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Sikh Empire
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The Sikh Empire[7] was a regional power based in the Punjab region of the Indian subcontinent.[4][8] It existed from 1799, when Maharaja Ranjit Singh captured Lahore, to 1849, when it was defeated and conquered by the British East India Company following the Second Anglo-Sikh War.[1] At its peak in the mid-19th century the empire extended from Gilgit and Tibet in the north to the deserts of Sindh in the south and from the Khyber Pass in the west to the Sutlej in the east,[9][10] and was divided into eight provinces.[a][11] Religiously diverse, with an estimated population of 4.5 million in 1831 (making it the 19th most populous state at the time),[12] it was the last major region of the Indian subcontinent to be annexed by the British Empire.
In 1799, Ranjit Singh of Sukerchakia Misl captured Lahore from the Sikh triumvirate which had been ruling it since 1765, and was confirmed on the possession of Lahore by the Durrani ruler, Zaman Shah.[13] He was formally crowned on 12 April 1801 by Sahib Singh Bedi, a descendant of Guru Nanak.[14] Ranjit Singh rose to power in a very short period, from a leader of a single misl to finally becoming the Maharaja of Punjab. By 1813 all the remaining Sikh misls had been annexed by Ranjit Singh,[15] and the following years saw progressive expulsion of the Afghans from Punjab; the Afghan influence east of Indus ended after the fall of Multan in 1818. In the subsequent decades Durrani Afghans lost Kashmir and Peshawar to the Sikhs as well. By 1840 Ladakh and Baltistan had been brought under Sikh suzerainty by Gulab Singh. Ranjit Singh modernised his army using the latest training as well as weapons and artillery.
After the death of Maharaja Ranjit Singh in 1839, the empire was weakened by the British East India Company stoking internal divisions and political mismanagement. Finally, in 1849, the state was dissolved after its defeat in the Second Anglo-Sikh War.[citation needed]
Terminology
[edit]The empire is also referred to as the Lahore State, such as in contemporary British maps.[16][17][18] The term Lahore Darbar refers to the Sikh court at Lahore of the empire's ruling government.[note 2][19] However, the term "Lahore Darbar" gained currency only around the time of Ranjit Singh's death, and was not found in British sources until then.[19] The empire's own Persian chronicles refers to its ruling government as the Sarkar Khalsaji.[19] According to Priya Atwal, the polity was known in Punjabi as Sarkar-i-Khalsa.[20] The contemporary British and other Europeans referred to the state as the Kingdom of Lahore and its ruling family as the Lahore royal family.[20] The term Sikh Empire came into popular usage in the 20th century, perhaps as an English-language equivalent to the Sarkar-i-Khalsa term.[20]
History
[edit]Background
[edit]The foundation of the Sikh Empire can be traced to as early as 1707, the year of Aurangzeb's death and the start of the downfall of the Mughal Empire. With the Mughals significantly weakened, the Sikh army, known as the Dal Khalsa, a rearrangement of the Khalsa Fauj inaugurated by Guru Gobind Singh, led expeditions against them and the Afghans in the west. This led to a growth of the army which split into different confederacies or semi-independent misls. Each of these component armies controlled different areas and cities. However, in the period from 1762 to 1799, Sikh commanders of the misls appeared to be coming into their own as independent.[citation needed]
Mughal rule of Punjab
[edit]Sikhism began during the conquest of North India by Babur, the founder of the Mughal Empire. His grandson, Akbar, supported religious freedom and after visiting the langar of Guru Amar Das got a favourable impression of Sikhism. As a result of his visit, he donated land to the langar and the Mughals did not have any conflict with Sikh gurus until his death in 1605.[21]
His successor Jahangir, saw the Sikhs as a political threat. He ordered Guru Arjan, who had been arrested for supporting the rebellious Khusrau Mirza,[22] to change the passage about Islam[clarification needed] in the Adi Granth. When the Guru refused, Jahangir ordered him to be put to death by torture.[23] Guru Arjan's martyrdom led to the sixth Guru, Guru Hargobind, declaring Sikh sovereignty in the creation of the Akal Takht and the establishment of a fort to defend Amritsar.[24]
Jahangir attempted to assert authority over the Sikhs by jailing Guru Hargobind at Gwalior Fort, but released him after a number of years when he no longer felt threatened. The Sikh community did not have any further issues with the Mughal Empire until the death of Jahangir in 1627. The succeeding son of Jahangir, Shah Jahan, took offence at Guru Hargobind's "sovereignty" and after a series of assaults on Amritsar forced the Sikhs to retreat to the Sivalik Hills.[24]
The next guru, Guru Har Rai, maintained the guruship in these hills by defeating local attempts to seize Sikh land and playing a neutral role in the power struggle between two of the sons of Shah Jahan, Aurangzeb and Dara Shikoh, for control of the Mughal Empire. The ninth Guru, Guru Tegh Bahadur, moved the Sikh community to Anandpur and travelled extensively to visit and preach in defiance of Aurangzeb, who attempted to install the excommunicated Ram Rai as the new guru. Guru Tegh Bahadur aided Kashmiri Pandits in avoiding conversion to Islam and was arrested under the orders of Aurangzeb. When offered a choice between conversion to Islam and death, he chose to die rather than compromise his principles and was executed.[25]
Formation of the Khalsa
[edit]Guru Gobind Singh assumed the guruship in 1675 and to avoid battles with Sivalik Hill rajas moved the guruship to Paonta. There he built a large fort to protect the city and garrisoned an army to protect it. The growing power of the Sikh community alarmed the Shivalik Hill rajas, who attempted to attack the city, but Guru Gobind Singh's forces routed them at the Battle of Bhangani. He moved on to Anandpur and established the Khalsa, a collective army of baptised Sikhs, on 30 March 1699.[26]
The establishment of the Khalsa united the Sikh community against various Mughal-backed claimants to the guruship.[27] In 1701, a combined army of the Sivalik Hill rajas and the Mughals under Wazir Khan attacked Anandpur. The Khalsa retreated but regrouped to defeat the Mughals at the Battle of Muktsar. In 1707, Guru Gobind Singh accepted an invitation by Aurangzeb's successor Bahadur Shah I to meet him. The meeting took place at Agra on 23 July 1707.[26]
Banda Singh Bahadur
[edit]In August 1708, Guru Gobind Singh visited Nanded. There he met a Bairāgī recluse, Madho Das, who converted to Sikhism, rechristened as Banda Singh Bahadur.[26][28] A short time before his death, Guru Gobind Singh ordered him to reconquer Punjab region and gave him a letter that commanded all Sikhs to join him. After two years of gaining supporters, Banda Singh Bahadur initiated an agrarian uprising by breaking up the large estates of zamindar families and distributing the land to the poor peasants who farmed the land.[29]
Banda Singh Bahadur started his rebellion by defeating the Mughal armies at the Battle of Samana, establishing the First Sikh State in 1709. This was followed the next year by another Sikh victory at the Battle of Sadhaura. The rebellion culminated following their defeat at the Siege of Gurdaspur. During the rebellion, Banda Singh Bahadur made a point of destroying the cities in which Mughals had been cruel to the supporters of Guru Gobind Singh. He executed Wazir Khan in revenge for the deaths of Guru Gobind Singh's sons and Pir Budhu Shah after the Sikh victory at Sirhind.[30]
He ruled the territory between the Sutlej river and the Yamuna river, established a capital in the Himalayas at Lohgarh and struck coinage in the names of Guru Nanak and Guru Gobind Singh.[29] In 1716, his army was defeated by the Mughals after he attempted to defend his fort at Gurdas Nangal. He was captured along with 700 of his men and sent to Delhi, where they were all tortured and executed after refusing to convert to Islam.[31]
Dal Khalsa period
[edit]Sikh Confederacy
[edit]The period from 1716 to 1799 was a highly turbulent time politically and militarily in the Punjab region. This was caused by the overall decline of the Mughal empire[32] that left a power vacuum in the region that was eventually filled by the Sikhs of the Dal Khalsa, meaning "Khalsa army" or "Khalsa party". In the late 18th century, after defeating several invasions by the Afghan rulers of the Durrani Empire and their allies,[33] remnants of the Mughals and their viceroys, the Mughal-allied Hindu hill rajas of the Sivalik Hills,[34][35] and hostile local Muslims siding with other Muslim forces.[33] The Sikhs of the Dal Khalsa eventually formed their own independent Sikh administrative regions, Misls, derived from a Perso-Arabic term meaning 'similar', headed by Misldars. These Misls were united in large part by Maharaja Ranjit Singh.
Intra-Misl Wars
[edit]After the reign of Jassa Singh Ramgarhia, the Sikh Misls became divided and fought each other. A sort of 'Cold War' broke out with the Bhangi, Nakkai, Dalelwala and Ramgharia misls verses Sukerchakia, Ahluwalia, Karor Singhia and Kaniyeha. The Shaheedan, Nishania and Singhpuria also allied but did not engage in warfare with the others and continued the Dal Khalsa.
The Phulkian Misl was excommunicated from the confederacy. Sada Kaur of the Kanhaiya Misl rose in the vacuum and destroyed the power of the Bhangis. She later gave her throne to Maharaja Ranjit Singh.
Empire
[edit]
The formal start of the Sikh Empire began with the unification of the Misls by 1801, creating a unified political state. All the Misl leaders, who were affiliated with the army, were the nobility with usually long and prestigious family backgrounds in Sikh history.[1]
The main geographical footprint of the empire was from the Punjab region to Khyber Pass in the west, to Kashmir in the north, Sindh in the south, and Tibet in the east.[9]
In 1797, Ranjit Singh besieged Rasulnagar and annexed the Chattha State who had been bitter enemies of Sukerchakia Misl, the ruler Jan Muhammad Chattha was killed in the siege.[36]
In 1799, Ranjit Singh moved the capital to Lahore from Gujranwala, where it had been established in 1763 by his grandfather, Charat Singh.[37]
Ranjit Singh annexed the Sial State, a local Muslim-ruled chieftaincy, after invading Jhang in 1807.[38] The basis for this annexation was that the local ruler of Jhang, Ahmad Khan Sial, was conspiring with Nawab Muzaffar Khan of Multan and had signed a secret treaty with the latter.[38]

Hari Singh Nalwa was Commander-in-Chief of the Sikh Khalsa Army from 1825 to 1837.[39] He is known for his role in the conquests of Kasur, Sialkot, Multan, Kashmir, Attock and Peshawar. Nalwa led the Sikh army in freeing Shah Shuja from Kashmir and secured the Koh-i-Nor diamond for Maharaja Ranjit Singh. He served as governor of Kashmir and Hazara and established a mint on behalf of the Sikh empire to facilitate revenue collection. His frontier policy of holding the Khyber Pass was later used by the British Raj. Nalwa was responsible for expanding the frontier of Sikh empire to the Indus River. At the time of his death, the western boundary of the Sikh Empire was the Khyber Pass.
The Namgyal dynasty of Ladakh paid regular annual tribute to the Sikh Empire starting 1819 until 1834.[40] The tribute was paid to the local Sikh governors of Kashmir.[40] The Namgyal kingdom would later be conquered by the Dogras, under the leadership of Zorawar Singh.[41]
The domain of the Maqpon dynasty of Baltistan, based in Skardu, under the rule of Ahmad Shah Maqpon, was conquered in 1839–40 and its local ruler was deposed.[41][42][43][44] The Dogras at this time were under the suzerainty of the Sikh Empire.[41]
During the Sino-Sikh War of 1841, the forces of the empire invaded Tibet, which was then under the control of the Qing dynasty.[45] However, this control was short-lived and the military of the empire was forced to retreat to Ladakh due to a counterattack by the Chinese and Tibetans.[45]
Cis-Sutlej states
[edit]The Cis-Sutlej states were a group of Sikh[46] states in the Punjab region lying between the Sutlej River to the north, the Himalayas to the east, the Yamuna River and Delhi district to the south, and Sirsa District to the west. These states fell under the suzerainty of the Maratha Empire after 1785 before the Second Anglo-Maratha War of 1803–1805, after which the Marathas lost control of the territory to the British East India Company. The Cis-Sutlej states included Kalsia, Kaithal, Patiala, Nabha, Jind, Thanesar, Malerkotla, Ludhiana, Kapurthala, Ambala, Ferozpur and Faridkot, among others.[47] The Sikh Empire of Ranjit Singh occupied Faridkot State in 1807.[48] However, control was restored to Gulab Singh of Faridkot in 1809 due to the signing of a treaty between the Lahore Darbar and the British East India Company.[48]
While these Sikh states had been set up by the Dal Khalsa, they did not become part of the Sikh Empire. There was a mutual ban on warfare following the treaty of Amritsar in 1809 (in which the empire forfeited the claim to the Cis-Sutlej States, and the British were not to interfere north of the Sutlej or in the empire's existing territory south of the Sutlej),[49] following attempts by Ranjit Singh to wrest control of these states from the British between 1806 and 1809[50][51]
The Sikh crossing of the Sutlej, following British militarisation of the border with Punjab (from 2,500 men and six guns in 1838 to 17,612 men and 66 guns in 1844, and 40,523 men and 94 guns in 1845), and plans on using the newly conquered territory of Sindh as a springboard to advance on the Sikh-held region of Multan,[52] eventually resulted in conflict with the British.
Decline
[edit]

After Ranjit Singh's death in 1839, the empire was severely weakened by internal divisions and political mismanagement. This opportunity was used by the British East India Company to launch the First Anglo-Sikh War.
