies were progressing; to his dismay, most said that the boy would never become a scholar. Rothman believed otherwise, suggesting Linnaeus could have a future in medicine. The doctor offered to have Linnaeus live with his family in Växjö and to teach him physiology and botany. Nils accepted this offer.[30][31]

University studies

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Lund

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Statue as a university student in Lund, by Ansgar Almquist

Rothman showed Linnaeus that botany was a serious subject. He taught Linnaeus to classify plants according to Tournefort's system. Linnaeus was also taught about the sexual reproduction of plants, according to Sébastien Vaillant.[30] In 1727, Linnaeus, age 21, enrolled in Lund University in Skåne.[32][33] He was registered as Carolus Linnæus, the Latin form of his full name, which he also used later for his Latin publications.[3]

Professor Kilian Stobæus, natural scientist, physician and historian, offered Linnaeus tutoring and lodging, as well as the use of his library, which included many books about botany. He also gave the student free admission to his lectures.[34][35] In his spare time, Linnaeus explored the flora of Skåne, together with students sharing the same interests.[36]

Uppsala

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Pollination depicted in Praeludia Sponsaliorum Plantarum (1729)

In August 1728, Linnaeus decided to attend Uppsala University on the advice of Rothman, who believed it would be a better choice if Linnaeus wanted to study both medicine and botany. Rothman based this recommendation on the two professors who taught at the medical faculty at Uppsala: Olof Rudbeck the Younger and Lars Roberg. Although Rudbeck and Roberg had undoubtedly been good professors, by then they were older and not so interested in teaching. Rudbeck no longer gave public lectures, and had others stand in for him. The botany, zoology, pharmacology and anatomy lectures were not in their best state.[37] In Uppsala, Linnaeus met a new benefactor, Olof Celsius, who was a professor of theology and an amateur botanist.[38] He received Linnaeus into his home and allowed him use of his library, which was one of the richest botanical libraries in Sweden.[39]

In 1729, Linnaeus wrote a thesis, Praeludia Sponsaliorum Plantarum on plant sexual reproduction. This attracted the attention of Rudbeck; in May 1730, he selected Linnaeus to give lectures at the University although the young man was only a second-year student. His lectures were popular, and Linnaeus often addressed an audience of 300 people.[40] In June, Linnaeus moved from Celsius's house to Rudbeck's to become the tutor of the three youngest of his 24 children. His friendship with Celsius did not wane and they continued their botanical expeditions.[41] Over that winter, Linnaeus began to doubt Tournefort's system of classification and decided to create one of his own. His plan was to divide the plants by the number of stamens and pistils. He began writing several books, which would later result in, for example, Genera Plantarum and Critica Botanica. He also produced a book on the plants grown in the Uppsala Botanical Garden, Adonis Uplandicus.[42]

Rudbeck's former assistant, Nils Rosén, returned to the University in March 1731 with a degree in medicine. Rosén started giving anatomy lectures and tried to take over Linnaeus's botany lectures, but Rudbeck prevented that. Until December, Rosén tutored Linnaeus privately in medicine. In December, Linnaeus had a "disagreement" with Rudbeck's wife and had to move out of his mentor's house; his relationship with Rudbeck did not appear to suffer. That Christmas, Linnaeus returned home to Stenbrohult to visit his parents for the first time in about three years. His mother had disapproved of his failing to become a priest, but she was pleased to learn he was teaching at the University.[42][43]

Expedition to Lapland

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Carl Linnaeus in Laponian costume (1737)

During a visit with his parents, Linnaeus told them about his plan to travel to Lapland; Rudbeck had made the journey in 1695, but the detailed results of his exploration were lost in a fire seven years afterwards. Linnaeus's hope was to find new plants, animals and possibly valuable minerals. He was also curious about the customs of the native Sami people, reindeer-herding nomads who wandered Scandinavia's vast tundras. In April 1732, Linnaeus was awarded a grant from the Royal Society of Sciences in Uppsala for his journey.[44][45]

Wearing the traditional dress of the Sami people of Lapland, holding the twinflower, later known as Linnaea borealis, that became his personal emblem. Martin Hoffman, 1737.

Linnaeus began his expedition from Uppsala on 12 May 1732, just before he turned 25.[46] He travelled on foot and horse, bringing with him his journal, botanical and ornithological manuscripts and sheets of paper for pressing plants. Near Gävle he found great quantities of Campanula serpyllifolia, later known as Linnaea borealis, the twinflower that would become his favourite.[47] He sometimes dismounted on the way to examine a flower or rock[48] and was particularly interested in mosses and lichens, the latter a main part of the diet of the reindeer, a common and economically important animal in Lapland.[49]

Linnaeus travelled clockwise around the coast of the Gulf of Bothnia, making major inland incursions from Umeå, Luleå and Tornio. He returned from his six-month-long, over 2,000 kilometres (1,200 mi) expedition in October, having gathered and observed many plants, birds and rocks.[50][51][52] Although Lapland was a region with limited biodiversity, Linnaeus described about 100 previously unidentified plants. These became the basis of his book Flora Lapponica.[53][54] However, on the expedition to Lapland, Linnaeus used Latin names to describe organisms because he had not yet developed the binomial system.[46]

In Flora Lapponica Linnaeus's ideas about nomenclature and classification were first used in a practical way, making this the first proto-modern Flora.[55] The account covered 534 species, used the Linnaean classification system and included, for the described species, geographical distribution and taxonomic notes. It was Augustin Pyramus de Candolle who attributed Linnaeus with Flora Lapponica as the first example in the botanical genre of Flora writing. Botanical historian E. L. Greene described Flora Lapponica as "the most classic and delightful" of Linnaeus's works.[55]

It was during this expedition that Linnaeus had a flash of insight regarding the classification of mammals. Upon observing the lower jawbone of a horse at the side of a road he was travelling, Linnaeus remarked: "If I only knew how many teeth and of what kind every animal had, how many teats and where they were placed, I should perhaps be able to work out a perfectly natural system for the arrangement of all quadrupeds."[56]

In 1734, Linnaeus led a small group of students to Dalarna. Funded by the Governor of Dalarna, the expedition was to catalogue known natural resources and discover new ones, but also to gather intelligence on Norwegian mining activities at Røros.[52]

Years in the Dutch Republic (1735–38)

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The Hamburg Hydra, from the Thesaurus (1734) of Albertus Seba. Linnaeus identified the hydra specimen as a fake in 1735.
View of Hartekamp, where Carl von Linné lived and studied for three years, from 1735 until 1738
Title page of Musa Cliffortiana (1736), Linnaeus's first botanical monograph
Title page of Hortus Cliffortianus (1737). The work was a collaboration between Linnaeus and Georg Dionysius Ehret, financed by George Clifford III, one of the directors of the VOC.

Doctorate

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Cities where he worked; those outside Sweden were only visited during 1735–1738

His relations with Nils Rosén having worsened, Linnaeus accepted an invitation from Claes Sohlberg, son of a mining inspector, to spend the Christmas holiday in Falun, where Linnaeus was permitted to visit the mines.[57]

In April 1735, at the suggestion of Sohlberg's father, Linnaeus and Sohlberg set out for the Dutch Republic, where Linnaeus intended to study medicine at the University of Harderwijk[58] while tutoring Sohlberg in exchange for an annual salary. At the time, it was common for Swedes to pursue doctoral degrees in the Netherlands, then a highly revered place to study natural history.[59]

On the way, the pair stopped in Hamburg, where they met the mayor, who proudly showed them a supposed wonder of nature in his possession: the taxidermied remains of a seven-headed hydra. Linnaeus quickly discovered the specimen was a fake, cobbled together from the jaws and paws of weasels and the skins of snakes. The provenance of the hydra suggested to Linnaeus that it had been manufactured by monks to represent the Beast of Revelation. Even at the risk of incurring the mayor's wrath, Linnaeus made his observations public, dashing the mayor's dreams of selling the hydra for an enormous sum. Linnaeus and Sohlberg were forced to flee from Hamburg.[60][61]

Linnaeus began working towards his degree as soon as he reached Harderwijk, a university known for awarding degrees in as little as a week.[62] He submitted a dissertation, written back in Sweden, entitled Dissertatio medica inauguralis in qua exhibetur hypothesis nova de febrium intermittentium causa,[note 3] in which he laid out his hypothesis that malaria arose only in areas with clay-rich soils.[63] Although he failed to identify the true source of disease transmission, (i.e., the Anopheles mosquito),[64] he did correctly predict that Artemisia annua (wormwood) would become a source of antimalarial medications.[63]

Within two weeks he had completed his oral and practical examinations and was awarded a doctoral degree.[60][62]

That summer Linnaeus reunited with Peter Artedi, a friend from Uppsala with whom he had once made a pact that should either of the two predecease the other, the survivor would finish the decedent's work. Ten weeks later, Artedi drowned in the canals of Amsterdam, leaving behind an unfinished manuscript on the classification of fish.[65][66]

Publishing of Systema Naturae

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One of the first scientists Linnaeus met in the Netherlands was Johan Frederik Gronovius, to whom Linnaeus showed one of the several manuscripts he had brought with him from Sweden. The manuscript described a new system for classifying plants. When Gronovius saw it, he was very impressed, and offered to help pay for the printing. With an additional monetary contribution by the Scottish doctor Isaac Lawson, the manuscript was published as Systema Naturae (1735).[67][68]

Linnaeus became acquainted with one of the most respected physicians and botanists in the Netherlands, Herman Boerhaave, who tried to convince Linnaeus to make a career there. Boerhaave offered him a journey to South Africa and America, but Linnaeus declined, stating he would not stand the heat. Instead, Boerhaave convinced Linnaeus that he should visit the botanist Johannes Burman. After his visit, Burman, impressed with his guest's knowledge, decided Linnaeus should stay with him during the winter. During his stay, Linnaeus helped Burman with his Thesaurus Zeylanicus. Burman also helped Linnaeus with the books on which he was working: Fundamenta Botanica and Bibliotheca Botanica.[69]

George Clifford, Philip Miller, and Johann Jacob Dillenius

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Folia Simplicia
Folia Composita et Folia Determinata
Leaf forms from Hortus Cliffortianus

