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Religion
Religion
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Religion is a range of social-cultural systems, including designated behaviors and practices, morals, beliefs, worldviews, texts, sanctified places, prophecies, ethics, or organizations, that generally relate humanity to supernatural, transcendental, and spiritual elements[1]—although there is no scholarly consensus over what precisely constitutes a religion.[2][3] It is an essentially contested concept.[4] Different religions may or may not contain various elements ranging from the divine,[5] sacredness,[6] faith,[7] and a supernatural being or beings.[8]

The origin of religious belief is an open question, with possible explanations including awareness of individual death, a sense of community, and dreams.[9] Religions have sacred histories, narratives, and mythologies, preserved in oral traditions, sacred texts, symbols, and holy places, that may attempt to explain the origin of life, the universe, and other phenomena. Religious practice may include rituals, sermons, commemoration or veneration (of deities or saints), sacrifices, festivals, feasts, trances, initiations, matrimonial and funerary services, meditation, prayer, music, art, dance, or public service.[10]

There are an estimated 10,000 distinct religions worldwide,[11] though nearly all of them have regionally based, relatively small followings. Four religions—Christianity, Islam, Hinduism, and Buddhism—account for over 77% of the world's population, and 92% of the world either follows one of those four religions or identifies as nonreligious,[12] meaning that the vast majority of remaining religions account for only 8% of the population combined. The religiously unaffiliated demographic includes those who do not identify with any particular religion, atheists, and agnostics, although many in the demographic still have various religious beliefs.[13] Many world religions are also organized religions, most definitively including the Abrahamic religions Christianity, Islam, Judaism, and the Baháʼí Faith, while others are arguably less so, in particular folk religions, indigenous religions, and some Eastern religions. A portion of the world's population are members of new religious movements.[14] Scholars have indicated that global religiosity may be increasing due to religious countries having generally higher birth rates.[15]

The study of religion comprises a wide variety of academic disciplines, including theology, philosophy of religion, comparative religion, and social scientific studies. Theories about religion offer various explanations for its origins and workings, including the ontological foundations of religious being and belief.[16]

Etymology and history of the concept of "religion"

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The Buddha, Laozi, and Confucius – founders of Buddhism, Taoism (Daoism) and Confucianism – in a Ming dynasty painting

Etymology

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The term religion comes from both Old French and Anglo-Norman (1200s CE) and means respect for sense of right, moral obligation, sanctity, what is sacred, reverence for the gods.[17][18] It is ultimately derived from the Latin word religiō. According to Roman philosopher Cicero, religiō comes from relegere: re (meaning 'again') + lego (meaning 'read'), where lego is in the sense of 'go over', 'choose', or 'consider carefully'. Contrarily, some modern scholars such as Tom Harpur and Joseph Campbell have argued that religiō is derived from religare: re (meaning 'again') + ligare ('bind' or 'connect'), which was made prominent by St. Augustine following the interpretation given by Lactantius in Divinae institutiones, IV, 28.[19][20] The medieval usage alternates with order in designating bonded communities like those of monastic orders: "we hear of the 'religion' of the Golden Fleece, of a knight 'of the religion of Avys'."[21]

Religiō

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In classic antiquity, religiō broadly meant conscientiousness, sense of right, moral obligation, or duty to anything.[22] In the ancient and medieval world, the etymological Latin root religiō was understood as an individual virtue of worship in mundane contexts; never as doctrine, practice, or actual source of knowledge.[23][24] In general, religiō referred to broad social obligations towards anything including family, neighbors, rulers, and even towards God.[25] Religiō was most often used by the ancient Romans not in the context of a relation towards gods, but as a range of general emotions which arose from heightened attention in any mundane context such as hesitation, caution, anxiety, or fear, as well as feelings of being bound, restricted, or inhibited.[26] The term was also closely related to other terms like scrupulus (which meant "very precisely"), and some Roman authors related the term superstitio (which meant too much fear or anxiety or shame) to religiō at times.[26] When religiō came into English around the 1200s as religion, it took the meaning of "life bound by monastic vows" or monastic orders.[21][25] The compartmentalized concept of religion, where religious and worldly things were separated, was not used before the 1500s.[25] The concept of religion was first used in the 1500s to distinguish the domain of the church and the domain of civil authorities; the Peace of Augsburg marks such an instance,[25] which has been described by Christian Reus-Smit as "the first step on the road toward a European system of sovereign states."[27]

Roman general Julius Caesar used religiō to mean 'obligation of an oath' when discussing captured soldiers making an oath to their captors.[28] Roman naturalist Pliny the Elder used the term religiō to describe the apparent respect given by elephants to the night sky.[29] Cicero used religiō as being related to cultum deorum (worship of the gods).[30]

Threskeia

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In Ancient Greece, the Greek term threskeia (θρησκεία) was loosely translated into Latin as religiō in late antiquity. Threskeia was sparsely used in classical Greece but became more frequently used in the writings of Josephus in the 1st century CE. It was used in mundane contexts and could mean multiple things from respectful fear to excessive or harmfully distracting practices of others, to cultic practices. It was often contrasted with the Greek word deisidaimonia, which meant too much fear.[31]

History of the concept of "religion"

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Religion is a modern concept[32] and not a universal concept across history, cultures or languages.[33][34] The concept was invented recently in the English language and is found in texts from the 17th century due to events such as the splitting of Christendom during the Protestant Reformation and globalization in the Age of Exploration, which involved contact with numerous foreign cultures with non-European languages.[23][24][35] Some argue that regardless of its definition, it is not appropriate to apply the term religion to non-Western cultures,[36][37] while some followers of various faiths rebuke using the word to describe their own belief system.[38]

The concept of "ancient religion" stems from modern interpretations of a range of practices that conform to a modern concept of religion, influenced by early modern and 19th century Christian discourse.[39] The concept of religion was formed in the 16th and 17th centuries,[40][41] despite the fact that ancient sacred texts like the Bible, the Quran, and others did not have a word or even a concept of religion in the original languages and neither did the people or the cultures in which these sacred texts were written.[42][43] For example, there is no precise equivalent of religion in Hebrew, and Judaism does not distinguish clearly between religious, national, racial, or ethnic identities.[44][45][46] One of its central concepts is halakha, meaning the walk or path sometimes translated as law, which guides religious practice and belief and many aspects of daily life.[47] Even though the beliefs and traditions of Judaism are found in the ancient world, ancient Jews saw Jewish identity as being about an ethnic or national identity and did not entail a compulsory belief system or regulated rituals.[48] In the 1st century CE, Josephus had used the Greek term ioudaismos (Judaism) as an ethnic term and was not linked to modern abstract concepts of religion or a set of beliefs.[3] The very concept of "Judaism" was invented by the Christian Church,[49] and it was in the 19th century that Jews began to see their ancestral culture as a religion analogous to Christianity.[48] The Greek word threskeia, which was used by Greek writers such as Herodotus and Josephus, is found in the New Testament. Threskeia is sometimes translated as "religion" in today's translations, but the term was understood as generic "worship" well into the medieval period.[3] In the Quran, the Arabic word din is often translated as religion in modern translations, but up to the mid-1600s translators expressed din as "law."[3]

The Sanskrit word dharma, sometimes translated as religion,[50] also means law. Throughout classical South Asia, the study of law consisted of concepts such as penance through piety and ceremonial as well as practical traditions. Medieval Japan at first had a similar union between imperial law and universal or Buddha law, but these later became independent sources of power.[51][52]

Though traditions, sacred texts, and practices have existed throughout time, most cultures did not align with Western conceptions of religion since they did not separate everyday life from the sacred. In the 18th and 19th centuries, the terms Buddhism, Hinduism, Taoism, Confucianism, and world religions first entered the English language.[53][54][55] Native Americans were also thought of as not having religions and also had no word for religion in their languages either.[54][56] No one self-identified as a Hindu or Buddhist or other similar terms before the 1800s.[57] "Hindu" has historically been used as a geographical, cultural, and later religious identifier for people indigenous to the Indian subcontinent.[58][59] Throughout its long history, Japan had no concept of religion since there was no corresponding Japanese word, nor anything close to its meaning, but when American warships appeared off the coast of Japan in 1853 and forced the Japanese government to sign treaties demanding, among other things, freedom of religion, the country had to contend with this idea.[60][61]

According to the philologist Max Müller in the 19th century, the root of the English word religion, the Latin religiō, was originally used to mean only reverence for God or the gods, careful pondering of divine things, piety (which Cicero further derived to mean diligence).[62][63] Müller characterized many other cultures around the world, including Egypt, Persia, and India, as having a similar power structure at this point in history. What is called ancient religion today, they would have only called law.[64]

History of "nonreligion" and "secular"

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Accordingly, other concepts like the "secular", "nonreligion", and "atheism" have been called into question since they are, like religion, not universal concepts as they are not found in many other cultures.[65] Anthropoligically, this is also the case where Western terms and concepts like "religion" and "secular" do not exist in other cultures.[66] Sociologists and demographers have noted that outside the West, concepts of "religion" or "the secular" are not always rooted in local culture and may not even be present.[67] Other studies indicate that religion and nonreligion are not necessarily mutually exclusive experiences since there is overlap in individuals regular lives.[68][69]

Definition

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Scholars have failed to agree on a definition of religion. There are, however, two general definition systems: the sociological/functional and the phenomenological/philosophical.[70][71][72][73]

Modern Western

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The concept of religion originated in the modern era in the West.[37] Parallel concepts are not found in many current and past cultures; there is no equivalent term for religion in many languages.[3][25] Scholars have found it difficult to develop a consistent definition, with some giving up on the possibility of a definition.[74][75] Others argue that regardless of its definition, it is not appropriate to apply it to non-Western cultures.[36][37]

An increasing number of scholars have expressed reservations about ever defining the essence of religion.[76] They observe that the way the concept today is used is a particularly modern construct that would not have been understood through much of history and in many cultures outside the West (or even in the West until after the Peace of Westphalia).[77] The MacMillan Encyclopedia of Religions states:

The very attempt to define religion, to find some distinctive or possibly unique essence or set of qualities that distinguish the religious from the remainder of human life, is primarily a Western concern. The attempt is a natural consequence of the Western speculative, intellectualistic, and scientific disposition. It is also the product of the dominant Western religious mode, what is called the Judeo-Christian climate or, more accurately, the theistic inheritance from Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. The theistic form of belief in this tradition, even when downgraded culturally, is formative of the dichotomous Western view of religion. That is, the basic structure of theism is essentially a distinction between a transcendent deity and all else, between the creator and his creation, between God and man.[78]

The anthropologist Clifford Geertz defined religion as a:

... system of symbols which acts to establish powerful, pervasive, and long-lasting moods and motivations in men by formulating conceptions of a general order of existence and clothing these conceptions with such an aura of factuality that the moods and motivations seem uniquely realistic.[79]

Alluding perhaps to Tylor's "deeper motive", Geertz remarked that:

... we have very little idea of how, in empirical terms, this particular miracle is accomplished. We just know that it is done, annually, weekly, daily, for some people almost hourly; and we have an enormous ethnographic literature to demonstrate it.[80]

The theologian Antoine Vergote took the term supernatural simply to mean whatever transcends the powers of nature or human agency. He also emphasized the cultural reality of religion, which he defined as:

... the entirety of the linguistic expressions, emotions and, actions and signs that refer to a supernatural being or supernatural beings.[8]

Peter Mandaville and Paul James intended to get away from the modernist dualisms or dichotomous understandings of immanence/transcendence, spirituality/materialism, and sacredness/secularity. They define religion as:

... a relatively-bounded system of beliefs, symbols and practices that addresses the nature of existence, and in which communion with others and Otherness is lived as if it both takes in and spiritually transcends socially-grounded ontologies of time, space, embodiment and knowing.[81]

According to the MacMillan Encyclopedia of Religions, there is an experiential aspect to religion which can be found in almost every culture:

... almost every known culture [has] a depth dimension in cultural experiences ... toward some sort of ultimacy and transcendence that will provide norms and power for the rest of life. When more or less distinct patterns of behavior are built around this depth dimension in a culture, this structure constitutes religion in its historically recognizable form. Religion is the organization of life around the depth dimensions of experience—varied in form, completeness, and clarity in accordance with the environing culture.[82]

Anthropologists Lyle Steadman and Craig T. Palmer emphasized the communication of supernatural beliefs, defining religion as:

... the communicated acceptance by individuals of another individual's "supernatural" claim, a claim whose accuracy is not verifiable by the senses.[83]

Classical

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Budazhap Shiretorov (Будажап Цыреторов), the head shaman of the religious community Altan Serge (Алтан Сэргэ) in Buryatia

Friedrich Schleiermacher in the late 18th century defined religion as das schlechthinnige Abhängigkeitsgefühl, commonly translated as "the feeling of absolute dependence".[84]

His contemporary Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel disagreed thoroughly, defining religion as "the Divine Spirit becoming conscious of Himself through the finite spirit."[85][better source needed]

Edward Burnett Tylor defined religion in 1871 as "the belief in spiritual beings".[86] He argued that narrowing the definition to mean the belief in a supreme deity or judgment after death or idolatry and so on, would exclude many peoples from the category of religious, and thus "has the fault of identifying religion rather with particular developments than with the deeper motive which underlies them." He also argued that the belief in spiritual beings exists in all known societies.

In his book The Varieties of Religious Experience, the psychologist William James defined religion as "the feelings, acts, and experiences of individual men in their solitude, so far as they apprehend themselves to stand in relation to whatever they may consider the divine."[5] By the term divine James meant "any object that is godlike, whether it be a concrete deity or not"[87] to which the individual feels impelled to respond with solemnity and gravity.[88]

Sociologist Émile Durkheim, in his seminal book The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life, defined religion as a "unified system of beliefs and practices relative to sacred things".[6] By sacred things he meant things "set apart and forbidden—beliefs and practices which unite into one single moral community called a Church, all those who adhere to them." Sacred things are not, however, limited to gods or spirits.[note 1] On the contrary, a sacred thing can be "a rock, a tree, a spring, a pebble, a piece of wood, a house, in a word, anything can be sacred."[89] Religious beliefs, myths, dogmas and legends are the representations that express the nature of these sacred things, and the virtues and powers which are attributed to them.[90]

Echoes of James' and Durkheim's definitions are to be found in the writings of, for example, Frederick Ferré who defined religion as "one's way of valuing most comprehensively and intensively".[91] Similarly, for the theologian Paul Tillich, faith is "the state of being ultimately concerned",[7] which "is itself religion. Religion is the substance, the ground, and the depth of man's spiritual life."[92]

When religion is seen in terms of sacred, divine, intensive valuing, or ultimate concern, then it is possible to understand why scientific findings and philosophical criticisms (e.g., those made by Richard Dawkins) do not necessarily disturb its adherents.[93]

Aspects

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Beliefs

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The origin of religious belief is an open question, with possible explanations including awareness of individual death, a sense of community, and dreams.[9] Traditionally, faith, in addition to reason, has been considered a source of religious beliefs. The interplay between faith and reason, and their use as perceived support for religious beliefs, have been a subject of interest to philosophers and theologians.[94]

Mythology

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A manuscript depicting the climactic Kurukshetra War in Hindu epic Mahabharata. The Mahabharata is the longest epic poem known and a key source of Hindu mythology.

The word myth has several meanings:

  1. A traditional story of ostensibly historical events that serves to unfold part of the world view of a people or explain a practice, belief, or natural phenomenon;
  2. A person or thing having only an imaginary or unverifiable existence; or
  3. A metaphor for the spiritual potentiality in the human being.[95]

Ancient polytheistic religions, such as those of Greece, Rome, and Scandinavia, are usually categorized under the heading of mythology. Religions of pre-industrial peoples, or cultures in development, are similarly called myths in the anthropology of religion. The term myth can be used pejoratively by both religious and non-religious people. By defining another person's religious stories and beliefs as mythology, one implies that they are less real or true than one's own religious stories and beliefs. Joseph Campbell remarked, "Mythology is often thought of as other people's religions, and religion can be defined as misinterpreted mythology."[96]

In sociology, however, the term myth has a non-pejorative meaning. There, myth is defined as a story that is important for the group, whether or not it is objectively or provably true.[97] Examples include the resurrection of their real-life founder Jesus, which, to Christians, explains the means by which they are freed from sin, is symbolic of the power of life over death, and is also said to be a historical event. But from a mythological outlook, whether or not the event actually occurred is unimportant. Instead, the symbolism of the death of an old life and the start of a new life is most significant. Religious believers may or may not accept such symbolic interpretations.