The Battle of Ferozeshah in 1845 marked many turning points, the British encountered the Khalsa Army, opening with a gun-duel in which the Sikhs "had the better of the British artillery". As the British made advances, Europeans in their army were specially targeted, as the Sikhs believed if the army "became demoralized, the backbone of the enemy's position would be broken".[53] The fighting continued throughout the night. The British position "grew graver as the night wore on", and "suffered terrible casualties with every single member of the Governor General's staff either killed or wounded".[54] Nevertheless, the British army took and held Ferozeshah. British General Sir James Hope Grant recorded: "Truly the night was one of gloom and forbidding and perhaps never in the annals of warfare has a British Army on such a large scale been nearer to a defeat which would have involved annihilation."[54]
The reasons for the withdrawal of the Sikhs from Ferozeshah are contentious. Some believe that it was treachery of the non-Sikh high command of their own army which led to them marching away from a British force in a precarious and battered state. Others believe that a tactical withdrawal was the best policy.[citation needed]
The Sikh empire was finally dissolved at the end of the Second Anglo-Sikh War in 1849 into separate princely states and the British province of Punjab. Eventually, a Lieutenant Governorship was formed in Lahore as a direct representative of the British Crown.
Administration and state
[edit]Government
[edit]
The empire's ruling court based out of Lahore is termed the Lahore Darbar or Khalsa Darbar.[19][18] Faqir Saifuddin of the Fakir Khana Museum prefers to use the term Punjab Darbar rather than "Khalsa Darbar", owing to the large role Muslims played in Ranjit Singh's court.[55] The ruling court was diverse and under the ultimate command of the ruling maharaja, who was the "drum of the Khalsa".[19] In-theory, the Sikh court was based on the Khalsa ideals propounded by Guru Gobind Singh yet the court was secular in-practice.[19] As an example of this secularism, members of the court came from various religious background, including Sikhs, Hindus, Muslims, and Christians.[19] Furthermore, the members also came from various ethnic, regional, and caste backgrounds, such as Dogras, Rajputs, Brahmins, Jats, and Europeans.[19] Whilst Ranjit Singh himself preferred to dress modestly, the Sikh court was filled with elaborately garbed and decorated members.[19] Only three individuals were permitted to be seated on chairs within the durbar, them namely being heir-apparent Kharak Singh, Kanwar Sher Singh, and Raja Hira Singh.[19] Three sides of the hall of the durbar were covered with golden-pillars, with shawl carpets that were embroidered with gold and silver, and inset with precious stones, decorating the floor.[19] The maharaja was seated on a golden throne, with Ranjit Singh preferring to sit cross-legged on it.[19] The member of the court allowed to be seated behind the maharaja was Raja Dhian Singh.[19] The rest of the members of the court were seated as per their rank and status.[19] The colours of the Sikh court were yellow and green.[19] Thus, most of its members donned yellow-coloured dressings made from Kashmiri silk or woolens.[19] However, there existed no strict categorisation scheme of the rankings of the constituent members of the Lahore Darbar, thus the rankings of its members was determined by the level of trust the maharaja held in them.[19] The court also granted awards upon its members, with most of these essentially being bestowed titles in the form of honorifics, however some members were granted jagirs (estate grant).[19] Laziness was heavily looked-down upon with the court, with the ruling maharaja often sending out the court's members on military or diplomatic missions.[19]
The business of the ruling government was carried out in Lahore, specifically the Musamman Burj located within the Lahore Fort.[19] A public court was held from morning until noon in the Diwan-i-Aam ("hall of audience"), with the court being attended by important members of the court, including princes, ministers, nobles, and civil and military officers.[19] Some matters discussed in the court include high-level civil and military appointments, reports from the provincial governors (provincial satraps) and kardars (tax collectors).[19] When matters of the court were read-out, royal decrees made orally were transferred into writing for final approval.[19] Tributes and nazaranas were also exchanged or bestowed within the court.[19] Supplicants to the court were dismissed with khill'ats (robes) or monetary gifts.[19] When the maharaja was travelling, the court ceased to be static and was held at whatever location the maharaja's retinue decided to hold-up at, often under a tree or whilst moving on horseback.[19] The maharaja would dictate orders to provincial governors whilst inspecting their troops or even in the midst of battle.[19]
Noble members of the court, including relatives of the royal family, resided in palatial haveli structures and donned expensive clothing and accessories (such as jewellery).[19] The Sikh princes, and also Raja Dhian Singh, were permitted to hold their own miniature durbars (courts).[19]
Foreign affairs
[edit]
Foreign visitors to the Sikh court were treated with respect and hospitality, with many contemporary accounts of foreign visitors to the court noting the good-treatment afforded to them by the state.[19] When a foreign visitor arrived, they would be greeted by a protocol officer, who would arrange for their temporary residence, which was based upon the status of the visitor.[19] The state government paid for the expenses regarding the visitor's entertainment.[19] There exists accounts of visitors being gifted by the state, with presents such as fruits, sweets, wines, and also money.[19] Full displays of the empire's regalia and military forces were displayed during important ceremonial functions, such as the marriages of important nobles or when receiving high-level foreign diplomatic dignitaries.[19]
In order to keep tabs and updated on the happenings of surrounding regions, including remote parts of its territory and foreign countries, the Sikh court received reports from the waqa'nawis (news-writers) located in the empire's provinces (subas).[19] The reports were dispatched to the Lahore Darbar at regular intervals.[19] Furthermore, the vakils (agents) of foreign countries were associated with the Sikh court on a reciprocal basis.[19] The Sikh court had news-writers located in Afghanistan and also had its own vakil emissaries in the Cis-Sutlej States and also in territory under the British East India Company's rule.[19] Other vakil emissaries of the Sikh court were sent to Rajputana, the Marathas, and Nepal on complimentary missions.[19]
Western/European officers from various backgrounds, including Britishers, Frenchmen, Germans, Italians, Spaniards, Americans, and Russians, also rose to high levels within the Sikh court in many instances.[19] However, the Sikh court was wary of the Westerners within the court, and kept them therefore under strict regulation.[19] These foreign Western members of the court were persuaded by the state to integrate themselves by marrying a local woman, settling down within the empire, and adopt the cultural customs of the locals, such as growing out a beard or wearing a turban.[19] The Western members of the court were also banned from publicly consuming beef or smoking.[19]
The Sikh Empire did enact a simple border policy where it did not allow uninvited foreigners into the state.[56] The purpose of this border policy was to dissuade potential foreign spies from entering the country.[56] An example of the policy in-action is the case of Captain Arnold Mathews, who snuck into the Sikh Empire in circa 1808 to spy under the guise of being a tourist headed towards Kashmir but was intercepted and brought to Lahore.[56]
Holidays
[edit]
The Sikh court observed the festivals of Vaisakhi, Dussehra, Basant, Holi, and Diwali.[19] Vaisakhi was considered an especially auspicious celebration within the Sikh court, with it giving and distributing gifts of money, gold, silver, cows, horses, elephants, gold-bangles, and food to Brahmins and the poor.[19] During Basant celebrations, the military troops of the empire were paraded donning yellow uniforms, with members of the Sikh court and nobles also wearing yellow clothing on the day.[19] During Basant, the officials bore gifts for the sovereign ruler, with the ruler in-turn bestowing robe-of-honours to the officials based on their rank and status.[19] During celebrations of Dussehra, the Sikh court assembled itself at Amritsar and the jagirdari troops of the empire's military were paraded and inspected by the maharaja.[19]
Geography
[edit]
The Sikh Empire spanned a total of over 200,000 sq mi (520,000 km2) at its zenith.[57][58][59] Another more conservative estimate puts its total surface area during its zenith at 100,436 sq mi (260,124 km sq).[60] Jean-Marie Lafont states that the empire comprised a territory of 390,000 square kilometres.[61][62]
The following modern-day political divisions made up the historical Sikh Empire:
- Punjab region, to Mithankot in the south
- Punjab, Pakistan, excluding Bahawalpur State
- Punjab, India, excluding the Cis-Sutlej states[63]
- Himachal Pradesh, India, only the territories northwest of Sutlej river.
- Jammu Division, Jammu and Kashmir, India and Pakistan (1808–1846)
- Kashmir, from 5 July 1819 to 15 March 1846, India/Pakistan[64][65]
- Kashmir Valley, India from 1819 to 1846
- Baltistan, from 1840 onwards[42][43][44]
- Gilgit, Gilgit–Baltistan, Pakistan, from 1842 to 1846[citation needed]
- Ladakh, India 1834–1846[66][67][41]
- Lower part of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan.[68]
- Peshawar, Pakistan[69] (taken in 1818, retaken in 1834)
- Excluding Waziristan, Ranjit Singh made no attempt to conquer Waziristan.[70][71]
Jamrud District (Khyber Agency, Pakistan) was the westernmost limit of the Sikh Empire. The westward expansion was stopped in the Battle of Jamrud, in which the Afghans managed to kill the prominent Sikh general Hari Singh Nalwa in an offensive, though the Sikhs successfully held their position at their Jamrud fort. Ranjit Singh sent his General Sirdar Bahadur Gulab Singh Powind thereafter as reinforcement and he crushed the Pashtun rebellion harshly.[72] In 1838, Ranjit Singh with his troops marched into Kabul to take part in the victory parade along with the British after restoring Shah Shoja to the Afghan throne at Kabul.[73]
Administrative divisions
[edit]The empire was divided into various provinces (known as Subas), with them namely being as follows as per Hari Ram Gupta:[60][11]
| No. | Name | Map | Estimated population (1838) | Major population centres |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1. | Lahore | 1,900,000 | Lahore, Amritsar and Gujranwala | |
| 2. | Multan | 750,000 | Multan, Laiah and Dera Ghazi Khan | |
| 3. | Peshawar | 550,000 | Peshawar, Kohat, Hazara, Dera Ismail Khan and Bannu | |
| 4. | Kashmir | Srinagar | ||
| 5. | Jammu | 1,100,000 | Jammu | |
| 6. | Gujrat/Wazirabad | Gujrat, Attock, Rawalpindi and Mianwali | ||
| 7. | Jalandhar | Jalandhar | ||
| 8. | Kangra | Kangra, Chamba and Bilaspur |
Hans Herrli instead claims there were five provinces of the Sikh Empire, namely Lahore, Multan, Peshawar, Derajat, and Jammu and Hill States.[60]
Religious policy
[edit]
The Sikh Empire allowed men from religions other than their own to rise to commanding positions of authority.[74]
The Fakir brothers were trusted personal advisors and assistants as well as close friends to Ranjit Singh,[75] particularly Fakir Azizuddin, who would serve in the positions of foreign minister of the empire and translator for the maharaja, and played important roles in such important events as the negotiations with the British, during which he convinced Ranjit Singh to maintain diplomatic ties with the British and not to go to war with them in 1808, as British troops were moved along the Sutlej in pursuance of the British policy of confining Ranjit Singh to the north of the river, and setting the Sutlej as the dividing boundary between the Sikh and British empires;[76] negotiating with Dost Muhammad Khan during his unsuccessful attempt to retake Peshawar,[76] and ensuring the succession of the throne during the Maharaja's last days in addition to caretaking after a stroke, as well as occasional military assignments throughout his career.[77] The Fakir brothers were introduced to the Maharaja when their father, Ghulam Muhiuddin, a physician, was summoned by him to treat an eye ailment soon after his capture of Lahore.[78]
The other Fakir brothers were Imamuddin, one of his principal administrative officers, and Nuruddin, who served as home minister and personal physician, were also granted jagirs by the Maharaja.[79]
Every year, while at Amritsar, Ranjit Singh visited shrines of holy people of other faiths, including several Muslim saints, which did not offend even the most religious Sikhs of his administration.[80] As relayed by Fakir Nuruddin, orders were issued to treat people of all faith groups, occupations,[81] and social levels equally and in accordance with the doctrines of their faith, per the Shastras and the Quran, as well as local authorities like judges and panches (local elder councils),[82] as well as banning forcible possession of others' land or of inhabited houses to be demolished.[83] There were special courts for Muslims which ruled in accordance to Muslim law in personal matters,[84] and common courts preceded over by judicial officers which administered justice under the customary law of the districts and socio-ethnic groups, and were open to all who wanted to be governed by customary religious law, whether Hindu, Sikh, or Muslim.[84]
One of Ranjit Singh's first acts after the 1799 capture of Lahore was to revive the offices of the hereditary Qazis and Muftis which had been prevalent in Mughal times.[84] Qazi Nizamuddin was appointed to decide marital issues among Muslims, while Muftis Mohammad Shahpuri and Sadulla Chishti were entrusted with powers to draw up title-deeds relating to transfers of immovable property.[84] The old mohalladari[definition needed] system was reintroduced with each mahallah, or neighbourhood subdivision, placed under the charge of one of its members. The office of Kotwal, or prefect of police, was conferred upon a Muslim, Imam Bakhsh.[84]
Generals were also drawn from a variety of communities, along with prominent Sikh generals like Hari Singh Nalwa, Fateh Singh Dullewalia, Nihal Singh Atariwala, Chattar Singh Attariwalla, and Fateh Singh Kalianwala; Hindu generals included Misr Diwan Chand and Dewan Mokham Chand Nayyar, his son, and his grandson; and Muslim generals included Ilahi Bakhsh and Mian Ghaus Khan; one general, Balbhadra Kunwar, was a Nepalese Gurkha, and European generals included Jean-Francois Allard, Jean-Baptiste Ventura, and Paolo Avitabile.[85] other notable generals of the Sikh Khalsa Army were Veer Singh Dhillon,[citation needed] Sham Singh Attariwala, Mahan Singh Mirpuri, and Zorawar Singh Kahluria, among others.