In August 1735, during Linnaeus's stay with Burman, he met George Clifford III, a director of the Dutch East India Company and the owner of a rich botanical garden at the estate of Hartekamp in Heemstede. Clifford was very impressed with Linnaeus's ability to classify plants, and invited him to become his physician and superintendent of his garden. Linnaeus had already agreed to stay with Burman over the winter, and could thus not accept immediately. However, Clifford offered to compensate Burman by offering him a copy of Sir Hans Sloane's Natural History of Jamaica, a rare book, if he let Linnaeus stay with him, and Burman accepted.[70][71] On 24 September 1735, Linnaeus moved to Hartekamp to become personal physician to Clifford, and curator of Clifford's herbarium. He was paid 1,000 florins a year, with free board and lodging. Though the agreement was only for a winter of that year, Linnaeus practically stayed there until 1738.[72] It was here that he wrote a book Hortus Cliffortianus, in the preface of which he described his experience as "the happiest time of my life". (A portion of Hartekamp was declared as public garden in April 1956 by the Heemstede local authority, and was named "Linnaeushof".[73] It eventually became, as it is claimed, the biggest playground in Europe.[74])

In July 1736, Linnaeus travelled to England, at Clifford's expense.[75] He went to London to visit Sir Hans Sloane, a collector of natural history, and to see his cabinet,[76] as well as to visit the Chelsea Physic Garden and its keeper, Philip Miller. He taught Miller about his new system of subdividing plants, as described in Systema Naturae. At first, Miller was reluctant to use the new binomial nomenclature, preferring instead the classifications of Joseph Pitton de Tournefort and John Ray. Nevertheless, Linnaeus applauded Miller's Gardeners Dictionary.[77] The conservative Miller actually retained in his dictionary a number of pre-Linnaean binomial signifiers discarded by Linnaeus but which have been retained by modern botanists. He only fully changed to the Linnaean system in the edition of The Gardeners Dictionary of 1768. Miller ultimately was impressed, and from then on started to arrange the garden according to Linnaeus's system.[78]

Linnaeus also travelled to Oxford University to visit the botanist Johann Jacob Dillenius. He failed to make Dillenius publicly fully accept his new classification system, though the two men remained in correspondence for many years afterwards. Linnaeus dedicated his Critica Botanica to him, as "opus botanicum quo absolutius mundus non-vidit". Linnaeus would later name a genus of tropical tree Dillenia in his honour. He then returned to Hartekamp, bringing with him many specimens of rare plants.[79] The next year, 1737, he published Genera Plantarum, in which he described 935 genera of plants, and shortly thereafter he supplemented it with Corollarium Generum Plantarum, with another sixty (sexaginta) genera.[80]

His work at Hartekamp led to another book, Hortus Cliffortianus, a catalogue of the botanical holdings in the herbarium and botanical garden of Hartekamp. He wrote it in nine months (completed in July 1737), but it was not published until 1738.[69] It contains the first use of the name Nepenthes, which Linnaeus used to describe a genus of pitcher plants.[81][note 4]

Linnaeus stayed with Clifford at Hartekamp until 18 October 1737 (new style), when he left the house to return to Sweden. Illness and the kindness of Dutch friends obliged him to stay some months longer in Holland. In May 1738, he set out for Sweden again. On the way home, he stayed in Paris for about a month, visiting botanists such as Antoine de Jussieu. After his return, Linnaeus never again left Sweden.[82][83]

Return to Sweden

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Wedding portrait

When Linnaeus returned to Sweden on 28 June 1738, he went to Falun, where he entered into an engagement to Sara Elisabeth Moræa. Three months later, he moved to Stockholm to find employment as a physician, and thus to make it possible to support a family.[84][85] Once again, Linnaeus found a patron; he became acquainted with Count Carl Gustav Tessin, who helped him get work as a physician at the Admiralty.[86][87] During this time in Stockholm, Linnaeus helped found the Royal Swedish Academy of Science; he became the first Praeses of the academy by drawing of lots.[88]

Because his finances had improved and were now sufficient to support a family, he received permission to marry his fiancée, Sara Elisabeth Moræa. Their wedding was held 26 June 1739. Seventeen months later, Sara gave birth to their first son, Carl. Two years later, a daughter, Elisabeth Christina, was born, and the subsequent year Sara gave birth to Sara Magdalena, who died when 15 days old. Sara and Linnaeus would later have four other children: Lovisa, Sara Christina, Johannes and Sophia.[84][89]

House in Uppsala

In May 1741, Linnaeus was appointed Professor of Medicine at Uppsala University, first with responsibility for medicine-related matters. Soon, he changed place with the other Professor of Medicine, Nils Rosén, and thus was responsible for the Botanical Garden (which he would thoroughly reconstruct and expand), botany and natural history, instead. In October that same year, his wife and nine-month-old son followed him to live in Uppsala.[90]

Öland and Gotland

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Ten days after he was appointed professor, he undertook an expedition to the island provinces of Öland and Gotland with six students from the university to look for plants useful in medicine. They stayed on Öland until 21 June, then sailed to Visby in Gotland. Linnaeus and the students stayed on Gotland for about a month, and then returned to Uppsala. During this expedition, they found 100 previously unrecorded plants. The observations from the expedition were later published in Öländska och Gothländska Resa, written in Swedish. Like Flora Lapponica, it contained both zoological and botanical observations, as well as observations concerning the culture in Öland and Gotland.[91][92]

During the summer of 1745, Linnaeus published two more books: Flora Suecica and Fauna Suecica. Flora Suecica was a strictly botanical book, while Fauna Suecica was zoological.[84][93] Anders Celsius had created the temperature scale named after him in 1742. Celsius's scale was originally inverted compared to the way it is used today, with water boiling at 0 °C and freezing at 100 °C. Linnaeus was the one who inverted the scale to its present usage, in 1745.[94]

Västergötland

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In the summer of 1746, Linnaeus was once again commissioned by the Government to carry out an expedition, this time to the Swedish province of Västergötland. He set out from Uppsala on 12 June and returned on 11 August. On the expedition his primary companion was Erik Gustaf Lidbeck, a student who had accompanied him on his previous journey. Linnaeus described his findings from the expedition in the book Wästgöta-Resa, published the next year.[91][95] After he returned from the journey, the Government decided Linnaeus should take on another expedition to the southernmost province Scania. This journey was postponed, as Linnaeus felt too busy.[84]

In 1747, Linnaeus was given the title archiater, or chief physician, by the Swedish king Adolf Frederick—a mark of great respect.[96] The same year he was elected member of the Academy of Sciences in Berlin.[97]

Scania

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In the spring of 1749, Linnaeus could finally journey to Scania, again commissioned by the government. With him he brought his student Olof Söderberg. On the way to Scania, he made his last visit to his brothers and sisters in Stenbrohult since his father had died the previous year. The expedition was similar to the previous journeys in most aspects, but this time he was also ordered to find the best place to grow walnut and Swedish whitebeam trees; these trees were used by the military to make rifles. While there, they also visited the Ramlösa mineral spa, where he remarked on the quality of its ferruginous water.[98] The journey was successful, and Linnaeus's observations were published the next year in Skånska Resa.[99][100]

Rector of Uppsala University

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Summer home at his Hammarby estate
The Linnaean Garden in Uppsala

In 1750, Linnaeus became rector of Uppsala University, starting a period where natural sciences were esteemed.[84] Perhaps the most important contribution he made during his time at Uppsala was to teach; many of his students travelled to various places in the world to collect botanical samples. Linnaeus called the best of these students his "apostles".[101] His lectures were normally very popular and were often held in the Botanical Garden. He tried to teach the students to think for themselves and not trust anybody, not even him. Even more popular than the lectures were the botanical excursions made every Saturday during summer, where Linnaeus and his students explored the flora and fauna in the vicinity of Uppsala.[102]

Philosophia Botanica

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Linnaeus published Philosophia Botanica in 1751.[103] The book contained a complete survey of the taxonomy system he had been using in his earlier works. It also contained information of how to keep a journal on travels and how to maintain a botanical garden.[104]

Nutrix Noverca

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Cover of Nutrix Noverca (1752)

During Linnaeus's time it was normal for upper class women to have wet nurses for their babies. Linnaeus joined an ongoing campaign to end this practice in Sweden and promote breast-feeding by mothers. In 1752 Linnaeus published a thesis along with Frederick Lindberg, a physician student,[105] based on their experiences.[106] In the tradition of the period, this dissertation was essentially an idea of the presiding reviewer (prases) expounded upon by the student. Linnaeus's dissertation was translated into French by J. E. Gilibert in 1770 as La Nourrice marâtre, ou Dissertation sur les suites funestes du nourrisage mercénaire. Linnaeus suggested that children might absorb the personality of their wet nurse through the milk. He admired the child care practices of the Lapps[107] and pointed out how healthy their babies were compared to those of Europeans who employed wet nurses. He compared the behaviour of wild animals and pointed out how none of them denied their newborns their breastmilk.[107] It is thought that his activism played a role in his choice of the term Mammalia for the class of organisms.[108]

Species Plantarum

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Linnaeus published Species Plantarum, the work which is now internationally accepted as the starting point of modern botanical nomenclature, in 1753.[109] The first volume was issued on 24 May, the second volume followed on 16 August of the same year.[note 5][111] The book contained 1,200 pages and was published in two volumes; it described over 7,300 species.[112][113] The same year the king dubbed him knight of the Order of the Polar Star, the first civilian in Sweden to become a knight in this order. He was then seldom seen not wearing the order's insignia.[114]

Ennoblement

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His coat of arms

Linnaeus felt Uppsala was too noisy and unhealthy, so he bought two farms in 1758: Hammarby and Sävja. The next year, he bought a neighbouring farm, Edeby. He spent the summers with his family at Hammarby; initially it only had a small one-storey house, but in 1762 a new, larger main building was added.[100][115] In Hammarby, Linnaeus made a garden where he could grow plants that could not be grown in the Botanical Garden in Uppsala. He began constructing a museum on a hill behind Hammarby in 1766, where he moved his library and collection of plants. A fire that destroyed about one third of Uppsala and had threatened his residence there necessitated the move.[116]

Since the initial release of Systema Naturae in 1735, the book had been expanded and reprinted several times; the tenth edition was released in 1758. This edition established itself as the starting point for zoological nomenclature, the equivalent of Species Plantarum.[112][117]

The Swedish King Adolf Frederick granted Linnaeus nobility in 1757, but he was not ennobled until 1761. With his ennoblement, he took the name Carl von Linné (Latinised as Carolus a Linné), 'Linné' being a shortened and gallicised version of 'Linnæus', and the German nobiliary particle 'von' signifying his ennoblement.[3] The noble family's coat of arms prominently features a twinflower, one of Linnaeus's favourite plants; it was given the scientific name Linnaea borealis in his honour by Gronovius. The shield in the coat of arms is divided into thirds: red, black and green for the three kingdoms of nature (animal, mineral and vegetable) in Linnaean classification; in the centre is an egg "to denote Nature, which is continued and perpetuated in ovo". At the bottom is a phrase in Latin, borrowed from the Aeneid, which reads "Famam extendere factis": we extend our fame by our deeds.[118][119][120] Linnaeus inscribed this personal motto in books that were given to him by friends.[121]