Practices

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The practices of a religion may include rituals, sermons, commemoration or veneration of a deity (god or goddess), sacrifices, festivals, feasts, trances, initiations, funerary services, matrimonial services, meditation, prayer, religious music, religious art, sacred dance, public service, or other aspects of human culture.[98]

Social organisation

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Religions have a societal basis, either as a living tradition which is carried by lay participants, or with an organized clergy, and a definition of what constitutes adherence or membership.

Academic study

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A number of disciplines study the phenomenon of religion: theology, comparative religion, history of religion, evolutionary origin of religions, anthropology of religion, psychology of religion (including neuroscience of religion and evolutionary psychology of religion), law and religion, and sociology of religion.

Daniel L. Pals mentions eight classical theories of religion, focusing on various aspects of religion: animism and magic, by E.B. Tylor and J.G. Frazer; the psycho-analytic approach of Sigmund Freud; and further Émile Durkheim, Karl Marx, Max Weber, Mircea Eliade, E.E. Evans-Pritchard, and Clifford Geertz.[99]

Michael Stausberg gives an overview of contemporary theories of religion, including cognitive and biological approaches.[100]

Theories

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Sociological and anthropological theories of religion generally attempt to explain the origin and function of religion.[101] These theories define what they present as universal characteristics of religious belief and practice.

Origins and development

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The Yazılıkaya sanctuary in Turkey, with the twelve gods of the underworld

The origin of religion is uncertain. There are a number of theories regarding the subsequent origins of religious practices.

According to anthropologists John Monaghan and Peter Just, "Many of the great world religions appear to have begun as revitalization movements of some sort, as the vision of a charismatic prophet fires the imaginations of people seeking a more comprehensive answer to their problems than they feel is provided by everyday beliefs. Charismatic individuals have emerged at many times and places in the world. It seems that the key to long-term success—and many movements come and go with little long-term effect—has relatively little to do with the prophets, who appear with surprising regularity, but more to do with the development of a group of supporters who are able to institutionalize the movement."[102]

The development of religion has taken different forms in different cultures. Some religions place an emphasis on belief, while others emphasize practice. Some religions focus on the subjective experience of the religious individual, while others consider the activities of the religious community to be most important. Some religions claim to be universal, believing their laws and cosmology to be binding for everyone, while others are intended to be practiced only by a closely defined or localized group. In many places, religion has been associated with public institutions such as education, hospitals, the family, government, and political hierarchies.[103]

Anthropologists John Monoghan and Peter Just state that, "it seems apparent that one thing religion or belief helps us do is deal with problems of human life that are significant, persistent, and intolerable. One important way in which religious beliefs accomplish this is by providing a set of ideas about how and why the world is put together that allows people to accommodate anxieties and deal with misfortune."[103]

Cultural system

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While religion is difficult to define, one standard model of religion, used in religious studies courses, was proposed by Clifford Geertz, who simply called it a "cultural system".[104] A critique of Geertz's model by Talal Asad categorized religion as "an anthropological category".[105] Richard Niebuhr's (1894–1962) five-fold classification of the relationship between Christ and culture, however, indicates that religion and culture can be seen as two separate systems, though with some interplay.[106]

Social constructionism

[edit]

One modern academic theory of religion, social constructionism, says that religion is a modern concept that suggests all spiritual practice and worship follows a model similar to the Abrahamic religions as an orientation system that helps to interpret reality and define human beings.[107] Among the main proponents of this theory of religion are Daniel Dubuisson, Timothy Fitzgerald, Talal Asad, and Jason Ānanda Josephson. The social constructionists argue that religion is a modern concept that developed from Christianity and was then applied inappropriately to non-Western cultures.

Cognitive science

[edit]

Cognitive science of religion is the study of religious thought and behavior from the perspective of the cognitive and evolutionary sciences.[108] The field employs methods and theories from a very broad range of disciplines, including: cognitive psychology, evolutionary psychology, cognitive anthropology, artificial intelligence, cognitive neuroscience, neurobiology, zoology, and ethology. Scholars in this field seek to explain how human minds acquire, generate, and transmit religious thoughts, practices, and schemas by means of ordinary cognitive capacities.

Hallucinations and delusions related to religious content occurs in about 60% of people with schizophrenia. While this number varies across cultures, this had led to theories about a number of influential religious phenomena and possible relation to psychotic disorders. A number of prophetic experiences are consistent with psychotic symptoms, although retrospective diagnoses are practically impossible.[109][110][111] Schizophrenic episodes are also experienced by people who do not have belief in gods.[112]

Religious content is also common in temporal lobe epilepsy, and obsessive-compulsive disorder.[113][114][115] Atheistic content is also found to be common with temporal lobe epilepsy.[116]

Comparativism

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Comparative religion is the branch of the study of religions concerned with the systematic comparison of the doctrines and practices of the world's religions. In general, the comparative study of religion yields a deeper understanding of the fundamental philosophical concerns of religion such as ethics, metaphysics, and the nature and form of salvation. Studying such material is meant to give one a richer and more sophisticated understanding of human beliefs and practices regarding the sacred, numinous, spiritual and divine.[117]

In the field of comparative religion, a common geographical classification[118] of the main world religions includes Middle Eastern religions (including Zoroastrianism and Iranian religions), Indian religions, East Asian religions, African religions, American religions, Oceanic religions, and classical Hellenistic religions.[118]

Classification

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A map of major denominations and religions of the world[needs update]

In the 19th and 20th centuries, the academic practice of comparative religion divided religious belief into philosophically defined categories called world religions. Some academics studying the subject have divided religions into three broad categories:

  1. World religions, a term which refers to transcultural, international religions;
  2. Indigenous religions, which refers to smaller, culture-specific or nation-specific religious groups; and
  3. New religious movements, which refers to recently developed religions.[119]

Some recent scholarship has argued that not all types of religion are necessarily separated by mutually exclusive philosophies, and furthermore that the utility of ascribing a practice to a certain philosophy, or even calling a given practice religious, rather than cultural, political, or social in nature, is limited.[120][121][122] The current state of psychological study about the nature of religiousness suggests that it is better to refer to religion as a largely invariant phenomenon that should be distinguished from cultural norms (i.e. religions).[123][clarification needed]

Morphological classification

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Some religion scholars classify religions as either universal religions that seek worldwide acceptance and actively look for new converts, such as the Baháʼí Faith, Buddhism, Christianity, Islam, and Jainism, while ethnic religions are identified with a particular ethnic group and do not seek converts.[124][125] Others reject the distinction, pointing out that all religious practices, whatever their philosophical origin, are ethnic because they come from a particular culture.[126][127][128]

Demographic classification

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Example of followers of popular and world religions, from top-left: Christians, Muslims, Hindus, Buddhists, Sikhs, and Jews.

The five largest religious groups by world population, estimated to account for 5.8 billion people and 84% of the population, are Christianity, Islam, Buddhism, Hinduism (with the relative numbers for Buddhism and Hinduism dependent on the extent of syncretism), and traditional folk religions.

Five largest religions 2015 (billion)[129] 2015 (%) Demographics
Christianity 2.3 31% Christianity by country
Islam 1.8 24% Islam by country
Hinduism 1.1 15% Hinduism by country
Buddhism 0.5 6.9% Buddhism by country
Folk religion 0.4 5.7%
Total 6.1 83% Religions by country
A rough split of the world among belief systems: Abrahamic in pink, Indian in yellow.

A global poll in 2012 surveyed 57 countries and reported that 59% of the world's population identified as religious, 23% as not religious, 13% as convinced atheists, and also a 9% decrease in identification as religious when compared to the 2005 average from 39 countries.[130] A follow-up poll in 2015 found that 63% of the globe identified as religious, 22% as not religious, and 11% as convinced atheists.[131] On average, women are more religious than men.[132] Some people follow multiple religions or multiple religious principles at the same time, regardless of whether or not the religious principles they follow traditionally allow for syncretism.[133][134][135] Unaffiliated populations are projected to drop, even when taking disaffiliation rates into account, due to differences in birth rates.[136][137]

Scholars have indicated that global religiosity may be increasing due to religious countries having higher birth rates in general.[138]

Specific religions

[edit]

Abrahamic

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The patriarch Abraham (by József Molnár)

Abrahamic religions are monotheistic religions which believe they descend from Abraham.

Judaism

[edit]
The Torah is the primary sacred text of Judaism.

Judaism is the oldest Abrahamic religion, originating in the people of ancient Israel and Judah.[139] The Torah is its foundational text, and is part of the larger text known as the Tanakh or Hebrew Bible. It is supplemented by oral tradition, set down in written form in later texts such as the Midrash and the Talmud. Judaism includes a wide corpus of texts, practices, theological positions, and forms of organization. Within Judaism there are a variety of movements, most of which emerged from Rabbinic Judaism, which holds that God revealed his laws and commandments to Moses on Mount Sinai in the form of both the Written and Oral Torah; historically, this assertion was challenged by various groups. The Jewish people were scattered after the destruction of the Temple in Jerusalem in 70 CE. Today there are about 13 million Jews, about 40 per cent living in Israel and 40 per cent in the United States.[140] The largest Jewish religious movements are Orthodox Judaism (Haredi Judaism and Modern Orthodox Judaism), Conservative Judaism and Reform Judaism.[139]

Christianity

[edit]
Jesus is the central figure of Christianity.

Christianity is based on the life and teachings of Jesus of Nazareth (1st century) as presented in the New Testament.[141] The Christian faith is essentially faith in Jesus as the Christ,[141] the Son of God, and as Savior and Lord. Almost all Christians believe in the Trinity, which teaches the unity of Father, Son (Jesus Christ), and Holy Spirit as three persons in one Godhead. Most Christians can describe their faith with the Nicene Creed. As the religion of Byzantine Empire in the first millennium and of Western Europe during the time of colonization, Christianity has been propagated throughout the world via missionary work.[142][143][144] It is the world's largest religion, with about 2.3 billion followers as of 2015.[145] The main divisions of Christianity are, according to the number of adherents:[146]

There are also smaller groups, including:

Islam

[edit]
Muslims circumambulating the Kaaba in Mecca, Saudi Arabia, the most sacred site in Islam

Islam is a monotheistic[147] religion based on the Quran,[147] one of the holy books considered by Muslims to be revealed by God, and on the teachings (hadith) of the Islamic prophet Muhammad, a major political and religious figure of the 7th century CE. Islam is based on the unity of all religious philosophies and accepts all of the Abrahamic prophets of Judaism, Christianity and other Abrahamic religions before Muhammad. It is the most widely practiced religion of Southeast Asia, North Africa, Western Asia, and Central Asia, while Muslim-majority countries also exist in parts of South Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa, and Southeast Europe. There are also several Islamic republics, including Iran, Pakistan, Mauritania, and Afghanistan. With about 1.8 billion followers (2015), almost a quarter of earth's population are Muslims.[148]

  • Sunni Islam is the largest denomination within Islam and follows the Qur'an, the ahadith (plural of Hadith) which record the sunnah, whilst placing emphasis on the sahabah.
  • Shia Islam is the second largest denomination of Islam and its adherents believe that Ali succeeded Muhammad and further places emphasis on Muhammad's family.
  • There are also Muslim revivalist movements such as Muwahhidism and Salafism.

Other denominations of Islam include Nation of Islam, Ibadi, Sufism, Quranism, Mahdavia, Ahmadiyya and non-denominational Muslims. Wahhabism is the dominant Muslim schools of thought in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.

Other

[edit]

Judaism, Christianity, and Islam are the three most popular Abrahamic faiths, however there are smaller and newer traditions that lay claim to the designation of Abrahamic as well.[149]

The Baháʼí Lotus Temple in Delhi

For example, the Baháʼí Faith is a new religious movement that has links to the major Abrahamic religions as well as other religions (e.g., of Eastern philosophy). Founded in 19th-century Iran, it teaches the unity of all religious philosophies[150] and accepts all of the prophets of Judaism, Christianity, and Islam as well as additional prophets (Buddha, Mahavira), including its founder Bahá'u'lláh. It is an offshoot of Bábism. One of its divisions is the Orthodox Baháʼí Faith.[151]: 48–49 

The shrine of Nabi Shu'ayb complex is revered as the foremost religious site in the Druze religion

Even smaller regional Abrahamic groups also exist, including Samaritanism (primarily in Israel and the State of Palestine), the Rastafari movement (primarily in Jamaica), and Druze (primarily in Syria, Lebanon, and Israel).

The Druze faith originally developed out of Isma'ilism, and it has sometimes been considered an Islamic school by some Islamic authorities, but Druze themselves do not identify as Muslims.[152][153][154][155] Scholars classify the Druze faith as an independent Abrahamic religion because it developed its own unique doctrines and eventually separated from both Isma'ilism and Islam altogether.[156][157] One of these doctrines includes the belief that Al-Ḥākim bi-Amr Allāh was an incarnation of God.[158]

Mandaeism, sometimes also known as Sabianism (after the mysterious Sabians mentioned in the Quran, a name historically claimed by several religious groups),[159] is a Gnostic, monotheistic and ethnic religion.[160]: 4 [161]: 1  Its adherents, the Mandaeans, consider John the Baptist to be their chief prophet.[160] Mandaeans are the last surviving Gnostics from antiquity.[162]

East Asian

[edit]

East Asian religions (also known as Far Eastern religions or Taoic religions) consist of several religions of East Asia which make use of the concept of Tao (in Chinese), Dō (in Japanese or Korean) or Đạo (in Vietnamese). They include:

Taoism and Confucianism

[edit]
The Temple of Heaven, a Taoist temple complex in Beijing
  • Taoism and Confucianism, as well as Korean, Vietnamese, and Japanese religion influenced by Chinese thought.

Folk religions

[edit]

Chinese folk religion: the indigenous religions of the Han Chinese, or, by metonymy, of all the populations of the Chinese cultural sphere. It includes the syncretism of Confucianism, Taoism and Buddhism, Wuism, as well as many new religious movements such as Chen Tao, Falun Gong and Yiguandao.

Other folk and new religions of East Asia and Southeast Asia such as Korean shamanism, Chondogyo, and Jeung San Do in Korea; indigenous Philippine folk religions in the Philippines; Shinto, Shugendo, Ryukyuan religion, and Japanese new religions in Japan; Satsana Phi in Laos; Vietnamese folk religion, and Cao Đài, Hòa Hảo in Vietnam.

Indian religions

[edit]

Indian religions are practiced or were founded in the Indian subcontinent. They are sometimes classified as the dharmic religions, as they all feature dharma, the specific law of reality and duties expected according to the religion.[163]

Hinduism

[edit]
The Padmanabhaswamy Temple is a significant temple of the Hindu god Vishnu in Thiruvananthapuram, India.

Hinduism is also called Vaidika Dharma, the dharma of the Vedas,[164] although many practitioners refer to their religion as Sanātana Dharma ("the Eternal Dharma") which refers to the idea that its origins lie beyond human history. Vaidika Dharma is a synecdoche describing the similar philosophies of Vaishnavism, Shaivism, and related groups practiced or founded in the Indian subcontinent. Concepts most of them share in common include karma, caste, reincarnation, mantras, yantras, and darśana.[note 2] Deities in Hinduism are referred to as Deva (masculine) and Devi (feminine).[165][166][167] Major deities include Vishnu, Lakshmi, Shiva, Parvati, Brahma and Saraswati. These deities have distinct and complex personalities yet are often viewed as aspects of the same Ultimate Reality called Brahman.[168][note 3] Hinduism is one of the most ancient of still-active religious belief systems,[169][170] with origins perhaps as far back as prehistoric times.[171] Therefore, Hinduism has been called the oldest religion in the world.

Jainism

[edit]
The 10th century Gommateshwara statue in Karnataka

Jainism, taught primarily by Rishabhanatha (the founder of ahimsa) is an ancient Indian religion that prescribes a path of non-violence, truth and anekantavada for all forms of living beings in this universe; which helps them to eliminate all the Karmas, and hence to attain freedom from the cycle of birth and death (saṃsāra), that is, achieving nirvana. Jains are found mostly in India. According to Dundas, outside of the Jain tradition, historians date the Mahavira as about contemporaneous with the Buddha in the 5th-century BCE, and accordingly the historical Parshvanatha, based on the c. 250-year gap, is placed in 8th or 7th century BCE.[172]

Buddhism

[edit]
Wat Mixay Buddhist shrine in Vientiane, Laos

Buddhism was founded by Siddhartha Gautama in the 5th century BCE. Buddhists generally agree that Gotama aimed to help sentient beings end their suffering (dukkha) by understanding the true nature of phenomena, thereby escaping the cycle of suffering and rebirth (saṃsāra), that is, achieving nirvana.