The appointment of key posts in public offices was based on merit and loyalty, regardless of the social group or religion of the appointees, both in and around the court, and in higher as well as lower posts. Key posts in the civil and military administration were held by members of communities from all over the empire and beyond, including Sikhs, Muslims, Khatris, Brahmins, Dogras, Rajputs, Pashtuns, Europeans, and Americans, among others,[86] and worked their way up the hierarchy to attain merit. Dhian Singh, the prime minister, was a Dogra, whose brothers Gulab Singh and Suchet Singh served in the high-ranking administrative and military posts, respectively.[86] Brahmins like finance minister Raja Dina Nath, Sahib Dyal, and others also served in financial capacities.[85]
Muslims in prominent positions included the Fakir brothers, Qazi Nizamuddin, and Mufti Muhammad Shah, among others. Among the top-ranking Muslim officers there were two ministers, one governor and several district officers; there were 41 high-ranking Muslim officers in the army, including two generals and several colonels,[85] and 92 Muslims were senior officers in the police, judiciary, legal department and supply and store departments.[85] In artillery, Muslims represented over 50% of the numbers while the cavalry had some 10% Muslims from among the troopers.[12]
Thus, the government was run by an elite corps drawn from many communities, giving the empire the character of a secular system of government, even when built on theocratic foundations.[87]
A ban on cow slaughter, which can be related to Hindu sentiments, was universally imposed in the empire.[88][89] Ranjit Singh also donated large amounts of gold for the plating of the Kashi Vishwanath Temple's dome.[90][91]
The Sikhs attempted not to offend the prejudices of Muslims, noted Baron von Hügel, the Austrian botanist and explorer,[92] yet the Sikhs were described as harsh. In this regard, Masson's explanation is perhaps the most pertinent: "Though compared to the Afghans, the Sikhs were mild and exerted a protecting influence, yet no advantages could compensate to their Mohammedan subjects, the idea of subjection to infidels, and the prohibition to slay kine, and to repeat the azan, or 'summons to prayer'."[93]
According to Chitralekha Zutshi and William Roe Polk, Sikh governors adopted policies that alienated the Muslim population such as the ban on cow slaughter and the azan (the Islamic call to prayer), the seizure of mosques as property of the state, and imposed ruinous taxes on Kashmiri Muslims causing a famine in 1832. In addition, begar (forced labour) was imposed by the Sikh administration to facilitate the supply of materials to the imperial army, a policy that was augmented by the successive Dogra rulers.[94][95][96] These policies led the Kashmiri Muslim population to emigrate en masse to more lenient neighbouring regions, particularly Ladakh.[97] As a symbolic assertion of power, the Sikhs regularly desecrated Muslim places of worship, including closing of the Jamia Masjid of Srinagar and the conversion of the Badshahi Mosque in Lahore to an ammunition store and horse stable, but the empire still maintained Persian administrative institutions and court etiquette; the Sikh silver rupees were minted on the Mughal standard with Persian legends.[98][99]
Christian missionaries had been active in the Punjab even prior to the dissolution of the empire in 1849.[100]
Demography
[edit]The population of the Sikh empire during the time of Ranjit Singh's rule was estimated to be around 12 million people.[6] There were 8.4 million Muslims, 2.88 million Hindus and 722,000 Sikhs.[101]
The religious demography of the empire is estimated to have been just over 10%[102] to 12%[103] Sikh, 80% Muslim,[102] and just under 10% Hindu.[102] Surjit Hans gave different numbers by retrospectively projecting the 1881 census, putting Muslims at 51%, Hindus at 40% and Sikhs at around 8%, the remaining 1% being Europeans.[104] The population was 3.5 million in 1831, according to Amarinder Singh's The Last Sunset: The Rise and Fall of the Lahore Durbar.[105] Hans Herrli in The Coins of the Sikhs estimated the total population of the empire to be around 5.35 million during 1838.[60] Meanwhile, Jean-Marie Lafont estimates that the population of the empire consisted of 15 million people.[61][62]
An estimated 90% of the Sikh population at the time, and more than half of the total population, was concentrated in the upper Bari, Jalandhar, and upper Rachna Doabs, and in the areas of their greatest concentration formed about one third of the population in the 1830s; half of the Sikh population of this core region was in the area covered by the later districts of Lahore and Amritsar.[103]
In 1839, a major pogrom, called the Allahdad, targeting the local Jews of Mashhad in Qajar Persia had occurred.[106] A group of Persian Jewish refugees from Mashhad, escaping persecution back home in Qajar Persia, settled in the Sikh Empire around the year 1839.[106] Most of the Jewish families settled in Rawalpindi (specifically in the Babu Mohallah neighbourhood) and Peshawar.[107][108][109][110][106] Most of these Jews would leave for the Dominion of India during the partition of 1947.[111][106]
Economy
[edit]
Revenue
[edit]| Sr | Particulars | Revenue in Rupees | |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | Land Revenue | ||
| 1.a | Tributary States | 5,65,000 | |
| 1.b | Farms | 1,79,85,000 | |
| 1.c | Eleemosynary | 20,00,000 | |
| 1.d | Jagirs | 95,25,000 | |
| 2 | Customs | 24,00,000 | |
| Total | 3,24,75,000 | ||
Land revenue was the main source of income, accounting for about 70% of the state's income. Besides this, the other sources of income were customs, excises and monopolies.[113]
Timeline
[edit]- 1699: Formation of the Khalsa by Guru Gobind Singh.
- 1710–1716: Banda Singh defeats the Mughals and declares Khalsa rule.
- 1716–1738: Mughals take back territorial control for two decades but Sikhs engage in guerrilla warfare
- 1733–1735: The Khalsa accepts, only to reject, the confederal status given by the Mughals.
- 1738–1757: Nader Shah's invasion of India; Afghan invasion by Ahmad Shah Durrani
- 1761–1767: Recapture of Punjab region by Afghan in Third Battle of Panipat
- 1763–1774: Charat Singh Sukerchakia, Misldar of Sukerchakia misl, establishes himself in Gujranwala.
- 1764–1783: Baba Baghel Singh, Misldar of Singh Krora Misl, imposes taxes on the Mughals.
- 1783: Sikh capture of Delhi and the Red Fort from the Mughals
- 1773: Ahmad Shah Durrani dies and his son Timur Shah launches several invasions into Punjab.
- 1774–1790: Maha Singh becomes Misldar of the Sukerchakia misl.

Contemporary painting of the Battle of Sobraon in 1846. - 1790–1801: Ranjit Singh becomes Misldar of the Sukerchakia misl.
- 1799, formation of the Sikh Khalsa Army
- 12 April 1801 (coronation) – 27 June 1839: reign of Maharaja Ranjit Singh.
- March 1809 – August 1809: Nepal–Sikh War
- 20 February 1810: Siege of Multan (1810)
- 1 June 1813: Ranjit Singh is given the Kohinoor Diamond.
- 13 July 1813: Battle of Attock, the Sikh Empire's first significant victory over the Durrani Empire.
- – 2 March June 1818: Battle of Multan, the 2nd battle in the Afghan–Sikh wars.
- 3 July 1819: Battle of Shopian

The charge of the British 16th Lancers at Aliwal on 28 January 1846, during the First Anglo-Sikh War - 14 March 1823: Battle of Nowshera
- 30 April 1837: Battle of Jamrud
- 27 June 1839 – 5 November 1840: Reign of Maharaja Kharak Singh
- 5 November 1840 – 18 January 1841: Chand Kaur is briefly Regent
- 18 January 1841 – 15 September 1843: Reign of Maharaja Sher Singh
- May 1841 – August 1842: Sino-Sikh war
- 15 September 1843 – 31 March 1849: Reign of Maharaja Duleep Singh
- 1845–1846: First Anglo-Sikh War
- 1848–1849: Second Anglo-Sikh War
List of rulers
[edit]| S. No. | Name | Portrait | Birth and death | Reign | Note | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | Maharaja Ranjit Singh | 13 November 1780 (Gujranwala) | 27 June 1839 (Lahore) | 12 April 1801 | 27 June 1839 | 38 years, 76 days | Founder of the empire | Stroke | |
| 2 | Maharaja Kharak Singh | 22 February 1801 (Lahore) | 5 November 1840 (Lahore) | 27 June 1839 | 8 October 1839 | 103 days | Son of Ranjit Singh | Poisoning | |
| 3 | Maharaja Nau Nihal Singh | 11 February 1820 (Lahore) | 6 November 1840 (Lahore) | 8 October 1839 | 6 November 1840 | 1 year, 29 days | Son of Kharak Singh | Assassinated | |
| Maharani Chand Kaur (regent) |
1802 (Fatehgarh Churian) | 11 June 1842 (Lahore) | 6 November 1840 | 18 January 1841 | 73 days | Wife of Kharak Singh | Abdicated | ||
| 4 | Maharaja Sher Singh | 4 December 1807 (Batala) | 15 September 1843 (Lahore) | 18 January 1841 | 15 September 1843 | 2 years, 240 days | Son of Ranjit Singh | Assassinated | |
| 5 | Maharaja Duleep Singh | 6 September 1838 (Lahore) | 22 October 1893 (Paris) | 15 September 1843 | 29 March 1849 | 5 years, 195 days | Son of Ranjit Singh | Exiled | |
| Maharani Jind Kaur (regent; nominal) |
1817 (Gujranwala) | 1 August 1863 (Kensington) | 15 September 1843 | 29 March 1849 | 5 years, 195 days | Wife of Ranjit Singh | Exiled | ||
Viziers/Wazirs (prime-ministers or chamberlains)
[edit]- Khushal Singh Jamadar (1799–1818)[114]
- Dhian Singh Dogra (1818–1843)
- Hira Singh Dogra (1843–1845)
- Jawahar Singh (wazir) (14 May 1845 – 21 September 1845)
- Lal Singh (1845–1846)
- Gulab Singh (31 January – 9 March 1846)[115]
Nizams/Diwans (provincial governors)
[edit]This section needs expansion with: Add governors for other provinces. You can help by adding to itadding to it or making an edit request. (March 2025) |
Kashmir
[edit]The nominal and acting governors of Kashmir during Sikh-rule and their tenures are as follows:[116]
- Diwan Moti Ram (1st term), end of 1819 – 1820
- Hari Singh Nalwa, 1820–1821
- Diwan Moti Ram (2nd term), December 1821 – spring of 1825
- Gurmak Singh, 1825 (acting governor)
- Diwan Chuni Lal, 1825 – end of 1826
- Diwan Kirpa Ram, early 1827 – 1830
- Maha Singh, 1830 (governor for one month after Kirpa Ram)
- Bhima Singh Ardali, summer 1830 – 1831
- Kanwar Sher Singh, 1831–1834
- Diwan Vesaka Singh, 1831–1832 (acting governor on behalf of Sher Singh)
- Shaikh Gholam Muhyi Addin & Jamadar Kushal Singh, 1832–1834 (acting governors for Sher Singh)
- Mihan Singh Kumedan, July 1834 – 17 April 1841
- Shaikh Gholam Muhyi Addin, April 1841 – 1845
- Shaikh Imam-ud-Din, 1845 – November 1847
Multan
[edit]- Several temporary Sikh governors of Multan, 1818–1820
- Diwan Sawan Mal Chopra, 1820–1844
- Diwan Mulraj Chopra, 1844–1849
Hazara
[edit]- Hukma Singh Chimni, 1814–1819
- Diwan Ram Dayal, 1819–1820
- Amar Singh Majithia, 1820–1822
- Hari Singh Nalwa, 1822–1837
- Mahan Singh Hazarawala, 1837–1838
- Tej Singh, 1838–1844
- Arbel Singh, 1844 – ?
- Chattar Singh Attariwalla, 1848–1849
Peshawar
[edit]- Hari Singh Nalwa, 1834–1837
- Paolo Avitabile, 1837 – ?
Jalandhar Doab
[edit]- Desa Singh Majithia, ? – 1832
- Shaikh Ghulam Muhy-ud-Din, 1834–1841
- Shaikh Imam-ud-Din, 1841–1845
Kangra
[edit]- Desa Singh Majithia, 1809–1832
- Lehna Singh Majithia, 1832 – ?
Family tree
[edit]| Family tree of the Maharajas of the Sikh Empire | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Gallery
[edit]-
Ranjit Singh, c. 1830.[117]
-
Ranjit Singh listening to Guru Granth Sahib being recited near the Akal Takht and Golden Temple, Amritsar, Punjab, India.
-
Sikh warrior helmet with butted mail neckguard, 1820–1840, iron overlaid with gold with mail neckguard of iron and brass
See also
[edit]Notes
[edit]References
[edit]Citations
[edit]- ^ a b c Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). . Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 22 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. p. 892.
- ^ Grewal 1998, p. 112: "The continuance of Persian as the language of administration.".
- ^ Fenech, Louis E. (2013). The Sikh Zafar-namah of Guru Gobind Singh: A Discursive Blade in the Heart of the Mughal Empire. Oxford University Press (US). p. 239. ISBN 978-0199931453. Archived from the original on 14 August 2024. Retrieved 2 July 2020.
We see such acquaintance clearly within the Sikh court of Maharaja Ranjit Singh, for example, the principal language of which was Persian.
- ^ a b Duggal, K. S. (1989). Ranjit Singh: A Secular Sikh Sovereign. Abhinav Publication. ISBN 978-8170-17244-4.[page needed]
- ^ Singh, Amarpal (2010). The First Anglo-Sikh War. Amberley Publishing Limited. ISBN 978-1-4456-2038-1. Archived from the original on 14 August 2024. Retrieved 12 December 2021.