After his ennoblement, Linnaeus continued teaching and writing. In total, he presided at 186 PhD ceremonies, with many of the dissertations written by himself.[122] His reputation had spread over the world, and he corresponded with many different people. For example, Catherine II of Russia sent him seeds from her country.[123] He also corresponded with Giovanni Antonio Scopoli, "the Linnaeus of the Austrian Empire", who was a doctor and a botanist in Idrija, Duchy of Carniola (nowadays Slovenia).[124] Scopoli communicated all of his research, findings, and descriptions (for example of the olm and the dormouse, two little animals hitherto unknown to Linnaeus). Linnaeus greatly respected Scopoli and showed great interest in his work. He named a solanaceous genus, Scopolia, the source of scopolamine, after him, but because of the great distance between them, they never met.[125][126]

Final years

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Headstone of him and his son Carl Linnaeus the Younger

Linnaeus was relieved of his duties in the Royal Swedish Academy of Science in 1763, but continued his work there as usual for more than ten years after.[84] In 1769 he was elected to the American Philosophical Society for his work.[127] He stepped down as rector at Uppsala University in December 1772, mostly due to his declining health.[83][128]

Linnaeus's last years were troubled by illness. He had had a disease called the Uppsala fever in 1764, but survived due to the care of Rosén. He developed sciatica in 1773, and the next year, he had a stroke which partially paralysed him.[129] He had a second stroke in 1776, losing the use of his right side and leaving him bereft of his memory; while still able to admire his own writings, he could not recognise himself as their author.[130][131]

In December 1777, he had another stroke which greatly weakened him, and eventually led to his death on 10 January 1778 in Hammarby.[132][128] Despite his desire to be buried in Hammarby, he was buried in Uppsala Cathedral on 22 January.[133][134]

His library and collections were left to his widow Sara and their children. Joseph Banks, an eminent botanist, wished to purchase the collection, but his son Carl refused the offer and instead moved the collection to Uppsala. In 1783 Carl died and Sara inherited the collection, having outlived both her husband and son. She tried to sell it to Banks, but he was no longer interested; instead an acquaintance of his agreed to buy the collection. The acquaintance was a 24-year-old medical student, James Edward Smith, who bought the whole collection: 14,000 plants, 3,198 insects, 1,564 shells, about 3,000 letters and 1,600 books. Smith founded the Linnean Society of London five years later.[134][135]

The von Linné name ended with his son Carl, who never married.[7] His other son, Johannes, had died aged 3.[136] There are over two hundred descendants of Linnaeus through two of his daughters.[7]

Apostles

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Carl Peter Thunberg was a VOC physician and an apostle of Linnaeus.
Peter Forsskål was among the apostles who met a tragic fate abroad.

During Linnaeus's time as Professor and Rector of Uppsala University, he taught many devoted students, 17 of whom he called "apostles". They were the most promising, most committed students, and all of them made botanical expeditions to various places in the world, often with his help. The amount of this help varied; sometimes he used his influence as Rector to grant his apostles a scholarship or a place on an expedition.[137] To most of the apostles he gave instructions of what to look for on their journeys. Abroad, the apostles collected and organised new plants, animals and minerals according to Linnaeus's system. Most of them also gave some of their collection to Linnaeus when their journey was finished.[138] Thanks to these students, the Linnaean system of taxonomy spread through the world without Linnaeus ever having to travel outside Sweden after his return from Holland.[139] The British botanist William T. Stearn notes, without Linnaeus's new system, it would not have been possible for the apostles to collect and organise so many new specimens.[140] Many of the apostles died during their expeditions.

Early expeditions

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Christopher Tärnström, the first apostle and a 43-year-old pastor with a wife and children, made his journey in 1746. He boarded a Swedish East India Company ship headed for China. Tärnström never reached his destination, dying of a tropical fever on Côn Sơn Island the same year. Tärnström's widow blamed Linnaeus for making her children fatherless, causing Linnaeus to prefer sending out younger, unmarried students after Tärnström.[141] Six other apostles later died on their expeditions, including Pehr Forsskål and Pehr Löfling.[140]

Two years after Tärnström's expedition, Finnish-born Pehr Kalm set out as the second apostle to North America. There he spent two-and-a-half years studying the flora and fauna of Pennsylvania, New York, New Jersey and Canada. Linnaeus was overjoyed when Kalm returned, bringing back with him many pressed flowers and seeds. At least 90 of the 700 North American species described in Species Plantarum had been brought back by Kalm.[142]

Cook expeditions and Japan

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Apostle Daniel Solander (far left) with Joseph Banks (left, sitting) accompanied James Cook (centre) on his journey to Australia.

Daniel Solander was living in Linnaeus's house during his time as a student in Uppsala. Linnaeus was very fond of him, promising Solander his eldest daughter's hand in marriage. On Linnaeus's recommendation, Solander travelled to England in 1760, where he met the English botanist Joseph Banks. With Banks, Solander joined James Cook on his expedition to Oceania on the Endeavour in 1768–71.[143][144] Solander was not the only apostle to journey with James Cook; Anders Sparrman followed on the Resolution in 1772–75 bound for, among other places, Oceania and South America. Sparrman made many other expeditions, one of them to South Africa.[145]

Perhaps the most famous and successful apostle was Carl Peter Thunberg, who embarked on a nine-year expedition in 1770. He stayed in South Africa for three years, then travelled to Japan. All foreigners were barred from entering Japan and were restricted to the tiny island of Dejima outside Nagasaki, so it was thus hard for Thunberg to study the flora. He did, however, manage to persuade some of the translators to bring him different plants, and he also found plants in the gardens of Dejima. He returned to Sweden in 1779, one year after Linnaeus's death.[146]

Major publications

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Systema Naturae

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Title page of the 10th edition of Systema Naturæ (1758)

The first edition of Systema Naturae was printed in the Netherlands in 1735. It was a twelve-page work.[147] By the time it reached its 10th edition in 1758, it classified 4,400 species of animals and 7,700 species of plants. People from all over the world sent their specimens to Linnaeus to be included. By the time he started work on the 12th edition, Linnaeus needed a new invention—the index card—to track classifications.[148]

In Systema Naturae, the unwieldy names mostly used at the time, such as "Physalis annua ramosissima, ramis angulosis glabris, foliis dentato-serratis", were supplemented with concise and now familiar "binomials", composed of the generic name, followed by a specific epithet—in the case given, Physalis angulata. These binomials could serve as a label to refer to the species. Higher taxa were constructed and arranged in a simple and orderly manner. Although the system, now known as binomial nomenclature, was partially developed by the Bauhin brothers (see Gaspard Bauhin and Johann Bauhin) almost 200 years earlier,[149] Linnaeus was the first to use it consistently throughout the work, including in monospecific genera, and may be said to have popularised it within the scientific community.

After the decline in Linnaeus's health in the early 1770s, publication of editions of Systema Naturae went in two different directions. Another Swedish scientist, Johan Andreas Murray, issued the Regnum Vegetabile section separately in 1774 as the Systema Vegetabilium, rather confusingly labelled the 13th edition.[150] Meanwhile, a 13th edition of the entire Systema appeared in parts between 1788 and 1793 under the editorship of Johann Friedrich Gmelin. It was through the Systema Vegetabilium that Linnaeus's work became widely known in England, following its translation from the Latin by the Lichfield Botanical Society as A System of Vegetables (1783–1785).[151]

Orbis eruditi judicium de Caroli Linnaei MD scriptis

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('Opinion of the learned world on the writings of Carl Linnaeus, Doctor') Published in 1740, this small octavo-sized pamphlet was presented to the State Library of New South Wales by the Linnean Society of NSW in 2018. This is considered among the rarest of all the writings of Linnaeus, and crucial to his career, securing him his appointment to a professorship of medicine at Uppsala University. From this position he laid the groundwork for his radical new theory of classifying and naming organisms for which he was considered the founder of modern taxonomy.

Species Plantarum

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Species Plantarum (or, more fully, Species Plantarum, exhibentes plantas rite cognitas, ad genera relatas, cum differentiis specificis, nominibus trivialibus, synonymis selectis, locis natalibus, secundum systema sexuale digestas) was first published in 1753, as a two-volume work. Its prime importance is perhaps that it is the primary starting point of plant nomenclature as it exists today.[109]

Genera Plantarum

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Genera plantarum: eorumque characteres naturales secundum numerum, figuram, situm, et proportionem omnium fructificationis partium was first published in 1737, delineating plant genera. Around 10 editions were published, not all of them by Linnaeus himself; the most important is the 1754 fifth edition.[152] In it Linnaeus divided the plant Kingdom into 24 classes. One, Cryptogamia, included all the plants with concealed reproductive parts (algae, fungi, mosses and liverworts and ferns).[153]

Philosophia Botanica

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Philosophia Botanica (1751)[103] was a summary of Linnaeus's thinking on plant classification and nomenclature, and an elaboration of the work he had previously published in Fundamenta Botanica (1736) and Critica Botanica (1737). Other publications forming part of his plan to reform the foundations of botany include his Classes Plantarum and Bibliotheca Botanica: all were printed in Holland (as were Genera Plantarum (1737) and Systema Naturae (1735)), the Philosophia being simultaneously released in Stockholm.[154]

Collections

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Linnaeus marble by Léon-Joseph Chavalliaud (1899), outside the Palm House at Sefton Park in Liverpool

At the end of his lifetime the Linnean collection in Uppsala was considered one of the finest collections of natural history objects in Sweden. Next to his own collection he had also built up a museum for the university of Uppsala, which was supplied by material donated by Carl Gyllenborg (in 1744–1745), crown-prince Adolf Fredrik (in 1745), Erik Petreus (in 1746), Claes Grill (in 1746), Magnus Lagerström (in 1748 and 1750) and Jonas Alströmer (in 1749). The relation between the museum and the private collection was not formalised and the steady flow of material from Linnean pupils were incorporated to the private collection rather than to the museum.[155] Linnaeus felt his work was reflecting the harmony of nature and he said in 1754 "the earth is then nothing else but a museum of the all-wise creator's masterpieces, divided into three chambers". He had turned his own estate into a microcosm of that 'world museum'.[156]

In April 1766 parts of the town were destroyed by a fire and the Linnean private collection was subsequently moved to a barn outside the town, and shortly afterwards to a single-room stone building close to his country house at Hammarby near Uppsala. This resulted in a physical separation between the two collections; the museum collection remained in the botanical garden of the university. Some material which needed special care (alcohol specimens) or ample storage space was moved from the private collection to the museum.

