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Visayans
Visayans
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Visayans (Cebuano: mga Bisayà [bisaˈjaʔ]) are a Philippine ethnolinguistic family group or metaethnicity native to the Visayas, to the southernmost islands south of Luzon, and to a significant portion of Mindanao. They are composed of numerous distinct ethnic groups. When taken as a single group, they number around 33.5 million. The Visayans, like the Luzon Lowlanders (Tagalogs, Bicolanos, Ilocanos, etc.) were originally predominantly animist-polytheists and broadly share a maritime culture until the 16th century when the Spanish Empire enforced Catholicism as the state religion. In more inland or otherwise secluded areas, ancient animistic-polytheistic beliefs and traditions either were reinterpreted within a Roman Catholic framework or syncretized with the new religion. Visayans are generally speakers of one or more of the distinct Bisayan languages, the most widely spoken being Cebuano, followed by Hiligaynon (Ilonggo) and Waray-Waray.[3]

Key Information

History

[edit]
Clockwise: [1] Images from the Boxer Codex illustrating an ancient kadatuan or tumao (noble class) Visayan couple, [2] Visayan tattoos (batok), [3] a royal Visayan couple, and [4] possibly a tumao (noble class) or timawa (warrior class) couple

Pre-colonial period

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Notable Visayan polities in the pre-colonial period include the following:

Spanish colonial period

[edit]
Visayans depicted in Velarde map 1734.

The first Filipino people encountered by the Magellan expedition (c. 1521) were Visayans from the island of Suluan; followed by two rulers of the Surigaonon and Butuanon people on a hunting expedition in Limasawa, Rajah Colambu and Rahah Siaui; and finally Rajah Humabon of Cebu. Magellan describes the Suluanon people he encountered as "painted" (tattooed), with gold earrings and armlets, and kerchiefs around their heads. They described Rajah Colambu as having dark hair that hung down to his shoulders, tawny skin, and tattoos all throughout his body. They also noted the large amount of gold ornaments he wore, from large gold earrings to gold tooth fillings. Rajah Colambu wore embroidered patadyong that covered him from the waist to the knees, as well as a kerchief around his head. They also described the boloto (bangka) and the large balanghai (balangay) warships, and the custom of drinking palm wine (uraka) and chewing areca nut. They also described the queen of Cebu as being young and beautiful and covered in white and black cloth. She painted her lips and nails red, and wore a large disc-shaped hat (sadok) made from elaborately-woven leaves.[4]: 132–161 [5]

The 16th century marks the beginning of the Christianization of the Visayan people, with the baptism of Rajah Humabon and about 800 native Cebuanos. The Christianization of the Visayans and Filipinos in general, is commemorated by the Ati-Atihan Festival of Aklan, the Dinagyang Festival of Iloilo, and the Sinulog festival the feast of the Santo Niño de Cebu (Holy Child of Cebu), the brown-skinned depiction of the Child Jesus given by Magellan to Rajah Humabon's wife, Hara Amihan (baptized as Queen Juana). By the 17th century, Visayans already took part in religious missions. In 1672, Pedro Calungsod, a teenage indigenous Visayan catechist and Diego Luis de San Vitores, a Spanish friar, were both martyred in Guam during their mission to preach Christianity to the Chamorro people.[6]

Visayans, Painting by Filipino painter Damian Domingo


By the end of the 19th century, the Spanish Empire weakened after a series of wars with its American territories. The surge of newer ideas from the outside world thanks to the liberalization of trade by the Bourbon Spain fostered a relatively larger middle class population called the Ilustrados or "the Enlightened Ones." This then became an incentive for the new generation of educated political visionaries to fulfill their dreams of independence from three centuries of colonial rule. Some prominent leaders of the Philippine Revolution in the late 19th century were Visayans. Among leaders of the Propaganda movement was Graciano López Jaena, the Ilonggo who established the propagandist publication La Solidaridad (The Solidarity). In the Visayan theater of the Revolution, Pantaleón Villegas (better known as León Kilat) led the Cebuano revolution in the Battle of Tres de Abril (April 3). One of his successors, Arcadio Maxilom, is a prominent general in the liberalization of Cebu.[7] Earlier in 1897, Aklan fought against the Spaniards with Francisco Castillo and Candido Iban at the helm. Both were executed after a failed offensive.[8] Martin Delgado led the rebellion in neighboring Iloilo. Led by Juan Araneta with the assistance of Aniceto Lacson, Negros Occidental was freed while Negros Oriental was liberated by Diego de la Viña. The former would be called the Negros Revolution or the Cinco de Noviembre.[9] Movements in Capiz were led by Esteban Contreras with the aid of Alejandro Balgos, Santiago Bellosillo and other Ilustrados.[10][11] Meanwhile, Leandro Locsin Fullon spearheaded the liberalization of Antique.[12] Most of these revolutionaries would continue their fight for independence until the Philippine–American War. There was also a less heard and short-lived uprising called the Igbaong Revolt which occurred in Igbaong, Antique steered by Maximo and Gregorio Palmero. This revolt, however, was secularly-motivated as they clamored for a more syncretic form of religion based on Visayan animist traditions and Christianity.[13]

Visayan family. early 1900's.

Federal State of the Visayas

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At the peak of the Philippine Revolution, anti-colonial insurgencies sprung from Luzon up to the Visayas. Despite military support from the Tagalog Republic led by Emilio Aguinaldo, Visayan revolutionary leaders were skeptical toward the real motives of the Tagalogs.[14] Such ethnic animosity was notable to the point that local Visayan leaders demanded forces sent from the north to surrender their armaments and were prohibited to leave revolutionary bases. Moreover, this apprehension led to the full declaration of the Federal State of Visayas on December 12, 1898.[15] This short-lived federal government, based in Iloilo, was an accumulation of revolutionary movements across Panay and Negros. The following were the elected officials four days prior to the declaration:[16]

Position Name
General-President Anecito Lacson
Treasurer Eusebio Luzurriaga
Executive Secretary Melecio Severino
Secretary of War Juan Araneta
Secretary Of Interior Simeón Lizares
Secretary of Public Works Nicolás Gólez
Secretary of Justice Antonio Jayme Ledesma
Secretary of Agriculture and Commerce Agustín Amenablar

The federation was immediately formed upon the merger of the Cantonal Government of Negros,[17] the Cantonal Government of Bohol and the Provisional Government of the District of Visayas (based in Panay) which included Romblon. It was said to be based on American federalism and Swiss confederacy. Despite their skepticism towards Malolos, the Visayan government proclaimed its loyalty to the Luzon-based republic while maintaining their own governance, tax collection and army. Apolinario Mabini, then the prime minister of the Malolos republic convinced the Visayan leaders that the Malolos Constitution was only provisional and that the governments in Visayas and Mindanao were promised the power to co-ratify it.[18][19]

American colonization

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Visayan women presumed to be part of the Philippine Reservation during the 1904 St. Louis World's Fair
A Map of Mindanao c. 1900, made by the US Army in the Philippines, showing the different ethnic groups of Mindanao, and their respective Ancestral Domains. Most of the northern and eastern, as well as some southern coastal regions have been settled by Visayans and majority of which was during Spanish colonial era; Islamized groups (Moros) dominate the western and some southern coasts; and the Lumad dwell in the interior highlands.

After the 1898 Treaty of Paris, the American colonial government saw the integral part of indigenous elites particularly in Negros in local affairs. This was a different move compared to the previous Spanish imperialists who created a racial distinction between mestizos and native Austronesians (indios). As such, this paved the way for a homogenous concept of a Filipino albeit initially based on financial and political power. These said elites were the hacienderos or the landed, bourgeois-capitalist class concentrated within the sugar cane industry of Negros. The Americans' belief that these hacienderos would be strategic elements in their political hold within the newly acquired colony bolstered the drafting of a separate colonial constitution by and for the sugar industry elites. This constitution likewise established the Negros Cantonal Government. This ensured that the island of Negros would be governed by an indigenous civilian government in contrast to the rest of colonist-controlled areas governed by the American-dominated Philippine Commission.[20]

During this period, the eastern islands of Samar, Leyte and Biliran (including Marinduque) were directly governed by the Malolos Republic through Vicente Lukban and later by Ambrosio Mojica.[21] Meanwhile, prior to the full abolition of the federal government on November 12, 1899, Emilio Aguinaldo appointed Martin Delgado as the civil and military governor of Iloilo on April 28, 1899, upon American invasion of Antique. The federal government, much to its rejection of the Cebuano leaders who supported the Katipunan cause, was dissolved upon the Iloilo leaders' voluntary union with the newly formed First Philippine Republic.[22] Other factors which led to Aguinaldo forcing the Visayans to dissolve their government was due to the federation's resistance from reorganizing its army and forwarding taxes to Malolos.[23]

Contemporary

[edit]

Since Philippine independence from the United States, there have been four Philippine Presidents from the Visayan regions: the Cebuano Sergio Osmeña, the Capiznon Manuel Roxas, the Boholano Carlos P. García (who is actually of Ilocano descent through his parents from Bangued, Abra), and the Davaoeño Rodrigo Duterte.

Visayans from Bohol in traditional kimona and patadyong dancing tinikling

In addition, the Visayas has produced three Vice-Presidents, four Senate Presidents, nine Speakers of the House, six Chief Justices, and six Presidential Spouses including Imelda Marcos, a Waray. The then-president Gloria Macapagal Arroyo is also half Cebuano. Former president Rodrigo Duterte, who is of Visayan ethnicity, also has Leyteño roots. Incumbent president Bongbong Marcos, is of Visayan descent through his Waray mother Imelda Marcos. In international diplomacy the Visayas has produced a United Nations Undersecretary general, the Negros Occidental native Rafael M. Salas who served as the Head of the UNFPA. In the lines of religion, there have been three Visayan Cardinals, namely Julio Rosales from Samar, Jaime Sin from Aklan and Jose Advincula from Capiz. The first Visayan and second Filipino that was canonized is Pedro Calungsod.[24]

Throughout centuries, non-Visayan groups, most notably migrants from Luzon and foreigners such as the Chinese, have settled in predominantly-Visayan cities in Visayas like Iloilo, Bacolod, Dumaguete and Cebu and Mindanao such as Cagayan de Oro, Iligan, Davao and General Santos.[25][26] These Filipino-Chinese have been assimilated to mainstream society. One factor would be the limited number of Chinese schools in the Visayas which help maintain the Chinese identity and a stronger sense of a distinct community.[27] Many of them, particularly the younger generation, have been de-cultured from Chinese traditions, share values about family and friends with other Filipinos, and do not write or speak Chinese well.[28][29]


Meanwhile, Negritos, locally called Ati, have also been assimilated into mainstream Visayan society.