Buddha in a wood shelf in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil

Sikhism

[edit]
An 1840 miniature of Guru Nanak

Sikhism is a panentheistic religion founded on the teachings of Guru Nanak and ten successive Sikh gurus in 15th-century Punjab. It is the fifth-largest organized religion in the world, with approximately 30 million Sikhs.[176][177] Sikhs are expected to embody the qualities of a Sant-Sipāhī—a saint-soldier, have control over one's internal vices and be able to be constantly immersed in virtues clarified in the Guru Granth Sahib. The principal beliefs of Sikhi are faith in Waheguru—represented by the phrase ik ōaṅkār, one cosmic divine actioner (God), who prevails in everything, along with a praxis in which the Sikh is enjoined to engage in social reform through the pursuit of justice for all human beings.

Indigenous and folk

[edit]
Chickasaw Native cultural/religious dancing
Peyotists with their ceremonial tools
Altay shaman in Siberia
Temple to the city god of Wenao in Magong, Taiwan

Indigenous religions or folk religions refers to a broad category of traditional religions that can be characterised by shamanism, animism and ancestor worship, where traditional means "indigenous, that which is aboriginal or foundational, handed down from generation to generation...".[178] These are religions that are closely associated with a particular group of people, ethnicity or tribe; they often have no formal creeds or sacred texts.[179] Some religions are syncretic, fusing diverse religious beliefs and practices.[180]

Folk religions are often omitted as a category in surveys even in countries where they are widely practiced, e.g., in China.[179]

Traditional African

[edit]
Shango, the Orisha of fire, lightning, and thunder, in the Yoruba religion, depicted on horseback

African traditional religion encompasses the traditional religious beliefs of people in Africa. In West Africa, these religions include the Akan religion, Dahomey (Fon) mythology, Efik mythology, Odinani, Serer religion (A ƭat Roog), and Yoruba religion, while Bushongo mythology, Mbuti (Pygmy) mythology, Lugbara mythology, Dinka religion, and Lotuko mythology come from central Africa. Southern African traditions include Akamba mythology, Masai mythology, Malagasy mythology, San religion, Lozi mythology, Tumbuka mythology, and Zulu mythology. Bantu mythology is found throughout central, southeast, and southern Africa. In north Africa, these traditions include Berber and ancient Egyptian.

There are also notable African diasporic religions practiced in the Americas, such as Santeria, Candomble, Vodun, Lucumi, Umbanda, and Macumba.

Sacred flame at the Ateshgah of Baku

Iranian

[edit]

Iranian religions are ancient religions whose roots predate the Islamization of Greater Iran. Nowadays these religions are practiced only by minorities.

Zoroastrianism is based on the teachings of prophet Zoroaster in the 6th century BCE. Zoroastrians worship the creator Ahura Mazda. In Zoroastrianism, good and evil have distinct sources, with evil trying to destroy the creation of Mazda, and good trying to sustain it.

Kurdish religions include the traditional beliefs of the Yazidi,[181][182] Alevi, and Ahl-e Haqq. Sometimes these are labeled Yazdânism.

New religious movements

[edit]
[edit]

Law

[edit]

The study of law and religion is a relatively new field, with several thousand scholars involved in law schools, and academic departments including political science, religion, and history since 1980.[202] Scholars in the field are not only focused on strictly legal issues about religious freedom or non-establishment, but also study religions as they are qualified through judicial discourses or legal understanding of religious phenomena. Exponents look at canon law, natural law, and state law, often in a comparative perspective.[203][204] Specialists have explored themes in Western history regarding Christianity and justice and mercy, rule and equity, and discipline and love.[205] Common topics of interest include marriage and the family[206] and human rights.[207] Outside of Christianity, scholars have looked at law and religion links in the Muslim Middle East[208] and pagan Rome.[209]

Studies have focused on secularization.[210][211] In particular, the issue of wearing religious symbols in public, such as headscarves that are banned in French schools, have received scholarly attention in the context of human rights and feminism.[212]

Science

[edit]

Science acknowledges reason and empirical evidence; and religions include revelation, faith and sacredness whilst also acknowledging philosophical and metaphysical explanations with regard to the study of the universe. Both science and religion are not monolithic, timeless, or static because both are complex social and cultural endeavors that have changed through time across languages and cultures.[213]

The concepts of science and religion are a recent invention: the term religion emerged in the 17th century in the midst of colonization and globalization and the Protestant Reformation.[3][23] The term science emerged in the 19th century out of natural philosophy in the midst of attempts to narrowly define those who studied nature (natural science),[23][214][215] and the phrase religion and science emerged in the 19th century due to the reification of both concepts.[23] It was in the 19th century that the terms Buddhism, Hinduism, Taoism, and Confucianism first emerged.[23] In the ancient and medieval world, the etymological Latin roots of both science (scientia) and religion (religio) were understood as inner qualities of the individual or virtues, never as doctrines, practices, or actual sources of knowledge.[23]

In general, the scientific method gains knowledge by testing hypotheses to develop theories through elucidation of facts or evaluation by experiments and thus only answers cosmological questions about the universe that can be observed and measured. It develops theories of the world which best fit physically observed evidence. All scientific knowledge is subject to later refinement, or even rejection, in the face of additional evidence. Scientific theories that have an overwhelming preponderance of favorable evidence are often treated as de facto verities in general parlance, such as the theories of general relativity and natural selection to explain respectively the mechanisms of gravity and evolution.

Religion does not have a method per se partly because religions emerge through time from diverse cultures and it is an attempt to find meaning in the world, and to explain humanity's place in it and relationship to it and to any posited entities. In terms of Christian theology and ultimate truths, people rely on reason, experience, scripture, and tradition to test and gauge what they experience and what they should believe. Furthermore, religious models, understanding, and metaphors are also revisable, as are scientific models.[216]

Regarding religion and science, Albert Einstein states (1940): "For science can only ascertain what is, but not what should be, and outside of its domain value judgments of all kinds remain necessary.[217] Religion, on the other hand, deals only with evaluations of human thought and action; it cannot justifiably speak of facts and relationships between facts[217]...Now, even though the realms of religion and science in themselves are clearly marked off from each other, nevertheless there exist between the two strong reciprocal relationships and dependencies. Though religion may be that which determine the goals, it has, nevertheless, learned from science, in the broadest sense, what means will contribute to the attainment of the goals it has set up."[218]

Morality

[edit]

Many religions have value frameworks regarding personal behavior meant to guide adherents in determining between right and wrong. These include the Five Vows of Jainism, Judaism's halakha, Islam's sharia, Catholicism's canon law, Buddhism's Noble Eightfold Path, and Zoroastrianism's good thoughts, good words, and good deeds concept, among others.[219]

Religion and morality are not synonymous. While it is often assumed in Christian thought that morality is ultimately based in religion, it can also have a secular basis.[220]

The study of religion and morality can be contentious due to ethnocentric views on morality, failure to distinguish between in group and out group altruism, and inconsistent definitions of religiosity.

Politics

[edit]

Impact

[edit]

Religion has had a significant impact on the political system in many countries.[221] Notably, most Muslim-majority countries adopt various aspects of sharia, the Islamic law.[222] Some countries even define themselves in religious terms, such as The Islamic Republic of Iran. The sharia thus affects up to 23% of the global population, or 1.57 billion people who are Muslims. However, religion also affects political decisions in many western countries. For instance, in the United States, 51% of voters would be less likely to vote for a presidential candidate who did not believe in God, and only 6% more likely.[223] Christians made up 92% of members of the US Congress, compared with 71% of the general public (in 2014). At the same time, while 23% of US adults are religiously unaffiliated, only one former member of Congress (Kyrsten Sinema, Arizona), or 0.2% of that body, claims no religious affiliation.[224] In most European countries, however, religion has a much smaller influence on politics[225] although it used to be much more important. For instance, same-sex marriage and abortion were illegal in many European countries until recently, following Christian (usually Catholic) doctrine. Several European leaders are atheists (e.g., France's former president Francois Hollande or Greece's prime minister Alexis Tsipras). In Asia, the role of religion differs widely between countries. For instance, India is still one of the most religious countries and religion still has a strong impact on politics, given that Hindu nationalists have been targeting minorities like the Muslims and the Christians, who historically[when?] belonged to the lower castes.[226] By contrast, countries such as China or Japan are largely secular and thus religion has a much smaller impact on politics.

Secularism

[edit]
Ranjit Singh established secular rule over Punjab in the early 19th century.

Secularization is the transformation of the politics of a society from close identification with a particular religion's values and institutions toward nonreligious values and secular institutions. The purpose of this is frequently modernization or protection of the population's religious diversity.

Economics

[edit]
Average income correlates negatively with (self-defined) religiosity.[130]

One study has found there is a negative correlation between self-defined religiosity and the wealth of nations.[227] In other words, the richer a nation is, the less likely its inhabitants to call themselves religious, whatever this word means to them (Many people identify themselves as part of a religion (not irreligion) but do not self-identify as religious).[227]

Sociologist and political economist Max Weber has argued that Protestant Christian countries are wealthier because of their Protestant work ethic.[228] According to a study from 2015, Christians hold the largest amount of wealth (55% of the total world wealth), followed by Muslims (5.8%), Hindus (3.3%) and Jews (1.1%). According to the same study it was found that adherents under the classification Irreligion or other religions hold about 34.8% of the total global wealth (while making up only about 20% of the world population, see section on classification).[229]

Health

[edit]

Mayo Clinic researchers examined the association between religious involvement and spirituality, and physical health, mental health, health-related quality of life, and other health outcomes.[230] The authors reported that: "Most studies have shown that religious involvement and spirituality are associated with better health outcomes, including greater longevity, coping skills, and health-related quality of life (even during terminal illness) and less anxiety, depression, and suicide."[231]

The authors of a subsequent study concluded that the influence of religion on health is largely beneficial, based on a review of related literature.[232] According to academic James W. Jones, several studies have discovered "positive correlations between religious belief and practice and mental and physical health and longevity."[233]

An analysis of data from the 1998 US General Social Survey, whilst broadly confirming that religious activity was associated with better health and well-being, also suggested that the role of different dimensions of spirituality/religiosity in health is rather more complicated. The results suggested "that it may not be appropriate to generalize findings about the relationship between spirituality/religiosity and health from one form of spirituality/religiosity to another, across denominations, or to assume effects are uniform for men and women.[234]

Violence

[edit]

Critics such as Hector Avalos,[235] Regina Schwartz,[236] Christopher Hitchens,[237][page needed] and Richard Dawkins[238][page needed] have argued that religions are inherently violent and harmful to society by using violence to promote their goals, in ways that are endorsed and exploited by their leaders.

Anthropologist Jack David Eller asserts that religion is not inherently violent, arguing "religion and violence are clearly compatible, but they are not identical." He asserts that "violence is neither essential to nor exclusive to religion" and that "virtually every form of religious violence has its nonreligious corollary."[239][240]

Animal sacrifice

[edit]

Some (but not all) religions practise animal sacrifice, the ritual killing and offering of an animal to appease or maintain favour with a deity. It has been banned in India.[241]

Superstition

[edit]

Greek and Roman pagans, who saw their relations with the gods in political and social terms, scorned the man who constantly trembled with fear at the thought of the gods (deisidaimonia), as a slave might fear a cruel and capricious master. The Romans called such fear of the gods superstitio.[242] Ancient Greek historian Polybius described superstition in ancient Rome as an instrumentum regni, an instrument of maintaining the cohesion of the Empire.[243]

Superstition has been described as the non-rational establishment of cause and effect.[244] Religion is more complex and is often composed of social institutions and has a moral aspect. Some religions may include superstitions or make use of magical thinking. Adherents of one religion sometimes think of other religions as superstition.[245][246] Some atheists, deists, and skeptics regard religious belief as superstition.

The Roman Catholic Church considers superstition to be sinful in the sense that it denotes a lack of trust in the divine providence of God and, as such, is a violation of the first of the Ten Commandments. The Catechism of the Catholic Church states that superstition "in some sense represents a perverse excess of religion" (para. #2110). "Superstition", it says, "is a deviation of religious feeling and of the practices this feeling imposes. It can even affect the worship we offer the true God, e.g., when one attributes an importance in some way magical to certain practices otherwise lawful or necessary. To attribute the efficacy of prayers or of sacramental signs to their mere external performance, apart from the interior dispositions that they demand is to fall into superstition. Cf. Matthew 23:16–22" (para. #2111)

Agnosticism and atheism

[edit]

The terms atheist (lack of belief in gods) and agnostic (belief in the unknowability of the existence of gods), though specifically contrary to theistic (e.g., Christian, Jewish, and Muslim) religious teachings, do not by definition mean the opposite of religious. The true opposite of religious is the word irreligious. Irreligion describes an absence of any religion; antireligion describes an active opposition or aversion toward religions in general. There are religions (including Buddhism and Taoism) that classify some of their followers as agnostic, atheistic, or nontheistic. For example, in ancient India, there were large atheistic movements and traditions (Nirīśvaravāda) that rejected the Vedas, such as the atheistic Ājīvika and the Ajñana which taught agnosticism.

Interfaith cooperation

[edit]

Because religion continues to be recognized in Western thought as a universal impulse,[247] many religious practitioners[248] have aimed to band together in interfaith dialogue, cooperation, and religious peacebuilding. The first major dialogue was the Parliament of the World's Religions at the 1893 Chicago World's Fair, which affirmed universal values and recognition of the diversity of practices among different cultures.[249] The 20th century has been especially fruitful in use of interfaith dialogue as a means of solving ethnic, political, or even religious conflict, with Christian–Jewish reconciliation representing a complete reverse in the attitudes of many Christian communities towards Jews.[250]

Recent interfaith initiatives include A Common Word, launched in 2007 and focused on bringing Muslim and Christian leaders together,[251] the "C1 World Dialogue",[252] the Common Ground initiative between Islam and Buddhism,[253] and a United Nations sponsored "World Interfaith Harmony Week".[254][255]

Culture

[edit]

Culture and religion have usually been seen as closely related.[50] Paul Tillich looked at religion as the soul of culture and culture as the form or framework of religion.[256] In his own words:

Religion as ultimate concern is the meaning-giving substance of culture, and culture is the totality of forms in which the basic concern of religion expresses itself. In abbreviation: religion is the substance of culture, culture is the form of religion. Such a consideration definitely prevents the establishment of a dualism of religion and culture. Every religious act, not only in organized religion, but also in the most intimate movement of the soul, is culturally formed.[257]

Ernst Troeltsch, similarly, looked at culture as the soil of religion and thought that, therefore, transplanting a religion from its original culture to a foreign culture would kill it in the same manner that transplanting a plant from its natural soil to an alien soil would kill it.[258] However, there have been many attempts in the modern pluralistic situation to distinguish culture from religion.[259] Domenic Marbaniang has argued that elements grounded on beliefs of a metaphysical nature (religious) are distinct from elements grounded on nature and the natural (cultural). For instance, language (with its grammar) is a cultural element while sacralization of language in which a particular religious scripture is written is more often a religious practice. The same applies to music and the arts.[260]

Criticism

[edit]

Criticism of religion is criticism of the ideas, the truth, or the practice of religion, including its political and social implications.[261]

See also

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Notes

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References

[edit]