In Hammarby the Linnean private collections suffered seriously from damp and the depredations by mice and insects. Carl von Linné's son (Carl Linnaeus) inherited the collections in 1778 and retained them until his own death in 1783. Shortly after Carl von Linné's death his son confirmed that mice had caused "horrible damage" to the plants and that also moths and mould had caused considerable damage.[157] He tried to rescue them from the neglect they had suffered during his father's later years, and also added further specimens. This last activity however reduced rather than augmented the scientific value of the original material.

In 1784 the young medical student James Edward Smith purchased the entire specimen collection, library, manuscripts, and correspondence of Carl Linnaeus from his widow and daughter and transferred the collections to London.[158][159] Not all material in Linné's private collection was transported to England. Thirty-three fish specimens preserved in alcohol were not sent and were later lost.[160]

In London Smith tended to neglect the zoological parts of the collection; he added some specimens and also gave some specimens away.[161] Over the following centuries the Linnean collection in London suffered enormously at the hands of scientists who studied the collection, and in the process disturbed the original arrangement and labels, added specimens that did not belong to the original series and withdrew precious original type material.[157]

Much material which had been intensively studied by Linné in his scientific career belonged to the collection of Queen Lovisa Ulrika (1720–1782) (in the Linnean publications referred to as "Museum Ludovicae Ulricae" or "M. L. U."). This collection was donated by her grandson King Gustav IV Adolf (1778–1837) to the museum in Uppsala in 1804. Another important collection in this respect was that of her husband King Adolf Fredrik (1710–1771) (in the Linnean sources known as "Museum Adolphi Friderici" or "Mus. Ad. Fr."), the wet parts (alcohol collection) of which were later donated to the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences, and is today housed in the Swedish Museum of Natural History at Stockholm. The dry material was transferred to Uppsala.[155]

System of taxonomy

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Table of the Animal Kingdom (Regnum Animale) from the 1st edition of Systema Naturæ (1735)

The establishment of universally accepted conventions for the naming of organisms was Linnaeus's main contribution to taxonomy—his work marks the starting point of consistent use of binomial nomenclature.[162] During the 18th century expansion of natural history knowledge, Linnaeus also developed what became known as the Linnaean taxonomy; the system of scientific classification now widely used in the biological sciences. A previous zoologist Rumphius (1627–1702) had more or less approximated the Linnaean system and his material contributed to the later development of the binomial scientific classification by Linnaeus.[163]

The Linnaean system classified nature within a nested hierarchy, starting with three kingdoms. Kingdoms were divided into classes and they, in turn, into orders, and thence into genera (singular: genus), which were divided into species (singular: species).[164] Below the rank of species he sometimes recognised taxa of a lower (unnamed) rank; these have since acquired standardised names such as variety in botany and subspecies in zoology. Modern taxonomy includes a rank of family between order and genus and a rank of phylum between kingdom and class that were not present in Linnaeus's original system.[165]

Linnaeus's groupings were based upon shared physical characteristics, and not based upon differences.[165] Of his higher groupings, only those for animals are still in use, and the groupings themselves have been significantly changed since their conception, as have the principles behind them. Nevertheless, Linnaeus is credited with establishing the idea of a hierarchical structure of classification which is based upon observable characteristics and intended to reflect natural relationships.[162][166] While the underlying details concerning what are considered to be scientifically valid "observable characteristics" have changed with expanding knowledge (for example, DNA sequencing, unavailable in Linnaeus's time, has proven to be a tool of considerable utility for classifying living organisms and establishing their evolutionary relationships), the fundamental principle remains sound.

Human taxonomy

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Linnaeus's system of taxonomy was especially noted as the first to include humans (Homo) taxonomically grouped with apes (Simia), under the header of Anthropomorpha. German biologist Ernst Haeckel speaking in 1907 noted this as the "most important sign of Linnaeus's genius".[167]

Linnaeus classified humans among the primates beginning with the first edition of Systema Naturae.[168] During his time at Hartekamp, he had the opportunity to examine several monkeys and noted similarities between them and man.[169] He pointed out both species basically have the same anatomy; except for speech, he found no other differences.[170][note 6] Thus he placed man and monkeys under the same category, Anthropomorpha, meaning "manlike".[171] This classification received criticism from other biologists such as Johan Gottschalk Wallerius, Jacob Theodor Klein and Johann Georg Gmelin on the ground that it is illogical to describe man as human-like.[172] In a letter to Gmelin from 1747, Linnaeus replied:[173][note 7]

It does not please [you] that I've placed Man among the Anthropomorpha, perhaps because of the term 'with human form',[note 8] but man learns to know himself. Let's not quibble over words. It will be the same to me whatever name we apply. But I seek from you and from the whole world a generic difference between man and simian that [follows] from the principles of Natural History.[note 9] I absolutely know of none. If only someone might tell me a single one! If I would have called man a simian or vice versa, I would have brought together all the theologians against me. Perhaps I ought to have by virtue of the law of the discipline.

Detail from the sixth edition of Systema Naturae (1748) describing Ant[h]ropomorpha with a division between Homo and Simia

The theological concerns were twofold: first, putting man at the same level as monkeys or apes would lower the spiritually higher position that man was assumed to have in the great chain of being, and second, because the Bible says man was created in the image of God (theomorphism), if monkeys/apes and humans were not distinctly and separately designed, that would mean monkeys and apes were created in the image of God as well. This was something many could not accept.[174] The conflict between world views that was caused by asserting man was a type of animal would simmer for a century until the much greater, and still ongoing, creation–evolution controversy began in earnest with the publication of On the Origin of Species by Charles Darwin in 1859.

After such criticism, Linnaeus felt he needed to explain himself more clearly. The 10th edition of Systema Naturae introduced new terms, including Mammalia and Primates, the latter of which would replace Anthropomorpha[175] as well as giving humans the full binomial Homo sapiens.[176] The new classification received less criticism, but many natural historians still believed he had demoted humans from their former place of ruling over nature and not being a part of it. Linnaeus believed that man biologically belongs to the animal kingdom and had to be included in it.[177] In his book Dieta Naturalis, he said, "One should not vent one's wrath on animals, Theology decree that man has a soul and that the animals are mere 'automata mechanica', but I believe they would be better advised that animals have a soul and that the difference is of nobility."[178]

Anthropomorpha, from the 1760 dissertation by C. E. Hoppius[179]
1. Troglodyta Bontii, 2. Lucifer Aldrovandi, 3. Satyrus Tulpii, 4. Pygmaeus Edwardi

Linnaeus added a second species to the genus Homo in Systema Naturae based on a figure and description by Jacobus Bontius from a 1658 publication: Homo troglodytes ("caveman")[180][181] and published a third in 1771: Homo lar.[182] Swedish historian Gunnar Broberg states that the new human species Linnaeus described were actually simians or native people clad in skins to frighten colonial settlers, whose appearance had been exaggerated in accounts to Linnaeus.[183] For Homo troglodytes Linnaeus asked the Swedish East India Company to search for one, but they did not find any signs of its existence.[184] Homo lar has since been reclassified as Hylobates lar, the lar gibbon.[185]

In the first edition of Systema Naturae, Linnaeus subdivided the human species into four varieties: "Europæus albesc[ens]" (whitish European), "Americanus rubesc[ens]" (reddish American), "Asiaticus fuscus" (tawny Asian) and "Africanus nigr[iculus]" (blackish African).[186][187] In the tenth edition of Systema Naturae he further detailed phenotypical characteristics for each variety, based on the concept of the four temperaments from classical antiquity,[188][dubiousdiscuss] and changed the description of Asians' skin tone to "luridus" (yellow).[189] While Linnaeus believed that these varieties resulted from environmental differences between the four known continents,[190] the Linnean Society acknowledges that his categorization's focus on skin color and later inclusion of cultural and behavioral traits cemented colonial stereotypes and provided the foundations for scientific racism.[191] Additionally, Linnaeus created a wastebasket taxon "monstrosus" for "wild and monstrous humans, unknown groups, and more or less abnormal people".[192]

In 1959, W. T. Stearn designated Linnaeus to be the lectotype of H. sapiens.[193][194][195]

Influences and economic beliefs

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Statue on University of Chicago campus

Linnaeus's applied science was inspired not only by the instrumental utilitarianism general to the early Enlightenment, but also by his adherence to the older economic doctrine of Cameralism.[196] Additionally, Linnaeus was a state interventionist. He supported tariffs, levies, export bounties, quotas, embargoes, navigation acts, subsidised investment capital, ceilings on wages, cash grants, state-licensed producer monopolies, and cartels.[197]

Commemoration

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1907 celebration in Råshult

Anniversaries of Linnaeus's birth, especially in centennial years, have been marked by major celebrations.[198] Linnaeus has appeared on numerous Swedish postage stamps and banknotes.[198] There are numerous statues of Linnaeus in countries around the world. The Linnean Society of London has awarded the Linnean Medal for excellence in botany or zoology since 1888. Following approval by the Riksdag of Sweden, Växjö University and Kalmar College merged on 1 January 2010 to become Linnaeus University.[199] Other things named after Linnaeus include the twinflower genus Linnaea, Linnaeosicyos (a monotypic genus in the family Cucurbitaceae),[200] the crater Linné on the Earth's moon, a street in Cambridge, Massachusetts, and the cobalt sulfide mineral Linnaeite.

Commentary

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Linnaeus wrote a description of himself in his autobiography Egenhändiga anteckningar af Carl Linnæus om sig sjelf: med anmärkningar och tillägg, which was published by his student Adam Afzelius in 1823:

Linnaeus was not big, not small, thin, brown-eyed, light, hasty, walked quickly, did everything promptly, could not stand lateness; was quickly moved, sensitive, worked continuously; could not spare himself. He enjoyed good food, drank good drinks; but was never inebriated by them. He cared little for appearance, believed that the man should embellish the clothes and not vice versa. He was certainly not argumentative, so he never answered those who wrote against him, and said: If I am wrong, I will not win and if I am right, I will be shown to be right as long as Nature exists.[201]

Andrew Dickson White wrote in A History of the Warfare of Science with Theology in Christendom (1896):

Linnaeus ... was the most eminent naturalist of his time, a wide observer, a close thinker; but the atmosphere in which he lived and moved and had his being was saturated with biblical theology, and this permeated all his thinking. ... Toward the end of his life he timidly advanced the hypothesis that all the species of one genus constituted at the creation one species; and from the last edition of his Systema Naturæ he quietly left out the strongly orthodox statement of the fixity of each species, which he had insisted upon in his earlier works. ... warnings came speedily both from the Catholic and Protestant sides.[202]

The mathematical PageRank algorithm, applied to 24 multilingual Wikipedia editions in 2014, published in PLOS ONE in 2015, placed Carl Linnaeus at the top historical figure, above Jesus, Aristotle, Napoleon, and Adolf Hitler (in that order).[203][204]