In Mindanao, migrant ethnic individuals from Luzon as well as Lumad assimilated into a society of Cebuano-speaking majority (Hiligaynon-speaking majority in the case of Soccsksargen) over many years, identifying themselves as Visayans upon learning Cebuano (or Hiligaynon) despite many of them still know and retain their non-Visayan roots and some speak their ancestor's language fluently at least as their second or third languages, since Mindanao is melting pot of different cultures as a result of southward migration from Luzon and Visayas to the island since 20th century. Descendants of these migrant Luzon ethnic groups especially newer generations (as Mindanao-born natives) and Lumad individuals now speak Cebuano or Hiligaynon fluently as their main language with little or no knowledge of their ancestors' native tongues at the time of leaving their respective homelands in Luzon heading south, as for the Lumad, due to the contact with Cebuano- and Hiligaynon-speaking neighbors.[30]

Visayans have likewise migrated to other parts of the Philippines, especially Metro Manila and Mindanao. The Visayans have also followed the pattern of migration of Filipinos abroad and some have migrated to other parts of the world starting from the Spanish and American period and after World War II. Most are migrants or working as overseas contract workers.

Terminology

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Visayan warriors with both taming and kalasag shields from the Historia de las Islas e Indios de Bisayas (c. 1668) by Francisco Ignacio Alcina

"Visayan" is the anglicization of the hispanized term Bisayas (archaic Biçayas), in turn derived from Visayan Bisaya. Kabisay-an refers both to the Visayan people collectively and the islands they have inhabited since prehistory, the Visayas. The exact meaning and origin of the name Bisaya is unknown. The first documented use of the name is possibly by Song-era Chinese maritime official Zhao Rugua who wrote about the "Pi-sho-ye", who raided the coasts of Fujian and Penghu during the late 12th century using iron javelins attached to ropes as their weapons.[31][32][33]

Visayans were first referred to by the general term Pintados ("the painted ones") by the Spanish, in reference to the prominent practice of full-body tattooing (batok).[34] The word Bisaya, on the other hand, was first documented in Spanish sources in reference to the non-Ati inhabitants of the island of Panay. However, it is likely that the name was already used as a general endonym by Visayans long before Spanish colonization, as evidenced by at least one instance of a place named "Bisaya" in coastal eastern Mindanao as reported by the Loaisa (c.1526), Saavedra (c.1528), and the Villalobos (c.1543) expeditions. It is likely that the reason the Spanish did not use the term generally until the later decades of the 1500s is due to the fact that people were more likely to identify themselves with more specific ethnic names like Sugbuanon.[35]

In Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas (1609) by Antonio de Morga, he specifies that the name "Biçaya" is synonymous with Pintados.[36]

"South of this district lie the islands of Biçayas, or, as they are also called, Pintados. They are many in number, thickly populated with natives. Those of most renown are Leite, Ybabao, Çamar, Bohol, island of Negros, Sebu, Panay, Cuyo, and the Calamianes. All the natives of these islands, both men and women, are well-featured, of a good disposition, and of better nature, and more noble in their actions than the inhabitants of the islands of Luzon and its vicinity.

They differ from them in their hair, which the men wear cut in a cue, like the ancient style in España. Their bodies are tattooed with many designs, but the face is not touched. They wear large earrings of gold and ivory in their ears, and bracelets of the same; certain scarfs wrapped round the head, very showy, which resemble turbans, and knotted very gracefully and edged with gold. They wear also a loose collarless jacket with tight sleeves, whose skirts reach half way down the leg. These garments are fastened in front and are made of medriñaque and colored silks. They wear no shirts or drawers, but bahaques of many wrappings, which cover their privy parts, when they remove their skirts and jackets. The women are good-looking and graceful. They are very neat, and walk slowly. Their hair is black, long, and drawn into a knot on the head. Their robes are wrapped about the waist and fall downward. These are made of all colors, and they wear collarless jackets of the same material. Both men and women go naked and without any coverings, and barefoot, and with many gold chains, earrings, and wrought bracelets.

Their weapons consist of guns curved like cutlasses, spears, and caraças. They employ the same kinds of boats as the inhabitants of Luzon. They have the same occupations, products, and means of gain as the inhabitants of all the other islands. These Visayans are a race less inclined to agriculture, and are skilful in navigation, and eager for war and raids for pillage and booty, which they call mangubas. This means "to go out for plunder."

. . .

The language of all the Pintados and Biçayas is one and the same, by which they understand one another when talking, or when writing with the letters and characters of their own which they possess. These resemble those of the Arabs. The common manner of writing among the natives is on leaves of trees, and on bamboo bark.

— Antonio de Morga, Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas (1609) translated in Morga's Philippine Islands (1907) by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson, [36]

The first Spanish-Visayan dictionary written was for the Waray language in the Bocabulario de la lengua Bisaya by Mateo Sánchez, which was completed in 1617 in Leyte. This was followed by the Bocabulario de la lengua Bisaya-Hiligueyna y Haraía de las islas de Panay y Sugbu, y para las demás islas (1637) by Alonso de Méntrida which in turn was for the Hiligaynon language, with notes on the Aklanon and Kinaray-a languages. Both these works demonstrate that the term Bisaya was used as a general term for Visayans by the Spanish.[37]

Another general term for Visayans in early Spanish records is Hiligueinos (also spelled Yliguenes, Yligueynes, or Hiligueynos; from Visayan Iligan or Iliganon, meaning "people of the coast"). It was used by the Spanish conquistador Miguel de Loarca in Relacion de las Yslas Filipinas (1582) as a general name for coastal-dwelling Visayans not only in Panay, but also Cebu, Bohol, and Western Negros. Today, the demonym is only used specifically for the Hiligaynon people, a major Visayan subgroup.[38]

In Northern Mindanao, Visayans (both Mindanao natives and modern migrants) are also referred to by the Lumad as the dumagat ("sea people", from the root word dagat - "sea"; not to be confused with the Dumagat Aeta in Luzon). This was to distinguish the coast-dwelling Visayans from the Lumad of the interior highlands and marshlands.[39]

Regions with significant populations

[edit]

Language

[edit]
The Visayas, Mindanao and Luzon divisions of the Philippines. The culturally and linguistically Visayan provinces of Masbate, Palawan and Romblon are not usually geographically included as the former is under Bicol Region and the latter two are under Mimaropa, both Luzon-associated regions.
Geographic extent of Visayan languages based on Ethnologue and the National Statistics Office 2000 Census of Population and Housing
  Waray
  Ati
  Asi
  Tausug
  Widespread/L2 use of Cebuano
  Widespread/L2 use of Hiligaynon

Ethnic Visayans predominantly speak at least one of the Bisayan languages, most of which are commonly referred as Binisaya or Bisaya. The table below lists the Philippine languages classified as Bisayan languages by the Summer Institute of Linguistics. Although all of the languages indicated below are classified as "Bisayan" by linguistic terminology, not all speakers identify themselves as ethnically or culturally Visayan. The predominantly Muslim Tausūg people prefer to identify as a Moro ethnic group and only use Bisaya to refer to the predominantly Christian lowland natives, despite speaking the Bisayan Tausug language and being closely related to the Visayan Surigaonon and Butuanon people.[40]

Conversely, the natives of Capul in Northern Samar speak Abaknon, a Sama–Bajaw language, but still identify as culturally Visayan. The Ati people also delineate Visayans from fellow Negritos, despite also being native to the Visayan islands.

Language Speakers Date/source
Aklanon 394,545 1990 census
Ati 1,500 1980 SIL
Bantoanon (Asi) 200,000 2002 SIL
Butuanon 34,547 1990 census
Caluyanon 30,000 1994 SIL
Capiznon 638,653 2000
Cebuano1 20,043,502 1995 census
Cuyonon 123,384 1990 census
Hiligaynon1 7,000,000 1995
Inonhan 85,829 2000 WCD
Kinaray-a 377,529 1994 SIL
Malaynon 8,500 1973 SIL
Masbatenyo 350,000 2002 SIL
Porohanon 23,000 1960 census
Ratagnon 310 2010 Ethnologue
Romblomanon 200,000 1987 SIL
Sorsogon, Masbate 85,000 1975 census
Sorsogon, Waray 185,000 1975 census
Surigaonon 344,974 1990 census
Tausug2 2,175,000 2012 SIL
Waray-Waray 2,437,688 1990 census
Total 33,463,654

1 Philippines only.
2 Philippines only; 1,022,000 worldwide.

Culture

[edit]

Tattoo

[edit]

Like most other pre-colonial ethnic groups in the Philippines and other Austronesian groups, tattooing was widespread among Visayans. The original Spanish name for the Visayans, Los Pintados ("The Painted Ones") was a reference to the tattoos of the Visayans. Antonio Pigafetta of the Magellan expedition (c. 1521) repeatedly describes the Visayans they encountered as "painted all over".[4]

Tattooing traditions were lost over time among almost all Visayans during Christianization in the Spanish colonial period. It is unclear whether the related Tausug people, who are a subset of southern Visayans who Islamized from the 13th century, practiced tattooing before they took up Islam. Today, traditional tattooing among Visayans only survives among some of the older members of the Sulodnon people of the interior highlands of Panay, the descendants of ancient Visayans who escaped Spanish conversion.[41]

Part of the principalia in the very early Spanish colonial period, wearing richly-embroidered pre-hispanic Visayan clothing typical of the kadatuan caste. Note that the datu only wears a bahag under a long cotton tunic, with clearly seen tattooed legs and face. He is accompanied by a binukot or local princess with golden bangles. Depicted in Historia de las Islas e Indios de Bisayas (1668) by Francisco Ignacio Alcina.