Sources

[edit]
Primary
  • Lao Tzu; Tao Te Ching (Victor H. Mair translator); Bantam (1998).
  • The Holy Bible, King James Version; New American Library (1974).
  • The Koran; Penguin (2000), ISBN 0-14-044558-7.
  • The Origin of Live & Death, African Creation Myths; Heinemann (1966).
  • Poems of Heaven and Hell from Ancient Mesopotamia; Penguin (1971).
  • Selected Work Marcus Tullius Cicero
Secondary
  • Yves Coppens, Origines de l'homme – De la matière à la conscience, De Vive Voix, Paris, 2010
  • Yves Coppens, La preistoria dell'uomo, Jaca Book, Milano, 2011
  • Descartes, René; Meditations on First Philosophy; Bobbs-Merrill (1960), ISBN 0-672-60191-5.
  • Dow, James W. (2007), A Scientific Definition of Religion Archived 22 October 2021 at the Wayback Machine
  • Dundas, Paul (2002) [1992]. The Jains (Second ed.). Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-26605-5. Archived from the original on 22 January 2017. Retrieved 17 March 2018.
  • Durant, Will (& Ariel (uncredited)); Our Oriental Heritage; MJF Books (1997), ISBN 1-56731-012-5.
  • Durant, Will (& Ariel (uncredited)); Caesar and Christ; MJF Books (1994), ISBN 1-56731-014-1
  • Durant, Will (& Ariel (uncredited)); The Age of Faith; Simon & Schuster (1980), ISBN 0-671-01200-2.
  • Durkheim, Emile (1915). The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life. London: George Allen & Unwin.
  • Geertz, Clifford (1993). "Religion as a cultural system". The interpretation of cultures: selected essays, Geertz, Clifford. London: Fontana Press. pp. 87–125.
  • Marija Gimbutas 1989. The Language of the Goddess. Thames and Hudson New York
  • Gonick, Larry; The Cartoon History of the Universe; Doubleday, vol. 1 (1978) ISBN 0-385-26520-4, vol. II (1994) ISBN 0-385-42093-5, W.W. Norton, vol. III (2002) ISBN 0-393-05184-6.
  • Haisch, Bernard The God Theory: Universes, Zero-point Fields, and What's Behind It All—discussion of science vs. religion (Preface), Red Wheel/Weiser, 2006, ISBN 1-57863-374-5
  • James, William (1902). The Varieties of Religious Experience. A Study in Human Nature. Longmans, Green, and Co.
  • Khanbaghi, A., The Fire, the Star and the Cross: Minority Religions in Medieval and Early Modern Iran (IB Tauris; 2006) 268 pages. Social, political and cultural history of religious minorities in Iran, c. 226–1722 AD.
  • King, Winston, Religion [First Edition]. In: Encyclopedia of Religion. Ed. Lindsay Jones. Vol. 11. 2nd ed. Detroit: Macmillan Reference US, 2005. pp. 7692–7701.
  • Korotayev, Andrey, World Religions and Social Evolution of the Old World Oikumene Civilizations: A Cross-cultural Perspective, Lewiston, New York: Edwin Mellen Press, 2004, ISBN 0-7734-6310-0.
  • McKinnon, Andrew M. (2002), "Sociological Definitions, Language Games and the 'Essence' of Religion" Archived 4 March 2016 at the Wayback Machine. Method & theory in the study of religion, vol 14, no. 1, pp. 61–83.
  • Massignon, Louis (1949). "Les trois prières d'Abraham, père de tous les croyants". Dieu Vivant. 13: 20–23.
  • Palmer, Spencer J., et al.. Religions of the World: a Latter-day Saint [Mormon] View. 2nd general ed., tev. and enl. Provo, Utah: Brigham Young University, 1997. xv, 294 p., ill. ISBN 0-8425-2350-2
  • Pals, Daniel L. (2006). Eight Theories of Religion. Oxford University Press.
  • Ramsay, Michael, Abp. Beyond Religion? Cincinnati, Ohio: Forward Movement Publications, (cop. 1964).
  • Saler, Benson; Conceptualizing Religion: Immanent Anthropologists, Transcendent Natives, and Unbounded Categories (1990), ISBN 1-57181-219-9
  • Schuon, Frithjof. The Transcendent Unity of Religions, in series, Quest Books. 2nd Quest ... rev. ed. Wheaton, Ill.: Theosophical Publishing House, 1993, cop. 1984. xxxiv, 173 p. ISBN 0-8356-0587-6
  • Segal, Robert A (2005). "Theories of Religion". In Hinnells, John R. (ed.). The Routledge Companion to the Study of Religion. London; New York: Routledge. pp. 49–60.
  • Stausberg, Michael (2009). Contemporary Theories of religion. Routledge.
  • Toropov, Brandon; Buckles, Luke (2011). Guide to World Religions. Penguin.
  • Wallace, Anthony F.C. 1966. Religion: An Anthropological View. New York: Random House. (pp. 62–66)
  • The World Almanac (annual), World Almanac Books, ISBN 0-88687-964-7.
  • The World Almanac (for numbers of adherents of various religions), 2005

Further reading

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[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Religion encompasses unified systems of beliefs, practices, and moral orientations relative to sacred or entities, forces, or ultimate realities, which individuals and communities employ to interpret existence, prescribe conduct, and foster social bonds. Emerging from evolutionary processes, religious behaviors appear in ethnographic data from societies, suggesting origins in traits like and beliefs that enhanced group cohesion and among early humans. In contemporary global demographics, roughly 76% of the adheres to a religion, predominantly (31%), (24%), (15%), and (7%), with these traditions exerting causal influences on societal norms, conflict dynamics, and individual through mechanisms such as participation and communal support. While empirical studies link religious involvement to improved and via social and psychological pathways, the claims central to religions lack reproducible verification under scientific scrutiny, attributing their persistence to cognitive predispositions and cultural transmission rather than evidentiary warrant.

Conceptual Foundations

Etymology and Terminology

The English term "religion" entered the language around 1200 CE via Old French religion and Anglo-Norman, derived from Latin religio, which originally connoted monastic life, strict devotion, reverence for the sacred, or conscientious observance of rituals and taboos. The etymology of religio itself remains uncertain, with classical Roman author Cicero (1st century BCE) deriving it from relegere, meaning "to go over again" or "to consider carefully," implying meticulous rereading of sacred lore or repeated attention to divine matters. In contrast, the early Christian apologist Lactantius (c. 250–325 CE) proposed religare, "to bind fast," suggesting a binding obligation or tie between humans and the divine. In ancient Roman usage, did not denote a distinct category of organized systems separate from state, , or ; rather, it referred to scrupulousness, awe, or dutiful restraint toward gods, ancestors, or forces, often implying a sense of obligation or prohibition. This narrower sense persisted into medieval Christianity, where primarily described personal , monastic vows, or the performance of rites, without implying comprehensive worldviews or institutional separation from secular . The modern conceptualization of "religion" as a genus encompassing diverse traditions—marked by in superhuman powers, ethical codes, and communal practices—crystallized in 16th- and 17th-century amid the Protestant and colonial encounters, enabling comparisons across cultures but often imposing Western taxonomic frameworks on non-equivalent indigenous concepts. Contemporary terminology in religious studies distinguishes "religion" from related notions like "spirituality," with the former emphasizing structured doctrines, rituals, institutions, and communal authority aimed at relating adherents to the transcendent or sacred, while the latter prioritizes subjective, individualized quests for meaning, transcendence, or existential purpose unbound by orthodoxy. This bifurcation reflects post-Enlightenment individualism, yet critics note that such distinctions can blur in practice, as historical religions have long incorporated personal mystical experiences alongside collective norms. Terms like "world religions" or "Abrahamic faiths" further delineate subsets, grouping traditions by shared origins (e.g., Judaism, Christianity, Islam under Abrahamic) or scope, though these categorizations risk oversimplifying causal and doctrinal variances for analytical convenience.

Historical Evolution of the Concept

The term in ancient Roman usage, traceable to (c. 106–43 BCE), denoted conscientious observance of rituals or a sense of obligation toward the divine, often linked to awe or restraint rather than a distinct institutional category. Early Christian thinkers adapted it; (354–430 CE) in City of God (Book X) described religio as the true worship of through Christ, emphasizing personal devotion over pagan practices, without applying it as a generic label for diverse belief systems. In medieval , the term primarily signified monastic life or individual piety within , as seen in references to religiosi as members of religious orders, reflecting a context where was intertwined with feudal and not segregated from or . The modern conceptualization of religion as a transhistorical, genus emerged in the 16th and 17th centuries amid the Protestant Reformation, European colonial expansions, and encounters with non-Christian societies, prompting efforts to classify beliefs comparatively. Edward Herbert of Cherbury (1583–1648) proposed in De Veritate (1624) that all religions share five "common notions," such as belief in a supreme deity and moral accountability, framing religion as a natural human faculty rather than mere Christian orthodoxy. This shift accelerated in the Enlightenment, where thinkers like (1632–1704) in A Letter Concerning Toleration (1689) advocated separating religious practice from state coercion, treating religion as a amenable to pluralism, though still Eurocentrically biased toward theistic . In the 19th century, anthropological and comparative approaches formalized religion as "belief in spiritual beings," per Edward Tylor's Primitive Culture (1871), extending the category to indigenous practices observed during , yet often subordinating them in a evolutionary hierarchy with at the apex. Tomoko Masuzawa's analysis traces the "invention" of "" discourse to this era, where European scholars constructed taxonomies (e.g., Semitic vs. religions) to preserve universalist assumptions under pluralistic guise, influenced by and racial theories. Functionalist definitions followed, as in Émile Durkheim's The Elementary Forms of Religious Life (1912), viewing religion as societal rituals fostering , detached from specific doctrines. Twentieth-century critiques, notably Wilfred Cantwell Smith's The Meaning and End of Religion (1962), contended that "religion" reifies dynamic traditions into static systems, a Western imposition absent in many non-European contexts where permeates , , and cosmology without compartmentalization. Scholars like (1993) further argued the concept's modern genealogy ties to secular power, enabling governance of beliefs as privatized domains, while empirical studies reveal pre-modern societies lacked equivalent universals, integrating "religious" elements into or without abstract . This evolution underscores religion's transition from denoting virtue or order to a scholarly construct for comparative analysis, though its universality remains contested due to cultural variances and potential for ideological distortion.

Definitions: Criteria and Debates

Scholars propose definitions of religion along substantive and functional lines, with substantive approaches emphasizing core beliefs in or transcendent entities, while functional ones highlight social or psychological roles. Substantive definitions, such as that offered by anthropologist in 1871, characterize religion as "the belief in spiritual beings," positing as the primitive form encompassing souls or spirits attributed to natural phenomena and humans. This criterion prioritizes empirical claims about reality beyond the observable, distinguishing religion from secular philosophies by requiring attribution of agency to non-material forces. In contrast, functional definitions, exemplified by sociologist Émile Durkheim's 1912 formulation, describe religion as "a unified system of beliefs and practices relative to sacred things... which unite into one single moral community called a Church, all those who adhere to them," focusing on the between sacred and profane elements that foster collective solidarity. Criteria often include elements like rituals, moral codes, and communal structures, but debates center on their universality and precision. Anthropologist Clifford Geertz, in his 1966 essay "Religion as a Cultural System," defined religion as a system of symbols establishing moods and motivations through rituals, providing enduring orientations to ultimate realities, yet this approach invites critique for overemphasizing interpretive symbols at the expense of power dynamics or doctrinal content. Proponents of substantive criteria argue they better delineate religion's causal role in positing unobservable entities that explain phenomena like origins or , as seen in monotheistic traditions' emphasis on a singular . Functional criteria, however, risk inclusivity flaws by equating religion with any unifying , such as or , which lack transcendent claims and may serve secular ends without invoking the sacred-profane divide. Debates intensify over non-theistic systems like or certain Buddhist schools, which substantive definitions may exclude for lacking personal gods, while functional ones accommodate them via ethical practices and communal rites. Critics of functionalism, including those noting Durkheim's oversight of supernatural belief, contend it dilutes religion's distinctiveness by prioritizing observable effects over unverifiable propositions, potentially biasing analysis toward sociological utility rather than truth claims. Substantive definitions face charges of , rooted in Abrahamic models, yet empirical surveys—such as those tracking global adherence—reveal that over 84% of the world's population in 2020 affiliates with traditions involving beliefs, underscoring the prevalence of such criteria. Ongoing contention reflects religion's historical conceptualization as a category emerging in the 16th-19th centuries, shaped by Protestant influences and colonial encounters, complicating universal application without acknowledging cultural variances in what constitutes "ultimate concern."

Core Components

Beliefs and Worldviews

Religious beliefs and worldviews constitute the cognitive core of religions, offering explanations for the universe's origin, , and human purpose that incorporate entities, forces, or principles inaccessible to empirical . These frameworks typically posit a beyond the material, including deities, afterlife realms, or cosmic moral orders, which adherents accept on grounds of , , or personal rather than falsifiable . As of , approximately 75.8% of the global population affiliated with a religion, reflecting the widespread appeal of such transcendent narratives. A prevalent element across religions is theism, involving belief in divine beings who influence or govern existence; an Ipsos survey of 26 countries in 2023 indicated that 40% of respondents endorsed a God as depicted in scriptures, with another 20% affirming a higher spirit or life force, though acceptance varies sharply by region and culture. Monotheistic worldviews, dominant in (31% of ), (24%), and , center on a singular, omnipotent creator who imposes ethical imperatives and promises judgment or based on earthly conduct— highlighting 's triune nature and Christ's atonement for , emphasizing Allah's absolute unity and Muhammad's final as the Five Pillars outline. Polytheistic and henotheistic systems, such as (15% globally), feature multiple gods as manifestations of an underlying , with worldviews structured around (cosmic duty), karma (causal law of actions), samsara (rebirth cycles), and (liberation), fostering a cyclical rather than linear conception of time and existence. Non-theistic traditions like (7%) eschew a , instead construing reality through impermanence, suffering's origins in desire, and enlightenment via the Eightfold Path, yielding a worldview oriented toward detachment and nirvana over divine worship. Indigenous and folk religions, comprising about 6%, often integrate , viewing spirits in natural elements and ancestors as active in daily . Eschatological beliefs—projections of ultimate destiny—further delineate worldviews, with Abrahamic faiths anticipating linear endpoints like and paradise or , Hinduism and envisioning escape from , and many traditions incorporating apocalyptic or messianic expectations tied to moral renewal. These doctrines underpin ethical systems, deriving right action from divine command, karmic consequence, or harmony with sacred order, though empirical validation remains absent, relying instead on scriptural authority and communal reinforcement. Variations persist even within traditions, influenced by interpretive schisms, yet core assertions of transcendent persist as unifying threads amid diversity.

Rituals, Practices, and Experiences

Religious rituals encompass formalized, symbolic actions performed repetitively in sacred contexts to invoke forces, mark transitions, or affirm communal bonds. Anthropological analyses identify key categories including rites of passage, which structure life stages such as or ; rites of intensification, which bolster group cohesion during communal events like harvests or funerals; and rites of affliction, aimed at resolving misfortunes through or ceremonies. Common practices span daily observances like prayer—evident in Islam's five salat sessions facing Mecca—and periodic abstinences such as Christian Lenten fasting or Jewish Yom Kippur fasts, alongside communal gatherings for worship or pilgrimage to sites like Jerusalem's Via Dolorosa. Empirical psychological research demonstrates that such rituals mitigate anxiety, enhance performance confidence, and foster social affiliation by providing predictable structures amid uncertainty. Religious experiences, ranging from visions to profound conversions, exhibit cross-cultural patterns and correlate with neurophysiological changes; neuroimaging studies during meditation or prayer reveal heightened activity in limbic regions tied to emotion and memory, alongside deactivation in parietal areas associated with self-boundaries. Longitudinal data link regular spiritual practices to reduced depression symptoms, bolstered immune responses, and lower mortality rates, though causality remains debated due to confounding lifestyle factors. Anthropological fieldwork underscores how these experiences often emerge in ritual settings, reinforcing belief adherence and cultural transmission.

Sacred Narratives and Scriptures

Sacred narratives in religion consist of foundational stories, including myths, legends, and historical accounts, that articulate core beliefs about origins, divine interactions, and moral order. These narratives often originate in oral traditions, transmitted across generations through recitation and before being committed to writing. Oral transmission preserves cultural knowledge but risks variation, as empirical analysis shows traditions evolve unless supported by mnemonic techniques or literate oversight. In religious contexts, such stories shape communal identity by embedding values and explaining existential phenomena, such as creation or . Scriptures represent codified sacred narratives, revered as authoritative revelations or inspired texts guiding and practice. They serve as repositories of , , and , influencing billions through interpretation in , , and . For instance, the , comprising the first five books of the and attributed traditionally to , outlines covenantal history and commandments, with composition spanning roughly the 13th to 5th centuries BCE based on linguistic and archaeological evidence. The Christian Bible expands this with the , whose gospels derive from oral traditions circulating decades after ' death around 30 CE, written down between 50 and 100 CE to stabilize accounts amid diversification. In , the , compiled from revelations to between 610 and 632 CE, functions as verbatim divine speech, emphasizing and ethical conduct; its oral primacy is evident in hafiz memorization practices persisting today. Hindu scriptures like the , the oldest extant Indo-European religious texts composed orally circa 1500–500 BCE, contain hymns, s, and philosophical speculations recited by priests for millennia before inscription. These texts' endurance stems from their role in ritual efficacy and worldview coherence, though scholarly scrutiny reveals interpolations and adaptations reflecting historical contexts rather than immutable origins. Across traditions, scriptures unify adherents while sparking interpretive debates, underscoring their causal function in sustaining belief systems amid empirical challenges to literal historicity.