In the 21st century, Linnæus's taxonomy of human "races" has been criticized. Some claim that Linnæus was one of the forebears of the modern pseudoscientific notion of scientific racism, while others hold the view that while his classification was stereotyped, it did not imply that certain human "races" were superior to others.[205][206][207][208][209]

Standard author abbreviation

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Selected publications by Linnaeus

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See also

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References

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia

Carl Linnaeus (23 May 1707 – 10 January 1778), born Carl Nilsson Linnaeus and later ennobled as Carl von Linné, was a Swedish botanist, zoologist, taxonomist, and physician who established as the standard method for naming species of plants and animals, enabling precise identification and classification based on observable traits. This system, detailed in his (first edition 1735) and (1753), organized living organisms into a hierarchical structure of classes, orders, genera, and species, grounded in empirical morphological similarities rather than speculative philosophies. Linnaeus is recognized as the founder of modern for these innovations, which provided a stable framework for cataloging amid increasing discoveries of new species.
Linnaeus applied his classificatory method across the natural world, including placing humans within the mammalian order Primates alongside other apes and monkeys, emphasizing shared anatomical features derived from direct observation and dissection. He subdivided Homo sapiens into geographic varieties—such as Europaeus (white, sanguine, muscular), Americanus (red, choleric, upright), Asiaticus (yellow, melancholic, stiff), and Afer (black, phlegmatic, relaxed)—based on physical characteristics, skin color, and reported temperaments from travel accounts and specimens, reflecting an early empirical attempt to account for human variation without invoking inherent superiority. His commitment to fixed species concepts, rooted in the causal reality of reproductive isolation and divine creation, contrasted with later Darwinian gradualism and underscored taxonomy's reliance on reproducible traits over hypothetical transformations. Through expeditions like his 1732 Lapland journey, professorship at Uppsala University, and international networks, Linnaeus amassed vast herbaria and mentored "apostles" who collected global specimens, solidifying his system's practical utility.

Early Life and Education

Childhood and Family Background

Carl Linnaeus was born on 23 May 1707 in Råshult, a rural vicarage in the province of , southern . He was the first of five children born to Ingemarsson Linnaeus (1674–1748) and Christina Brodersonia. , a farmer's son who had studied , served as a Lutheran rector and adopted the Linnaeus from the Swedish word for twin birches, reflecting his interest in local . The lived modestly, relocating to Stenbrohult around 1709 when assumed the rectorship there. Nils Linnaeus cultivated an extensive at the Stenbrohult rectory, stocking it with both native Swedish and exotic species obtained through scholarly networks, which instilled in Carl an early fascination with . From a young age, Carl displayed a keen interest in , finding solace in flowers during moments of distress and receiving a dedicated plot—"Carl's "—to nurture under his father's guidance. Though groomed for the like his father and maternal grandfather, a minister, Linnaeus evinced minimal enthusiasm for ecclesiastical studies, gravitating instead toward amid the family's rural surroundings. This environment of clerical duty combined with paternal horticultural pursuits shaped his foundational experiences, prioritizing empirical observation over doctrinal pursuits.

Initial Studies and Influences

Linnaeus commenced his university studies in medicine at Lund University in the autumn of 1727. Despite the program's focus on medicine, he pursued botany intensively through private lessons from Kilian Stobaeus, a physician, natural scientist, and collector of specimens who emphasized empirical observation in natural history. 01306-4) Stobaeus housed Linnaeus and provided access to his library and collections, fostering the young student's interest in plant classification and nomenclature. Dissatisfied with the limited botanical instruction at Lund, Linnaeus transferred to in 1728 to access its renowned and faculty. Initially facing financial hardship, he gained patronage from Olof , a professor of and avid with an extensive of biblical plants. hosted Linnaeus in 1729, collaborated on plant identifications during field excursions in , and introduced him to advanced taxonomic methods. Celsius shared Linnaeus's manuscript on plant sexuality with Olof Rudbeck the Younger, the aging professor of at Uppsala. In May 1730, Rudbeck appointed the 22-year-old Linnaeus as demonstrator and assistant in the university's , enabling him to deliver public lectures on despite his student status. Linnaeus tutored Rudbeck's children and managed garden collections, which honed his systematic approach to classifying based on reproductive structures. These mentors collectively shaped Linnaeus's shift from descriptive toward a structured, hierarchical system of .

Early Career and Expeditions

University Positions and Lapland Journey

In 1730, Carl Linnaeus was appointed as a in at , where he delivered popular demonstrations in the university's to support himself financially. This position allowed him to teach and expand on his developing system of plant classification, drawing attention from academic circles despite his status as a student. The lectures highlighted Linnaeus's expertise in , which had been nurtured under mentors like Olof Rudbeck the Younger, and positioned him to secure funding for fieldwork. By 1732, the Uppsala Academy of Sciences sponsored his expedition to Lapland to investigate its , economy, and , providing him with a grant of 400 , supplemented by personal loans. Linnaeus commenced the journey on 12 May 1732, traveling northward from along the coast of the in a route, with significant inland detours into Sámi territories. The expedition lasted about six months, covering more than 2,000 kilometers on foot, horseback, and by boat, during which he documented over 100 previously unknown plant species, insects, and geological features, while also observing local customs and economic practices. Upon return in October 1732, Linnaeus compiled his observations into Iter Lapponicum, a detailed account that advanced knowledge of northern Scandinavian biodiversity and reinforced his reputation as a field botanist. The journey's empirical collections and descriptions contributed directly to his later taxonomic works, emphasizing direct observation over prior speculative accounts.

Travels in Sweden

Following his Lapland expedition, Linnaeus undertook a series of provincial journeys across from 1734 to 1749, primarily commissioned by governmental bodies or local governors to inventory natural resources, assess economic opportunities, and document for practical applications in , industry, and . These travels yielded detailed itineraries that combined botanical, zoological, geological, and ethnographic observations, contributing to his broader classificatory system by providing empirical data on regional variations in and adaptations. In June 1734, Linnaeus led a group of students on an expedition to , funded by the province's governor, to survey minerals, forests, and potential sites for manufacturing industries such as and tanneries. Over several weeks, they traversed central , cataloging over 100 plant species new to Linnaeus's knowledge and noting geological features like the copper mine, while evaluating local customs and resource exploitation for national benefit. The journey's account, Diarum itinerary, emphasized utilitarian , identifying plants for dyes, fibers, and medicines to support 's economy. Linnaeus's 1741 journey to the Baltic islands of and , sponsored by the , focused on coastal flora unique to alvars and maritime environments. Departing in May, he spent three months documenting approximately 1,300 plant species, many endemic or rare, and critiquing agricultural practices like that threatened habitats. Published as Öländska och Gotländska Resa in 1745, the itinerary highlighted ecological interconnections, such as pollinators and conditions, and proposed conservation measures amid observations of economic stagnation in and farming. The 1746 Västergötland expedition, another parliamentary commission, covered southwestern provinces over two months, examining ancient lakes, fossils, and textile production alongside . Linnaeus traveled from through to Skara and , identifying medicinal herbs and critiquing inefficient land use, with findings published in Västgöta Resa that advocated for scientific agriculture to boost yields. Culminating in 1749, Linnaeus's final major Swedish journey to Skåne lasted from April to August, conducted in relative comfort by carriage rather than on horseback, surveying southern Sweden's fertile plains, ancient ruins, and diverse flora influenced by continental climates. He noted over 1,000 , including southern European imports, and analyzed economic sectors like cultivation and , publishing Skånska Resa in 1751 to recommend improvements in and based on observed causal factors in and weather patterns. These travels underscored Linnaeus's commitment to applying first-hand observations for national development, amassing specimens that enriched Uppsala's collections and informed his taxonomic revisions.

Period in the Dutch Republic

Doctorate and Initial Publications

In April 1735, Linnaeus arrived in the to pursue a medical , a qualification not then obtainable at Swedish universities, with the intention of enhancing his career prospects in and . He traveled to the University of Harderwijk, where, within approximately eight days in July, he underwent examinations, publicly defended his thesis De febribus intermittentibus on intermittent fevers, had it printed, and received his degree on July 23, 1735. Following his doctorate, Linnaeus settled in and began a series of foundational publications that laid the groundwork for his taxonomic system. In 1735, he issued the first edition of , a concise 11-page outlining a of into three kingdoms—minerals, , and animals—employing for and emphasizing reproductive organs for plant identification. This work, printed in the , marked his initial attempt at a universal system of and , expanding on earlier manuscripts. During his stay, Linnaeus secured patronage from George Clifford, a wealthy Dutch merchant and director of the , who employed him as physician and supervisor of his extensive at Hartekamp. In 1737, Linnaeus published Hortus Cliffortianus, a detailed catalog of over 400 plant species in Clifford's living and dried collections, featuring systematic descriptions, engravings by Jan Wandelaar, and applications of his of classification. This lavishly illustrated folio, funded by Clifford, represented Linnaeus's first major printed botanical synthesis and included innovative generic diagnoses alongside synonymy from prior authorities. These early Dutch publications, produced amid Linnaeus's networking with European naturalists, disseminated his methodological innovations—such as fixed genera, numbered classes and orders, and emphasis on observable traits over speculative essences—establishing his reputation beyond .

Interactions with European Botanists

After receiving his medical doctorate from the University of Harderwijk on June 23, 1735, Linnaeus proceeded to , where he met the renowned physician and botanist Hermann Boerhaave. Boerhaave, impressed by Linnaeus's botanical expertise, facilitated connections within Dutch scientific circles and attempted to steer him toward medical practice, though Linnaeus prioritized . Through Boerhaave's influence, Linnaeus was introduced to Adriaan van Royen, professor of at , with whom he collaborated on plant classifications and shared specimens from his Lapland expedition. Boerhaave's recommendation led to Linnaeus's employment by George Clifford, a prosperous banker and director of the , as personal physician, superintendent of the Hartekamp estate's , and overseer of its from late 1735 until 1737. At Hartekamp, near , Linnaeus cataloged Clifford's extensive collection of over 400 exotic plant species, resulting in the publication of Hortus Cliffortianus in 1737, a systematic description featuring illustrations by Georg Dionysius Ehret. This work advanced Linnaeus's of plant classification and integrated specimens from global trade routes. During his Dutch residence, Linnaeus published Flora Lapponica in in 1737, detailing 100 plant families from his 1732 Lapland journey and applying his principles practically for the first time; the volume benefited from support by Dutch naturalists and included copperplate engravings funded by an Amsterdam society. He also engaged with Leiden botanist Jan Frederik Gronovius, who aided in disseminating Linnaeus's findings through local networks. In summer 1736, Linnaeus briefly traveled to , consulting herbaria and meeting botanists including at and William Dillenius in , exchanges that enriched his comparative . These interactions across the and nearby regions solidified Linnaeus's reputation, fostering endorsements for his emerging system amid a competitive European botanical community.