Tattoos were known as batuk (or batok) or patik among Visayans. These terms were also applied to identical designs used in woven textiles, pottery, and other decorations. Tattooed people were known generally as binatakan or batokan (also known to the Tagalog people as batikan, which also means "renowned" or "skilled"). Both sexes had tattoos. They were symbols of tribal identity and kinship, as well as bravery, beauty, and social status. It was expected of adults to have them, with the exception of the asog (feminized men) for whom it was socially acceptable to be mapuraw or puraw (unmarked). Tattoos were so highly regarded that men will often just wear a loincloth (bahag) to show them off.[37][42]

"The principal clothing of the Cebuanos and all the Visayans is the tattooing of which we have already spoken, with which a naked man appears to be dressed in a kind of handsome armor engraved with very fine work, a dress so esteemed by them they take it for their proudest attire, covering their bodies neither more nor less than a Christ crucified, so that although for solemn occasions they have the marlotas (robes) we mentioned, their dress at home and in their barrio is their tattoos and a bahag, as they call that cloth they wrap around their waist, which is the sort the ancient actors and gladiators used in Rome for decency's sake."

— Pedro Chirino, Relación de las Islas Filipinas (1604), [37]

The Visayan language itself had various terminologies relating to tattoos like kulmat ("to show off new tattoos) and hundawas ("to bare the chest and show off tattoos for bravado"). Men who were tattooed but have not participated in battles were scorned as halo (monitor lizard), in the sense of being tattooed but undeserving. Baug or binogok referred to the healing period after being tattooed. Lusak ("mud") refers to tattoos that had damaged designs due to infection. Famous heroes covered in tattoos were known as lipong.[37]

A tattooed uluhan (commoner warrior) with a paddle, in Historia de las Islas e Indios de Bisayas

Tattoos are acquired gradually over the years, and patterns can take months to complete and heal. They were made by skilled artists using the distinctively Austronesian hafted tattooing technique. This involves using a small hammer to tap the tattooing needle (one or several) set perpendicularly on a wooden handle in an L-shape (hence "hafted"). The ink was made from soot or ashes and water or plant extracts (like those from Cayratia trifolia) and was known as biro. The tattooing process were sacred events that required chicken or pig sacrifices to the ancestor spirits (diwata). Artists were usually paid with livestock, heirloom beads, or precious metals.[37][43][41]

The first tattoos were acquired during the initiation into adulthood. They are initially made on the ankles, gradually moving up to the legs and finally the waist. These tattoos were known as hinawak ("of the waist"). These were done on all men, and did not indicate special status. Tattoos on the upper body, however, were only done after notable feats (including in love) and after participation in battles. Once the chest and throat are covered, tattoos are further applied to the back. Tattoos on the chin and face (reaching up to the eyelids) are restricted to the most elite warriors. These face tattoos are called bangut ("muzzle") or langi ("gaping [jaws/beaks]") and are often designed to resemble frightening masks. They may also be further augmented with scarification (labong) burned into the arms. Women were tattooed only on the hands in very fine and intricate designs resembling damask embroidery.[37][44]

Tattoo designs varied by region. They can be repeating geometric designs, stylized representations of animals (like snakes and lizards), and floral or sun-like patterns. The most basic design was the labid, which was an inch-wide continuous tattoo that covered the legs to the waist in straight or zigzagging lines. Shoulder tattoos were known as ablay; chest tattoos up to the throat were known as dubdub; and arm tattoos were known as daya-daya (also tagur in Panay).[37]

Other body modifications

[edit]
Visayan flattened skulls (tinangad) from the Butuan National Museum, Philippines

In addition to tattoos, Visayans also had other body modifications. These include artificial cranial deformation, in which the forehead of infants was pressed against a comb-like device called tangad. The ideal skull shape for adults was for the forehead to slope backwards with a more elongated back part of the skull. Adults with skulls shaped this way were known as tinangad, in contrast with those of unshaped skulls called ondo. Men were also circumcised (more accurately supercised), practiced pearling, or wore pin-shaped genital piercings called tugbuk which was anchored by decorative rivets called sakra. Both men and women also had ear piercings (1 to 2 on each ear for men, and 3 to 4 for women) and wore huge ring-shaped earrings, earplugs around 4 cm (1.6 in) wide, or pendant earrings.[37] Gold teeth fillings were also common for renowned warriors. Teeth filing and teeth blackening were also practiced.[41][45][46][47]

Precolonial Religion

[edit]

Pre-Christianity

[edit]
A tenegre sword from Panay with a bakunawa head hilt

Prior to the arrival of Catholicism, precolonial Visayans adhered to a complex animist and Hindu-Buddhist system where spirits in nature were believed to govern all existing life. Similar to other ethnic groups in the Philippines such as the Tagalogs who believed in a pantheon of gods, the Visayans also adhered to deities led by a supreme being. Such belief, on the other hand, was misinterpreted by arriving Spaniards such as Jesuit historian Pedro Chirino to be a form of monotheism.[48] There are Kaptan and Magwayan, supreme god of the sky and goddess of the sea and death, respectively. They in turn bore two children, Lihangin, god of wind, and Lidagat, goddess of the sea. Both aforementioned gods had four children, namely Likabutan, the god of the world, Liadlaw, the god of the sun, Libulan, the god of the moon, and Lisuga, the goddess of the stars.[49] People believed that life transpires amidst the will of and reverence towards gods and spirits. These deities who dwell within nature were collectively called the diwata (a local adaptation of the Hindu or Buddhist Devata).[50] The Visayans adored (either for fear or veneration) various Diwatas . Early Spanish colonizers observed that some of these deities of the Visayas, have sinister characters, and so, the colonizers called them evil gods. These Diwatas live in rivers, forests, mountains, and the natives fear even to cut the grass in these places believed to be where the lesser gods abound.[51] These places are described, even now (after more than four hundred years of Christianization in the region), as mariit (enchanted and dangerous). The natives would make panabi-tabi (courteous and reverent request for permission) when inevitably constrained to pass or come near these sites. Miguel de Loarca in his Relacion de las Yslas Filipinas (Arevalo: June 1582) described some of them. They include the following:

  1. Laon: the goddess who dwells in Mt. Kanlaon but is present as a supreme creator deity in the mythologies of most Visayan peoples. She is associated with creation, agriculture, the sky, and divine justice and equality.[52][53] She is also identified with the creator deity Makaako, and in her male aspect Makapatag, he is regarded as the destructive god of vengeance and punishment.[54][55][56]
  2. Barangao, Ynaguinid, and Malandok: a trinity of deities invoked before going to war, or before plundering expeditions[57]
  3. Makaptan: the god who dwells in the highest sky, in the world that has no end. He is a bad god, because he sends disease and death if has not eaten anything of this world or has not drunk any pitarillas. He does not love humans, and so he kills them.[58]
  4. Magwayen: the god of the oceans; and the father (in some stories the mother) of water goddess Lidagat, who after her death decided to ferry souls in the afterworld.[59]
  5. Sidapa: another god in the sky, who measures and determines the lifespan of all the new-born by placing marks on a very tall tree on Mt. Madja-as, which correspond to each person who come into this world. The souls of the dead inhabitants go to the same Mt. Madja-as.[59]

Some Spanish colonial historians, including Isabelo de los Reyes y Florentino, would classify some heroes and demigods of the Panay epic Hinilawod, like Labaw Donggon, among these Diwatas.[60]

Creation of the first man and woman

[edit]

In the above-mentioned report of Miguel de Loarca, the Visayans' belief regarding the origin of the world and the creation of the first man and woman was recorded. The narrative says:[61]

The people of the coast, who are called Yligueynes, believed that the heaven and earth had no beginning and that there were two gods, one called Captan and the other Maguayen. They believed that the breeze and the sea were married; and that the land breeze brought forth a reed, which was planted by the god Captan. When the reed grew, it broke into two sections, from which came a man and a woman. To the man they gave the name Silalac, and that is the reason why men from that time on have been called lalac; the woman they named Sicavay, and henceforth women have been called babaye...'

One day the man asked the woman to marry him for there were no other people in the world; but she refused, saying they were brother and sister, born of the same reed, with only one know between them. Finally, they agreed to ask the advice from the tunnies of the sea and from the doves of the earth. They also went to the earthquake, which said that it was necessary for them to marry, so that the world might be peopled.

Death

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The Visayans believed that when the time comes for a person to die, the diwata Pandaki visits him to bring about death. Magwayen, the soul ferry god, carries the souls of the Yligueynes to the abode of the dead called Solad.[59] But when a bad person dies, Pandaki brings him to the place of punishment in the abode of the dead, where his soul will wait to move on to the Ologan or heaven. While the dead is undergoing punishment, his family could help him by asking the priests or priestesses to offer ceremonies and prayers so that he might go to the place of rest in heaven.[62]

Shamans

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The spiritual leaders were called the Babaylan. Most of the Babaylan were women who, for some reasons, the colonizers described as "lascivious" and astute. On certain ceremonial occasions, they put on elaborate apparel, which appear bizarre to Spaniards. They would wear yellow false hair, over which some kind of diadem adorn and, in their hands, they wielded straw fans. They were assisted by young apprentices who would carry some thin cane as for a wand.[63]

Notable among the rituals performed by Babaylan was the pig sacrifice. Sometimes chicken were also offered. The sacrificial victims were placed on well adorned altars, together with other commodities and with the most exquisite local wine called Pangasi. The Babaylan would break into dance hovering around these offerings to the sound of drums and brass bells called Agongs, with palm leaves and trumpets made of cane. The ritual is called by the Visayans "Pag-aanito".[64]

Spirits were referred to as umalagad (called anito in Luzon).[65] These refer to ancestors, past leaders or heroes also transfigured within nature. Beside idols symbolizing the umalagad were food, drinks, clothing, precious valuables or even a sacrificial animal offered for protection of life or property. Such practice was a form of ancestor worship. Furthermore, these rituals surrounding the diwata and umalagad were mediated by the babaylan who were highly revered in society as spiritual leaders. These intercessors were equivalent to shamans, and were predominantly women or were required to have strong female attributes such as hermaphrodites and homosexuals. Old men were also allowed to become one.[66] One notable example is Dios Buhawi who ruled a politico-religious revolt in Negros Oriental at the beginning of the Philippine Revolution.[20]

Modern-day Religion

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According to 2000 survey, 86.53% of the population of Western Visayas professed Roman Catholicism. Aglipayan (4.01%) and Evangelicals (1.48%) were the next largest groups, while 7.71% identified with other religious affiliations.[67]

The same survey showed that 92% of household populations in Central Visayas were Catholics, followed by Aglipayans (2%) and Evangelicals (1%). The remaining 5% belonged to the United Church of Christ in the Philippines, Iglesia ni Cristo, various Protestant denominations or other religions.[2]

For Eastern Visayas, 93% of the total household population were Catholics, while 12% identified as "Aglipayan", and 1% as "Evangelical". The remaining 5% belonged to other Protestant denominations (including the Iglesia ni Cristo, the Seventh-day Adventist Church, and various Baptist churches) or identified with Islam and other religions.[68]

The Tausūg people are excluded in these statistics because they do not self-identify as Visayans. The Tausug are overwhelmingly Muslim and are grouped together with other Muslim ethnic groups of the Philippines as the Moro people.