Institutional and Communal Structures

Religious institutions represent the formalized organizations that embody and perpetuate religious doctrines, rituals, and communal bonds, often featuring clerical hierarchies and dedicated sites for collective observance. These entities emerge from shared convictions about the sacred, enabling coordinated transmission of teachings and enforcement of across generations. , as ordained functionaries, typically hold authority to interpret scriptures, conduct ceremonies, and mediate spiritual concerns, with roles varying by tradition but commonly including preaching and pastoral oversight. Hierarchical arrangements predominate in many systems, where authority cascades from supreme figures—such as bishops overseeing dioceses—to subordinate or equivalents who manage local assemblies. For instance, in structured polities, deacons assist in duties under priestly supervision, ensuring doctrinal uniformity amid potential deviations. Such stratification facilitates administrative efficiency but has historically precipitated schisms when interpretive disputes challenge centralized control, as evidenced by Christianity's proliferation into roughly 45,000 denominations worldwide by the early , driven by theological variances rather than mere administrative fragmentation. Communal structures manifest in congregations, where adherents convene for worship, mutual aid, and socialization, often centered on physical loci like temples, mosques, synagogues, or churches that double as venues for rites and discourse. Monasteries exemplify enclosed communal models, housing vowed members in ascetic regimens focused on contemplation and labor, a practice sustained for nearly two millennia in select lineages. These frameworks foster social capital by integrating worship with welfare, historically supplying education, alms distribution, and ethical norms that bolster societal stability, though institutional rigidity can stifle innovation or exacerbate conflicts over authority. Beyond typology—encompassing ecclesiae (state-integrated bodies), denominations (tolerant subgroups), and sects ( movements)—these structures adapt to cultural contexts, with registered organizations channeling resources for while informal networks sustain peripheral practices. Empirical assessments link active involvement to enhanced and communal resilience, underscoring causal ties between structured participation and individual metrics. Yet, source analyses reveal institutional outputs often prioritize preservation over empirical scrutiny, with biases in academic reporting—prevalent in left-leaning outlets—tending to overstate adaptive virtues while underreporting coercive elements like doctrinal policing.

Explanatory Frameworks

Evolutionary and Biological Origins

Evolutionary explanations posit that religious beliefs and behaviors arose as either direct adaptations or byproducts of cognitive mechanisms shaped by to enhance and in ancestral environments. Proponents of the byproduct hypothesis, such as cognitive anthropologist , argue that religion emerges from the interaction of evolved mental modules, including a hyperactive agency detection system (HADD) that predisposes humans to infer intentional agents behind ambiguous events, and theory-of-mind faculties that attribute mental states to non-observable entities like gods or spirits. These systems, refined over millennia for detecting predators or social cheaters, generate supernatural intuitions without being selected specifically for religiosity, explaining the near-universal presence of minimally counterintuitive concepts (e.g., omnipotent beings) across cultures. Archaeological and anthropological evidence suggests religious-like behaviors predate anatomically modern humans, with intentional burials indicating possible beliefs in or ritual significance as early as 100,000 years ago among Neanderthals and early Homo sapiens, such as those at Qafzeh Cave in containing red ochre and . More robust indicators appear in the around 40,000–50,000 years ago, including cave art (e.g., , ) depicting hybrid human-animal figures interpretable as shamanistic visions and Venus figurines suggesting cults or animistic reverence for natural forces. Comparative studies of contemporary societies, used as proxies for Pleistocene lifestyles, reveal that traits like (attributing souls to non-human entities) and are nearly ubiquitous, implying these formed a baseline "religion package" evolving through cultural transmission rather than genetic fixation alone. Biologically, neuroimaging studies link religious cognition to conserved neural circuits, such as the temporoparietal junction involved in agency attribution and social inference, which activate similarly during prayer or meditation as in everyday interpersonal judgments. Twin studies indicate moderate heritability (around 20–40%) for religiosity, suggesting genetic influences via personality traits like openness or authoritarianism rather than alleles directly coding for faith, consistent with religion amplifying pre-existing adaptations for group cohesion and moral signaling in small-scale societies. However, adaptationist views face challenges from the absence of clear fitness benefits in individualistic contexts and the diversity of religious forms, which vary too widely to stem from a singular selective pressure; empirical modeling favors byproducts accruing secondary advantages, like reduced mortality salience through ritual endorphin release. This framework aligns with causal realism, wherein religion's persistence reflects emergent properties of modular brains navigating uncertainty, not deliberate design.

Psychological Mechanisms

Psychological mechanisms underlying religious belief have been extensively explored in the of religion (CSR), which posits that recurrent features of religious cognition arise from ordinary mental processes shaped by rather than specialized adaptations for religion itself. CSR emphasizes how intuitive cognitive systems—such as those for perceiving agency, inferring intentions, and categorizing the world—generate concepts as byproducts when applied to existential uncertainties or ambiguous stimuli. Empirical studies, including experiments and developmental research, support the idea that these mechanisms operate below conscious awareness, predisposing humans to religious interpretations without requiring cultural alone. A primary mechanism is the hyperactive agency detection device (HADD), an evolved sensitivity to detect intentional agents in the environment, which conferred survival advantages by erring toward false positives (e.g., mistaking wind for a predator) over misses. This perceptual bias leads individuals to attribute purposeful agency to natural phenomena, such as storms or illnesses, fostering beliefs in invisible supernatural agents like gods or spirits; laboratory experiments demonstrate heightened agency attribution in ambiguous scenarios, correlating with paranormal and religious ideation. While HADD explains the intuitive appeal of anthropomorphic deities across cultures, critics argue that direct causal evidence linking it to organized religion remains correlational, with no robust genetic or neural markers confirming an inherited "device" beyond general perceptual hypersensitivity. Complementing agency detection is (ToM), the capacity to attribute mental states like beliefs and desires to others, which readily extends to non-observable entities due to its domain-general nature. Children as young as 3-5 years exhibit spontaneous ToM application to imaginary or divine figures, inferring gods' knowledge or emotions in ways analogous to human ; neuroimaging reveals overlapping brain regions (e.g., ) activated during both interpersonal and religious reflection. This mechanism underpins and moral accountability to deities, as believers intuitively model divine intentions, though its role in sustaining belief may interact with cultural reinforcement rather than operating in isolation. Additional processes include intuitive dualism, the innate distinction between mind and body, which facilitates concepts of souls or by decoupling mental essence from physical decay, and teleological thinking, the default tendency to perceive purpose in natural objects (e.g., "clouds exist to bring "). Developmental studies show preschoolers favoring teleological explanations for biological and cosmological events, a that persists in adults with lower , predicting greater in surveys of thousands across societies. These mechanisms collectively lower the cognitive cost of minimally counterintuitive religious ideas—violating few innate expectations—making them memorable and transmissible, as evidenced by mnemonic experiments where such concepts outperform purely intuitive or bizarre ones in recall tasks. Existential concerns, particularly , engage (TMT), where religious worldviews buffer psychological distress by affirming symbolic immortality or cosmic order; experimental priming of increases defense of cultural beliefs, including religious ones, in diverse samples, with fMRI showing reduced activity (fear response) during faith-affirming tasks. However, TMT's effects vary by individual differences, such as attachment styles, and do not universally predict , as secure attachments correlate with positive religious coping while anxious ones amplify supernatural reliance. Overall, these mechanisms explain religion's psychological persistence amid secular alternatives, though they address formation and maintenance rather than veracity, with longitudinal data indicating bidirectional influences between belief and outcomes like reduced depression in adherents using faith for meaning-making.

Sociological and Cultural Functions

Religion performs key sociological functions by promoting social cohesion through collective rituals and shared beliefs, which strengthen group solidarity and mutual obligations among participants. Empirical analyses indicate that frequent religious participation correlates with higher levels of interpersonal trust and civic engagement, as religious networks facilitate cooperation and reciprocity within communities. For instance, studies of religious congregations in the United States from 2000 to 2020 show they generate substantial social capital via volunteerism and mutual aid, contributing to lower crime rates in adherent-heavy neighborhoods. In addition to cohesion, religion enforces social control by disseminating moral codes that regulate individual conduct and maintain societal order. This function manifests in doctrines that prescribe behaviors such as honesty, charity, and familial duty, with adherence linked to reduced deviance in longitudinal surveys across diverse populations. However, this cohesion often operates selectively, enhancing in-group bonds while potentially fostering exclusion or conflict with out-groups, as evidenced by historical sectarian violence and modern polarization data from surveys in multi-religious societies. Culturally, religion sustains transmission of values and traditions across generations, embedding norms in narratives, symbols, and practices that shape identity and worldview. This process is amplified by parental religious ideology, where conservative doctrines predict higher intergenerational faith retention rates, as observed in family studies from 1990 to 2010 showing 70-80% transmission success in orthodox households versus under 50% in liberal ones. Religious institutions further influence cultural artifacts, from architecture to festivals, preserving linguistic and artistic heritage; for example, medieval European cathedrals and Islamic calligraphy exemplify how faith motifs encode ethical and cosmological principles enduring for centuries. Moreover, religion provides frameworks for rites of passage—such as births, marriages, and funerals—that reinforce cultural continuity and collective memory. While academic sources frequently highlight these integrative roles, they may underemphasize religion's capacity to rigidify hierarchies or resist adaptive change, as critiqued in evolutionary models of cultural persistence.

Classification and Typologies

Theological Classifications

Theological classifications categorize religions based on their doctrines regarding the existence, number, nature, and attributes of divine entities or , providing a framework for comparative analysis. These distinctions arise from scriptural, doctrinal, and philosophical emphases within traditions, though boundaries can blur due to interpretive diversity or syncretic elements. Empirical assessment relies on primary texts and historical practices rather than secondary interpretations prone to institutional biases. Monotheism asserts the existence of one supreme, as the sole creator, omnipotent ruler, and moral arbiter of the universe, rejecting other deities as illusory or subordinate. This view dominates Abrahamic traditions: emphasizes God's absolute unity and covenant with ; extends through Trinitarian doctrine while maintaining one divine essence; affirms Allah's oneness () as central to submission. , with roots traceable to the BCE, venerates as the uncreated wise lord opposing chaos. These faiths collectively claim adherents numbering over 4 billion, roughly half the global population. also upholds a form of in the singular formless creator (). Polytheism entails belief in and worship of multiple independent gods, often anthropomorphic and governing discrete domains like war, fertility, or natural forces. Ancient exemplars include Mesopotamian, Egyptian, Greek, and Roman pantheons, where gods interacted in hierarchical or familial structures. Modern survivals feature Hinduism's diverse devas such as the creator, the preserver, and the destroyer, alongside local manifestations; Shinto's myriad inhabiting natural and ancestral elements; and certain African traditional religions honoring spirits and ancestors as divine intermediaries. Neopagan revivals like invoke a duotheistic pair or broader pagan deities in ritual practice. Polytheistic systems frequently accommodate pluralism, with gods' powers deriving from cosmic balance rather than singular . Henotheism involves primary devotion to one god among a recognized plurality, prioritizing it without denying others' existence or efficacy. This intermediate position appears in early Vedic , where hymns elevate deities like or as supreme in context while invoking others. Some scholars apply it to pre-exilic phases of ancient Israelite worship, citing biblical references to alongside allusions to foreign gods, though later prophetic reforms enforced exclusive . , a variant, stresses exclusive worship of one god irrespective of others' reality. These categories highlight transitional dynamics in religious evolution, grounded in textual evidence over speculative . Non-theistic orientations eschew personal deities or creators, centering on impersonal laws, ethical praxis, or enlightenment paths as ultimate concerns. Buddhism, founded by Siddhartha Gautama circa 5th century BCE, exemplifies this through doctrines like dependent origination and nirvana, dismissing a supreme god as irrelevant to suffering's cessation; while some Mahayana branches venerate buddhas and bodhisattvas, they lack creator status. Jainism posits eternal souls (jivas) striving for liberation via ahimsa and asceticism, without a divine architect. Confucianism functions as a humanistic ethic promoting ren (benevolence) and li (ritual propriety) for social order, subordinating any supernaturalism to moral cultivation. These systems prioritize causal mechanisms—karma, interdependence—over theistic agency, aligning with observable patterns of human behavior and cosmology. Pantheism equates divinity with the totality of existence, rendering the universe itself as sacred and immanent without transcendence or personality; god becomes synonymous with nature's interconnected whole. Elements appear in Spinoza's 17th-century philosophy, equating Deus sive Natura (God or Nature), and Advaita Vedanta's non-dual as the substratum of all phenomena. Panentheism modifies this, positing the divine as both immanent within and transcending the cosmos, as in some process theologies or Neoplatonic influences. Such views, less prevalent in organized religions, inform mystical or philosophical subsets, emphasizing unity over multiplicity while challenging anthropocentric through rational inference from observable reality.

Geographical and Historical Classifications

Religions are classified geographically by their regions of origin and patterns of diffusion. The Abrahamic traditions, including originating around 1500 BCE in the , emerging in the CE in , and arising in 7th-century Arabia, form a cluster rooted in the . Dharmic religions trace to the , with developing from Vedic traditions circa 2000–1500 BCE in the Indus Valley and surrounding areas, and founded by Siddhartha Gautama around 500 BCE in present-day and northern . East Asian philosophical religions, such as (6th century BCE) and (6th–4th centuries BCE), originated in ancient along the basin. Iranian religions like , dating to approximately 1500–1000 BCE in Persia, represent another ancient Western Asian lineage. Indigenous and traditional religions lack unified origins but are categorized by continental spheres: African religions evolved through oral traditions and ancestor veneration across sub-Saharan regions over millennia, while Native American spiritualities developed independently in (e.g., Olmec influences circa 1500 BCE) and the . Oceanic and Australian Aboriginal beliefs stem from prehistoric migrations, emphasizing totemic and dreamtime cosmologies persisting for at least 40,000 years. These classifications highlight how shaped doctrinal emphases, such as pastoral nomadism influencing Abrahamic covenantal themes versus agrarian cycles informing Dharmic karma and rebirth cycles. Historically, religions are grouped by developmental epochs reflecting societal evolution from tribal to imperial structures. Prehistoric classifications encompass and among hunter-gatherers, evidenced by burial practices dating to 100,000 BCE in sites like Qafzeh Cave, , indicating early beliefs. Ancient historical religions, polytheistic and tied to city-states, flourished from 3500 BCE in (Sumerian pantheon) and (Old Kingdom pyramid cults), persisting until conquests supplanted them by 500 BCE. The , spanning circa 800–200 BCE, marks a pivotal historical classification proposed for transformative shifts toward introspective ethics and transcendence, occurring concurrently in the (prophetic ), Persia (Zoroastrian dualism), India (Upanishadic and ), and (Confucian and Taoist naturalism), driven by and amid empire-building. Post-Axial developments include the 1st-century CE synthesis of into , spreading via Roman infrastructure, and 7th-century Islam's unification of Arabian tribes, both expanding globally. Medieval classifications feature institutional consolidations, such as Christianity's into Catholic and Orthodox branches in 1054 CE and Islam's Sunni-Shia divide post-632 CE. Modern historical categories, from the 19th century onward, encompass revivalist movements like (1830 CE in the United States) and scientific critiques prompting secular adaptations, reflecting industrial disruptions to traditional authority. These temporal frameworks underscore causal links between technological and political changes and religious innovation, with empirical records from and texts validating phased progressions over uniform emergence.