By 1839, the year of his death, the Sikh kingdom extended from Tibet and Kashmir to Sind and from the Khyber Pass to the Himalayas in the east. It spanned 600 miles from east to west and 350 miles from north to south, comprising an area of just over 200,000 square miles.
- ^ a b c Singh, Pashaura (2016). "Sikh Empire". The Encyclopedia of Empire. pp. 1–6. doi:10.1002/9781118455074.wbeoe314. ISBN 978-1118455074. Archived from the original on 16 June 2021. Retrieved 15 June 2021.
- ^ Hunter, William Wilson (1886). The Indian empire : its peoples, history, and products. University of California Libraries. London : Trübner & co. p. 410.
- ^ Griffin, Lepel Henry (1905). Ranjit Síngh and the Sikh barrier between our growing empire and Central Asia;. University of California Libraries. Oxford : Clarendon press. p. 1.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: publisher location (link) - ^ a b Gupta 1991, p. 201.
- ^ Singh, Khushwant (2004). History of the Sikhs. Oxford University Press. p. viii. ISBN 978-0195673081.
- ^ a b Gupta 1991, pp. 334–336.
- ^ a b Singh, Amarinder (2010). The Last Sunset: The Rise and Fall of the Lahore Durbar. Roli Books. p. 40. ISBN 978-81-7436-779-2.
- ^ Gupta 1991, pp. 26–30.
- ^ The Encyclopaedia of Sikhism Archived 8 May 2014 at the Wayback Machine, section Sāhib Siṅgh Bedī, Bābā (1756–1834).
- ^ Gupta 1991, pp. 37–55.
- ^ Oberoi, Harjot (1994). The Construction of Religious Boundaries: Culture, Identity, and Diversity in the Sikh Tradition. University of Chicago Press. p. 87. ISBN 9780226615929.
- ^ Prasad, Sri Nandan, ed. (1975). "F.5/24.". Catalogue of the Historical Maps of the Survey of India, 1700–1900. New Delhi: National Archives of India. p. 7.
- ^ a b Murphy, Anne (2020). "13: The Territorialisation of Sikh Pasts". In Jacobsen, Knut A. (ed.). Routledge Handbook of South Asian Religions. Routledge. p. 212. ISBN 9780429622069.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ad ae af ag ah ai aj ak al am an ao ap aq ar as at au av Hasrat, B. J. (2011). Singh, Harbans (ed.). The Encyclopedia of Sikhism. Vol. 2: E–L (3rd ed.). Patiala: Punjabi University. pp. 547–549. ISBN 978-8173802041.
- ^ a b c Atwal, Priya. "Notes". Royals and Rebels: The Rise and Fall of the Sikh Empire. Oxford University Press. p. 225. ISBN 9780197548318.
... within the Punjab itself, the government of the Empire as a whole was known in Punjabi as the Sarkar-i-Khalsa ('the government of the Khalsa')—a title maintained by Ranjit Singh and his successors ... Interestingly, British and European contemporaries of the Punjabi royals referred to the state as the 'kingdom of Lahore' and to Ranjit's dynasty as the 'Lahore royal family'.The term 'Sikh Empire' seems to have entered into more popular usage during the twentieth century, perhaps as an adaptation of the 'Sarkar-i-Khalsa' title into English, though with a clearer recognition of the imperial nature of the territorial kingdom established by Ranjit Singh's Sukerchakia misl and his successors.
- ^ Kalsi 2005, pp. 106–107
- ^ Markovits 2004, p. 98
- ^ Melton, J. Gordon (2014). Faiths Across Time: 5,000 Years of Religious History. ABC-CLIO. p. 1163. ISBN 9781610690263. Archived from the original on 14 August 2024. Retrieved 3 November 2014.
- ^ a b Jestice 2004, pp. 345–346
- ^ Johar 1975, pp. 192–210
- ^ a b c Ganda Singh. "Gobind Singh Guru (1666–1708)". Encyclopaedia of Sikhism. Punjabi University Patiala. Archived from the original on 8 May 2014. Retrieved 11 August 2014.
- ^ Jestice 2004, pp. 312–313
- ^ "Banda Singh Bahadur". Encyclopædia Britannica. Archived from the original on 25 December 2018. Retrieved 15 May 2013.
- ^ a b Singh 2008, pp. 25–26
- ^ Nesbitt 2005, p. 61
- ^ Singh, Kulwant (2006). Sri Gur Panth Prakash: Episodes 1 to 81. Institute of Sikh Studies. p. 415. ISBN 978-8185815282.
- ^ "Sikh Period – National Fund for Cultural Heritage". Heritage.gov.pk. 14 August 1947. Archived from the original on 14 September 2010. Retrieved 9 August 2009.
- ^ a b Meredith L. Runion The History of Afghanistan Archived 3 April 2023 at the Wayback Machine p. 70 Greenwood Publishing Group, 2007 ISBN 0313337985
- ^ Patwant Singh (2007). The Sikhs. Crown Publishing Group. p. 270. ISBN 978-0307429339. Archived from the original on 14 August 2024. Retrieved 7 November 2020.
- ^ "Sikhs' Relation with Hill States". www.thesikhencyclopedia.com. 19 December 2000. Retrieved 13 April 2019.
- ^ www.DiscoverSikhism.com. History Of The Sikhs Vol. IV The Sikh Commonwealth Or Rise And Fall Of Sikh Misls.
- ^ World and Its Peoples: Middle East, Western Asia, and Northern Africa. Marshall Cavendish. 2007. p. 411. ISBN 978-0761475712. Archived from the original on 14 August 2024. Retrieved 7 November 2020.
- ^ a b Singh, Rishi (2014). State Formation and the Establishment of Non-Muslim Hegemony: Post-Mughal 19th-century Punjab. Sage Publications India. ISBN 978-9351505044.
When Ranjit Singh realised that Ahmad Khan Sial of Jhang had concluded a secret treaty with Nawab Muzaffar Khan of Multan, he annexed Jhang in 1807 and gave Ahmad Khan a jagir at Mirowal near Amritsar.
- ^ Roy, K.; Roy, L. D. H. K. (2011). War, Culture and Society in Early Modern South Asia, 1740–1849. Taylor & Francis. p. 147. ISBN 978-1136790874. Archived from the original on 14 August 2024. Retrieved 10 December 2014.
- ^ a b Petech, Luciano (1977). The Kingdom of Ladakh, c. 950–1842 A.D. Instituto Italiano Per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente. p. 130.
- ^ a b c d Huttenback, Robert A. (1961). "Gulab Singh and the Creation of the Dogra State of Jammu, Kashmir, and Ladakh" (PDF). The Journal of Asian Studies. 20 (4): 477–488. doi:10.2307/2049956. JSTOR 2049956. S2CID 162144034. Archived from the original (PDF) on 23 November 2018.
- ^ a b Rieck, Andreas (1995). "The Nurbakhshis of Baltistan: Crisis and Revival of a Five Centuries Old Community". Die Welt des Islams. 35 (2). Hamburg: 159–188. doi:10.1163/1570060952597761. JSTOR 1571229. Retrieved 30 June 2023.
Thus Baltistan remained under local Rajas who paid only nominal allegiance to subsequent rulers of Kashmir until subdued by a Sikh army in 1840, and who stayed in office as jagirdars under the Hindu Dogra Maharajas (1846–1947) and even in Pakistan until 1972. ... As has been stated above, there are no reliable indicators for the extent to which Twelver Shi'ism had spread in Baltistan at the time of the Sikh conquest (1840).
- ^ a b Mock, John; O'Neil, Kimberley (2002). Trekking in the Karakoram & Hindukush. Lonely Planet Publications. p. 302. ISBN 978-1740590860.
By the 18th century, fighting among the Maqpon princes led to a decline in Skardu's importance. The Sikhs, who inherited much of the Moghul empire, annexed Baltistan in 1840 and the Balti kingdoms' sovereignty ended.
- ^ a b Baloch, Sikandar Khan (2004). In the Wonderland of Asia, Gilgit & Baltistan. Sang-e-Meel Publications. p. 127. ISBN 978-9693516142.
- ^ a b Guo, Rongxing (2015). "1: A Brief History of Tibet". China's Regional Development and Tibet. Springer. ISBN 978-9812879585.
In AD 1834, the Sikh empire invaded and annexed Ladakh-a culturally Tibetan region that was an independent kingdom at the time. Seven years later, a Sikh army invaded western Tibet from Ladakh, starting the Sino-Sikh War. A Qing-Tibetan army repelled the invaders but was in turn defeated when it chased the Sikhs into Ladakh. The war ended with the signing of the Treaty of Chushul between the Chinese and Sikh empires (Rubin 1960). As the Qing dynasty declined, its influence on Tibet weakened gradually. By the late nineteenth cen tury, Qing's authority over Tibet had become more symbolic.
- ^ Jayanta Kumar Ray (2007). Aspects of India's International Relations, 1700 to 2000: South Asia and the World. Pearson Education. p. 379. ISBN 9788131708347. Archived from the original on 14 August 2024. Retrieved 7 November 2020.
- ^ Jayanta Kumar Ray (2007). Aspects of India's International Relations, 1700 to 2000: South Asia and the World. Pearson Education. p. 379. ISBN 9788131708347. Archived from the original on 14 August 2024. Retrieved 7 November 2020.
- ^ a b Singh, Gursharan (1991). History of Pepsu: Patiala and East Punjab States Union, 1948–1956. Konark Publishers. p. 8. ISBN 9788122002447.
- ^ Lt. Gen. Kirpal Singh Randhawa, PVSM, AVSM (Retd.). "Sikh Wars". www.sikh-heritage.co.uk. Archived from the original on 24 February 2021. Retrieved 13 April 2019.
{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) - ^ Jayanta Kumar Ray (2007). Aspects of India's International Relations, 1700 to 2000: South Asia and the World. Pearson Education. pp. 379–380. ISBN 9788131708347. Archived from the original on 14 August 2024. Retrieved 7 November 2020.
- ^ Sangat Singh, the Sikhs in History.
- ^ Jayanta Kumar Ray (2007). Aspects of India's International Relations, 1700 to 2000: South Asia and the World. Pearson Education. p. 381. ISBN 9788131708347. Archived from the original on 14 August 2024. Retrieved 7 November 2020.
- ^ Ranjit Singh: administration and British policy, (Prakash, pp. 31–33)
- ^ a b Maharaja Ranjit Singh, the last to lay arms, (Duggal, pp. 136–137)
- ^ Chatterjee, Nandini (22 May 2018). "Fieldwork in Punjab, Pakistan, March 2018". Lawforms. doi:10.58079/qqvc. Retrieved 18 August 2024.
- ^ a b c Madra, Amandeep Singh (8 January 2012). "The Maharaja, the Spy & the Temple of Gold". Golden Temple 1588. Archived from the original on 30 January 2012. Retrieved 11 August 2024.
- ^ Manning, Stephen (2020). Bayonet to Barrage Weaponry on the Victorian Battlefield. Pen & Sword Books Limited. ISBN 978-1526777249. Archived from the original on 26 March 2023. Retrieved 19 March 2023.
The Sikh kingdom expanded from Tibet in the east to Kashmir in the west and from Sind in the south to the Khyber Pass in the north, an area of 200,000 square miles.
- ^ Barczewski, Stephanie (2016). Heroic Failure and the British. Yale University Press. p. 89. ISBN 978-0300186819. Archived from the original on 26 March 2023. Retrieved 19 March 2023.
…the Sikh state encompassed over 200,000 square miles (518,000 sq km)
- ^ Khilani, N. M. (1972). British power in the Punjab, 1839–1858. Asia Publishing House. p. 251. ISBN 978-0210271872. Archived from the original on 5 April 2023. Retrieved 19 March 2023.
..into existence a kingdom of the Punjab of over 200,000 square miles
- ^ a b c d Herrli, Hans (1993). The Coins of the Sikhs. p. 10.
- ^ a b Lafont, Jean-Marie (2003). Maharaja Ranjit Singh: Lord of the Five Rivers. p. 131.
- ^ a b Khan, Nadhra Shahbaz Naeem (2018). THE SAMĀDHI OF MAHARAJA RANJIT SINGH IN LAHORE: A Summation of Sikh Architectural and Decorative Practices (PDF). Berlin: EB-Verlag. p. 17. ISBN 9783868932713.
- ^ Meena, R. P. "Punjab Current Affairs Yearbook 2020". Archived from the original on 17 January 2024. Retrieved 19 January 2024.
- ^ The Masters Revealed, (Johnson, p. 128)
- ^ Britain and Tibet 1765–1947, (Marshall, p. 116)
- ^ Pandey, Hemant Kumar; Singh, Manish Raj (2017). India's Major Military and Rescue Operations. Horizon Books. p. 57. ISBN 978-9386369390. Archived from the original on 14 August 2024. Retrieved 7 November 2020.
- ^ Deng, Jonathan M. (2010). "Frontier: The Making of the Northern and Eastern Border in Ladakh From 1834 to the Present". SIT Digital Collections Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection. 920. Archived from the original on 18 December 2022. Retrieved 15 April 2019.
- ^ Frontier Facets: Pakistan's North-West Frontier Province. National Book Foundation; Lahore. 4 January 2024.