Festivals

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Visayans are known in the Philippines for their festivities such as the Ati-Atihan, Dinagyang,[69] Pintados-Kasadyaan, Sangyaw, Sinulog festivals. Most Visayan festivals have a strong association with Roman Catholicism despite apparent integration of ancient Hindu-Buddhist-Animist folklore particularly the tradition of dances and the idols in the image of the Child Jesus commonly named as the Santo Niño. The oldest Catholic religious image in the islands still existing today is the Santo Niño de Cebú.

The Sandugo Festival of Tagbilaran, Bohol is a celebration of one of the most significant parts of pre-Philippine history. This festival revolves around the theme of the reenactment of the blood compact between the island's monarch, Datu Sikatuna, and the Spanish explorer, Miguel López de Legazpi, which is known among Filipinos as the Sandugo (lit. unified/one blood). The arrival of the ten Bornean datus as mentioned in the legend of Maragtas is celebrated in Binirayan Festival in Antique.[70]

The MassKara Festival of Bacolod, Negros Occidental explores more on the distinct cultural identity of the city. Since Bacolod is tagged as the City of Smiles due to its fun-loving and enduring people, the city government inaugurated the festival in 1980 after tragedy struck the region.[71][72]

Literature

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Some of the earliest known works were documented by a Spanish Jesuit named Ignacio Francisco Alzina during the Spanish colonial Philippines. Among these literary pieces from ancient Eastern Visayas were kandu, haya, ambahan, kanogon, bikal, balak, siday and awit which are predominantly in Waray. There were also narratives called susmaton and posong. It was also described that theater played a central role in performing poetry, rituals and dances.[73] The Western Visayans also shared nearly the same literary forms with the rest of the islands. Among their pre-Hispanic works were called the bangianay, hurobaton, paktakun, sugidanun and amba. These were all found to be in Old Kinaray-a. Some of the widely known and the only existing literature describing ancient Visayan society are as the Hinilawod and the Maragtas which was in a combination of Kinaray-a and Hiligaynon.[74][75] The Aginid: Bayok sa Atong Tawarik is an epic retelling a portion of ancient Cebu history where the Chola dynasty minor prince Sri Lumay of Sumatra founded and ruled the Rajahnate of Cebu.[76] It also has accounts of Rajah Humabon and Lapu-Lapu.[77]

It was found by Filipino polymath José Rizal in Antonio de Morga's Sucesos delas islas Filipinas that one of the first documented poets in much of pre-Philippines known to Europeans was a Visayan named Karyapa.[78] During the golden age of Philippine languages at the onset of Japanese occupation, numerous Visayan names rose to literary prominence. Acclaimed modern Visayan writers in their respective native languages are Marcel Navarra, the father of modern Cebuano literature, Magdalena Jalandoni, Ramon Muzones, Iluminado Lucente, Francisco Alvardo, Eduardo Makabenta, Norberto Romuáldez, Antonio Abad, Augurio Abeto, Diosdado Alesna, Maragtas S. V. Amante, Epifanio Alfafara, Jose Yap, Leoncio P. Deriada, Conrado Norada, Alex Delos Santos, John Iremil Teodoro and Peter Solis Nery.

Don Ramon Roces of Roces Publishing, Inc. is credited for the promulgation of Visayan languages in publications through Hiligaynon and Bisaya.[79]

Cinema, television and theatre

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Visayan films, particularly Cebuano-language ones, experienced a boom between the 1940s and the 1970s. In the mid 1940s alone, a total of 50 Visayan productions were completed, while nearly 80 movies were filmed in the following decade.[citation needed] This wave of success has been bolstered by Gloria Sevilla, billed as the "Queen of Visayan Movies",[80] who won the prestigious Best Actress award from the 1969 FAMAS for the film Badlis sa Kinabuhi and the 1974 Gimingaw Ako.[81] Caridad Sanchez, Lorna Mirasol, Chanda Romero, Pilar Pilapil and Suzette Ranillo are some of the industry's veterans who gained recognition from working on Visayan films.

The national film and television industries are also supported by actors who have strong Visayan roots such as Joel Torre, Jackie Lou Blanco, Edu Manzano, Manilyn Reynes, Dwight Gaston, Vina Morales, Sheryl Reyes, and Cesar Montano, who starred in the 1999 biographical film Rizal and multi-awarded 2004 movie Panaghoy sa Suba.[82] Younger actors and actress of Visayan origin or ancestry include Isabel Oli, Kim Chiu, Enrique Gil, Shaina Magdayao, Carla Abellana, Erich Gonzales and Matteo Guidicelli.

Award-winning director Peque Gallaga of Bacolod has garnered acclaim from his most successful movie Oro, Plata, Mata which depicted Negros Island and its people during World War II. Among his other works and contributions are classic Shake, Rattle & Roll horror film series, Scorpio Nights and Batang X.

GMA Network's 2011 period drama teleserye Amaya as well as its 2013 series Indio, featured the politics and culture of ancient and colonial Visayan societies, respectively.

Music

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Traditional Visayan folk music were known to many such as Dandansoy originally in Hiligaynon and is now commonly sang in other Bisayan languages. Another, although originally written in Tagalog, is Waray-Waray, which speaks of the common stereotypes and positive characteristics of the Waray people. American jazz singer Eartha Kitt also had a rendition of the song in her live performances.[83] A very popular Filipino Christmas carol Ang Pasko ay Sumapit translated by Levi Celerio to Tagalog was originally a Cebuano song entitled Kasadya Ning Taknaa popularized by Ruben Tagalog.[84]

Tinikling, which presumably originated from the Samar-Leyte area in Eastern Visayas.

Contemporary Philippine music was highly influenced and molded through the contributions of many Visayan artists. Many of them are platinum recorder Jose Mari Chan, Pilita Corrales, Dulce, Verni Varga, Susan Fuentes, Jaya and Kuh Ledesma who enjoyed acclaim around the 1960s to the early 1990s. Newer singers are Jed Madela, Sheryn Regis and Sitti Navarro.

Yoyoy Villame, a Boholano, is dubbed as the Father of Filipino novelty songs with his Butsekik as the most popular. Villame often collaborated with fellow singer, Max Surban. Joey Ayala, Grace Nono and Bayang Barrios are some of the front-runners of a branching musical subgenre called Neotraditional which involved traditional Filipino instruments with modern rhythm and melody.

Rock emerged into dominance within the Philippine music scene in the 1980s. Among the bands from Visayas are Urbandub and Junior Kilat. Another subgenre also sprung a few years later called BisRock which is a portmanteau of Bisaya and rock.

Dance

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Ethnic dances from the region are common in any traditional Filipino setting. The most well-known is the tinikling claimed to be of Leyte origins.[85][86] Curacha or kuratsa (not to be confused with the Zamboangueño dish) is a popular Waray dance. Its Cebuano counterparts are kuradang and la berde.[87] Some Hiligaynon dances include the harito, balitaw, liay, lalong kalong, imbong, inay-inay and binanog.[88] There is also liki from Negros Occidental.[89]

Visual arts

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The only Boholano and the youngest to receive the National Artist of the Philippines award for visual arts is Napoleon Abueva. He is also tagged as the Father of Modern Philippine Sculpture. Among his works are Kaganapan (1953), the Transfiguration (1979) and the 14 Stations of the Cross around the EDSA Shrine.[90] He is also responsible for the sculpture of the Sandugo monument at Tagbilaran City to give homage to his roots.

A renowned figure in architecture is Leandro Locsin of Silay, Negros Occidental. He was proclaimed as National Artist of the Philippines for architecture in 1990. Locsin worked on many of the buildings in many campuses of the University of the Philippines System. He also designed the main building or the Tanghalang Pambansa of the Cultural Center of the Philippines and the Ayala Tower One & Exchange Plaza housing the Philippine Stock Exchange at Makati.

See also

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References

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
The Visayans, also referred to as Bisaya or Visayans proper, constitute the second-largest ethnolinguistic grouping in the , encompassing multiple subgroups such as the Cebuano, Hiligaynon (Ilonggo), and Waray, with a combined population of approximately 33 million individuals primarily concentrated in the archipelago and portions of . They speak Visayan languages, a branch of the Austronesian family, with Cebuano being the most widely used, serving as a across central and southern . Pre-colonial Visayan societies were organized into datu-led barangays featuring maritime prowess, extensive trade networks with Asian polities, and a stratified including nobles, freemen, and dependents, as evidenced by sixteenth-century European chronicles. Visayans were among the first to encounter European explorers, with Ferdinand Magellan's 1521 expedition allying with local leaders in before his defeat at , marking an early instance of resistance against foreign incursion. Spanish colonization subsequently integrated the region into the colonial economy through galleon trade and Christian evangelization, fostering a syncretic culture that retained indigenous elements like tattooing (pintados) and amid widespread Catholic conversion. Notable for their seafaring heritage and communal rituals, Visayans today maintain distinct regional identities, contributing significantly to national festivals such as the , which honors the , while facing modern challenges including migration and economic disparities relative to .

Demographics

Population and Distribution

The Visayans, defined primarily through speakers of Visayan s including Cebuano (Bisaya/Binisaya), Hiligaynon (Ilonggo), Waray-Waray, and others, constitute the second-largest ethnolinguistic group in the after the Tagalogs. The 2020 Census of Population and Housing by the (PSA) reported that Bisaya/Binisaya was the generally spoken language at home in 4,210,000 households, comprising 16.0% of the national total of approximately 26.4 million households, while Hiligaynon/Ilonggo accounted for 1,930,000 households or 7.3%. Additional Visayan languages such as Waray-Waray add further to this base, with estimates derived from language use indicating a total Visayan-speaking population of roughly 25-30 million individuals in 2020, based on the national population of 109,035,343 and typical household sizes of 4-4.5 persons. This proxy measure via household language aligns with Visayans representing about one-quarter to one-third of the Philippine populace, though direct ethnic self-identification is not captured in PSA censuses. Geographically, Visayans are concentrated in the central ' Visayas archipelago, where they predominate across (Region VI), (Region VII), and (Region VIII). As of the 2020 census, these collectively housed 20,583,861 residents, the vast majority of whom are Visayans. , including —the cultural and economic hub—had 8,062,840 inhabitants, while counted 7,923,540 and 4,597,481, with ongoing growth; for instance, reached a projected 8,147,078 by mid-2022. Substantial Visayan populations extend into ( IX-XIII), particularly Cebuano speakers in urban centers like , , and Zamboanga, stemming from 20th-century migrations for agriculture and commerce, comprising up to 20-30% of residents in several northern and eastern provinces. In , Visayans form minority communities through recent internal migration to and other areas, often for employment, but remain under 5% regionally.