Demographic and Statistical Overview

As of 2020, approximately 75.8% of the global population, or about 5.9 billion people out of a total of 7.8 billion, identified with a religious group, while 24.2% reported no religious affiliation. This represents a slight decline in the religiously affiliated share from 76.7% in 2010, driven primarily by faster population growth among the unaffiliated in regions like and slower fertility rates among some religious groups. Christianity remained the largest religion with 2.3 billion adherents, comprising 29% of the , down from 31% in 2010 despite an absolute increase of 122 million. Islam followed with roughly 1.9 billion adherents, representing about 24% and growing faster than the global average due to higher fertility rates and youthful demographics in Muslim-majority countries. Hinduism accounted for around 15% or 1.2 billion people, concentrated primarily in and , with stable shares amid moderate population growth. Buddhism, at approximately 4% or 324 million adherents, experienced a decline of 19 million over the decade, largely from aging populations in .
ReligionAdherents (2020)Percentage of World Population
Christianity2.3 billion29%
Islam1.9 billion24%
Hinduism1.2 billion15%
Buddhism324 million4%
Folk religions~400 million5%
Other religions~100 million1%
Unaffiliated1.9 billion24%
Data compiled from Pew Research Center estimates; global population approximately 7.8 billion. Geographically, predominate in the (over 90% in many Latin American countries), , and , where the faith has grown rapidly from 517 million in 2010 to over 600 million. Muslims form majorities in the Middle East-North Africa region (over 90%) and parts of and , with significant growth projected to continue through higher birth rates averaging 2.9 children per woman compared to 2.6 globally. The unaffiliated are most concentrated in , particularly , where they comprise over 50% of the population, reflecting state and cultural shifts rather than active in many cases. Trends indicate that while absolute numbers of most religious groups are rising with global to about 8.1 billion in 2025, relative shares vary: Islam's proportion is increasing due to demographic momentum, while Christianity's global share stabilizes or declines amid in the West and , where affiliation dropped below 70% in many nations. Overall remains high in developing regions, with Gallup data showing a decline in self-reported religious conviction from 2005 to 2024 in some surveyed countries, but persistent majorities worldwide affirming . Projections suggest Muslims could approach parity with by 2050, reaching 2.8 billion each, assuming current and migration patterns hold, though such forecasts carry uncertainties from potential policy changes or cultural shifts.

Principal Religious Traditions

Abrahamic Traditions

The Abrahamic traditions comprise , , three monotheistic religions that trace their spiritual lineage to the biblical patriarch Abraham, emphasizing worship of a singular, transcendent and adherence to divine covenants revealed through prophets. These faiths originated in the , with shared narratives of creation, human fallibility, and ethical imperatives derived from Abraham's covenant, including practices like , , and charity. Despite common roots, they diverge on the nature of divine revelation, the role of subsequent prophets, and salvific requirements, leading to distinct theological frameworks and communal identities. Judaism, the earliest, emerged among the ancient , with Abraham traditionally regarded as its foundational figure around 2000–1700 BCE in southern , establishing through a covenant promising land and descendants in exchange for fidelity to one . This tradition formalized through ' receipt of the at Sinai circa 13th century BCE, encompassing laws on , , and community , as preserved in the Tanakh (). Christianity arose in the 1st century CE as a Jewish sect centered on of , proclaimed by followers as the fulfilling prophetic expectations, with teachings emphasizing love, , and , documented in the alongside the . Islam originated in 7th-century Arabia with Muhammad's revelations from 610 CE onward, positioning him as the final prophet restoring Abrahamic , which had been corrupted in prior traditions, as conveyed through the . Core scriptures reflect sequential revelation: Judaism's Tanakh, Christianity's (incorporating the Tanakh as plus Gospels and epistles), and Islam's , which affirms earlier texts while claiming to supersede interpretive distortions. Shared doctrines include —positing an omnipotent, omniscient who demands justice, prohibits , and promises judgment—but diverge sharply: Judaism awaits a future without deifying any human; Christianity views Jesus' and as atoning for sin, enabling by grace; Islam rejects Jesus' divinity, affirming him as a prophet while upholding Muhammad's prophethood as culminative. Historical expansions involved conquest, missionary work, and migration: Judaism sustained through post-70 CE Temple destruction; Christianity spread via Roman adoption (4th century CE under Constantine) and evangelism to , , and ; Islam advanced through caliphates from , reaching , , and by 1500 CE. As of 2024 estimates, these traditions account for over half the world's population, with at approximately 31% (around 2.5 billion adherents), at 24% (nearly 2 billion), and at under 0.2% (about 15–16 million), concentrated respectively in the /, /, and / communities. exhibited the fastest growth from 2010–2020 due to higher fertility rates and conversions, outpacing 's stable share, while remains demographically stable amid low birth rates offset by communal retention. These distributions underscore causal factors like doctrinal emphasis on , migration patterns, and institutional resilience amid pressures in the West.

Dharmic and Indic Traditions

Dharmic traditions, originating in the , include , , , unified by shared metaphysical concepts such as (cosmic order and duty), karma (action and its consequences), samsara (cycle of rebirth), and liberation from that cycle through moksha or nirvana. These emphasize ethical conduct, spiritual discipline, and empirical observation of causality in human experience over dogmatic revelation. Unlike Abrahamic faiths, they lack a singular prophetic founder for the broader category, evolving through indigenous philosophical inquiry and response to societal conditions in ancient . ![Sree Padmanabhaswamy Temple, Kerala][float-right]
, the most ancient and largest Dharmic tradition with approximately 1.1 billion adherents as of recent estimates, lacks a historical founder and developed from Vedic rituals and around 1500 BCE. Its core scriptures, the —composed orally in between 1500 and 500 BCE—comprise hymns, rituals, and philosophical speculations on cosmology and ethics, later expanded by exploring atman (self) and brahman (ultimate reality). Practices vary widely, including temple worship, , and caste-influenced social structures rooted in varna duties, with beliefs in polytheistic devas (deities) manifesting a singular cosmic ; reincarnation and karma dictate moral causality, verifiable through introspective practices rather than external authority.
Buddhism emerged in the 5th–4th century BCE from Siddhartha Gautama (the Buddha), a prince from present-day Nepal who attained enlightenment under the Bodhi tree around 528 BCE, teaching a diagnostic framework for human suffering via the Four Noble Truths: suffering (dukkha) exists, arises from craving and attachment, can cease, and ends through the Eightfold Path of ethical conduct, meditation, and wisdom. Rejecting Vedic ritualism and caste, it posits anatta (no eternal self) and anicca (impermanence) as observable realities, spreading via monastic sanghas to East Asia by the 1st century CE; today, it claims about 500 million followers, concentrated in Asia, with sects like Theravada emphasizing scriptural Pali Canon and Mahayana incorporating bodhisattva ideals of compassion. Jainism, formalized by Vardhamana (c. 599–527 BCE) as the 24th in a lineage of enlightened teachers, stresses extreme (non-violence) toward all life forms, including microscopic organisms, as the paramount ethic to avoid karmic bondage. Adherents, numbering around 4–6 million primarily in , follow ascetic vows like non-possession (aparigraha) and truthfulness (), pursuing soul purification () through meditation and dietary restraint; its dualistic of eternal jivas (souls) and ajiva (non-soul matter) underscores causal responsibility for suffering, with empirical support in practices minimizing harm to verifiable ecosystems. Sikhism, founded by Guru Nanak (1469–1539 CE) in Punjab amid Hindu-Muslim tensions, asserts strict monotheism in a formless, timeless God (Waheguru), rejecting idolatry and ritualism for direct devotion via naam simran (remembrance). The ten Gurus' teachings, compiled in the Guru Granth Sahib (finalized 1708 CE) as eternal scripture, promote equality, community service (seva), and the five Ks (e.g., uncut hair, kirpan dagger) for disciplined living; with 25–30 million adherents mostly in India and diaspora, it integrates martial ethos from Guru Gobind Singh's Khalsa formation in 1699 CE, emphasizing verifiable ethical action over metaphysical speculation.

East Asian and Sinic Traditions

East Asian and Sinic religious traditions, centered in the cultural sphere of China and extending to Japan, Korea, and Vietnam, prioritize ethical philosophy, ritual propriety, ancestral veneration, and harmony with cosmic and social orders over exclusive theism or personal eschatology. These systems—Confucianism, Taoism, folk practices known as Shenism, and localized Mahayana Buddhism—exhibit high syncretism, allowing adherents to draw from multiple sources without doctrinal conflict. Formal religious affiliation remains low across the region, with Pew Research Center surveys from 2024 indicating that while 21-37% in Hong Kong, South Korea, Taiwan, and Japan claim no religion, substantial majorities engage in spiritual beliefs and traditional rituals such as ancestor worship and temple visits. Confucianism originated with the teachings of , born in 551 BCE and active during China's , emphasizing virtues like ren (benevolence or humaneness) and li (ritual and propriety) to cultivate moral self-improvement and maintain social hierarchy through familial duties and . Practices include ancestor rites and educational emphasis on classics like the , influencing imperial examinations and bureaucracy until the early 20th century. Though often classified as rather than religion due to its nontheistic focus on human agency, it integrates cosmological elements and persists in cultural norms, with no centralized clergy but widespread ethical adherence. Taoism traces to Laozi, a figure traditionally dated to the 6th century BCE, whose —a concise text of about 5,000 characters—describes the as the ineffable way of the universe, advocating (effortless action) and simplicity to achieve balance amid natural flux. Early philosophical Taoism evolved into religious forms by the 2nd century CE, incorporating alchemy, divination, and deity worship, but core texts stress detachment from artificial constructs. Distinct from folk practices yet intertwined, Taoism claims around 8.5% formal adherents in Singapore's Chinese population, reflecting its role in health practices like . Chinese folk religion, or Shenism, comprises localized worship of shen (spirits or divinities) associated with nature, ancestors, and deified humans, through offerings, festivals, and , often syncretizing Confucian , Taoist cosmology, and Buddhist elements without formal . In , where the state promotes , U.S. government estimates from 2021 place folk religion followers at 21.9% of the (approximately 300 million), though data suggests broader participation: 70% believe in ancestral spirits and 47% in deities, with practices like Qingming tomb-sweeping observed by most. Institutional temples number over 100,000, but unregistered groups face regulation. Mahayana Buddhism, transmitted to around the CE, adapted into schools like Chan (meditation-focused, emphasizing direct insight over scriptures), which influenced in and Seon in Korea by the 7th-8th centuries. Chan, formalized in the 6th century under , prioritizes zazen (seated meditation) for sudden enlightenment, integrating with elite literati culture. In , it coexists with folk rites, with adherents numbering 18.2% in per 2021 data, though actual practice exceeds formal identification due to . In , Shinto—indigenous since prehistoric times—revolves around , sacred essences in landscapes, phenomena, and ancestors, with rituals at over 80,000 shrines promoting purity () and communal harmony through seasonal matsuri festivals. Lacking canonical texts or salvation narratives, it complements , with most Japanese participating in both lifecycle events (Shinto weddings) and funerals (Buddhist). Religious shows 57% unaffiliated, but 70-80% engage in Shinto rites annually. Korea exhibits parallel , blending shamanic mudang rituals with Confucian and Buddhist elements, where 35% claim no affiliation yet 50% visit ancestral graves yearly. These traditions' endurance stems from adaptability to secular modernity and state policies, with empirical correlations to social stability: Confucian-influenced societies like report high life satisfaction tied to family-centric values, per data, though causal links remain debated amid rapid .

African and Indigenous Traditions

African traditional religions comprise diverse oral belief systems prevalent across , emphasizing a supreme often distant from daily affairs, alongside intermediary spirits, ancestors, and localized deities that influence natural and social phenomena. These traditions typically view the universe as animated by spiritual forces, with humans maintaining harmony through rituals, sacrifices, and to appease ancestors—who serve as moral guardians—and ward off malevolent entities like witches or evil spirits. Practices include libations, initiations, and communal ceremonies tied to life cycles, , and healing via herbalism and states induced by mediums. Empirical surveys indicate that while explicit adherents number around 10% of Africa's population, elements such as ancestor and belief in spiritual causation of misfortune persist among 50% or more of ns, often syncretized with or . These religions lack centralized scriptures or hierarchies, relying instead on elders, priests, and diviners for transmission, which fosters adaptability but also vulnerability to erosion from activities and ; for instance, colonial-era suppressions reduced overt practice in regions like , where traditional faiths now constitute under 1% of self-identified adherents. Anthropological analyses highlight their role in enforcing social norms through fear of ancestral retribution, potentially promoting in kin-based societies, though some studies link residual traditional beliefs to lower prosociality in modern experimental games due to stigma and mistrust. In West African groups like the Yoruba or Akan, orature preserves cosmogonies where creation involves a high delegating to lesser beings, underscoring a causal chain from divine order to earthly without monotheistic exclusivity. Indigenous traditions beyond Africa, such as those of Native American and Oceanian peoples, similarly feature animistic ontologies where natural elements, animals, and landscapes embody sentient agencies requiring reciprocal rituals for balance. In North American contexts, practices involve vision quests, sweat lodges, and to connect with spirit guides and maintain ecological stewardship, as seen in Plains tribes' ceremonies historically performed for communal renewal and warfare success until U.S. bans in the late 19th century. Oceanian systems, like fa'a Samoa, integrate tapu—sacred prohibitions governing space, food, and conduct—to regulate social hierarchies and resource use, with myths attributing origins to deities like who shaped islands from primordial voids. These traditions emphasize with non-human entities, fostering practices such as totemism in Australian Aboriginal Dreamtime narratives, which encode and moral laws through songlines traversed for millennia. Globally, indigenous faiths number fewer than 300 million adherents, often marginalized by colonial impositions; for example, Mesoamerican cosmovisions linked to solar renewal until Spanish conquests in 1521 dismantled them, leaving syncretic survivals in observances. Causal analyses suggest these systems historically stabilized small-scale societies by attributing to spirits for events like droughts, incentivizing collective responses, though contemporary revivals face challenges from assimilation, with only fragmented oral corpora preserved against literacy biases in anthropological records. arises in empirical critiques noting unverifiable claims, yet their persistence correlates with cultural resilience amid external pressures.

Ancient and Extant Minority Traditions

, originating in ancient around 1500–1000 BCE, represents one of the earliest monotheistic faiths, centered on the supreme deity and ethical dualism between good and evil forces. Its scriptures, the , emphasize fire as a symbol of purity, with rituals conducted in fire temples. Once the of the Achaemenid, Parthian, and Sasanian empires, it declined after the 7th-century Arab conquests, leading to migrations such as the to in the 8th–10th centuries CE. Today, adherents number 100,000–200,000 globally, primarily in (about 60,000 ) and (15,000–25,000), with communities also in due to . The faith faces demographic decline from low birth rates and conversion prohibitions, though it influenced concepts like linear time and judgment in later Abrahamic traditions. Yazidism, an ethnoreligious tradition of Kurdish origin with roots in pre-Zoroastrian Iranic substrates dating to at least the BCE, venerates a supreme god Tawûsî Melek (Peacock Angel) alongside seven holy beings, incorporating elements of , angelology, and . Its cosmology draws from ancient Mesopotamian and Zoroastrian motifs, revived in the by Sufi Sheikh Adi ibn Musafir, whose tomb in , , remains central. Yazidis number 300,000–700,000 worldwide, concentrated in northern 's Sinjar region, with smaller groups in , , and diaspora following genocides like the 2014 attacks that killed thousands and displaced over 300,000. and oral transmission preserve the faith, which rejects and views outsiders as ritually impure. Mandaeism, an ancient Gnostic baptismal religion emerging in by the 1st–3rd centuries CE with claims of pre-Christian origins tracing to and , emphasizes repeated river immersions for purity and a cosmology of light versus darkness, rejecting Abrahamic prophets post-John. Sacred texts like the detail a dualistic worldview influenced by early Jewish, Christian, and Iranian elements. Adherents, known as in historical Islamic texts, total around 60,000–100,000, mainly in southern , , and diaspora communities in , , and the U.S., reduced by 20th–21st century wars and persecution. Priests (tarmida) conduct rituals using flowing water, with strict and gender-separated practices sustaining continuity amid assimilation pressures. Samaritanism preserves an ancient Israelite tradition diverging from around the 8th–5th centuries BCE, centered on as the sole holy site and adherence to the Samaritan Pentateuch, which differs textually from the Jewish in about 6,000 instances. Biblical references depict as remnants of northern Israelite tribes post-Assyrian conquest (722 BCE), maintaining practices like sacrifices on Gerizim. The community, numbering approximately 900 as of 2021, resides split between Holon, Israel (about 460), and near , (about 380), having rebounded from a low of 146 in 1918 through high birth rates and intermarriage allowances since the 1950s. Genetic studies confirm Levantine origins with minimal admixture, underscoring ethnic-religious continuity despite historical pogroms and conversions.