- ^ The Khyber Pass: A History of Empire and Invasion, (Docherty, pp. 185–187)
- ^ History of the Sikhs: The Sikh Lion of Lahore, Maharaja Ranjit Singh, 1799–1839. Munshiram Manoharlal. 1978. p. 80. ISBN 978-81-215-0515-4. Archived from the original on 14 August 2024.
- ^ Beattie, Hugh (2013). Imperial Frontier: Tribe and State in Waziristan. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-136-83957-3. Archived from the original on 17 January 2024. Retrieved 19 January 2024.
- ^ Hastings Donnan, Marriage Among Muslims: Preference and Choice in Northern Pakistan, (Brill, 1997), 41.[1] Archived 5 April 2023 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ "Encyclopædia Britannica – Ranjit Singh". Archived from the original on 7 April 2015. Retrieved 31 January 2015.
- ^ Kartar Singh Duggal (2001). Maharaja Ranjit Singh: The Last to Lay Arms. Abhinav Publications. pp. 125–126. ISBN 978-81-7017-410-3.
- ^ Waheeduddin 1981, p. ix.
- ^ a b Waheeduddin 1981, p. 27.
- ^ Waheeduddin 1981, p. 28.
- ^ Waheeduddin 1981, p. 25.
- ^ Waheeduddin 1981, p. iv.
- ^ Waheeduddin 1981, p. 3.
- ^ Waheeduddin 1981, p. 19.
- ^ Waheeduddin 1981, p. 17.
- ^ Waheeduddin 1981, p. 18.
- ^ a b c d e Waheeduddin 1981, p. 20.
- ^ a b c d Waheeduddin 1981, p. 23.
- ^ a b Waheeduddin 1981, p. 22.
- ^ Waheeduddin 1981, p. 24.
- ^ Lodrick, D. O. 1981. Sacred Cows, Sacred Places. Berkeley: University of California Press, p. 145
- ^ Vigne, G. T., 1840. A Personal Narrative of a Visit to Ghuzni, Kabul, and Afghanistan, and a Residence at the Court of Dost Mohammed, London: Whittaker and Co. p. 246 The Real Ranjit Singh; by Fakir Syed Waheeduddin, published by Punjabi University, ISBN 81-7380-778-7, 2001, 2nd ed.
- ^ Matthew Atmore Sherring (1868). The Sacred City of the Hindus: An Account of Benares in Ancient and Modern Times. Trübner & co. p. 51.
- ^ Madhuri Desai (2007). Resurrecting Banaras: Urban Space, Architecture and Religious Boundaries. ISBN 978-0-549-52839-5.[permanent dead link]
- ^ Hügel, Baron (1845) 2000. Travels in Kashmir and the Panjab, containing a Particular Account of the Government and Character of the Sikhs, tr. Major T. B. Jervis. rpt, Delhi: Low Price Publications, p. 151
- ^ Masson, Charles. 1842. Narrative of Various Journeys in Balochistan, Afghanistan and the Panjab, 3 v. London: Richard Bentley (1) 37
- ^ Chitralekha, Zutshi (2019). "Kashmir as Mulk". Kashmir. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0190990466. Archived from the original on 5 April 2023. Retrieved 19 March 2023.
- ^ Polk, William Roe (2018). Crusade and Jihad: The Thousand-year War Between the Muslim World and the Global North. Yale University Press. p. 263. ISBN 978-0300222906.
- ^ Bray, John (2008). Modern Ladakh: Anthropological Perspectives on Continuity and Change. Brill. p. 48. ISBN 978-9047443346. Archived from the original on 5 April 2023. Retrieved 19 March 2023.
- ^ Dollfus, Pascale (1995). "The History of Muslims in Central Ladakh". The Tibet Journal. 20 (3): 41. ISSN 0970-5368. JSTOR 43300542.
- ^ Ziad, Waleed (2021). Hidden Caliphate: Sufi Saints Beyond the Oxus and Indus. Harvard University Press. p. 45. ISBN 978-0-674-24881-6. Archived from the original on 17 August 2024. Retrieved 11 March 2022.
- ^ Chida-Razvi, Mehreen (2020). The Friday Mosque in the City: Liminality, Ritual, and Politics. Intellect Books. pp. 91–94. ISBN 978-1-78938-304-1. Archived from the original on 14 August 2024. Retrieved 11 March 2022.
In addition to the masjid's use as a site for military storage, stables for the cavalry horses, and barracks for soldiers, parts of it were also used as storage for powder magazines.
- ^ Kumar, Ram Narayan (1991). The Sikh struggle : origin, evolution, and present phase. Georg Sieberer. Delhi: Chanakya Publications. p. 100. ISBN 81-7001-083-7. OCLC 24339822.
- ^ a b Puri, Harish K. (June–July 2003). "Scheduled Castes in Sikh Community: A Historical Perspective". Economic and Political Weekly. 38 (26). Economic and Political Weekly: 2693–2701. JSTOR 4413731.
- ^ a b Grewal 1998, p. 113.
- ^ Hans, Surjit (April 2006). "Why are we sentimental about Ranjit Singh ?". The Panjab, Past and Present. XXXVII – Part 1: 47.
- ^ Singh, Amarinder (2010). The Last Sunset: The Rise and Fall of the Lahore Durbar. Roli Books. p. 23. ISBN 978-81-7436-779-2.
- ^ a b c d Miller, Yvette Alt (3 September 2023). "When Jews Found Refuge in the Sikh Empire". Aish. Archived from the original on 14 August 2024. Retrieved 6 September 2023.
- ^ Tahir, Saif (3 March 2016). "The lost Jewish history of Rawalpindi, Pakistan". blogs.timesofisrael.com. Archived from the original on 27 February 2023. Retrieved 27 February 2023.
The history of Jews in Rawalpindi dates back to 1839 when many Jewish families from Mashhad fled to save themselves from the persecutions and settled in various parts of subcontinent including Peshawar and Rawalpindi.
- ^ Considine, Craig (2017). Islam, race, and pluralism in the Pakistani diaspora. Milton: Routledge. ISBN 978-1-315-46276-9. OCLC 993691884.
- ^ Khan, Naveed Aman (12 May 2018). "Pakistani Jews and PTI". Daily Times. Archived from the original on 14 August 2024. Retrieved 27 February 2023.
- ^ "Rawalpindi – Rawalpindi Development Authority". Rawalpindi Development Authority (rda.gop.pk). Archived from the original on 6 March 2023. Retrieved 27 February 2023.
Jews first arrived in Rawalpindi's Babu Mohallah neighbourhood from Mashhad, Persia in 1839, in order to flee from anti-Jewish laws instituted by the Qajar dynasty.
- ^ Daiya, Kavita (2008). Violent belongings : partition, gender, and national culture in postcolonial India. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. p. 129. ISBN 978-1-59213-745-9. OCLC 302391286.
- ^ Cunningham, Joseph Davey (1849). A History of the Sikhs, from the Origin of the Nation to the Battles of the Sutlej. London: J. Murray. p. 424. Archived from the original on 14 August 2024. Retrieved 18 January 2022.
- ^ "Archived copy" (PDF). Archived (PDF) from the original on 14 August 2024. Retrieved 3 August 2023.
{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link) - ^ Grewal 1998, p. 114.
- ^ Singh, Bawa Satinder (1971). "Raja Gulab Singh's Role in the First Anglo-Sikh War". Modern Asian Studies. 5 (1): 46–50. doi:10.1017/s0026749x00002845. JSTOR 311654. S2CID 145500298.
- ^ Herrli, Hans (2004). "6: Kashmir - The Sikh Governors of Kashmir". The Coins of the Sikhs (2nd ed.). Munshiram Manoharlal. p. 120. ISBN 9788121511322.
- ^ Miniature painting from the photo album of princely families in the Sikh and Rajput territories by Colonel James Skinner (1778–1841)
Sources
[edit]- Chaurasia, R. S. (2004). History of the Marathas. Atlantic Publishers & Dist. ISBN 978-8126903948. Retrieved 26 May 2012.
- Gupta, Hari Ram (1991). The Sikh Lion of Lahore (Maharaja Ranjit Singh, 1799–1839). History Of The Sikhs. Vol. V. Munshiram Manoharlal. ISBN 978-8-121-50515-4.
- Heath, Ian (2005), The Sikh Army 1799–1849, Osprey Publishing (UK), ISBN 1-84176-777-8
- Kalsi, Sewa Singh (2005), Sikhism, Religions of the World, Chelsea House Publications, ISBN 978-0-7910-8098-6
- Markovits, Claude (2004), A history of modern India, 1480–1950, London: Anthem Press, ISBN 978-1-84331-152-2
- Jestice, Phyllis G. (2004), Holy people of the world: a cross-cultural encyclopedia, Volume 3, ABC-CLIO, ISBN 978-1-57607-355-1
- Johar, Surinder Singh (1975), Guru Tegh Bahadur, University of Wisconsin–Madison Center for South Asian Studies, ISBN 81-7017-030-3
- Singh, Pritam (2008), Federalism, Nationalism and Development: India and the Punjab Economy, Routledge, pp. 25–26, ISBN 978-0-415-45666-1
- Nesbitt, Eleanor (2005), Sikhism: A Very Short Introduction, Oxford University Press, US, p. 61, ISBN 978-0-19-280601-7
- Waheeduddin, Fakir Syed (1981). The Real Ranjit Singh. Patiala, Punjab, India: Punjabi University. ISBN 978-8173807787. Retrieved 14 May 2019.
Further reading
[edit]- Grewal, J. S. (1998). The Sikhs of the Punjab. The New Cambridge History of India. Vol. II.3 (Revised ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1316025338. Retrieved 16 April 2020.
- Volume 2: Evolution of Sikh Confederacies (1708–1769), By Hari Ram Gupta. (Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers. 1999, ISBN 81-215-0540-2, 383 pages, illustrated)
- The Sikh Army (1799–1849) (Men-at-arms), By Ian Heath. (2005, ISBN 1-84176-777-8)
- The Heritage of the Sikhs By Harbans Singh. (1994, ISBN 81-7304-064-8).