Diaspora and Migration Patterns

Visayans exhibit pronounced patterns within the , primarily driven by employment opportunities and . A significant portion migrate from rural Visayan provinces to urban centers, particularly in and within the , seeking jobs in , services, , and informal sectors. The 2018 National Migration Survey indicated that 55% of aged 15 and over had experienced lifetime migration, with internal movements accounting for the majority, often motivated by economic factors; for Visayans, this includes substantial flows from regions like (e.g., , ) and (e.g., , ) to the National Capital Region (NCR), where they form a notable demographic presence in labor markets. Cebuano migrants, in particular, report stressors like cultural adjustment and family separation but cite higher wages as a key retention factor in . Internationally, Visayans contribute substantially to the Overseas Filipino Workers (OFW) population, with migration patterns emphasizing temporary labor contracts since the labor export policy. In 2023, the Visayas regions accounted for 16.5% of the total OFW population, predominantly land-based workers in domestic service, construction, and hospitality. alone had approximately 332,000 OFWs, including 228,455 land-based and 87,584 sea-based, with major destinations in (e.g., , UAE) comprising over 78% of deployments. reported over 500,000 OFWs deployed in 2021, reflecting high outbound rates from provinces like and to Gulf states and . saw OFW numbers nearly double from 2017 to 2022, reaching hundreds of thousands across and , focused on similar sectors. Permanent diaspora communities exist but are smaller relative to temporary outflows, with historical roots in early 20th-century U.S. labor migrations. Visayans settled in and during the American colonial period, forming associations like the Filipino Federation of America in the , which drew heavily from Visayan recruits for and plantations. In , the United Visayan Hall in Waipahu opened in 1957 as a cultural hub for the community. Contemporary permanent targets include the , , and , though data specific to Visayans remains aggregated under broader Filipino statistics, with remittances from OFWs bolstering Visayan regional economies despite social costs like family separation.

Terminology and Ethnic Identity

Etymology and Definitions

The term Visayan (or Bisaya in native orthography) denotes an Austronesian ethnolinguistic meta-group comprising the primary inhabitants of the archipelago in the central , unified by affiliation with the —a branch of the Malayo-Polynesian family that includes Cebuano (spoken by over 20 million), Hiligaynon-Ilonggo, Waray-Waray, and others—along with shared cultural practices rooted in maritime trade, animist traditions, and pre-colonial social structures. This grouping extends to populations in and southern where Visayan languages predominate, distinguishing them from adjacent ethnolinguistic families like the Tagalogs to the north or Muslims to the south. Historically, the designation "Bisaya" first appears in 16th-century Spanish colonial documentation, specifically referring to the non-Negrito (Ati) populations of Island and adjacent areas, excluding indigenous Ati hunter-gatherers who were present prior to Austronesian settlement around 3000–1000 BCE. The remains uncertain, with scholarly proposals including derivation from viṣaya ("dominion, territory, country"), evoking possible pre-colonial polities or trade networks as a "remnant" of broader Southeast Asian influences. Alternative Malayo-Polynesian roots, such as reconstructed forms like -aya ("person") or daya ("inland, upriver"), have been suggested based on , though these lack direct attestation in early records. No consensus exists, as primary sources like Antonio Pigafetta's 1521 account of Magellan's voyage use variant spellings without clarifying provenance, and later Jesuit chroniclers such as Francisco Ignacio Alcina (1668) applied the term regionally without etymological analysis.

Debates on Identity and Regionalism

Debates on Visayan identity center on the tension between a unified ethnic group encompassing speakers of Cebuano, Hiligaynon, Waray, and other related languages, and sub-regional distinctions that highlight linguistic and cultural variations within the . Scholars note that while Visayans share Austronesian roots and historical ties, intra-group differences, such as the debate over the term "Waray-Waray" for Eastern Visayans, reflect ongoing negotiations of self-identification; originally derogatory meaning "nothing," it has been reclaimed by about 4 million speakers in and as a positive marker since the 1954 film Waray-Waray, though some academics like Dr. Stephen Lagarde advocate reverting to "Binisaya" for historical accuracy and positivity. These discussions underscore a broader complexity in ethnic labeling amid Philippine , where Visayan identity resists absorption into a homogenized national narrative. Regionalism in Visayan discourse often manifests as resistance to Manila-centric policies, particularly the imposition of Tagalog-based Filipino as the national language, which Visayans numbering around 8.2 million by 1948 opposed during the 1934-1935 Constitutional Convention, arguing for alternatives like English or their own languages given Cebuano speakers alone at 4.76 million exceeded Tagalogs at 3.73 million. This linguistic regionalism fueled perceptions of cultural marginalization, with historical figures like Vicente Sotto criticizing the 1937 executive order establishing Tagalog as the basis, yet opposition waned over decades due to bilingual education policies promoting national unity. Politically, invocations of Cebuano-Bisayan pride, such as the "Bisaya Na Pud" slogan, have been critiqued as exclusionary when tied to personal agendas rather than addressing systemic inequalities, as seen in Senator Ronald dela Rosa's 2025 use to defend remarks, contrasting with earlier campaigns like Lito Osmeña's focus on equitable development. Proposals for revive these regionalist sentiments, rooted in the short-lived established in in 1898 and dissolved by 1899 under Emilio Aguinaldo's central authority, later echoed in 1900 suggestions for a with 11 states. In modern contexts, support for , particularly in economically vibrant since the late , aims to devolve powers like taxation to address disparities, though critics dismiss secessionist rhetoric as dynastic maneuvers lacking unified regional identity or economic viability, noting Mindanao's reliance on central funds and historical national contributions from Visayan leaders like Sr. Such debates balance local autonomy aspirations against the risks of fragmentation, with surveys indicating varied regional support for reforms like vice-presidential .

Origins and Genetics

Prehistoric Migrations and Austronesian Roots

The ancestors of the Visayans participated in the Austronesian expansion, a series of maritime migrations originating from that reached the northern between approximately 4500 and 4000 BP (circa 2500–2000 BCE). These early seafarers, speakers of proto-Malayo-Polynesian languages, navigated using canoes and settled initially in northern , as evidenced by sites like Nagsabaran, where domestic pig remains dated to 4450–4240 cal BP mark the introduction of Austronesian subsistence practices including . From these northern footholds, populations dispersed southward across the , including to the central Visayan islands, facilitated by advanced sailing technologies and knowledge of monsoon winds. Archaeological evidence in the Visayas confirms Neolithic settlement linked to this expansion, with sites such as those in the yielding red-slipped , polished adzes, and shell artifacts characteristic of Austronesian from around 4000–3000 . Excavations by Carl Guthe in the across Visayan locales, including caves on Tulon , uncovered similar lithic tools and ceramics, indicating the adoption of wet-rice and that transformed local economies. These finds align with the broader pattern of Austronesian dispersal, where migrants carried crops like (evidenced in northern sites by 3700 ) and integrated with indigenous hunter-gatherer groups, as seen in exchanged goods like for products in early contact zones. Pre-Austronesian inhabitants, likely Austroasiatic- or Papuan-related foragers present since the Pleistocene (over 60,000 years ago), occupied the islands prior to these arrivals, with mtDNA studies showing basal East Eurasian lineages in modern populations reflecting ancient admixture. In the Visayas, this interaction is inferred from continuity in maritime foraging strategies alongside introduced Austronesian elements, such as earrings and spindle whorls, which appear in Metal Age contexts by 2000–1500 , signaling cultural consolidation. Linguistic evidence further substantiates these roots, as Visayan languages form a distinct branch of the Malayo-Polynesian subgroup, diverging from proto-forms carried by the migrants. This synthesis of migration waves established the ethnolinguistic foundation of Visayan society, emphasizing seafaring adaptation over mainland Asian influences.

Modern Genetic Studies

Modern genetic studies indicate that Visayan populations, such as Cebuano speakers, derive primarily from Austronesian expansions into the , admixed with earlier indigenous components including Northern and Southern ancestries and a pre-Austronesian East Asian layer associated with Cordilleran groups diverging around 8,000 years ago. of approximately 2.3 million genotypes from 1,028 individuals across 115 indigenous Philippine communities demonstrates that lowland groups like those in the exhibit widespread Austronesian genetic signals, challenging a simplistic out-of-Taiwan model by highlighting the as a key migration corridor with at least five distinct waves over the past 50,000 years. Autosomal data reveal low levels of post-colonial admixture in Visayans, with West Eurasian (European) ancestry typically under 1% and linked to Spanish colonial influences dating 100–450 years ago, as evidenced in Cebuano samples showing minimal such input compared to more isolated highland groups. This contrasts with higher Denisovan archaic admixture in Negrito-influenced populations, though Visayans display diluted traces via basal interactions rather than direct descent. Population structure analyses underscore genetic homogeneity among Visayan and other lowland Austronesian speakers, with subtle regional differentiation attributable to differential . Mitochondrial DNA surveys of Filipino ethnolinguistic groups, including Visayans, highlight maternal lineages predominantly of East Asian origin, with haplogroups such as B4, E, and M7c shared with Taiwanese indigenous populations, reflecting pre-Neolithic and postglacial expansions into Island . Complete mtDNA genome sequencing from multiple Philippine samples confirms high diversity in Visayan regions, positioning them as a genetic viaduct between and eastern , with limited unique basal haplogroups suggesting ongoing admixture dynamics rather than isolation. Y-chromosome studies corroborate paternal Austronesian dominance via subclades, aligning with linguistic of the Visayan of Austronesian languages.