Modern and Emergent Movements

Modern religious movements, frequently termed new religious movements (NRMs), encompass spiritual groups originating primarily from the onward, often blending elements of established traditions with novel revelations, practices, or syntheses influenced by , , or cultural shifts. These movements typically feature charismatic founders claiming direct divine insight or restored truths, and they have proliferated amid industrialization, , and , numbering in the tens of thousands worldwide, though most remain small with fewer than a thousand members each. Larger examples have achieved millions of adherents, particularly in restorationist Christian offshoots and Pentecostal expressions, demonstrating varied trajectories from rapid expansion to stagnation or controversy. Restorationist movements within Christianity seek to revive purportedly original apostolic practices, diverging from mainstream denominations. The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, founded by in 1830 in New York following his reported visions of God and Jesus Christ, claims to restore primitive through additional scriptures like the , translated from Smith said he unearthed. As of recent reports, it counts over 17 million members globally, with significant growth in and through missionary efforts, though retention rates vary and external critiques highlight historical practices like , discontinued in 1890. Jehovah's Witnesses, emerging from Bible Student groups organized by in the 1870s, emphasize door-to-door evangelism and reject holidays with pagan roots; their adherence to conscientious objection during World Wars led to , yet they maintain around 8.7 million active publishers as of 2023. Pentecostalism represents a major emergent stream within , originating in the late 19th-century and exploding via the 1906 in , led by , where participants reported as evidence of in the . Rooted in Wesleyan emphases on sanctification and revivalism, it spread globally, especially among the poor and in the Global South, with charismatic variants influencing Catholicism and mainline churches. By the early , Pentecostals and charismatics comprised over 600 million adherents, the fastest-growing segment of via conversions rather than birth rates, correlating with experiential worship, healing claims, and prosperity teachings, though critics note excesses like financial scandals in megachurches. Esoteric and syncretic movements drew from occultism, Eastern imports, and . The movement, gaining traction in the 1970s amid countercultural mysticism, promotes holistic healing, , and channeled wisdom without centralized doctrine, influencing wellness industries but declining in organized form due to commercialization and lack of institutional structure. Neo-paganism, including formalized by in the 1950s Britain through coven rituals blending folk magic, goddess worship, and seasonal cycles, rejects historical continuity with ancient pagans, instead synthesizing 19th-century and occult orders like the Golden Dawn; U.S. surveys estimate 1-1.5 million practitioners by 2000, with growth among youth seeking ecological spirituality, though internal schisms and external accusations of persist. Scientology, established by science fiction writer in 1954 from his 1950 self-help system, posits humans as immortal thetans trapped by traumatic engrams, cleared via auditing with an device, escalating to costly advanced levels revealing cosmic threats like body thetans. Claiming tax-exempt church status after IRS battles, it reports millions in courses taken but independent estimates peg active members at 25,000-50,000, amid controversies including Hubbard's fraud convictions in (1978), infiltrations of government offices (, leading to 1979 indictments), and allegations of abuse under leader . Emergent trends reflect digital globalization and individualism, with hybrid "spiritual but not religious" practices rising in the West amid Christianity's decline—U.S. Christians fell from 78% in 2007 to 62% by 2023, partly via disaffiliation—yet NRMs overall show modest net growth in developing regions, constrained by regulatory scrutiny and competition from unaffiliated secularism. Empirical analyses attribute NRM appeal to psychological needs for community and meaning in uncertain times, but causal factors include founders' opportunism and societal alienation, with many movements failing due to leadership deaths or scandals rather than doctrinal flaws.

Societal Intersections

Religion and Science: Compatibilities and Conflicts

The development of modern empirical science in Europe from the 16th century onward was predicated on theological assumptions inherent to Christianity, including the belief in a rational Creator who imposed intelligible laws on a contingent yet orderly universe accessible to human reason. Pioneering figures such as Nicolaus Copernicus, Johannes Kepler, and Isaac Newton explicitly viewed their scientific pursuits as uncovering divine design, with Newton dedicating substantial portions of his Principia Mathematica (1687) to theological reflections on God's governance of natural laws. Similarly, during the Islamic Golden Age (8th–14th centuries), scholars like Ibn al-Haytham advanced optics and the scientific method under religious motivations to understand Allah's creation, preserving and extending Greek knowledge through Quranic emphases on empirical observation. Compatibilities between religion and science often arise from aligned commitments to investigating reality's structure, as religious doctrines positing a lawful motivated systematic where pagan or animistic worldviews might not. A 2009 Pew Research Center survey of American Association for the Advancement of Science members found 33% believed in and 18% in a universal spirit or , indicating substantial overlap among working scientists, with belief rates higher among younger researchers (up to 66% affirming some spiritual reality in certain studies). Religious institutions have historically funded observatories and universities—e.g., the Jesuit order's contributions to and astronomy—fostering discoveries without inherent opposition. Proponents of , endorsed by organizations like the since Pope Pius XII's *Humani (1950), integrate Darwinian mechanisms with divine causation, viewing as compatible with purposeful creation. Conflicts emerge primarily when religious texts are interpreted literally against or when encroaches on metaphysical questions of ultimate origins and purpose. The "," popularized by and in the , portrayed perpetual warfare—exemplified by Galileo's 1633 trial—but historical analysis reveals this as overstated; Galileo's condemnation stemmed more from ecclesiastical politics and his than core doctrine, with the Church later rehabilitating by 1822. remains a flashpoint: , held by a minority of Protestants, rejects a 4.5-billion-year-old and , conflicting with and records, yet surveys show only 40% of Americans perceive broad incompatibility, lower among at 29%. Stephen Jay Gould's "non-overlapping magisteria" () framework, proposing separate domains for factual and moral/meaning religion, has been critiqued for ignoring religions' historical empirical claims (e.g., miracles, ) that invite scientific scrutiny and falsification. Empirical studies on scientists' views reveal perceived conflicts correlate more with personal ideology than inherent antagonism; for instance, biologists report lower religiosity (5–7% belief in God) due to evolutionary biology's challenges to anthropocentric narratives, while physicists show higher rates (7–10%), reflecting less direct overlap with theological specifics. Broader data indicate no systemic impediment from religion to scientific progress—e.g., post-Reformation Europe's scientific ascent aligned with Protestant emphases on individual biblical interpretation and empirical verification—though fundamentalist literalism has occasionally delayed acceptance, as with heliocentrism's uptake. Causal realism suggests tensions arise not from methodology but from competing truth-claims: science excels in proximate mechanisms, while religion addresses teleology, with resolution possible via non-literal hermeneutics or acknowledgment of science's limits in proving/ disproving supernatural agency.

Religion and Ethics: Moral Foundations and Critiques

Religions typically ground moral foundations in divine revelation, sacred texts, or metaphysical principles that posit ethical obligations as stemming from a transcendent or cosmic order. In Abrahamic traditions, often derives from divine commands, as exemplified by the Ten Commandments in and , which prohibit , , and as violations of God's will. Dharmic religions like and emphasize (cosmic duty) and karma (causal law of actions), where ethical conduct aligns with universal harmony to avoid negative rebirth cycles. East Asian traditions, such as , integrate moral virtues like ren (benevolence) and li (ritual propriety) into social hierarchies, viewing them as essential for societal stability. These frameworks contrast with by invoking sanctions or rewards, such as eternal judgment or enlightenment, to enforce compliance beyond observable consequences. Empirical data indicates that religiosity correlates with enhanced prosocial behaviors, including higher rates of charitable giving and lower involvement in criminal activity. In the United States, individuals with religious affiliations donate an average of $1,590 annually to charity, exceeding contributions from non-religious peers. A of over 40 years of studies found an inverse relationship between religious participation and , with 75% of analyses showing religiosity reduces delinquency through mechanisms like community accountability and internalized norms. Meta-analyses confirm this pattern, particularly for youth, where religious involvement moderates risk factors like family disruption. Jonathan Haidt's further elucidates these dynamics, revealing that religious adherents prioritize binding foundations—loyalty, authority, and sanctity—more than secular individuals, who emphasize care and fairness, potentially fostering group cohesion and restraint against self-interested harm. Critiques of religious moral foundations challenge their necessity and coherence, often centering on divine command theory (DCT), which holds that actions are right because commands them. The , originating in Plato's dialogues, questions whether morality is arbitrary (good solely by fiat, permitting divine endorsement of atrocities) or independent of (undermining DCT's claim to ground ). Empirical objections note that moral intuitions appear cross-culturally prior to religious indoctrination, suggesting evolutionary roots in kin and reciprocity rather than divine origin, though religion may amplify these via cultural transmission. Some studies find no universal boost to ethical behavior from faith alone, with outcomes varying by denomination and context; for instance, high religious intensity can elevate at the expense of out-groups. , drawing from or contractarianism, avoid theistic dependencies but face critiques for lacking motivational force without metaphysical backing, as evidenced by lower voluntary in less religious populations. Defenses of religious highlight their historical role in sustaining at scale, where secular alternatives like struggle with enforcement absent shared transcendent beliefs. Comparative analyses show religious communities outperforming secular ones in fostering purity and authority-based restraints, which correlate with reduced and higher metrics. While biases in academic sourcing—often skeptical of religious claims—may understate these effects, the aggregate data supports religion's net positive causal influence on outcomes, though not as a monopoly on .

Religion and Governance: Theocratic Models and Secular Challenges

Theocracy entails governance where religious clergy or holds supreme authority, often merging spiritual and temporal power to enforce doctrinal compliance over secular legislation. This model prioritizes the deity's will, typically interpreted by religious elites, leading to laws derived from sacred texts rather than popular consent. Historical instances include ancient Israel's rule under priestly judges and prophets, as described in biblical accounts, and John Calvin's from 1536 to 1564, where courts regulated moral conduct, achieving short-term social order but stifling dissent through executions for . Modern theocracies persist in forms like the , an under the since 1929, governing 800 residents with paramount, or , where under Wahhabi clerics has maintained monarchical stability since 1932 amid oil wealth, though enforcing punishments like amputations for theft. Iran's , instituted in 1979, features a Supreme Leader overseeing elected bodies via vetting, blending theocratic oversight with limited republican elements, yet correlating with suppressed political pluralism and gender restrictions. under rule since 2021 exemplifies rigid enforcement of Hanafi , banning women's education beyond primary levels and imposing media , resulting in humanitarian crises affecting 24 million people in need by 2023. Empirical assessments reveal theocracies often mirror autocratic outcomes in public goods provision, with no significant divergence from secular dictatorships except in isolated domains like under certain regimes. They foster religious unity and cultural preservation, potentially enhancing short-term stability, as in Saudi Arabia's low unrest despite inequalities, but frequently curtail freedoms, scoring abysmally on indices like Freedom House's, where ranked 12/100 in 2023 for . Prosperity lags in non-resource-dependent theocracies; for instance, Yemen's HDI of 0.424 in 2022 reflects failures amid sectarian enforcement, contrasting secular states' higher correlations with economic liberty. Secular , emphasizing separation of and state, confronts persistent religious influences through electoral politics and cultural norms, as seen in the U.S. where 36% of highly religious citizens in 2025 surveys favored reduced government welfare, prioritizing faith-based charity. This tension manifests in policy clashes, such as laws lingering in nominally secular or India's Hindu nationalist reforms since 2014 challenging constitutional . Declining ritual participation in secularizing societies, evident in where religious importance fell from 40% in 1990 to 22% by 2020, correlates with strains like rising identity conflicts and moral fragmentation, prompting debates on reintegrating ethical frameworks without overreach. Religious liberty, distinct from theocracy, empirically boosts human flourishing metrics like income and health across 150+ countries, suggesting secular models succeed when accommodating without subordination. Yet, unchecked risks eroding social cohesion, as 80% of Americans in 2024 perceived religion's waning public role, with half noting belief-mainstream conflicts exacerbating polarization.

Religion and Prosperity: Economic Correlations

Empirical analyses reveal a robust negative between national levels of and (GDP). Countries with higher GDP tend to exhibit lower , as measured by self-reported importance of or frequency of , with data from 34 nations yielding a of -0.86. For instance, nations where at least 70% of adults pray daily uniformly have GDP below $20,000, such as and , whereas wealthier countries like and show far lower rates of daily . This pattern holds across diverse samples, with Gallup polling from 2009 indicating that in the poorest surveyed countries, a of 95% of adults consider important, compared to 47% in the richest. Cross-country econometric studies further explore causal directions. and Rachel McCleary's 2003 analysis of 59 countries from 1981–1990 found that responds positively to the intensity of religious beliefs, particularly and , which may incentivize productive behaviors like thrift and hard work through fear of punishment or promise of reward, but negatively to , likely due to the time and opportunity costs involved. Their regressions controlled for factors like initial GDP, , and , showing beliefs raising growth by fostering accumulation, while attendance detracts by 0.1–1% annually per standard deviation increase. Subsequent work confirms religion influences growth via channels including quality, rates, and institutional trust, though effects vary by denomination—Protestant-majority contexts often show stronger positive associations than Catholic or Muslim ones. Max Weber's 1905 thesis linking the Protestant ethic—emphasizing , diligence, and rational calculation—to the rise of in has inspired empirical tests with mixed but supportive evidence. Protestant regions historically exhibited higher literacy rates and investment due to demands for personal reading, correlating with industrialization advantages; a study attributes up to one-third of Prussia's 19th-century growth differential to such cultural legacies. However, critics note that causation may run from economic modernization to Protestant values rather than vice versa, and similar work ethics appear in non-Protestant contexts like Confucian . Aggregate data show controlling about 55% of global wealth as of 2015, despite comprising 31% of the population, partly reflecting historical advantages in and , though Muslim-majority oil exporters like represent outliers driven by resource endowments rather than religious doctrine. Reverse causality likely contributes to the religiosity-GDP link, as prosperity reduces reliance on religion for psychological coping in adversity.
Predominant ReligionExample High-GDP Countries (2023 PPP per capita >$30,000)Example Low-GDP Countries (2023 PPP per capita <$10,000)
ProtestantNorway ($99,266), Switzerland ($92,434)Few; historical shift to wealth
CatholicIreland ($112,248), Italy ($54,216)Bolivia ($10,158), Haiti ($3,260)
MuslimQatar (114,210,oildriven),UAE(114,210, oil-driven), UAE (88,221)Yemen ($2,179), Afghanistan ($1,471)
Other/NoneSingapore (mixed, $133,895), Japan (Shinto/Buddhist, $52,120)Sub-Saharan polytheistic nations like Mali ($2,606)
This table aggregates World Bank data by predominant religion, highlighting that while no religion guarantees prosperity, Protestant and certain East Asian traditions correlate with higher averages, potentially via cultural emphases on and ; Muslim nations show bimodal distribution due to hydrocarbons.

Religion and Well-Being: Empirical Health Data

consistently demonstrates associations between religious involvement and improved outcomes, including reduced mortality risk and better metrics. A of 42 independent samples found that religious involvement, such as attendance at services, correlates with lower all-cause mortality rates, with an overall indicating a protective benefit equivalent to a of approximately 0.82. Longitudinal studies reinforce this, showing that adults rating themselves as more religious around age 40 exhibit lower premature mortality risk over subsequent decades, independent of baseline factors. These patterns hold across diverse populations, though effect sizes vary by measure of , with public practices like attendance showing stronger links than private beliefs. In , religiosity buffers against depression and anxiety. Systematic reviews of longitudinal data indicate that higher religious commitment predicts lower incidence of depressive disorders, with meta-analytic evidence of small but significant protective effects (e.g., odds ratios around 0.85-0.90 for depression onset). For instance, frequent religious service attendance is linked to reduced symptoms of anxiety and improved under stress, as evidenced in cohort studies tracking participants over years. Causal analyses, accounting for confounders like and self-selection, suggest that religious participation directly mitigates risks of and , with participation reducing ideation by up to 20-30% in vulnerable groups. However, negative religious —such as viewing illness as divine punishment—can exacerbate distress in subsets of individuals, though this is less common than positive forms. Physical health benefits extend to behaviors and . Religious adherents often report healthier lifestyles, including lower rates and better diet adherence, contributing to extended lifespan; U.S. data from the Health and Retirement Study show religiously affiliated individuals have mortality differentials favoring lower rates compared to non-affiliates, adjusting for . In Finland's national registers from 1972-2020, varied by affiliation, with active religious groups outliving secular ones by 1-3 years on average, though trends toward convergence reflect rising . Meta-reviews confirm religiosity's positive tie to overall , including immune function and cardiovascular , via mechanisms like community support and purpose-driven resilience, though remains debated due to potential reverse causation in cross-sectional designs.
Study TypeKey FindingEffect Size/ExampleSource
Mortality Meta-AnalysisReligious involvement reduces all-cause mortalityHazard ratio ~0.82 across 42 samples
Longitudinal Religiosity RatingHigher self-rated religiosity lowers premature death riskReduced risk in women tracked from age 40
Depression Systematic ReviewReligiosity prevents/manages depressionOdds ratio 0.85-0.90 for onset
Service Attendance CohortAttendance linked to better psychological adjustmentLower anxiety/depression symptoms over time
Life Expectancy RegistersActive religious groups have longer lifespan1-3 years advantage in Finland 1972-2020
These associations persist despite methodological challenges, such as measuring multidimensionally and controlling for confounders, with longitudinal and instrumental variable approaches supporting causal directions from religion to rather than solely vice versa. Institutional biases in academia, often favoring secular interpretations, may underemphasize these findings, yet the empirical convergence across studies—spanning U.S., European, and global datasets—affirms religion's net positive role in .