- Sikh Domination of the Mughal Empire. (2000, 2nd ed. ISBN 81-215-0213-6)
- The Sikh Commonwealth or Rise and Fall of Sikh Misls. (2001, revised ed. ISBN 81-215-0165-2)
- Maharaja Ranjit Singh, Lord of the Five Rivers, By Jean-Marie Lafont. (Oxford University Press. 2002, ISBN 0-19-566111-7)
- History of Panjab, By L. M. Joshi and Fauja Singh [ISBN missing]
- Maharaja Ranjit Singh and his Times, By Bhagat Singh. (Sehgal Publishers Service. 1990, ISBN 81-85477-01-9)
- Ranjit Singh – monarch mystique, By V. Nalwa. (Hari Singh Nalwa Foundation Trust. 2022, ISBN 978-81-910526-1-9)
External links
[edit]Sikh Empire
View on GrokipediaHistorical Origins
Mughal Decline and Sikh Resistance
The Mughal Empire's authority in Punjab began eroding in the late 17th century amid Emperor Aurangzeb's prolonged Deccan campaigns, which strained central resources and left provincial governors increasingly autonomous and vulnerable to local rebellions.[11] Aurangzeb's reimposition of the jizya tax on non-Muslims in 1679 and targeted persecutions against Sikh communities, including the execution of Guru Tegh Bahadur in 1675 for refusing conversion, intensified Sikh resolve for self-defense, fostering a shift from spiritual to militarized organization under Guru Gobind Singh's doctrine of the Khalsa in 1699.[12] This causal chain of religious coercion—rooted in Mughal enforcement of Islamic orthodoxy—prompted Sikhs to adopt fortified settlements like Anandpur Sahib as bases for resistance, directly countering imperial overreach rather than initiating unprovoked expansion. The siege and sack of Anandpur Sahib in 1704 exemplified Mughal-Hill Raja alliances against Sikh consolidation, with Aurangzeb dispatching governors from Sirhind (Wazir Khan), Lahore (Zaberdast Khan), and Kashmir to besiege the fort from May to December, involving tens of thousands of troops against Guru Gobind Singh's forces of approximately 2,000-5,000.[13] Hill Rajas, frustrated by Sikh raids for supplies amid blockades, allied with Mughals to curb the Khalsa's growing autonomy, leading to the fort's evacuation under a false oath of safe passage; subsequent betrayals resulted in the Battle of Chamkaur (December 1704), where 40 Sikhs held off a Mughal force estimated at 10,000, and the martyrdoms of Guru Gobind Singh's four sons, including the younger two bricked alive in Sirhind.[14] These events, verifiable through contemporary Sikh bachittar natak accounts and Mughal records, triggered widespread Sikh dispersal into guerrilla bands, leveraging terrain knowledge for ambushes and dawn raids while sustaining cohesion via egalitarian sangat networks and mobile langar provisions.[15] Banda Singh Bahadur's uprising from 1709-1715 further exploited Mughal fragmentation, as he mobilized peasant Sikhs to capture territories like Sirhind (November 1710), redistributing land to the landless and abolishing feudal dues, directly responding to prior massacres like the 1704-1705 killings of 20,000-30,000 Sikhs in punitive campaigns.[16] Captured in December 1715 after a siege at Gurdas Nangal and executed in Delhi on June 9, 1716—alongside 740 companions tortured and beheaded before him—Mughal forces under governors like Abd-us-Samad Khan (Lahore subahdar 1713-1726) aimed to decapitate Sikh leadership, yet empirical records show Sikh jathas (small warrior groups of 25-100) persisted underground, conducting hit-and-run operations that inflicted disproportionate casualties on imperial troops through baited traps and rapid retreats.[17] This resilience stemmed from Guru Nanak's foundational emphasis on communal equality and Guru Gobind Singh's miri-piri (temporal-spiritual duality), enabling decentralized survival amid Mughal governors' divided attentions during succession wars post-Aurangzeb's death in 1707, which saw Punjab's revenue collection falter by 20-30% due to revolts. Post-1716, Sikh resistance transitioned to sustained attrition warfare, with bands evading large-scale Mughal hunts by dispersing into Doab forests and Shivalik hills, gradually eroding governors' control over rural Punjab as imperial armies, numbering 10,000-20,000 per campaign, suffered from supply line disruptions and desertions.[18] By the 1730s, under Zakariya Khan (1726-1745), Mughal offers of jagirs to co-opt Sikh leaders failed, as groups like the Kapur Singh-led Khalsa rejected subordination, instead capturing outposts and taxing villages, reflecting a causal evolution from defensive survival to proto-sovereign confederacies forged by persecution's selective pressures rather than opportunistic plunder.[16] This pattern—verifiable in Akhbarat court bulletins and Sikh hukamnamas—underscored how Mughal administrative overextension, compounded by 40,000-50,000 Sikh casualties from 1700-1750 yet undiminished recruitment from converts and sympathizers, inverted power dynamics in Punjab without reliance on external invasions until later Afghan incursions.Formation of the Dal Khalsa and Misls
The Sikh warrior bands, known as jathas, evolved into more structured military confederacies in the early 18th century amid relentless Mughal persecution following the execution of Banda Singh Bahadur in 1716. These groups operated as guerrilla forces in the Punjab countryside, relying on mobility and hit-and-run tactics to survive imperial suppression. By the 1730s, Nawab Kapur Singh, a prominent Sikh leader, reorganized approximately 65 jathas into two larger divisions—Buddha Dal for older warriors and Taruna Dal for younger ones—to enhance coordination against common threats.[19] This restructuring laid the groundwork for the misls, semi-autonomous Sikh polities that balanced martial discipline with territorial administration.[20] In 1748, at a gathering of the Sarbat Khalsa in Amritsar, the Sikhs formalized the Dal Khalsa as a unified political and military authority, electing Jassa Singh Ahluwalia of the Ahluwalia misl as supreme commander-in-chief. The Dal Khalsa integrated the 12 principal misls—Ahluwalia, Bhangi, Kanhaiya, Ramgarhia, Singhpuria, Sukerchakia, Nishanwalia, Karorsinghia, Nakai, Shaheed, Dallewalia, and Krora Singhia—each led by a sardar governing specific territories through revenue collection via rakhi, a protection tax on villages, and maintaining cavalry forces. This confederate structure enabled pragmatic governance, with misls controlling swathes of Punjab from the Sutlej to the Indus, fostering alliances for collective defense while allowing internal autonomy. Military estimates placed the Dal Khalsa's strength at around 70,000 horsemen, emphasizing light cavalry suited to the region's flat terrain and seasonal invasions.[21][19][20] The misls' resilience was tested by Ahmad Shah Durrani's repeated campaigns into Punjab from 1747 to 1769, which sought to exploit Mughal decline but encountered fierce Sikh resistance. Durrani's forces sacked Sikh holy sites and inflicted heavy losses, notably in the 1762 Wadda Ghalughara massacre that killed tens of thousands, yet the confederacies regrouped through decentralized command and ideological commitment to the Khalsa ethos. By the 1770s, retaliatory strikes like the capture of Lahore in 1765 demonstrated the misls' growing capacity to dictate terms, gradually asserting de facto control over Punjab's core territories despite ongoing Afghan pressure. This era of proto-state formation underscored how alliances and adaptive warfare transformed defensive bands into regional powers capable of revenue extraction and territorial defense.[22] British recognition of Sikh autonomy emerged with the 1809 Treaty of Amritsar, which delineated boundaries between British-protected cis-Sutlej states and Sikh-held territories west of the Sutlej River, implicitly acknowledging the misls' successor entities as a cohesive political force. Signed amid fears of French influence via Ranjit Singh's overtures, the treaty barred Sikh expansion eastward while affirming control over western Punjab, marking an early diplomatic validation of the confederacies' hard-won sovereignty amid Eurasian power shifts.[23]Establishment and Peak
Unification under Ranjit Singh
Maharaja Ranjit Singh, born on November 13, 1780, inherited leadership of the Sukerchakia Misl in 1792 following his father's death, navigating a landscape of fragmented Sikh confederacies amid Afghan incursions and internal rivalries. By 1799, after subduing rival Misls through a combination of military campaigns and alliances, he mobilized a force of approximately 25,000 troops to besiege Lahore, capturing the city on July 7, 1799, from the Bhangi Misl chiefs, thereby establishing it as the capital of a nascent centralized Sikh state.[24][25] This conquest marked the pivotal shift from decentralized Misl autonomy to unified sovereignty, as Ranjit Singh imposed tribute on the populace while minimizing reprisals to foster loyalty. On April 12, 1801, during the Baisakhi festival, Ranjit Singh formally assumed the title of Maharaja through a coronation ceremony officiated by Sikh clergy, solidifying his royal authority over the Punjab region and transitioning the polity into the Sarkar-i-Wala, a structured kingdom.[25][26] His consolidation involved absorbing disparate Misl armies into a cohesive Khalsa force, retaining sardars in advisory roles via jagir land grants that preserved feudal incentives alongside emerging centralized command, thus blending traditional hierarchies with nascent state control. Personal charisma, evidenced by his ability to reconcile feuding Misl leaders through oaths of fealty, complemented strategic marriages—such as to the daughter of Nakodar chief Heera Singh in 1796 and later unions with families of subdued Misls—which forged kinship ties to deter rebellions and expand influence without constant warfare.[27][28] Administrative innovations emphasized merit in recruitment, integrating non-Sikh talent including Muslim artillery experts and Hindu administrators into key positions, which enhanced efficiency but coexisted with patronage systems favoring loyal Sikh sardars, countering notions of pure egalitarianism by underscoring pragmatic feudal realism.[27] By 1839, at Ranjit Singh's death, this unification had yielded an empire spanning modern Punjab, incorporating Multan by 1818 and parts of Kashmir by 1819, encompassing roughly 200,000 square miles through causal chains of conquest stabilization via inclusive governance and alliance-building.[29][30]Major Conquests and Territorial Expansion
The conquest of Multan in 1818 represented the Sikh Empire's initial major expansion southward into Afghan-controlled territories. After previous unsuccessful attempts, Maharaja Ranjit Singh dispatched forces under Akali Phula Singh and Desa Singh Majithia, who besieged the fort held by Nawab Muzaffar Khan. The defenders resisted fiercely, but the fort capitulated on June 2, 1818, following heavy bombardment and assaults, allowing Sikh troops to enter the city amid reports of subsequent looting.[31][32] This victory secured the fertile Multan region, providing access to substantial agricultural revenues that bolstered the empire's treasury, though it required establishing permanent garrisons to suppress local unrest.[33] In 1819, the empire extended northward by annexing Kashmir through a campaign against Afghan governor Jabbar Khan. Sikh forces under Misr Diwan Chand advanced into the valley, culminating in the Battle of Shopian on July 3, where they decisively defeated the Afghan garrison despite challenging mountainous terrain and supply issues.[34] The conquest incorporated the prosperous Kashmir province, renowned for its shawl trade and timber resources, significantly augmenting the empire's revenue streams and landmass while establishing a strategic buffer in the north.[35] However, integration demanded ongoing military commitments, as Afghan remnants and hill tribes mounted periodic raids, straining resources.[36] The push westward reached Peshawar in 1834, aimed at fortifying defenses against recurrent Afghan incursions. Ranjit Singh ordered Hari Singh Nalwa to reclaim the city, leading to the Battle of Peshawar on May 6, where Sikh artillery and infantry overwhelmed Yusufzai tribesmen and Afghan holdouts after brief but intense fighting.[37] This annexation created a critical frontier outpost, enhancing control over the Khyber Pass trade routes and preventing deeper invasions, yet it exposed the empire to overextension, with high costs for maintaining troops amid hostile Pashtun populations. The campaigns benefited from European military expertise, including French officers like Jean-Baptiste Ventura and Jean-François Allard, who trained elite units such as the Fauj-i-Khas, introducing disciplined infantry tactics and artillery that proved decisive in these operations.[38] Overall, these conquests tripled the empire's territory by 1839 but incurred substantial human and fiscal tolls, as garrisons faced attrition from guerrilla warfare and logistical hardships.[39]Governance and Administration
Central Authority and Bureaucracy
The Sikh Empire's central authority was vested in the Maharaja, who exercised absolute rule as a personal despot, directing state affairs through his own judgment supplemented by consultations with advisors and reference to Sikh scriptures.[40] Maharaja Ranjit Singh, ruling from 1801 to 1839, maintained direct oversight of executive functions, avoiding the centralized decadence of prior Mughal systems by balancing personal control with delegated responsibilities to competent officials regardless of ethnicity or religion.[41] Key to the executive core were diwans serving as chief ministers and department heads. Diwan Bhowani Das, appointed early in Ranjit Singh's reign, formalized bureaucratic procedures by introducing systematic record-keeping and dividing state business into specialized departments known as daftars.[40] Diwan Dinanath oversaw twelve such daftars handling civil and military administration, while Faqir Azizuddin managed foreign correspondence and assisted in domestic policy.[40] Appointments emphasized merit over lineage, drawing from Hindu, Muslim, and Sikh talents to ensure administrative competence in a diverse empire.[41] Persian served as the primary language for official records, decrees, and correspondence, reflecting continuity from preceding Indo-Persianate traditions while facilitating communication across linguistic divides.[42] To curb corruption, Ranjit Singh personally conducted audits of revenue and accounts, a practice that minimized embezzlement compared to earlier fragmented misl governance, though delegation to figures like Raja Dhian Singh increased in his later years due to declining health.[40] Critics note emerging nepotism toward the empire's end, particularly in favoring Dogra courtiers like Dhian Singh, yet empirical evidence from stable revenue yields and low reported scandals during Ranjit Singh's prime underscores a system prioritizing efficacy over birthright.[41] This structure enabled efficient rule over a multi-ethnic populace, with central mechanisms ensuring accountability without the over-centralization that plagued Mughal bureaucracy.[40]Provincial Divisions and Local Rule
The Sikh Empire's provincial administration emphasized decentralized governance through nazims, or governors, appointed to oversee major subahs such as Lahore, Multan, and Kashmir, granting them autonomy in internal affairs like revenue assessment and local security while mandating fixed tribute payments to the Lahore durbar for central military and administrative needs.[43][44] This structure pragmatically accommodated diverse ethnic and cultural landscapes, from the Punjabi doabs to frontier regions, prioritizing revenue sustainability over rigid uniformity.[45] In Multan subah, annexed in 1818, Dewan Sawan Mal, a Khatri administrator, governed as nazim from 1821 until his death in 1844, delegating sub-districts to subordinates while enforcing equitable land revenue systems that increased collections from 12 lakh rupees annually under prior Afghan rule to over 40 lakh by the 1830s, fostering local stability through minimal interference in agrarian customs.[46][47] Similarly, Lahore subah's nazims handled the core doab territories between the Ravi and Sutlej rivers, coordinating tribute from jagirdars without supplanting hereditary local elites.[45] Kashmir, conquered in 1819, exemplified adaptive local rule via jagir assignments blending Sikh oversight with indigenous governance; nazim Hari Singh Nalwa administered from 1820, while allies like Gulab Singh Dogra received Jammu as a jagir in 1820 for conquest services, allowing Dogra retention of hill customs and Muslim-majority valley practices under tribute obligations exceeding 7 lakh rupees yearly.[48][49] Such arrangements preserved regional administrative continuity, countering instability from prior Afghan depredations. To underpin provincial viability, nazims oversaw infrastructure like canal repairs across doabs; Ranjit Singh's regime restored inundation channels in eastern Punjab plains and perennial systems from the Ravi and Beas, irrigating thousands of acres to bolster crop yields and fixed revenue yields, demonstrating administrative foresight beyond militarism.[50][51]Legal and Judicial Systems