History

Pre-Colonial Era

Pre-colonial Visayan society was structured around autonomous barangays, kinship-based communities typically comprising 30 to 100 families, each led by a who held authority over political, military, and religious affairs. The derived power from personal prowess, alliances through marriage, and control over dependents, with decisions often made in council with freemen. divided the population into nobles ( and their kin), (free commoners who served as warriors and advisors), and (dependents or slaves, subdivided into those of higher status bound to a and lower status field laborers acquired through or ). The economy relied on swidden agriculture cultivating , root crops, and coconuts, supplemented by , , and ; communities built sturdy houses elevated on posts for flood protection and defense. Inter-island trade via canoes exchanged goods like , gold, and forest products for and from regions such as and , while foreign commerce with Chinese, Indian, and merchants introduced , , and spices, evidenced by shipwrecks like the 15th-century Pandanan site yielding ceramics. Archaeological findings from and indicate specialized craft production, including and bead-making, supporting chiefdom-level complexity in the centuries before European contact. Cultural practices included animistic beliefs centered on anitos (spirits) and diwata (deities), with babaylans (shamans, often women) mediating rituals for , , and warfare. Warfare involved raids for captives and resources, using weapons like the sword and blowguns, with tattooing marking warriors' status and boats enabling along sea lanes. Burial customs featured jar interments and gold grave goods in elite sites, as seen in Panay cave excavations from the 14th-15th centuries, reflecting beliefs in an tied to social rank. These elements, reconstructed from ethnohistoric accounts and material evidence, highlight a maritime-oriented, hierarchical society adapted to island environments.

Spanish Colonial Period

The Spanish conquest of the Visayas began in 1565 when Miguel López de Legazpi's expedition arrived in , defeating local ruler in battle and establishing the first permanent Spanish settlement there after a . This marked the onset of systematic colonization, with Legazpi using as a base to pacify surrounding islands through military expeditions and alliances with local datus, extending control over much of the Visayan region by the late . The process involved both armed conflict and diplomacy, as Spanish forces, numbering around 500 men initially, leveraged superior firearms and alliances against resistant polities. Christianization efforts commenced immediately upon settlement, with Augustinian friars baptizing thousands of Visayans in by 1566, including high-ranking locals to legitimize Spanish authority. Missionaries from orders like the and followed, establishing parishes and reducing native scripts to facilitate religious instruction, though syncretic practices persisted among converts. By the , Catholicism had become dominant, eroding pre-colonial animist beliefs and babaylan traditions, with figures like Fr. Francisco Ignacio Alcina documenting Visayan customs for evangelization purposes in the 1660s. Administratively, the Visayas were organized into encomiendas granting Spanish grantees tribute collection rights from assigned natives, transitioning to crown-controlled alcaldías mayores by the for direct taxation and . Economically, Visayans supplied , corn, and later abaca for , while enduring forced labor via the y servicio system, which mandated 40 days of annual unpaid work on public projects like . Social hierarchies adapted, with elites retaining influence as intermediaries, though overall native autonomy diminished under friar and gubernatorial oversight. Resistance manifested in sporadic uprisings, such as the 1621-1622 revolt in , where a native babaylan rallied followers against religious impositions and tribute burdens, requiring Spanish military intervention to suppress. The most protracted was the from 1744 to 1829 in , initiated by over grievances including the denial of Christian burial for his brother and excessive tributes, involving up to 20,000 rebels and culminating in Spanish capitulation after 85 years. These revolts highlighted ongoing tensions between colonial exactions and Visayan communal structures, though Spanish forces ultimately maintained control through fortified presidios and divide-and-rule tactics.

Revolutionary Period

In 1898, as the against Spanish rule expanded from amid the Spanish-American War, Visayan revolutionaries mounted coordinated uprisings across key islands, driven by local grievances over taxation, forced labor, and friar estates. In , Pantaleón García (alias ), a former telegraph operator claiming supernatural powers, sparked an insurgency in early 1898 by rallying peasants and organizing attacks on Spanish garrisons; his forces briefly controlled rural areas before his assassination by a subordinate on April 8, 1898, led to the uprising's collapse under subsequent Spanish reprisals. Similar efforts in and faced suppression, though small island communities like contributed scouts and supplies to broader networks. The most notable Visayan success occurred in with the bloodless Cinco de Noviembre uprising on , 1898. Elite sugar planters and local officials, including and , mobilized 2,000 revolutionaries armed mostly with bolos and antique rifles; they bluffed Spanish forces in into surrender by exaggerating their numbers and threatening artillery fire they lacked, capturing the capital without casualties and prompting Governor Isidro de Biedma y Misner to capitulate the island. This event established the short-lived under Lacson as president, emphasizing orderly transition and economic continuity for haciendas, which supplied funds and labor to sustain revolutionary momentum. In Panay, Ilonggo forces under General Martín T. Delgado launched the revolution on October 28, 1898, with the Cry of Lincud in Dingle and subsequent junta meetings in Santa Barbara, drawing on urban intellectuals and rural tenants to seize towns despite initial loyalty pledges from Iloilo City's principalia to Spain. By December 25, 1898, revolutionaries overran Iloilo after street fighting that killed around 200 defenders, coinciding with the Spanish fleet's withdrawal. Delgado then proclaimed the Federal Republic of the Visayas on December 4, 1898, in Iloilo as provisional capital, uniting Negros, Panay, Cebu, and adjacent islands under a revolutionary government that issued decrees for land reform and local governance until American forces compelled its dissolution on September 23, 1899.

American Colonial and Commonwealth Era

The American colonial period in the Visayas began after the Spanish-American War in 1898, when forces assumed control from Spanish authorities. Filipino revolutionaries initially established the short-lived Federal State of in late 1898, but resistance against American occupation escalated into the Philippine-American War, with significant fighting in the region from March 1899 to 1901. Battles occurred across islands such as , , , and , where local forces under leaders like Pablo Araneta in and Isidro Lirio in mounted guerrilla campaigns against U.S. troops. The war in commenced on , 1899, coinciding with broader hostilities, and resulted in the pacification of the area by mid-1900 through a combination of military engagements and offers of amnesty. American governance introduced administrative reforms, including the establishment of civil government in the Visayas by 1901, which replaced military rule and integrated local elites into the formed in 1907. Economic development focused on and trade; in , the expansion of sugar plantations under American technical assistance and export markets boosted production, with the island becoming a key region by the 1910s. Iloilo emerged as a vital port city, with American-era infrastructure like Jaro's waterworks and electric streetcars facilitating in abaca and . initiatives, such as cholera vaccinations, reduced mortality rates in urban Visayan centers like Cebu and Iloilo during outbreaks in 1902-1905. Education underwent transformation with the introduction of a free, secular public school system in , emphasizing English instruction and vocational training. By 1903, over 200,000 students were enrolled nationwide, with Visayan provinces like and seeing rapid establishment of primary schools that promoted American civic ideals alongside basic . This system produced a cadre of English-speaking Visayan professionals, though it prioritized Tagalog-influenced national curricula over local languages. Infrastructure projects, including the Panay Railway completed in , connected sugar mills to ports, enhancing export efficiency. The era, inaugurated on November 15, 1935, under the Tydings-McDuffie Act, granted limited self-rule while maintaining U.S. oversight until scheduled independence in 1946. Visayans contributed to the , with representatives from and advocating for regional interests amid centralization efforts led by President Manuel Quezon. Economic policies continued agricultural exports, but tenancy issues in sugar-dependent areas like persisted, fueling social unrest. The period ended abruptly with the Japanese invasion in December 1941; Visayan islands endured occupation until U.S.-led liberation campaigns in 1944-1945, which devastated infrastructure and populations in places like and . Post-liberation, the administration oversaw reconstruction until full independence on July 4, 1946.

Post-Independence Era

The Visayas region, severely damaged during liberation campaigns in 1944–1945, benefited from post-independence reconstruction aided by U.S. reparations and loans under the 1946 , which facilitated infrastructure rebuilding in key ports like and . Agricultural recovery focused on export crops such as sugar from , which by the 1950s accounted for over 60% of national sugar production, bolstering the regional economy amid national GDP growth averaging 5–6% annually in the early decades. However, reliance on exports exposed Visayan farmers to global price volatility, contributing to periodic rural distress. Visayans maintained significant influence in national politics, with Bohol native Carlos P. Garcia ascending to the presidency in March 1957 following Ramon Magsaysay's death and winning election later that year for a full term ending in 1961. Garcia's "Filipino First" policy, enacted via in 1958–1959, prioritized Filipino-owned enterprises in and , aiming to reduce foreign dominance and stimulate local industries including Visayan shipping and trading firms. Government-sponsored resettlement programs from the 1950s onward drove mass Visayan migration to , relieving overcrowding in the and promoting agricultural expansion on frontier lands; by 1961, migrants—predominantly from , , and —had swelled 's population by nearly 30% over the prior decade, shifting demographics and enabling Visayans to form majority communities in provinces like Davao and . This influx, however, intensified land conflicts with indigenous Lumads and Muslim populations, laying groundwork for Moro insurgencies in the 1970s. Under Ferdinand Marcos's martial law regime (1972–1981), Visayan economies experienced uneven growth, with industrializing through light manufacturing and emerging as a logistics hub, though the 1980s and sugar market collapse triggered famines in , displacing thousands. The 1986 drew widespread Visayan support, including protests in , aiding Corazon Aquino's rise and democratic restoration. In the contemporary era, has positioned itself as the ' second-largest metropolitan economy, driven by (BPO) employing over 150,000 by 2020 and tourism, reflecting Visayan adaptation to service-sector globalization.