Return to Sweden and Professorial Role

Administrative Positions at Uppsala

Upon returning from his studies abroad, Linnaeus resumed academic activities at , where he had earlier been appointed lecturer in on October 23, 1730, enabling him to conduct public lectures on plant classification and physiology despite his youth and lack of a at the time. This position involved demonstrating specimens in the university's neglected and , which he used to advocate for his of . In 1741, Linnaeus secured the professorship in practical (also termed medicine with ) at , a role he assumed on following competitive examinations and senatorial approval, succeeding the deceased . This chair encompassed oversight of medical , dietetics, and , allowing him to integrate his taxonomic expertise into therapeutic teachings and university collections. By February 1742, Linnaeus negotiated an exchange of chairs with the incumbent professor, Peter Martin Rosenbloom, assuming the , dietetics, and practical professorship on June 6, which granted him direct administrative control over the university's and . In this capacity, he restored the dilapidated garden by 1742, introducing over 1,000 plant species organized by his binomial system, repaired the , and established a systematic catalog of holdings, transforming them into active research resources for his students and correspondents. These roles solidified Linnaeus's influence over Uppsala's natural history programs, where he prioritized empirical and expeditionary data collection, though his administrative duties occasionally conflicted with his medical practice and publication efforts until he relinquished clinical work around 1760.

and Later Expeditions

In the early 1740s, following his appointment to the botanical chairmanship at , Linnaeus conducted a series of provincial tours across , commissioned by of the to inventory natural resources, identify economically useful plants, and document local , , , and customs. These expeditions built on his earlier fieldwork but focused on applied for national development, reflecting Sweden's interest in exploiting its for industry and . In 1741, he traveled to and , where he cataloged over 1,000 plant species, noted unique limestone on the Stora Alvaret, and observed peasant farming practices, publishing his findings in Ölandska och Gotländska Resa (1745). Subsequent tours included Västergötland in 1746, emphasizing geological features, potential, and wetland vegetation, detailed in Wästgöta-Resa på Riksens Befallning (1747); and Skåne in 1749, surveying southern coastal ecosystems and horticultural prospects, as recorded in Skånes Flora (1751). These journeys, often arduous and funded modestly, yielded practical recommendations for crop improvement and , while advancing his taxonomic observations through direct specimen collection. By the 1750s, Linnaeus shifted from extensive personal travel to mentoring students and estate management, though he continued local excursions around Uppsala and his Hammarby property acquired in 1758. In recognition of his contributions to science and medicine—including treating nobility and advising on public health—he received the Order of the Polar Star knighthood in 1753 from King Adolf Fredrik. His ennoblement followed on February 16, 1761, when the Swedish House of Nobility approved his petition, granting him the surname von Linné (a latinized variant signifying nobility) and a coat of arms featuring a twin-flower (Linnaea borealis), which he had proposed as emblematic of his work. This elevation admitted him to the Riddarhuset (House of Nobles), conferring hereditary privileges and social standing, though it drew criticism from some academic peers for perceived vanity; Linnaeus defended it as honoring his father's scholarly lineage and Sweden's scientific prestige. Post-ennoblement, he focused on revising taxonomic systems and overseeing the Linnaean Apostles' global ventures rather than undertaking further major expeditions himself, marking a transition to institutional influence.

Major Publications

Systema Naturae and Early Taxonomic Works

Systema Naturae, Linnaeus's foundational taxonomic treatise, appeared in its first edition in 1735 as a brief 12-page printed in , comprising three schematic tables that divided nature into the kingdoms Regnum Animale, Regnum Vegetabile, and Regnum Lapideum. This work introduced a hierarchical framework of classes, orders, genera, and to organize living and non-living entities, drawing on empirical observations from Linnaeus's prior botanical studies and expeditions. The animal kingdom, for instance, was condensed onto a single double-page spread with six primary classes such as Quadrupedia (quadrupeds) and Aves (birds), emphasizing diagnostic traits for differentiation. Names remained largely polynomial, though Linnaeus began applying binomial forms informally for genera and within this structure. Subsequent early editions of Systema Naturae expanded the scope incrementally; the second edition, issued around 1740, incorporated additional genera and refined classifications based on new specimens, while maintaining the tripartite regna division. These revisions reflected Linnaeus's ongoing synthesis of data from European herbaria and his Dutch-period collaborations, prioritizing reproductive morphology—particularly in plants—for consistent identification over vague morphological similarities. Complementary early taxonomic publications during Linnaeus's time in the Dutch Republic further elaborated these principles. Fundamenta Botanica (1736), comprising 365 numbered aphorisms, codified botanical methodology, including axioms for generic delimitation via fructification (stamens and pistils) and strict rules against hybrid genera or redundant synonyms. Genera Plantarum (1737), published in , advanced this by enumerating 935 plant genera with concise diagnoses derived from the number, figure, situation, and proportion of reproductive organs, eschewing vegetative traits prone to environmental variation. Dedicated to Herman Boerhaave, it served as a practical manual for distinguishing genera through essential characters, influencing later works like Classes Plantarum (1738) that extended ordinal groupings. These texts collectively shifted toward in plants and uniform hierarchies across kingdoms, enabling scalable classification amid burgeoning specimen collections, though initial coverage remained limited to approximately 200 animal genera in Systema Naturae. By standardizing terminology and prioritizing observable, heritable traits, Linnaeus's early system addressed prior inconsistencies in , such as those in pre-Linnaean compendia reliant on subjective habitus descriptions.

Species Plantarum and Botanical Texts

Species Plantarum, Linnaeus's seminal botanical catalogue, appeared in two volumes on 1 May 1753. This work enumerated known plant species using for the first time on a comprehensive scale, providing diagnostic descriptions, synonyms from prior literature, locality data, and cross-references to illustrations or specimens. Organized hierarchically within his —classes delineated by the number and arrangement of stamens and pistils—the text stabilized plant naming practices and served as the nomenclatural starting point under the International Code of Nomenclature for algae, fungi, and plants. Linnaeus drew from his , expedition reports, and correspondents' contributions, resolving ambiguities in pre-Linnaean polynomial names through concise binomials that emphasized essential characters. The publication built on earlier efforts, incorporating revisions from works like Flora Lapponica (1737) and Flora Suecica (1745), which catalogued regional floras with systematic keys. By 1753, Linnaeus had refined his approach to exclude artificial groupings, prioritizing reproductive organs for generic limits while admitting variability in vegetative traits. Subsequent editions, such as the second in 1762–1763, expanded entries with new discoveries from his apostles' voyages, adding hundreds of species and emendations. Supplements like Mantissa Plantarum (1767 and 1771) continued this incremental updating, introducing over 400 additional taxa per volume via paper slips for efficient manuscript management. Complementing Species Plantarum, Genera Plantarum—first issued in 1737 with descriptions of 935 genera based on fructification characters—underwent multiple revisions, the fifth edition (1754) aligning precisely with Species Plantarum's . These generic diagnoses emphasized natural proportions, numbers, shapes, and positions of floral parts, rejecting overly verbose pre-Linnaean styles for brevity suited to field use. Linnaeus's Philosophia Botanica (1751), a systematic , codified these methods in 365 axioms covering botanical terminology, description techniques, and classification principles, functioning as the era's primary textbook for aspiring systematists. Together, these texts formalized empirical observation over speculative morphology, enabling reproducible identification amid growing global collections.

Taxonomic System and Methodology

Binomial Nomenclature and Hierarchical Classification

Linnaeus's binomial nomenclature assigns each species a unique two-word Latin name comprising the genus and a specific epithet, replacing earlier lengthy descriptive polynomials with a concise, standardized identifier. This approach drew from precedents like those used by Bauhin and Rivinus but was systematized by Linnaeus for universal application, emphasizing reproducibility in identification. He first employed it sporadically in works such as Flora Lapponica (1737), but achieved consistent usage for plants in Species Plantarum (1753), where over 7,700 species received binomial designations based on morphological traits, primarily reproductive structures. The system's extension to animals occurred in the tenth edition of Systema Naturae (1758), marking the first comprehensive binomial application across zoological taxa, with 4,400 animal species named; this edition is now the nomenclatural starting point for zoology under the International Code of Zoological Nomenclature. Linnaeus justified the method through practical utility for cataloging nature's fixed kinds, aligning with his view of species as immutable creations, though he allowed for varietal subdivisions within species. Complementing binomial naming, Linnaeus devised a embedding within successively broader categories to reflect perceived natural order, beginning with (1735 first edition) and refined in subsequent publications. The structure nested into genera (sharing key traits), genera into orders (grouping similar genera), orders into classes (distinguishing major physiological forms), and classes into one of : Regnum Animale (animals), Regnum Vegetabile (), and Regnum Lapideum (minerals, later separated from biology). For animals, initial classes included Quadrupedia (four-footed beasts, encompassing mammals and reptiles) and Aves (birds), based on overt anatomical features like locomotion and reproduction; by 1758, he introduced Mammalia as a class defined by mammary glands and live birth. In , the prioritized artificial keys over evolutionary relationships, with classes in Genera Plantarum (first edition 1737, expanded 1754) determined by count and arrangement—e.g., Monandria (one ) to Polyandria (20+ stamens)—yielding 24 classes by 1751, criticized for oversimplifying complex affinities but enabling rapid diagnosis of over 1,000 genera. This typology emphasized sexual system (Systema Sexuale) as diagnostic, reflecting Linnaeus's teleological belief in divine design, where hierarchies mirrored a created chain of being rather than descent; minerals followed a separate chemical ordering by form and composition. The framework's rigidity facilitated global adoption, though later naturalists like Buffon contested its arbitrariness, prompting shifts toward phylogenetic methods in the .