The judicial system of the Sikh Empire under Maharaja Ranjit Singh (r. 1801–1839) operated without codified laws, drawing instead on a hybrid framework of Sikh customary practices, religious precepts from the Guru Granth Sahib emphasizing equity and restitution, and regional traditions adapted to local populations.[41] This approach prioritized swift resolution over formal procedures, with village-level panchayats—councils of elders—serving as primary forums for civil and minor criminal disputes, often imposing fines or community service rather than corporal punishment to maintain social order.[43] In Muslim-majority areas like Kashmir, acquired in 1819, elements of Islamic precedents persisted alongside Sikh norms, reflecting pragmatic accommodation to foster administrative continuity, though enforcement remained inconsistent and subject to the ruler's oversight.[44] Decentralized administration empowered faujdars (military governors) and kardars (revenue collectors) to adjudicate serious cases, with appeals escalating to provincial courts or, rarely, the Maharaja's darbar in Lahore, where decisions hinged on oral testimonies and precedents rather than written statutes.[41] This system yielded empirical gains in stability: pre-empire Punjab had suffered rampant banditry and factional violence amid Misl confederacies, but under Ranjit Singh, crime rates declined markedly—reports indicate theft and dacoity were "practically abolished" through vigilant patrols and panchayat deterrence—enabling reopened trade routes and economic recovery.[52] Uniform land revenue taxation supplanted discriminatory levies like jizya, previously imposed by Muslim rulers, aligning fiscal policy with merit-based equity over religious distinction.[53] Enforcement, however, exhibited biases favoring Sikh elites and Khalsa affiliates, particularly in frontier conquests such as Multan (1818) and Peshawar (1834), where arbitrary fines, property seizures, or executions targeted resistors without due process, echoing the era's martial norms but contrasting with core Sikh tenets of justice.[54] Historians note these inconsistencies stemmed from the empire's rapid expansion—encompassing diverse ethnic groups from Sikhs (core 10-15% of population) to Muslims (majority in west)—yet overall, the framework curbed pre-existing anarchy more effectively than fragmented Misl governance, as evidenced by sustained territorial cohesion until Ranjit Singh's death in 1839.[41] Sources like Bikrama Jit Hasrat's accounts, drawn from contemporary European observers, underscore the system's flexibility but caution against idealizing it, given reliance on personal authority over institutionalized checks.[53]Military Organization
Structure of the Khalsa Army
The Khalsa Army formed the military foundation of the Sikh Empire, organized primarily into the elite Fauj-i-Khas, serving as the Maharaja's personal guard, and the Fauj-i-Ain, comprising regular standing forces. The Fauj-i-Khas consisted of four infantry battalions (paltans), two cavalry regiments, and attached artillery units, maintaining a strength of approximately 5,500 men by the late 1830s.[5] The Fauj-i-Ain expanded this framework with additional paltans of disciplined infantry, irregular cavalry contingents, and specialized artillery trains equipped with heavy guns and trained operators, reflecting a shift from feudal levies to a centralized professional force.[55] By the 1830s, the overall army numbered around 85,000 troops, underscoring its scale and organizational sophistication often minimized in Western historical narratives that emphasized cultural rather than empirical assessments of Sikh capabilities.[56] Recruitment into the Khalsa Army was merit-based and voluntary, prioritizing physical fitness and martial skill over religious or ethnic origin, which enabled inclusion of Sikhs, Muslims, Hindus, and European adventurers.[57] Europeans such as Jean-François Allard, a Napoleonic veteran hired in 1822, commanded cavalry wings and implemented European-style training, while Muslim soldiers served in significant numbers under officers like Hari Singh Nalwa.[58][59] Loyalty was cultivated through consistent pay and promotion by merit rather than heredity, transforming diverse recruits into a cohesive unit that enforced central authority and deterred internal factionalism.[60] This structure positioned the army as more than a defensive apparatus; its reliability directly sustained imperial stability by integrating former misl warriors into a unified command, suppressing dissent, and projecting power across diverse territories from the Sutlej to the Khyber Pass.[61] Contemporary European observers, despite occasional biases toward underestimating non-Western forces, acknowledged the army's discipline and effectiveness in maintaining order amid regional volatility.[56]Reforms, Technology, and Tactics
Under Maharaja Ranjit Singh, the Khalsa army underwent significant reforms through the employment of European military experts, beginning in the early 1820s, to instill discipline and modern organization. In 1822, French officers Jean-François Allard and Jean-Baptiste Ventura entered service, organizing the elite Fauj-i-Khas infantry brigade with three regiments trained in European linear tactics, close-order drill, and volley fire techniques derived from Napoleonic practices.[58] These reforms shifted the army from irregular cavalry dominance to a balanced force emphasizing infantry professionalism, with Ventura commanding units that demonstrated synchronized maneuvers in field exercises.[55] Technological advancements complemented these changes, including the widespread adoption of flintlock muskets and the production of artillery pieces in Lahore foundries, modeled on French and British designs to achieve greater range and accuracy. Paolo Avitabile, an Italian officer joining in 1827, oversaw infantry training and frontier governance, integrating rifled muskets into Sikh units for improved firepower in defensive positions.[62] By the 1830s, these innovations enabled the army to field batteries with howitzers and field guns capable of supporting infantry advances, as evidenced in campaigns where Sikh artillery outranged Afghan tribal weapons. Tactically, the reformed Khalsa emphasized combined arms integration, pairing disciplined infantry squares with cavalry flanks and mobile artillery to counter Afghan guerrilla raids in mountainous terrain. Commanders like Hari Singh Nalwa exploited terrain knowledge alongside European formations, employing feigned retreats to draw enemies into artillery kill zones during operations in the Khyber Pass and Peshawar region, securing key victories such as the 1834 capture of Peshawar after repelling Afghan counterattacks.[63] This approach yielded high success rates in frontier engagements, with Sikh forces winning over a dozen major clashes against Afghan armies between 1819 and 1837, often inflicting disproportionate casualties through coordinated fire support.[64] While these reforms extended the empire's defensive longevity by professionalizing irregular warriors, the heavy reliance on foreign advisors has drawn critique from some Sikh chroniclers for introducing external dependencies that strained indigenous command structures.[65]Key Campaigns and Battles
The conquest of Multan in 1818 marked an early expansion southward, where Maharaja Ranjit Singh dispatched an army of approximately 20,000 under Misr Diwan Chand in March to besiege the fortress held by Nawab Muzaffar Khan, a nominal Durrani tributary.[66] The siege involved heavy artillery bombardment, culminating in the city's capture by June 1818 after Muzaffar Khan's surrender and death; Sikh forces subsequently engaged in extensive looting, with spoils distributed to sustain military operations and reward troops, though this plunder inflicted severe hardship on the local population.[31] Casualty figures are imprecise, but the prolonged assault highlighted tactical reliance on siege warfare over open-field maneuvers, contributing to Multan's integration into the empire despite ongoing rebellions.[66] The 1819 Kashmir expedition advanced northward, targeting Durrani control in the valley; after initial successes, the campaign peaked at the Battle of Shopian on July 3, where Misr Diwan Chand's Sikh forces, numbering around 12,000, decisively defeated an Afghan garrison under Jabbar Khan near the town's outskirts.[34] The engagement was marked by fierce close-quarters fighting, resulting in heavy Afghan losses and the flight of survivors, enabling Sikh annexation of Kashmir with minimal further resistance; however, the battle's high casualties on both sides—estimated in the thousands—underscored vulnerabilities in supply lines across mountainous terrain.[34] Strategic success here expanded revenue from shawl trade but strained resources due to garrison requirements and reports of punitive measures against resisters.[66] Pushing into Afghan territories, the 1837 Battle of Jamrud represented the empire's farthest northwestern reach, as Hari Singh Nalwa's forces fortified the Khyber Pass outpost against an Afghan assault led by Dost Mohammad Khan on April 30.[67] The Sikhs repelled the attack after two days of intense combat, inflicting significant defeats including the death of Afghan commanders, but suffered approximately 2,500 casualties alongside Afghan losses totaling around 7,000; Nalwa's mortal wounding during the defense exposed tactical errors in overextension without full reinforcements.[67] This pyrrhic victory halted Afghan incursions temporarily but failed to secure permanent control, with scorched-earth retreats and heavy tolls critiqued for unsustainable aggression.[67] Tensions along the Sutlej River escalated into precursors of the Anglo-Sikh War through skirmishes in the early 1840s, as Sikh armies probed British-protected principalities east of the frontier, including incursions near Ferozepur that violated the 1809 Treaty of Amritsar.[4] These clashes, involving artillery exchanges and raids, stemmed from post-Ranjit instability and Khalsa assertions of dominance, resulting in localized British repulses but heightening mutual suspicions; casualty data remains sparse, yet the episodes revealed Sikh overconfidence in irregular tactics against disciplined East India Company forces.[4] Such engagements, often framed as defensive by Sikh chroniclers but aggressive by British accounts, precipitated the full-scale crossing of the Sutlej in December 1845.[68]Economy and Resources
Land Revenue and Taxation
The land revenue system in the Sikh Empire centered on agricultural assessments, forming the backbone of state finances and comprising roughly 70% of total income. Assessments varied by crop and land type: the batai method for grains involved sharing one-half to one-third of unirrigated produce or one-quarter to one-sixth of irrigated yields, while zabt applied to cash crops through cash equivalents estimated from standing crops or per-plough units.[51][69] Rates generally ranged from one-tenth to one-half of produce, adjusted for soil quality, irrigation, and proximity to markets, with collection often auctioned to ijaradars (contractors) for fixed cash terms of three to six years or assigned via jagirs to military or administrative elites.[51][70] Under Maharaja Ranjit Singh, reforms emphasized cash-based taxation over traditional crop-sharing, including the abolition or reversion of certain jagirs upon holders' death or disloyalty to centralize control and fund salaried forces.[51] Interest-free taqavi loans supported farmers, tax remissions addressed famines or disasters, and incentives promoted wasteland reclamation and irrigation expansion, yielding measurable increases in cultivated area and output without documented agricultural decline.[51][70] Jagir revenues alone approximated 87 to 109 lakh rupees annually, contributing to empire-wide totals nearing 3 crore rupees that sustained expansionary policies.[51] While frontier districts faced variable enforcement and occasional higher demands amid insecurity, overall rates proved moderate—often below the one-third yield benchmark—and lower than Mughal precedents, where exactions frequently exceeded half the produce amid arbitrary impositions, fostering peasant stability rather than exploitation.[51][69] This structure prioritized sustainable extraction, with pro-cultivator consultations via local muqaddams and chaudhris ensuring adaptability and surplus generation for military needs.[69]Trade, Agriculture, and Infrastructure
The Sikh Empire's trade networks centered on Lahore and Amritsar as key commercial hubs, facilitating the export of luxury goods such as Kashmiri shawls, including prized pashmina varieties, to markets in Europe, Central Asia, Iran, and beyond.[71][72] These exports drew international merchants from regions including China, Turkey, Britain, and France, who adapted shawl designs to local preferences, underscoring the empire's integration into broader Eurasian trade circuits that enhanced revenue for military sustainment.[71] Imports, particularly high-quality warhorses from Afghan territories, supported the Khalsa army's cavalry needs, promoting self-reliance in equine resources critical for defensive campaigns against invasions.[73] Agriculture thrived on Punjab's alluvial plains, irrigated by rivers like the Ravi, with expansions under Maharaja Ranjit Singh including canals diverting Ravi waters to Lahore and branches extending to Amritsar's sacred tanks, which augmented local fertility and crop yields.[74] These efforts reclaimed wasteland for cultivation, enabling surplus production of grains, cotton, and indigo, portions of which were exported via overland routes to sustain economic diversification and buffer against wartime scarcities.[73] Such irrigation linked directly to strategic security, as reliable food supplies reduced dependency on external grain imports during prolonged conflicts. Infrastructure developments, including road networks, bridges, and ferries along major rivers, streamlined logistics for troop movements and commodity transport, fostering regional prosperity through faster internal trade.[75][76] Ranjit Singh's initiatives in these areas, such as improved connectivity between Punjab's core territories and frontier outposts, prioritized military mobility while enabling merchant caravans, though frequent border skirmishes with Afghan and hill states periodically halted construction and trade flows, limiting long-term gains.[76] This focus on durable transport arteries exemplified causal priorities in resource allocation, where infrastructural resilience directly bolstered the empire's capacity for independent defense.Society and Demographics
Population Composition and Ethnic Groups
The Sikh Empire's population during its zenith under Maharaja Ranjit Singh (r. 1801–1839) is estimated at approximately 12 million people across an area of about 100,000 square miles, though figures vary between 4.5 million and 12 million based on contemporary assessments.[77] Religious demographics reflected the empire's expansion into Muslim-majority territories like Multan, Kashmir, and Peshawar, with Muslims comprising the largest segment at roughly 70% (around 8.4 million), Hindus at 24% (about 2.88 million), and Sikhs at 6–7% (approximately 722,000).[78] These proportions challenge notions of a Sikh-majority populace, as Sikhs formed a distinct ruling minority despite their dominance in military and political spheres; no formal empire-wide census existed, but estimates derive from British observers, tax assessments, and regional revenue records serving as proxies for population density. Urban centers like Lahore exhibited somewhat higher Sikh and Hindu concentrations among elites and artisans, yet retained an overall Muslim majority in trade and labor populations. Ethnically, the empire was multi-ethnic, centered on Punjabi groups—predominantly Jat Sikhs, Punjabi Muslims, and Punjabi Hindus—who formed the demographic core in the fertile Doab and Majha regions. Western frontier areas, including Peshawar and Hazara, incorporated substantial Pathan (Pashtun) tribes, whose incorporation followed conquests displacing Durrani Afghan control and prompting limited migrations of Punjabi settlers. Hill territories such as Jammu introduced Dogra Rajputs and other Indo-Aryan hill peoples, who integrated into the administration and army, often as Hindu loyalists counterbalancing Muslim elements. Conquests facilitated ethnic mixing through military resettlements and administrative postings, with Sikh Jat warriors establishing villages in newly subdued areas, though the broader populace remained stratified by local ethnic majorities without significant forced homogenization. Regional variations underscored this diversity: Punjab heartlands were Punjabi-dominant with balanced religious subgroups, while annexed Afghan borderlands retained Pashtun cultural autonomy under Sikh governors, and southern Sindh fringes added Baloch and Sindhi Muslims. Tax rolls from jagirdari estates and revenue farms indirectly indicate population proxies, revealing higher densities in irrigated Punjabi plains (supporting the 12 million estimate) versus sparser trans-Indus tracts, but lack granular ethnic breakdowns due to the era's administrative focus on fiscal yields over demographic enumeration.[79]Social Hierarchy and Caste Dynamics