Languages

Major Visayan Languages

The , also known as , form a within the Central Philippine of the Austronesian , primarily spoken by the across the archipelago and portions of in the . These languages exhibit among certain dialects but diverge significantly between major variants, reflecting geographic and historical separations. Cebuano, Hiligaynon, and Waray-Waray constitute the most prominent members by speaker population, collectively accounting for the majority of the estimated 25-30 million Visayan language users. Cebuano, the most widely spoken Visayan language, has over 20 million native speakers concentrated in , , eastern , western , and extensive areas of northern and eastern . It serves as a in these regions, with its dominance stemming from Cebu Island's historical role as a and migration hub. Cebuano features a subject-verb-object structure typical of and incorporates loanwords from Spanish, English, and Malay due to colonial and influences. Hiligaynon, spoken by approximately 9.3 million native speakers as of 2010 data, predominates in western Island—including , , and —and parts of . Also referred to as Ilonggo, it shares phonological traits with other Visayan tongues, such as glottal stops and for aspect marking, but differs in vocabulary and syntax from Cebuano, limiting full . Its heartland in the reflects pre-colonial networks centered around . Waray-Waray, with around 3.1 million speakers, is native to , , , and , functioning as the primary language in the . This language maintains distinct lexical items, such as unique terms for local and maritime activities, adapted to the region's typhoon-prone coastal environment. While partially intelligible with Cebuano, dialectal variations across and islands necessitate in inter-island communication. Smaller but regionally significant languages include Kinaray-a, spoken by about 600,000 people mainly in Antique province and southern Iloilo on Panay's west coast, and Aklanon, with roughly 560,000 speakers in Aklan province on northern Panay. Kinaray-a preserves archaic Visayan features, potentially indicating an older layer of settlement, while Aklanon shows influences from nearby non-Visayan languages like Ati. These languages underscore the linguistic mosaic of Panay, where adjacency fosters borrowing but preserves core distinctions.

Linguistic Diversity and External Influences

The Visayan languages form a diverse subgroup within the Central Philippine branch of the Malayo-Polynesian family of Austronesian languages, encompassing distinct varieties such as Cebuano (Bisaya), Hiligaynon (Ilonggo), Waray-Waray, Kinaray-a, and others like Aklanon and Capiznon. These languages evolved from Proto-Bisayan through regional divergence influenced by geography and historical migrations, resulting in phonological, lexical, and syntactic variations that reduce between major branches—for instance, Cebuano and Hiligaynon speakers may comprehend only 40-60% of each other's speech without prior exposure. Within individual languages like Cebuano, dialects such as Boholano, Leyteño, and Mindanao Cebuano show high , with differences primarily in regional vocabulary and accents rather than core grammar. External influences began with pre-colonial trade contacts, incorporating limited Malay and possibly Sanskrit-derived terms via maritime exchanges in , though the Austronesian substrate dominates. Spanish colonization, commencing in , exerted the most profound early impact, infusing Visayan lexicons with thousands of loanwords—approximately 6,000 in Cebuano alone—spanning (Dios for ), administration (gobernador), and technology (kutsilyo for ). These borrowings adapted phonologically to native sound systems, often via or vowel shifts, reflecting causal adaptation to local articulation patterns rather than wholesale grammatical imposition. The American colonial era from 1898 onward introduced English, fostering akin to "Bislish" in urban Visayan communities and media, with loanwords for modern concepts like kompyuter (computer) and telebisyon (television). This influence persists in and , where English-Visayan bilingualism is common, yet core features such as focus-marking affixes and for aspect remain distinctly Austronesian, underscoring resilience against external pressures. Contemporary adds minor inputs from global English and , but empirical linguistic surveys indicate Visayan languages retain over 80% native in everyday rural use.

Religion

Pre-Colonial Belief Systems

Pre-colonial Visayans adhered to an animistic polytheistic system centered on a hierarchical pantheon of deities known as diwata, including a supreme creator god and numerous lesser divinities associated with natural phenomena, agriculture, and human affairs. This belief framework recognized spirits inhabiting the environment, celestial bodies, and ancestors (anito or umalagad), which were invoked for protection, prosperity, and guidance in daily life, such as farming cycles tied to stars and the moon. The pantheon encompassed approximately 21 major diwata with distinct attributes—such as Lalahon or Laon, a creator deity linked to Mount Kanlaon in Negros and Bohol—and 34 minor entities (lumad or lumelsa), reflecting a structured cosmology rather than undifferentiated nature worship. Specific diwata included Dalikmata, guardian against eye ailments, and Makabosog, associated with gluttony, illustrating functional roles in moral and physical domains. Central to these practices were babaylan, ritual specialists predominantly women who served as shamans, healers, mediators between humans and spirits, and advisors to community leaders on matters of health, omens, and governance. They conducted séances, entered trances to commune with deities or ancestral spirits, and managed the dungan (soul) to avert illness or misfortune, often incorporating male asog (effeminate men) who adopted female roles in rituals. Rituals, such as paganito offerings of food, betel nut, or animal sacrifices, and communal feasts (manganito) lasting several days, aimed at appeasing spirits for bountiful harvests, safe voyages, or resolution of disputes, with babaylan leading chants, dances, and prayers. Beliefs extended to a dual-soul , where one soul ascended to a heavenly realm and another descended to an , influencing burial customs and views on the , with omens and divinations guiding interpretations of spiritual influences on earthly events. These systems, documented in 16th- and 17th-century accounts by Spanish observers like Miguel de Loarca and Francisco Ignacio Alcina, who resided among Visayans, underscore a sophisticated integration of cosmology, , and predating external influences.

Christianization and Syncretism

The process of Christianization in the Visayas began with the arrival of Miguel López de Legazpi's expedition on April 27, 1565, at , where Spanish forces established the first in the and initiated organized evangelization efforts under royal patronage. Accompanying Legazpi were four Augustinian friars—Antonio de Herrera, Pedro de Valderrama, Diego de Espinar, and —who conducted the initial baptisms, including those of local leaders following military subjugation of resistant datus like Tupas, thereby securing alliances that facilitated broader conversions. By 1567, had its first church, and mass baptisms—often numbering in the thousands—spread to nearby islands, supported by colonial policies that linked obedience to Spanish authority with religious adherence. Augustinian missionaries dominated early efforts in the Visayas, founding parishes in , , and by the 1570s, while later arrivals of (1578), (1581), and Dominicans (1587) extended missions to remote areas like and , employing methods such as reducciones (forced resettlements into mission towns) to centralize populations for and church construction. , in particular, focused on Visayan islands from 1595, establishing schools and emphasizing linguistic adaptation by translating catechisms into local languages, which accelerated nominal conversions but revealed superficial understanding among converts, as documented in early Jesuit reports noting retained animist rituals. By the end of the , over 250,000 Visayans had been baptized, though enforcement involved coercion, including fines, labor drafts, and suppression of native priests, contributing to revolts like that of Bancao in (1622), where syncretic messianic elements fused with indigenous resistance. Syncretism emerged as pre-colonial beliefs in anitos (spirits), babaylans (shamans), and diwata (deities) persisted beneath Catholic veneer, with locals equating saints to ancestral guardians and incorporating harvest rituals into feast days, a observed in missionary accounts from the onward. In Cebu, devotion to the image—introduced in 1565 and credited with miracles—blended with animist child-god worship, manifesting in festivals like , where street dances and offerings echo pre-Hispanic trance rituals while honoring the . Such folk practices, termed "," involved persistent sorcery accusations tied to old spirit beliefs and household altars combining crucifixes with amulets, reflecting incomplete doctrinal assimilation despite centuries of missionary presence; Jesuit chronicler Colin noted in 1663 that many converts viewed as a protective rite akin to indigenous scarification rather than a theological commitment. This blending, while condemned by orthodox as , sustained cultural continuity, as evidenced by 18th-century records of babaylan-led uprisings invoking both Virgin Mary apparitions and native deities.

Contemporary Religious Landscape

The religious landscape among Visayans remains overwhelmingly Roman Catholic, with adherence rates exceeding 90% in the core Visayan regions as of the 2020 Census of Population and Housing conducted by the (PSA). In Region VII (), 90.5% of the household population identified as Roman Catholic, while in Region VIII (), the figure reached 92.3%; Region VI () follows a comparable pattern, contributing to the ' status as one of the most Catholic-dense areas in the , surpassing the national average of 78.8%. This dominance stems from centuries of institutional entrenchment, including widespread participation in sacraments, , and festivals like in , which blend liturgical rites with local customs. Protestant denominations, including evangelicals and Pentecostals, constitute a small but growing minority, estimated at under 5% regionally based on national trends adjusted for Visayan underrepresentation compared to or urban Luzon. Groups such as the (national 2.6%) and (Aglipayan, national 1.4%) maintain pockets of followers, often tied to early 20th-century schisms or American-era missions, though their influence remains marginal in rural Visayan communities. Evangelical growth, fueled by independent churches and media outreach, has accelerated nationally at rates up to 10% annually in recent decades, but Visayan areas like and lag below this average due to strong Catholic institutional loyalty and family networks. Non-Christian affiliations, including (under 1% in core ) and residual indigenous , are negligible among ethnic Visayans, though syncretic folk practices—such as belief in spirits () or protective rituals—persist alongside Catholicism in rural settings, often without formal identification as separate religions. The PSA records these as minor categories, with no significant organized revival; urban migration and education have further diluted pre-colonial elements. Overall, is limited, with Catholicism's reinforced by community ties rather than coercion.

Culture and Society

Social Organization and Customs

Pre-colonial Visayan society was organized into barangays, kinship-based communities typically comprising 30 to 100 households led by a hereditary chief known as the . The held authority over , warfare, , and , commanding respect and tribute from followers while providing protection and leadership. This structure emphasized loyalty and mutual obligation, with the sakop (followers) bound to the datu through oaths and shared risks in raids and defense. Society was stratified into three primary classes: the (nobility), timawa (freemen or warriors), and oripun (dependents or commoners). The datu class, a birthright aristocracy, maintained exclusivity through endogamous marriages and practices like secluding noble daughters (binokot) to preserve purity and status. Timawa, often relatives or illegitimate offspring of datu, served as vassals exempt from tribute, functioning as warriors, emissaries, and bodyguards who shared in spoils at the datu's discretion. The oripun subclass included varying degrees of servitude based on debt or capture, such as ayuey (partial dependents serving three days every four) and tumataban (fuller obligations), with potential for manumission through payment or valor. Social mobility existed, albeit limited, via marriage, bravery, or debt redemption, while inheritance perpetuated class divisions, with oripun children often inheriting servile status. Kinship was bilateral, tracing descent and inheritance through both maternal and paternal lines, fostering extended family networks that reinforced community ties beyond the nuclear unit. Families emphasized collective support, with elders holding authority and rituals marking life stages to affirm social bonds. Customs reflected hierarchical and communal values, particularly in marriage, which was often arranged by parents even prenatally among elites to secure alliances, involving negotiations over bride-price (panghimu) to demonstrate the groom's provision capacity. Polygyny was practiced by datu for political ties, while commoners adhered to monogamy; ceremonies included processions, hand-binding by a babaylan (shaman), and rice offerings for fertility. Post-marriage, couples integrated into extended households, with women enjoying relative autonomy in property and divorce, though patriarchal norms prevailed in leadership roles. Other rites, such as debt-based servitude resolution and warrior oaths, underscored causal ties between individual actions and communal welfare.