Application to Plants, Animals, and Minerals

Linnaeus applied his hierarchical taxonomic framework—encompassing kingdom, class, order, genus, and species—to the three kingdoms of nature: Regnum Vegetabile (plants), Regnum Animale (animals), and Regnum Lapideum (minerals). This structure facilitated systematic organization, though its efficacy varied across kingdoms due to differing characteristics; binomial nomenclature was primarily implemented for plants and animals, using a genus name paired with a specific epithet, while minerals retained more descriptive polynomial phrases. In plant classification, Linnaeus devised an artificial system centered on floral reproductive structures, particularly the number, length, and arrangement of and pistils, as detailed in Genera Plantarum (1737). He delineated 24 classes, such as Monandria (one ), Diandria (two ), Triandria (three), up to Icosandria (twenty ), alongside classes like Didynamia (two long and two short ) and Tetradynamia (six stamens with four longer), and syngenesious or monadelphous groups where were fused. This approach enabled identification keys for over 1,000 genera, with (1753) enumerating approximately 8,000 plant species under these classes, emphasizing observable traits over presumed natural affinities. For animals, Linnaeus adapted the hierarchy in the 10th edition of Systema Naturae (1758), grouping them into six main classes: Mammalia (characterized by mammary glands and live birth), Aves (feathered with amniotic eggs), Amphibia (cold-blooded with moist skin), Pisces (finned aquatic forms), Insecta (segmented with six legs), and Vermes (worm-like without legs or shells). Classification relied on anatomical features, locomotion, and reproductive modes, such as viviparity in mammals versus oviparity in birds, encompassing around 4,400 animal species; this system prioritized practical differentiation amid limited dissection knowledge. Linnaeus's mineral taxonomy, outlined in the 1735 Systema Naturae, divided Regnum Lapideum into three classes—Petrae (simple stones), Terra (earths), and Fossilia (salts and bituminous substances)—with further orders and genera based on physical properties like , fusibility, and form, such as Lapis (rocks) or Argilla (clays). However, lacking biological criteria like , this framework proved inadequate for mineralogy's chemical foundations and was de-emphasized in later editions, yielding to specialized systems by figures like Wallerius; Linnaeus classified fewer than 400 mineral "species," reflecting its transitional role.

Human Taxonomy and Varietal Descriptions

In the 10th edition of Systema Naturae (1758), Carl Linnaeus incorporated humans into his as Homo sapiens, positioning them within the mammalian order and emphasizing their rational capacity as the defining species trait: "arborum cultor, vestitus, loquax" (cultivator of trees, clothed, speech-endowed). He subdivided H. sapiens into four continental varieties (varietas), reflecting fixed, heritable differences shaped by geography, climate, and divine creation rather than separate origins or evolutionary divergence. These classifications drew from European travelogues, , and biblical , with varieties distinguished by skin color, hair texture, bodily posture, , and inferred behavioral dispositions; Linnaeus viewed such traits as stable expressions of providential design within a single species descending from . Linnaeus's varietal scheme prioritized phenotypic observables over hierarchical ranking of intellect, though it incorporated from 18th-century sources like Jesuit reports and Buffon's accounts. The European variety (H. sapiens europaeus) was characterized as white-skinned, sanguine-tempered, with flowing , a muscular build, and traits including acuteness, inventiveness, and by immutable laws. The American variety (H. sapiens americanus) featured copper-red , choleric , straight black , an obstinate and contented nature, with regulation by customs. The Asiatic variety (H. sapiens asiaticus) was yellow-skinned, melancholic, with coarse black , stiffness in manner, haughtiness, and rule by arbitrary opinions. The African variety (H. sapiens afer) exhibited black , phlegmatic relaxation, frizzled , craftiness, negligence, and capricious authority.
VarietyGeographic OriginSkin ColorTemperamentKey Physical TraitsTemperamental/Behavioral TraitsMode of Governance
EuropaeusWhiteSanguineGentle, muscular, loose hairAcute, inventive, governed by lawsLaws
AmericanusAmericaRedCholericErect, obstinateContent, uses for regulation
AsiaticusYellowMelancholicStiff, severeHaughty, avaricious, honors opinionsOpinions
AferPhlegmaticSlack, feminineCrafty, indolent, capriciousCaprice
Linnaeus appended two non-geographic subdivisions: H. sapiens ferus for humans raised by animals (e.g., reported cases in forests of and , marked by quadrupedal and ) and H. sapiens monstrosus for congenital anomalies like dwarfs or Patagonian giants, treated as aberrant forms rather than distinct varieties. These extensions underscored his emphasis on deviation from norms without implying , aligning with a creationist framework where environmental factors like climate could influence but not alter essential fixity. By the 12th edition (1766–1768), minor refinements appeared, such as shifting some behavioral notes, but the core four-variety structure persisted, influencing subsequent naturalists while predating genetic understandings of variation.

Disciples and Network (Linnaean Apostles)

Training and Early Expeditions

Linnaeus selected promising students at as his apostles, training them through lectures on , , and his emerging binomial system, particularly after assuming the professorship of in 1741. This instruction emphasized precise plant description, environmental note-taking, and adherence to , often combining with medical studies to prepare them for fieldwork. Apostles like Peter Forsskål underwent focused sessions on accurate documentation, geographic correlations, and climatic observations during their time in Uppsala. Linnaeus supplemented classroom teaching with personalized written directives, tailoring advice to expedition goals such as specimen collection and preservation techniques. For Christopher Tärnström's 1745 journey to , he issued five memoranda specifying acquisition of bushes or seeds, mulberry propagation materials, and methods like immersing fish in spiritus vini or sealing seeds in and sand. Pehr Löfling received a three-page, 27-point itinerary in 1751 before departing for and , covering plant identification, composition analysis, and documentation of indigenous uses. In 1759, Linnaeus formalized guidance in Instructio Peregrinatoris, recommending travelers aged 25 to 35 maintain dedicated notebooks for immediate observations, prioritize systematic data on , , and , and employ practical tools for long-term specimen viability. These protocols ensured apostles could contribute verifiable data to his , mitigating risks from remote conditions. Early expeditions tested this regimen, with Pehr Kalm's 1747–1748 voyage to marking a foundational effort; funded by the Swedish Academy of Sciences, Kalm cataloged over 300 plant species using Linnaean principles across and the American colonies, sending pressed specimens and detailed journals back to . Subsequent missions, such as Peter Osbeck's 1748–1750 trip to , yielded initial Asian collections that expanded Linnaeus's catalogs, though high mortality—over half the apostles perished abroad—highlighted expedition perils.

Global Influence through Students

Linnaeus trained a select group of students, known as the Linnaean Apostles, whom he dispatched on expeditions to remote regions to gather specimens and observations that advanced his taxonomic framework worldwide. Between 1746 and 1799, 17 of these pupils undertook voyages covering every continent except , documenting flora and fauna using and to contribute to a comprehensive inventory of . Their efforts supplied Linnaeus with thousands of new descriptions, expanding editions of and , while disseminating his methodology to international scholars. Pehr Kalm, one of Linnaeus's earliest apostles, led an expedition to from 1747 to 1751, sponsored by the of Sciences, focusing on economically useful like those for agriculture and industry; he collected specimens from Canada to the Caribbean, including observations near , which informed Swedish acclimatization projects. Similarly, , after studying under Linnaeus in , joined on James Cook's first (1768–1771), cataloging over 3,000 from , , and using Linnaean principles; this collection, preserved at the , laid groundwork for Pacific and promoted the system's adoption in Britain. Carl Peter Thunberg, another prominent disciple, traveled to the from 1772 to 1775, amassing over 1,000 South African plant species that earned him recognition as the "father of South African ," before proceeding to in 1775–1776 under auspices, where he described Japanese flora and introduced elements of Western despite isolationist policies. These apostles' returns yielded publications like Thunberg's Flora Capensis (1820) and Solander's contributions to Banks's works, embedding in global institutions such as the Royal Botanic Gardens at and Uppsala's herbarium expansions. Their networks fostered collaborations, ensuring Linnaeus's classificatory rigor influenced colonial surveys, , and scientific exchange across empires.

Collections and Practical Science

Herbarium and Museum Holdings

Linnaeus commenced assembling his herbarium in 1727 at the age of 20, inspired by the collection of Kilian Stobaeus in Lund, and expanded it steadily through acquisitions, exchanges, and his own fieldwork, reaching over 14,000 specimens by the time of his death. These pressed plant specimens, mounted on sheets with labels in Linnaeus's hand, originated from Europe, Asia, and the Americas, including materials gathered by his apostles; more than 4,000 qualify as type specimens for species described in works like Species Plantarum (1753). Complementing the herbarium, Linnaeus's natural history museum holdings included approximately 3,200 insect specimens, many pinned and documented for taxonomic study; over 1,500 shells representing around 550 molluscan he described; 168 specimens, primarily dried skins with about 48 collected personally; and supplementary items such as corals and minerals. These collections, housed in cabinets at his residence and partially at his Hammarby estate acquired in , served as empirical foundations for his classifications in and related texts, emphasizing observable traits for identification. Following Linnaeus's death on 10 January 1778, his collections passed to his widow Sara Elisabeth Moraea and then to their son , who died in 1783; the widow subsequently sold the bulk in 1784 to British naturalist James Edward Smith for 1,050 pounds sterling, who transported them to . Smith founded the in 1788 to safeguard these materials, where they reside today in , preserving their integrity despite some losses and augmentations. Portions of related specimens, including duplicates and apostle contributions, remain in Swedish institutions such as Uppsala University's Museum of Evolution.

Economic Botany and Acclimatization Efforts

Linnaeus pursued as a means to bolster Sweden's and reduce reliance on foreign imports, emphasizing the practical utility of plants for , , dyes, and other resources. In works such as Flora Lapponica (1737), derived from his 1732 expedition to Lapland funded by the Royal Society of Sciences in , he documented native plants with potential economic value, including species for fodder, textiles, and substitutes for imported beverages like and , aiming to mitigate famines and enhance national self-sufficiency. Similarly, his Flora Uplandiensis (1745) cataloged regional flora with attention to their virtues and economic applications, such as dye production and medicinal uses, reflecting a broader vision of applying systematic to oeconomica— the of natural resources for societal benefit. A core component of these efforts involved , wherein Linnaeus sought to introduce and adapt exotic plants to Sweden's , particularly its severe winters, through experimental cultivation in university and private gardens. He dispatched numerous students, known as the Linnaean Apostles, on global expeditions—such as Pehr Kalm to (1747–1749) and Peter Forsskål to the (1761–1763)—to gather seeds, bulbs, tubers, and specimens specifically for transplantation into Swedish soil, with instructions to prioritize economically viable species like fruits, grains, and ornamentals that could thrive locally. These collections were propagated in the under Linnaeus's supervision starting in 1741, where he tested hardiness and yield; for instance, efforts included acclimating North American species to serve as domestic alternatives to tropical imports, though success was limited by climatic mismatches, with many plants failing to overwinter. Linnaeus advocated institutional support for these initiatives, including the establishment of professorships at Swedish universities and public botanical gardens to facilitate applied and of successful cultivars to farmers. His later estate at Hammarby, acquired in 1758, featured an experimental garden for ongoing trials, underscoring a patriotic commitment to integrating botanical knowledge with national economy, even as he acknowledged challenges like soil incompatibility and the need for . These endeavors, while not yielding widespread agricultural revolutions, laid groundwork for Sweden's botanical infrastructure and influenced subsequent horticultural practices.