The Sikh Empire's social structure, while influenced by Sikhism's doctrinal opposition to caste distinctions, retained hierarchical elements rooted in pre-existing Punjabi societal norms, including varna and jati divisions that persisted through endogamy and occupational specialization. Jat Sikhs, comprising the agrarian and martial backbone of the population, dominated the military elite and landownership, leveraging their numerical strength and martial traditions to secure political influence under Maharaja Ranjit Singh, who himself hailed from the Sandhawalia Jat misl. This dominance arose from the Khalsa's historical reliance on Jat recruits during the 18th-century misl confederacies, where their pastoralist and warrior ethos aligned with the militarized needs of empire-building, effectively creating a de facto aristocracy despite egalitarian ideals.[80][81] Administrative roles, conversely, were often filled by urban Khatri Sikhs and Hindu Brahmins, who managed revenue collection, diplomacy, and court functions due to their literacy and mercantile expertise, illustrating a pragmatic division of labor that mirrored broader Indo-Persian bureaucratic traditions rather than strict religious meritocracy. Evidence of caste endogamy is evident in marriage practices among Sikh jatis, such as Jats preferentially wedding within clan networks to preserve land holdings and status, which reinforced social boundaries even as inter-jati alliances occurred in wartime. Lower-status groups, including Mazhabi Sikhs (formerly Chuhras) and other Scheduled Castes converts, faced exclusion from elite circles but experienced limited upward mobility through enlistment in the Khalsa army, where merit in combat could elevate individuals irrespective of birth, though systemic discrimination in gurdwaras and villages persisted.[82][83] Critiques of these dynamics, drawn from contemporary observers and later historians, highlight how Jat hegemony marginalized non-Jat Sikhs in resource allocation and leadership, yet the empire's expansionist demands fostered a degree of fluidity absent in more rigid Hindu kingdoms, as military service democratized access to jagirs (land grants) for proven soldiers from diverse backgrounds. Slavery, practiced through captives from Afghan campaigns, was not formally abolished but mitigated under Ranjit Singh's policies emphasizing loyalty over bondage; slaves often integrated into households or forces with opportunities for manumission via service, reflecting a paternalistic approach rather than outright eradication. This interplay of ideals and pragmatics underscores how cultural inertia and causal imperatives of governance sustained hierarchies, prioritizing stability and conquest over doctrinal purity.[84][80]Urbanization and Daily Life
Lahore, established as the capital in 1799 following Ranjit Singh's conquest, experienced urban development characterized by the construction of opulent havelis for nobles and officials, often featuring intricate wall murals and spacious courtyards reflective of Sikh architectural influences blended with local traditions.[71] Amritsar, captured in 1802, solidified its role as a premier commercial and religious hub, with its markets facilitating trade in textiles, grains, and manufactured goods, drawing merchants from across northern India.[85] These cities hosted vibrant bazaars where daily commerce thrived amid a diverse population, though precise urbanization metrics remain elusive due to limited contemporary censuses; the empire's overall estimated population of around 3.5 million by the 1830s supported concentrated urban activity in Punjab's key centers.[86] In rural areas, which encompassed the majority of the empire's territory, daily life revolved around agriculture, with approximately 90% of the population engaged in farming wheat, barley, cotton, and indigo on rain-fed lands supplemented by rudimentary irrigation wells and canals promoted under Ranjit Singh's reforms.[87] [88] Farmers adhered to seasonal cycles—sowing in autumn and harvesting in spring—while facing variable yields dependent on monsoons, though state incentives like interest-free loans and tax relief for canal construction aimed to bolster productivity and avert famines.[89] Urban dwellers, including artisans and traders in Lahore's and Amritsar's bazaars, pursued routines of market haggling, guild-based craftsmanship in shawls and metalwork, and periodic fairs tied to religious festivals, intertwining economic activity with the empire's militarized ethos. Military obligations permeated daily existence, as many able-bodied men from agrarian backgrounds served in the Khalsa army during campaigns or routine drills, transitioning between plowshares and swords in a society where soldiering provided supplemental income amid agrarian uncertainties.[51] Women, guided by Sikh tenets of gender parity, managed households, oversaw family farms during men's absences, and participated in community langars or small-scale trade, though customary practices sometimes limited their public roles despite doctrinal equality.[90] This blend of prosperity—fueled by stable revenues and internal security—and militarism defined lived experiences, with empirical accounts from European travelers noting bustling yet disciplined urban scenes against a backdrop of rural resilience.[71]Religious Policies and Practices
Promotion of Sikhism
Maharaja Ranjit Singh initiated major renovations to the Harmandir Sahib (Golden Temple) in Amritsar shortly after consolidating power, repairing the principal building in 1802 and overlaying the sanctum with gold plating between 1803 and 1830 using approximately 750 kilograms of gold from state resources.[91][92][93] These enhancements, funded through imperial revenues, elevated the site's status as Sikhism's central shrine, drawing increased devotion and reinforcing communal ties without mandating adherence.[94] The Sikh Empire provided endowments to gurdwaras from land revenues and treasury allocations, sustaining priestly orders and ritual maintenance across Punjab, which stabilized Sikh institutions fragmented by prior misl conflicts.[95] This patronage, exemplified by grants to key sites like the Golden Temple complex, fostered a structured religious administration, enabling the Akal Takht to function as a temporal advisory authority on Sikh affairs. Ranjit Singh deferred to its rulings, as in 1818 when Jathedar Akali Phula Singh ordered him punished with lashes for a controversial marriage, underscoring the Takht's influence in guiding elite conduct per Sikh norms.[96][97] Such state support contributed to codifying post-Guru practices by prioritizing scriptural recitation and khalsa discipline in public ceremonies, bridging the Guru era's oral traditions with institutionalized observance, thereby consolidating Sikh identity amid territorial expansion.[98] This approach emphasized voluntary consolidation through prestige and resource allocation rather than coercion, aligning with the empire's secular military ethos while elevating Sikhism's cultural prominence.[95]Interfaith Relations and Tolerance Claims
Maharaja Ranjit Singh's administration did not impose religious taxes such as jizya or pilgrimage levies on non-Sikhs, departing from practices under prior Muslim rulers in the region and reflecting a policy of non-discriminatory taxation based on land revenue rather than faith.[99] [100] This approach extended to freedom of worship, with subjects of Hindu, Muslim, and other faiths permitted to practice openly without state interference, as evidenced by Ranjit Singh's personal visits to shrines of Muslim saints and his funding for repairs to mosques like Lahore's Badshahi Mosque.[99] [100] High-level appointments disregarded religious affiliation, prioritizing competence for stability in a diverse empire where Sikhs formed a minority. Muslims held key roles, including Fakir Azizuddin, a Sayyid physician and diplomat who served as foreign minister from the early 1800s, negotiating treaties with European powers and advising on international affairs.[101] [102] In conquered territories like Peshawar, Ranjit Singh retained or appointed Muslim governors, such as Jahan Dad Khan, to maintain local administration and extract tribute without disrupting Muslim elites who submitted.[103] Such pragmatism ensured administrative continuity amid a population where Muslims predominated in frontier regions, reducing rebellion risks through co-optation rather than exclusion. Claims of exceptional tolerance, often highlighted in hagiographic accounts of Ranjit Singh's rule, warrant empirical scrutiny against evidence of post-conquest reprisals targeting resistant Muslim nobility. Following the 1818 siege of Multan, for instance, Governor Muzaffar Khan— a Muslim Nawab who had defied Sikh advances—was captured, blinded, and executed, alongside associates, as retribution for prolonged resistance that cost Sikh forces significant casualties.[104] Similar punitive actions occurred after Afghan defeats, including sackings in Peshawar Valley campaigns (1818–1834), where Afghan sardars and their kin faced execution or enslavement if they rebelled, though non-combatant Muslims were generally spared.[104] These measures, while not systematically anti-Muslim, challenged narratives of unqualified tolerance by prioritizing conquest consolidation over clemency for elites tied to prior oppressive regimes like the Afghans, whose invasions had fueled Sikh grievances. Conversions to Sikhism under the empire appear predominantly voluntary, aligned with Sikh tenets rejecting coercion, with no documented policies mandating baptism (amrit) or mass forced inductions.[105] Growth in Sikh adherents stemmed from administrative incentives and cultural appeal in Punjab heartlands, but frontier Muslims largely retained their faith, underscoring tolerance as a governance tool rather than proselytizing zeal. This realpolitik—rooted in causal incentives for loyalty amid ethnic-religious diversity—sustained rule without ideological purity, as religious harmony minimized fiscal and military drains from communal strife, though it coexisted with selective severity against threats.[28] [99]Foreign Relations
Interactions with Afghan Powers
The Sikh misls began reversing Afghan territorial gains following Ahmad Shah Durrani's invasions, which culminated in the sack of Lahore on 5 February 1762 during his third campaign, where Afghan forces looted the city and massacred civilians before withdrawing due to supply issues and Sikh guerrilla resistance.[106] By the late 18th century, fragmented Sikh forces under misl leaders recaptured Lahore multiple times from Afghan governors, with the Bhangi Misl reoccupying it as early as 1765 after Durrani's departure, establishing de facto control through persistent raids and defensive fortifications that disrupted Afghan supply lines.[107] These victories stemmed from Sikh mobility and local knowledge, causally limiting Afghan reconsolidation in Punjab by denying sustained garrisons and tribute extraction. Under Maharaja Ranjit Singh, who unified the misls and captured Lahore definitively on 7 July 1799, the Sikh Khalsa Army launched targeted campaigns against residual Afghan influence in the northwest, capturing Attock Fort in 1813 from Afghan warlord Jahandad Khan and thereby securing the Indus River crossing.[63] Hari Singh Nalwa, appointed governor of the frontier regions, extended control to Peshawar by defeating Afghan forces led by Yar Muhammad Khan in May 1834, routing them toward the Khyber Pass and establishing Sikh administration with a garrison of 10,000 troops.[108] Nalwa's strategy of fort construction, including Jamrud Fort in 1836 near the Khyber Pass, empirically stabilized the border by deterring large-scale incursions, as Afghan raids—often numbering 5,000-10,000 Yusufzai and other Pashtun tribesmen—were repelled through superior artillery and infantry discipline, reducing Afghan penetration beyond Peshawar. Afghan resilience persisted through opportunistic raids, with Emir Dost Mohammad Khan launching probes into Sikh-held territories, but these yielded no net territorial gains, as evidenced by the Battle of Jamrud on 30 April 1837, where 20,000-30,000 Afghan assailants under Akbar Khan failed to breach Sikh defenses despite inflicting heavy casualties, including Nalwa's death from wounds.[106] Sikh chronicles portray these engagements as heroic defenses preserving Punjab from Islamic reconquest, while Afghan accounts emphasize tribal valor and logistical endurance, though empirical outcomes—Sikh retention of Peshawar until 1849 and cessation of tribute demands—demonstrate causal Sikh dominance in checking expansionist pressures. No formal treaties stabilized the frontier; instead, mutual raids and skirmishes defined interactions until British intervention, with Sikh victories rooted in centralized command and European-trained units that outmatched decentralized Afghan tribal levies.[63]Anglo-Sikh Diplomacy and Conflicts
The Treaty of Amritsar, signed on 25 April 1809 between Maharaja Ranjit Singh and Charles T. Metcalfe, the British East India Company's envoy, established the Sutlej River as the boundary between Sikh and British spheres of influence. Ranjit Singh agreed not to lead any troops across the Sutlej eastward, effectively ceding claims to the cis-Sutlej territories under British protection, while the British reciprocated by forswearing interference in Sikh domains west of the river. This pact, motivated by British concerns over French-allied threats via Ranjit Singh during the Napoleonic Wars, preserved a fragile peace for three decades by containing Sikh expansionism.[109][110] Under Ranjit Singh, Anglo-Sikh relations emphasized wary amity, with the maharaja modernizing his forces through European mercenaries—numbering over 50 officers from France, Italy, and elsewhere—to emulate British drill and artillery tactics without direct confrontation. British political agents, such as Captain Claude Wade stationed at Ludhiana from 1823, exerted influence over the Sikh principalities east of the Sutlej, reporting on Lahore's court and mediating disputes, which bred Sikh distrust of British meddling in their confederacies. Ranjit Singh's diplomatic overtures extended to continental Europe, including correspondence with Tsar Alexander I of Russia in 1809 and King Louis-Philippe of France, who addressed him in 1835 as "Rendjit Sing Bahador - Padichah du Pendjab" in a letter seeking alliance against common foes.[110][111]Post-1839, following Ranjit Singh's death on 27 June amid rapid successions and court intrigues involving poisonings and purges, British policy shifted from restraint to opportunistic engagement. Governor-General Lord Auckland's administration (1836–1842) maintained a non-intervention stance but monitored Punjab's disarray through agents, while the 1843 annexation of Sindh heightened Sikh fears of encirclement. British envoys in Lahore, lacking formal residency status pre-war, cultivated factions among Dogra courtiers and disaffected sardars, exploiting the Khalsa army's grievances over unpaid wages and regency instability under Maharani Jind Kaur.[112][113] Critics, including some Punjabi historians, have alleged British duplicity in fomenting Sikh disunity via subsidies to rival claimants, though archival records indicate more passive exploitation of endogenous chaos than premeditated subversion. Sikh overconfidence, rooted in the army's expansion to over 100,000 troops by the 1840s and victories under Ranjit, manifested in provocative maneuvers like the December 1845 Sutlej crossing, interpreted by the British as invasion despite Sikh protestations of defensive intent amid Ferozepur garrison buildups. These dynamics reveal conflict as contingent on post-Ranjit vacuum and reciprocal escalations, not inexorable British dominance, as evidenced by three decades of deterrence under a unified Sikh state.[114][112]