Arts, Literature, and Performing Arts

Visayan literature, predominantly composed in Cebuano and other regional languages such as Waray and Hiligaynon, evolved from pre-colonial oral traditions including epics and folk narratives to written forms influenced by Spanish colonization and American education. Early documented works include historical and ethnographic accounts by 17th-century observers like Francisco Ignacio Alcina, whose Historia de las Islas e Indios Visayas (1668) preserved indigenous customs and languages, though as a Jesuit chronicler his perspective reflects colonial documentation rather than native authorship. The saw the emergence of printed , with the first novel-like work La Teresa appearing in 1852 as a moral code, followed by nationalist writings during the . Prominent Visayan writers contributed to both regional identity and broader Filipino literature. (1856–1896), born in Jaro, , founded La Solidaridad in 1889 in , using satirical essays and articles to critique Spanish colonial abuses and advocate assimilation and reforms, establishing him as a key propagandist. Marcelino Navarra (1914–1984), a Cebuano author, advanced and poetry in the vernacular, with works like Ang Gindak-on sa Dagat (1940) exploring rural life and social issues, earning recognition for elevating Cebuano prose amid Tagalog dominance in national literature. Other figures include Fernando Buyser (1879–1946), a pioneer in Waray literature with essays and poems promoting regional consciousness, and Antonio Abad (1894–1970), a Cebuano essayist and whose works addressed moral and cultural themes. Contemporary efforts, such as Erlinda Kintanar Alburo's compilation Sugilanong Sugboanon (1996), document pre-1940 fiction, highlighting themes of love, , and resistance. In , Visayans have traditionally emphasized functional crafts like , , and , reflecting indigenous centered on and community utility rather than abstract expression. Scholarly analysis of Bisayan identifies core concepts like himsog (vitality) and kapyot (tenacity) in motifs drawn from marine and agrarian life, evident in pre-colonial artifacts and colonial-era santos (religious statues). painters during the Spanish period excelled in religious , employing vibrant oils and intricate details for church altars. Modern fine arts gained prominence with Martino Abellana (1914–1988), dubbed the "Dean of Cebuano Painters," whose realist landscapes and portraits from captured Visayan rural scenes using bold colors and classical techniques influenced by European training. Romulo Galicano, a Cebuano realist, furthered this tradition with works blending cubist elements and local subjects, while sculptors like Fidel Araneta produced historical figures in wood, such as Sr., emphasizing national heroes. These artists often operated peripherally to Manila's art scene, prioritizing regional motifs over national abstraction. Performing arts in Visayan culture feature theatrical forms adapted from colonial introductions, with sarswela (from Spanish zarzuela) becoming a staple by the early 1900s, particularly in and . This musical drama format, indigenized with local dialects, folk tunes, and themes of romance, comedy, and social critique, flourished from 1900 onward, drawing crowds to venues like Cebu's Teatro Junquera. Plays often satirized everyday struggles or historical events, with troupes performing in vernacular to foster community engagement, though decline set in post-World War II due to cinema's rise. Earlier forms like duplo (improvised verse debates) persist in rural settings, blending and dialogue to resolve disputes or entertain. Modern iterations include collaborative dramas exploring Visayan heritage, maintaining theater's role in cultural preservation.

Festivals, Music, and Dance

Visayan festivals often fuse Catholic rituals with pre-colonial elements, emphasizing communal participation and vibrant street processions. The in , celebrated annually on the third Sunday of January, honors the de Cebu image introduced in 1521 by to and Hara Humamay. The event features a grand parade where dancers perform the sinulog step, a forward-backward motion imitating the river's current, originating from indigenous rituals adapted post-Christianization. Formalized in 1980, it draws millions, including fluvial processions and cultural shows. The Ati-Atihan Festival in , , also on the third Sunday of January, reenacts the of legend where sold land to Malay settlers, now honoring the . Participants blacken their faces and bodies with to mimic indigenous features, donning tribal attire and beating drums in sad-sayaw processions leading to the church. Established in the but rooted in earlier traditions, it spans nine days from the town's founding date. In , the in City occurs on the third Sunday of October, showcasing dancers in elaborate headdresses and smiling masks symbolizing resilience amid 1970s economic woes and typhoons. Initiated in 1980, it includes street dancing competitions with brass bands and electric parades, attracting over 100,000 visitors annually. Visayan music prominently features the ensemble, a Spanish-influenced plucked-string using instruments such as the (mandolin-like), laud (12-string guitar), (eight-string guitar), guitar, and . This group performs folk songs like balitaw—impromptu duets with poetic exchanges—and instrumental pieces at social gatherings. Traditional vocals include the , a melancholic , often accompanied by guitar. Folk dances reflect agrarian life and courtship rituals. , originating in , involves performers leaping between clapping poles to evade tikling birds, symbolizing agility in rice fields; it has become the national dance. The kuratsa, a lively Waray courtship dance from , features flirtatious advances and rejections with steps and . Other forms include the surtido Cebuano, a Spanish-influenced suite blending , , and , performed in European attire.

Cuisine and Daily Life

Visayan cuisine features fresh seafood, pork, and an array of vegetables, shaped by the region's island environment and historical dependence on fishing and swidden farming for staples such as rice, millet, taro, yams, and bananas. Pre-Hispanic diets included rice prepared as porridge or cakes, supplemented by fish, shellfish, wild game like pigs and deer, chickens, eggs, fruits, and wild tubers including sago. Preservation techniques, such as salting, smoking, sun-drying, and vinegar marination, extended the shelf life of proteins in the tropical climate. Prominent dishes include kinilaw, diced raw fish cured in vinegar, coconut milk, and spices, highlighting seafood's centrality; humba, pork belly braised in soy sauce, vinegar, sugar, and bananas, originating from the Visayas; and lechon, a whole roasted pig with crispy skin, emblematic of Cebuano celebrations but rooted in communal feasting traditions. Other staples encompass batchoy from Iloilo, a noodle soup with pork offal, bone marrow, and shrimp; inasal manok, grilled chicken marinated in calamansi and annatto; and vegetable stews like utan bisaya or laswa, boiled assortments of greens, fish, and souring agents. These preparations often incorporate indigenous souring elements like tamarind or starfruit, alongside coconut products, reflecting adaptations to local biodiversity post-contact with Austronesian and later Hispanic influences. In daily life, Visayans maintain family-centric routines centered on communal meals that reinforce social bonds, with perceived as essential for sustenance, , and relational harmony. Subsistence activities historically involved coastal , inland farming of export crops like and , and market exchanges for fresh ingredients, fostering a rhythm of preparation and shared consumption. Women traditionally managed household cooking and water fetching, as depicted in late 19th-century imagery, while men handled or field labor, though modern urbanization in centers like has diversified roles toward commerce and services. Meals, often simple one-pot dishes, bridge hunger between harvests or catches, embodying resilience and practicality in an prone to typhoons and resource variability.

Economy and Contributions

Economic Activities and Regional Impact

The economy of the Visayans, centered in the archipelago, relies on a mix of , fisheries, services, and , with services emerging as the dominant sector in recent years. and fisheries remain foundational, contributing through crops like , corn, coconuts, and —particularly in —and extensive marine resources in the Visayan Sea. In 2024, the , forestry, and fishing sector in expanded by 5.2 percent at constant 2018 prices, underscoring its role in food production and rural livelihoods. Fisheries, including and commercial capture, support thousands of households, though incursions by larger vessels into municipal waters have strained small-scale operators, affecting around 5,000 fisherfolk in the Visayan Sea as of 2023. Services, including wholesale and retail trade, tourism, and information technology-business process management (IT-BPM), drive accelerated growth, fueled by urban centers like and . Tourism leverages natural assets such as beaches, dive sites, and cultural festivals, while IT-BPM and bolster employment in coastal and island economies. Manufacturing encompasses electronics assembly, , furniture, and marine products, with hosting clusters in footwear, wearables, and housewares. These sectors reflect a shift from agrarian bases to diversified, export-oriented activities, supported by infrastructure like ports and airports. The region's economic output accounted for approximately 14 percent of the national GDP in 2024, valued at 3.1 trillion, with alone contributing 1.28 trillion or 5.7 percent of the total 22.24 trillion. This positioned as the fastest-growing region in 2023 at 7.3 percent expansion, outpacing the National Capital Region, driven by services (8.3 percent growth) and (8.0 percent). Provinces like and exemplify regional impact, with recording 8.8 percent growth in 2024 and maintaining a leading GDP share through and hubs. Such performance enhances national resilience via remittances from Visayan overseas workers and integration, though vulnerabilities like exposure and resource competition persist.

Notable Visayans and Achievements

Visayans have made significant contributions to Philippine history, , and through various leaders and innovators. In , (1878–1961), born in , served as the first Speaker of the in 1907, led an mission to the in 1933, and became the fourth from 1944 to 1946 after succeeding Manuel Quezon during . Similarly, Carlos P. García (1896–1971), born in , , assumed the presidency in 1957 following Ramón Magsaysay's death and implemented the "Filipino First" policy to prioritize local industries and reduce foreign economic dominance. During the and subsequent conflicts, (1868–1947), from , , became the only woman to command combat troops in the , leading forces against Spanish colonial forces in 1898 and later against American troops in battles such as Sapong Hill and Balantang in 1899, earning her the moniker "Visayan ." In the arts, (born 1943), a Cebu native, was proclaimed National Artist for in 2018 for his works in history, fiction, and cultural studies, including pioneering research on Cebuano literature and colonial-era documents. J. Elizalde Navarro (1924–1999), from , received the National Artist award for , recognized for his abstract sculptures and paintings that explored spatial dynamics and Filipino identity using materials like wood and metal. In science and invention, Magdalena C. Villaruz advanced by developing the commercial production process for , a product from , earning her the 1986 Most Outstanding Inventor award from the for boosting agricultural byproducts into export commodities. Andrés Jaspe, from , invented the Jaspe rice thresher in the mid-20th century, capable of processing 25–40 cavans per hour, which mechanized post-harvest operations and increased efficiency for smallholder farmers in rice-dependent regions. In sports, Jr. (born 1982), from , , secured multiple world titles across four weight classes, including the NABF and WBC championships, with a career spanning over 40 professional wins as of 2023.

References

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