Philosophical and Religious Foundations

Creationist Worldview and Teleology

Linnaeus, born into a devout Lutheran family on May 23, 1707, in Råshult, , maintained a deeply religious throughout his life, viewing the natural world as a direct manifestation of divine creation. His father and maternal grandfather were both parish ministers, instilling in him a belief that were immutable forms established by at the time of creation, with no transformative between kinds. This conviction aligned with , as Linnaeus saw his taxonomic efforts as uncovering the fixed hierarchy ordained in Genesis, where each organism occupied a purposeful place in God's plan. Central to Linnaeus's approach was the principle that "the Earth's creation is the glory of God, as seen from the works of by Man alone," a sentiment he expressed in his writings, emphasizing that systematic revealed the Divine Order rather than random variation. He rejected notions of transmutation, insisting that hybrids were sterile deviations unable to propagate true lineages, thus preserving the integrity of created kinds—a stance rooted in empirical observations of limits rather than speculative phylogeny. In works like (first edition 1735), Linnaeus structured genera and as static archetypes, arguing that deviations arose from environmental degeneration but not progressive change, thereby affirming a creator's intent over undirected processes. Linnaeus's infused his and with , positing that nature's hierarchies—such as the nested classes, orders, and genera—demonstrated purposeful design akin to a divine , where each level served functional roles in the economy of creation. He likened himself to a "second ," tasked with naming and ordering species to glorify the Creator, as evident in his lectures and manuscripts where patterns in floral structures or animal morphologies were interpreted as evidence of God's wisdom and foresight. This perspective motivated his global appeals to "apostles" for specimens, not merely for cataloging, but to map the completeness of providence across continents, underscoring a causal realism where apparent imperfections (e.g., vestigial traits) were reconciled as adaptations within fixed teleonomic bounds rather than evolutionary relics.

Economic Beliefs and National Utility

Linnaeus viewed natural science, particularly botany, as a practical instrument for advancing Sweden's economic self-sufficiency and reducing dependence on foreign imports. He advocated for autarky, arguing that nations should prioritize domestic resource management over international trade, which he saw as entangling states in unreliable commercial dependencies. This perspective aligned with his belief that each region's natural endowments—such as Sweden's climate and soils—could be optimized through systematic cultivation and acclimatization of useful plants, thereby substituting imports with local production of crops, medicines, and industrial materials. Central to these beliefs was Linnaeus's promotion of , where he cataloged plants not merely for but for their utility in , , and manufacturing. In works like Flora Lapponica (1737), he surveyed northern Sweden's flora to identify exploitable resources, such as timber and medicinal herbs, recommending their development to bolster regional economies and national revenue. He proposed acclimatizing exotic species, including , , and tropical fruits, to Swedish greenhouses and fields, aiming to replicate colonial cash-crop economies domestically and generate wealth without overseas colonies. For instance, Linnaeus experimented at his Hammarby estate with growing foreign plants like the under controlled conditions, envisioning scaled-up production to export surpluses or supply domestic needs. His emphasis on national utility extended to and reform, urging Swedish institutions to train botanists in applied sciences for resource stewardship. Linnaeus critiqued mercantilist imbalances, positing that scientific knowledge of nature's ""—its providential order for human benefit—enabled states to harness efficiently, fostering prosperity through rather than conquest. This utilitarian framework influenced royal appointments, such as his role in advising on plant introductions, though practical successes were limited by Sweden's harsh climate and technological constraints. Despite these challenges, Linnaeus's ideas underscored a causal link between empirical and macroeconomic strength, prioritizing verifiable utility over speculative commerce.

Controversies and Criticisms

Sexual System of Classification

Linnaeus developed an artificial system of plant classification based on the number and arrangement of sexual organs, dividing into 24 classes primarily by the number of stamens (male parts) and further into orders by the number of pistils (female parts). This approach, outlined in the first edition of published in 1735, emphasized observable reproductive structures as key diagnostic features, assuming most exhibited clear male and female organs akin to animal sexuality. The system's simplicity facilitated identification and memorization, enabling botanists to classify specimens quickly without exhaustive morphological analysis. Despite its practicality, the drew sharp criticism for prioritizing reproductive traits over overall plant affinities, often resulting in unnatural groupings; for instance, it separated closely related if their counts differed. Linnaeus defended the method as a temporary tool for ordering the estimated 10,000 known plant , not a reflection of divine , though he viewed as evidence of purposeful creation. Early adopters praised its utility for fieldwork, but rivals like , rejected it for ignoring essential characteristics beyond sex organs. The explicit focus on plant sexuality provoked moral outrage, particularly among religious conservatives who deemed the anthropomorphic —such as terms evoking "" and "" in floral structures—"loathsome harlotry" and unfit for godly study. Linnaeus's poetic works, including Praeludia Sponsaliorum Plantarum (1730), amplified this by likening to human wedlock, which some theologians saw as profane, though Linnaeus intended it to reveal natural theology's wonders. Scientific peers also faulted its artificiality, with figures like Georg Siegesbeck attacking it as reductive and erroneous, labeling Linnaeus the " of " in satirical critique. These debates highlighted tensions between empirical utility and philosophical ideals of natural order, yet the system's influence persisted until supplanted by evolutionary and phylogenetic methods in the .

Human Varieties and Modern Racial Debates

In the first edition of Systema Naturae published in 1735, Linnaeus classified humans within the order as Homo sapiens, dividing the species into four geographical varieties corresponding to the known continents: Americanus (inhabitants of the ), Europaeus (Europeans), Asiaticus (Asians), and Africanus (Africans). These varieties were delineated primarily by observable physical traits such as skin color, hair texture, and facial features, alongside behavioral and cultural attributes inferred from travel accounts and classical sources. Linnaeus viewed these as varietates (varieties) arising from environmental adaptation—particularly climate—rather than fixed hereditary , maintaining a monogenist perspective aligned with biblical creation where all humans shared a common origin but diverged superficially. By the tenth edition of 1758, Linnaeus refined the descriptions, incorporating classical humoral temperaments and governance styles: Americanus as red-skinned, choleric, upright, with thick , stubborn yet content disposition, and rule by custom; Europaeus as white, sanguine, muscular, with yellow hair and blue eyes, gentle, inventive, and governed by laws; Asiaticus as sallow, melancholic, stiff-jointed, with and dark eyes, haughty and greedy, under opinion-based rule; and Africanus as , phlegmatic, relaxed, with braided , flat noses, and swollen , sly and negligent, directed by arbitrary . He added two minor varieties—Monstrosus for mythical or anomalous forms like Patagonian giants and Ferus for humans—but retained the core continental framework through subsequent editions, emphasizing empirical over . These traits drew from limited ethnographic , reflecting 18th-century European perceptions rather than rigorous , yet Linnaeus insisted on human unity, rejecting and noting inter-variety fertility. Linnaeus's system influenced early by formalizing human diversity within a taxonomic framework, but it embedded subjective that later justified hierarchies. In modern racial debates, his classifications are frequently critiqued as foundational to "scientific ," with academic sources arguing they essentialized differences and implied European superiority through favorable traits like "inventive" versus "sly." Such interpretations, prevalent in institutions with documented ideological biases toward denying biological group differences, often overlook that Linnaeus's geographical categories anticipated continental-scale genetic clusters identified in population genomics, where DNA analyses reveal structured variation—such as distinct allele frequencies for traits like pigmentation and metabolism—aligning with historical migrations and barriers rather than arbitrary social constructs. Empirical studies, including modeling of global genomes, confirm substantial inter-continental divergence (e.g., F_ST values indicating 10-15% of human variation between continents), validating the utility of Linnaeus's broad groupings for tracing ancestry and biomedical risks, despite intra-group diversity and clinal gradients. This resonance underscores causal factors like isolation and selection, challenging narratives that dismiss race as purely cultural while privileging data over equity-driven reinterpretations.

Legacy and Impact

Scientific Influence and Enduring Taxonomy

Linnaeus's Systema Naturae, initially published in 1735 as a 12-page pamphlet, laid the groundwork for modern biological classification by organizing organisms into a hierarchical structure encompassing genera and species within broader categories such as classes and orders. This framework emphasized consistent naming and ranking to impose order on the natural world, drawing from empirical observations of morphological similarities and differences. By the 10th edition of 1758, the work had expanded significantly, establishing binomial nomenclature—using a two-part Latin name (genus followed by species)—as the standard for identifying species, which addressed the chaos of earlier descriptive phrases that varied by author and language. The system's scientific influence extended beyond to foster systematic , enabling precise documentation and comparison of specimens amid growing global explorations that flooded with new descriptions in the . Linnaeus's emphasis on fixed categories, rooted in observable traits, influenced subsequent naturalists by providing a practical tool for cataloging , which accelerated taxonomic research and contributed to early ecological insights into interdependencies. His prioritized utility in identification over philosophical debates on origins, promoting empirical rigor that shaped fields like and for generations. Linnaean taxonomy endures as the foundation of contemporary biological classification, with its binomial names retained in international codes such as the , which traces validity to the 1758 edition for animals. Even as and cladistic methods reveal evolutionary relationships beyond Linnaeus's morphological focus—introducing concepts like —the hierarchical ranks and standardized naming persist for communication and legal purposes in conservation and . Adaptations, such as proposals, build upon rather than supplant his system, underscoring its robustness in handling over 2 million described today. This longevity stems from its causal emphasis on reproducible traits, which aligns with scientific verification despite shifts toward genetic data.

Commemorations and Recent Reassessments

The Linnean Society of London, founded in 1788, commemorates Linnaeus through its name, holdings of his personal library, manuscripts, and specimens, and annual awards like the Linnean Medal established in 1888. Uppsala University maintains the Linnaeus Museum in his former home, displaying furniture, objects, and paintings from his life, alongside the Linnaeus Garden planted with over a thousand species according to his principles. Statues honor him worldwide, including a bronze monument in Chicago's Lincoln Park erected in 1891 by Swedish immigrants, another in Hyde Park near the University of Chicago depicting him holding a flower, and one at the Royal Botanic Garden Edinburgh unveiled in 1773. Sweden knighted him in 1757 as Carl von Linné, and his legacy persists in medals like the Linnaeus Medal awarded for achievements in his fields and honorary doctorates granted in his name. The 2007 tercentenary of Linnaeus's birth prompted global celebrations, including the Linnean Society's Tercentenary Medal awarded to figures like for contributions to . Recent scholarship reaffirms his as foundational to modern , enabling standardized naming amid advances, though some critiques highlight limitations in his sexual for capturing evolutionary relationships. Reassessments of his human varieties , which grouped populations by continent and traits like skin color, portray it as a precursor to scientific in some accounts, yet contextual analyses note his descriptive intent rooted in observable differences without explicit hierarchy or subjugation advocacy, distinguishing it from later eugenic applications. These debates underscore tensions between his empirical cataloging and modern ideological lenses, with defenses emphasizing his creationist framework aimed at divine order rather than racial superiority.

References

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