Religion and Conflict: Causal Roles and Comparative Analysis

Religion has frequently been invoked to justify or intensify conflicts, yet quantitative analyses reveal that explicitly religious motivations constitute a small fraction of historical wars. The Encyclopedia of Wars, surveying 1,763 conflicts from ancient times to the present, classifies only 121—or 6.9%—as religious wars, with the remainder driven primarily by territorial disputes, resource competition, or dynastic ambitions. This low proportion persists even when accounting for religiously tinged motivations in otherwise secular conflicts, such as the (1618–1648), where political power struggles predominated over theological differences. Critics argue the figure underestimates indirect influences, estimating 25–30% involvement when religion exacerbates ethnic or identity-based strife, but primary causation remains rare. Causally, religion operates through mechanisms like identity solidification, where shared beliefs foster in-group loyalty and out-group , and doctrinal legitimation, framing as divine mandate. Empirical studies, including those from the Religion and Armed Conflict (RELAC) dataset (–2015), indicate that conflicts centered on religious claims—such as disputes over sacred sites or theological incompatibility—exhibit higher lethality and duration than comparable non-religious intrastate wars, with battle-related deaths averaging 20–50% greater due to reduced compromise incentives. The documents a rise in religious dimensions of conflicts, from 2% in to over 20% by the 2010s, driven largely by Islamist insurgencies in and the , where faith-based grievances compound resource scarcity. However, correlation does not imply sole causation; religion often proxies for deeper ethnic, economic, or geopolitical tensions, as evidenced by where co-religionists align along tribal lines despite shared doctrines. Comparatively, causal roles differ markedly across traditions, tied to scriptural emphases on exclusivity, , and martial ethics. correlates with elevated violence in modern data: jihadist groups like and affiliates accounted for 73% of deaths in 2023 per the , with over 6,700 fatalities linked to doctrinal calls for holy war against non-believers. The records Islamist perpetrators in 55% of religious-motivated attacks since 1970, far exceeding other faiths, reflecting Koranic injunctions (e.g., 9:29) interpreted as mandating conquest. Christianity's historical toll— (1095–1291) killing ~1–3 million, or (~8 million deaths)—stemmed from similar exclusivity but waned post-1648 Westphalian , with negligible doctrinal basis for offensive today; contemporary Christian-linked violence is minimal, comprising under 1% of global . , doctrinally non-proselytizing and cyclical in worldview, shows sporadic communal riots (e.g., 2002 clashes: ~1,000 deaths), but lacks systemic , with violence more reactive to perceived threats than prescriptive. Buddhism's ideal yields low baseline aggression, though exceptions like Sri Lanka's Tamil-Sinhalese war (1983–2009: ~100,000 deaths) or Myanmar's (2017: ~25,000 deaths) illustrate ethnic overlays, not core tenets. Overall, Abrahamic faiths, with monotheistic absolutism, sustain higher conflict intensity than polytheistic or dharmic systems, per cross-national analyses. Secular ideologies rival religion's destructiveness—20th-century atheistic regimes (e.g., Stalin's USSR, Mao's ) caused ~100 million deaths—suggesting ideology itself, religious or not, amplifies human tribalism. Yet religion's unique causal potency lies in supernatural sanction, enabling (e.g., 5,000+ Islamist suicide attacks since 1981 vs. dozens from others) and that impedes negotiation. processes succeed more in non-religious conflicts, with religious ones twice as likely to recur due to irreconcilable salvific claims. Mainstream academic sources, often institutionally biased toward , may minimize doctrinal causation to emphasize socioeconomic factors, but disaggregated data affirm religion's independent escalatory role in ~10–15% of post-1945 armed conflicts.

Critiques and Counterarguments

Philosophical and Rationalist Objections

Philosophers have long raised objections to religious belief on grounds of logical inconsistency and incompatibility with rational inquiry. A central critique posits that religious doctrines often demand acceptance of propositions lacking evidential support, prioritizing faith over verifiable reason, as articulated by thinkers like , who argued that testimony for supernatural events must overcome the uniformity of human experience to be credible. extended this by contending that arguments for God's existence, such as the first-cause argument, fail to demonstrate a necessary being beyond the , relying instead on unproven assumptions about causation's origin. Additional philosophical critiques reduce religion to human constructs for meaning-making, later institutionalized in societies. Ludwig Feuerbach argued that the concept of God constitutes a projection of human needs, attributes, and ideals onto an externalized divine entity. Friedrich Nietzsche critiqued religious morality, particularly Christianity, as a "slave morality" that promotes values of resentment, humility, and passivity over aristocratic virtues of strength and self-assertion. The problem of evil represents a foundational rationalist challenge, originating with and formalized by Hume, questioning how an omnipotent, omnibenevolent deity can coexist with pervasive . reasoned that if God wills to prevent evil but cannot, he lacks power; if he can but does not, he lacks goodness; if neither, he merits no worship; and only if both, whence evil? Hume echoed this in (1779), asserting that the scale of natural and moral evils—such as earthquakes claiming thousands of lives or human-inflicted atrocities—renders the hypothesis of a perfectly benevolent creator implausible without explanations like , which fail to account for non-moral evils like childhood diseases. Rationalists further object to religious reliance on miracles, which Hume defined as violations of natural laws by divine intervention, arguing that no human testimony can justify belief in them given the superior inductive from consistent natural patterns observed across and cultures. For instance, claims of or divine healings require disproving the reliability of eyewitnesses, often from biased or uneducated sources in pre-scientific eras, against the backdrop of countless debunked reports, making suspension of natural laws rationally unwarranted. The argument from inconsistent revelations underscores contradictions among purported divine disclosures, where mutually exclusive faiths—such as Christianity's Trinitarian God versus Islam's strict —each claim sole validity, implying that sincere adherence risks eternal punishment under the wrong . This diversity, spanning over 4,000 religions historically, suggests human fabrication over singular truth, as a rational would presumably provide unambiguous, universal evidence to avoid such epistemic chaos. These objections collectively portray religion as epistemically precarious, vulnerable to by positing unnecessary entities when natural explanations suffice, though proponents counter that reason alone cannot fully grasp transcendent realities. Russell warned that such beliefs stifle intellectual progress, historically linking dogmatic faith to persecutions like the Inquisition's execution of heretics from 1252 to 1834. Despite rebuttals invoking mystery or partial hiddenness, rationalists maintain that unresolved logical tensions erode religion's claim to rational assent.

Empirical and Scientific Challenges to Religious Claims

Empirical investigations into religious claims, particularly those positing causation, frequently encounter challenges from reproducible scientific data. The prioritizes and empirical verification, rendering many religious assertions—such as divine interventions or miraculous events—difficult to substantiate under controlled conditions. Where testable predictions arise, outcomes often align with naturalistic explanations rather than agency. In biology, the theory of evolution by natural selection, supported by fossil records, genetic sequencing, and comparative anatomy, contradicts literal interpretations of creation narratives in texts like Genesis. Radiometric dating places Earth's age at approximately 4.54 billion years, with transitional fossils documenting gradual speciation over eons, incompatible with young-Earth creationism's 6,000–10,000-year timeline. The scientific consensus, as articulated by bodies like the National Academy of Sciences, holds that no empirical evidence supports intelligent design or special creation as mechanisms overriding evolutionary processes. Studies on intercessory prayer, intended to invoke divine , have yielded null or adverse results in rigorous trials. The 2006 STEP project, involving 1,802 cardiac surgery patients across six U.S. hospitals, found no difference in complication rates between prayed-for and control groups; patients aware of prayers experienced 59% higher rates of adverse outcomes, possibly due to performance anxiety. Earlier meta-analyses, reviewing over 20 experiments since the , similarly detect no measurable effect beyond responses attributable to expectation or psychological comfort for the pray-er, not external intervention. Claims of miracles, central to many faiths, lack verification through modern empirical scrutiny. Historical testimonies, as critiqued by in 1748, weigh weakly against uniform human experience of natural laws; no miracle has withstood double-blind protocols or independent replication. Contemporary reports, such as faith healings, often resolve via misdiagnosis, (occurring in 1 in 10,000 cancer cases naturally), or , with no alteration of probabilistic expectations under observation. Neuroscience further undermines dualistic conceptions of an immaterial or . Functional MRI and studies demonstrate , memory, and moral decision-making as emergent from neural networks; damage to the , for instance, can erase personality traits once attributed to a soul, with no residual non-physical agency detected. Near-death experiences, cited as afterlife evidence, correlate with cerebral anoxia and DMT release, replicable in lab-induced hypoxia without veridical perceptions beyond . Surveys show in souls declines when mechanistic brain explanations are presented, as dualism fails parsimony tests against materialist models. Cosmological data from the model, evidenced by radiation (measured at 2.725 K uniformity since 1965) and of galactic , indicate a 13.8-billion-year expansion from a hot, dense state, conflicting with literal biblical sequences where precedes stars. requires billions of years for heavy elements to form post-, predating planetary formation, whereas Genesis implies instantaneous creation in reverse order. Radiometric and data refute a static or recent-origin , with no empirical trace of fine-tuning beyond inflationary models explainable naturalistically.

Sociological Critiques of Institutional Religion

Sociological critiques of institutional religion, rooted in conflict theory, portray it as a mechanism for perpetuating class divisions and social control. Karl Marx argued that religion functions as the "opium of the people," dulling the pain of exploitation under capitalism by offering illusory compensation in the afterlife, thereby stabilizing ruling-class dominance; this view appears in his 1844 Introduction to a Contribution to the Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right. Marx contended that religious institutions, intertwined with state power, alienate individuals from their labor and true human potential, fostering false consciousness that impedes revolutionary change. Empirical extensions of this perspective highlight how religious hierarchies mirror economic ones, with data from the Vatican Bank's assets exceeding €5.6 billion in 2019 investments amid global Catholic poverty rates, suggesting institutional wealth concentration over redistribution. Émile Durkheim's functionalist analysis in The Elementary Forms of Religious Life (1912) posits religion as a collective representation reinforcing social through rituals, yet critics from conflict paradigms argue this overlooks institutional religion's role in legitimizing inequality via sacred . For instance, religious doctrines have historically justified systems, as in Hinduism's varna framework outlined in ancient texts like the (c. 1500–1200 BCE), where priestly Brahmins claim divine sanction for , correlating with persistent mobility barriers in modern —only 5% inter-caste marriages reported in a 2016 survey. Such structures, per these critiques, use totemic symbols to bind subordinates to the status quo, suppressing dissent under threat of or charges, as seen in medieval Europe's tribunals executing over 3,000 by 1500. Durkheim's emphasis on cohesion is thus faulted for ignoring causal coercion, where institutions prioritize self-preservation over adaptive reform. Max Weber's The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (1905) credits religious institutions with spurring economic rationalization but critiques their bureaucratic ossification, leading to an "iron cage" of routinized authority that stifles charismatic innovation. In institutional religion, this manifests as hierarchical rigidity, evident in the Catholic Church's slow response to doctrinal challenges; for example, the 1962–1965 Second Vatican Council addressed modernity but faced backlash from traditionalists, resulting in persistent schisms like the Society of St. Pius X's 1988 excommunication reversal only in 2009. Weberian analysis further notes disenchantment, where magical-religious worldviews yield to calculative rationality, yet institutions resist by monopolizing interpretive authority, fostering dependency—U.S. Gallup data from 2023 shows 21% of adults citing institutional distrust as a reason for declining affiliation. Contemporary sociological extensions, often from secular academic lenses prone to anti-religious bias, examine institutional religion's reinforcement of gender and racial hierarchies. Conflict theorists like those in structural analyses argue that patriarchal doctrines, such as biblical interpretations mandating female subordination (e.g., 1 Timothy 2:12), sustain ; a 2021 study found evangelical congregations with 70% male leadership despite female majorities in attendance. Similarly, prosperity gospel denominations in the U.S., amassing $100 million annually from predominantly low-income Black congregants by 2019 estimates, exemplify exploitation, where promises of divine wealth justify amid institutional opulence. These patterns, critics claim, causally link religious institutions to social stasis, though empirical counterevidence of charitable outputs—U.S. faith-based organizations providing 60% of in some sectors—complicates unidirectional blame. Institutional scandals underscore critiques of opacity and power abuse. The Catholic Church's global sex abuse crisis, involving over 6,000 and 16,000 victims reported by 2021 per BishopAccountability.org, revealed systemic cover-ups prioritizing clerical hierarchy over justice, as detailed in Australia's 2017 finding 7% of priests accused from 1950–2010. Sociologically, this reflects elite deviance theories, where insulated bureaucracies evade accountability, eroding trust—post-2002 Boston Globe revelations, U.S. Catholic membership dropped 10% by 2010. Such cases, while not universal, fuel arguments that institutional religion's causal structure favors self-perpetuation, often at societal cost, though attribution requires distinguishing correlated institutional failures from inherent doctrinal flaws.

Rebuttals: Evidence for Supernatural Efficacy

Proponents of supernatural efficacy in religious contexts cite controlled studies on intercessory prayer, such as Randolph Byrd's 1988 double-blind trial involving 393 cardiac care unit patients at San Francisco General Hospital, where prayed-for patients experienced significantly fewer complications, including reduced incidence of congestive heart failure (p<0.0001) and pneumonia (p<0.001), compared to controls, suggesting a beneficial effect attributable to prayer rather than known medical factors. Subsequent meta-analyses, including those reviewing multiple trials, have noted small but positive correlations between distant intercessory prayer and health outcomes in nonhuman subjects and retrospective human cases, though results vary due to methodological challenges like blinding and expectancy effects. The Lourdes Medical Bureau, established in 1883 and comprising physicians of various faiths, has rigorously examined over 7,000 reported cures since 1858, declaring 72 as medically inexplicable as of 2025, including cases of irreversible conditions like primary lateral sclerosis resolving abruptly without treatment. For instance, the 70th recognized miracle in 2013 involved Sister Bernadette Moriau, whose spinal atrophy and remitted fully after immersion, defying progressive disease trajectories documented by prior diagnostics. These validations require exhaustive review by independent panels, excluding spontaneous remissions or psychosomatic resolutions, and persist despite skeptical from secular medical bodies. Veridical near-death experiences (NDEs), where clinically deceased individuals report accurate details unverifiable by normal sensory means, provide further cited ; a review of 154 cases found 92% of out-of-body perceptions (e.g., observing surgical tools or conversations during flatlined states) corroborated upon verification, challenging materialist explanations of . Studies from the of Virginia's Division of Perceptual Studies document over 110 instances, including blind patients describing visual scenes or hidden objects during , with EEG-confirmed brain inactivity ruling out . Analyses of Eucharistic miracles, such as those in (1996) and Sokółka (2008), reveal consecrated hosts transforming into human myocardial tissue with living cellular activity and type AB blood, consistent across independent forensic exams excluding contamination or fraud. Pathological reports from confirmed striated heart muscle under stress, produced recently despite centuries-old origins in some relics, with DNA fragments indicating human origin but no viable replication under natural conditions. While methodological critiques exist regarding chain-of-custody and peer review, the histopathological matches to cardiac tissue—unprompted by expectation—bolster claims of non-natural causation.

Failures of Secular Alternatives: Historical and Data-Driven Assessments

In the 20th century, regimes explicitly promoting , such as the under Lenin and , sought to supplant religious moral frameworks with materialist ideologies centered on class struggle and . These efforts resulted in systematic suppression of religious institutions, including the destruction of thousands of churches and the execution or imprisonment of , yet failed to eradicate underlying moral intuitions tied to transcendent values. The absence of a durable ethical anchor contributed to policies enabling mass famine, purges, and forced labor camps, with estimates attributing over 20 million deaths in the USSR alone to government actions from 1917 to 1987. This pattern extended to other atheist states like Maoist , where the Cultural Revolution's anti-religious campaigns from 1966 to 1976 demolished temples and persecuted believers, correlating with 65 million excess deaths from state-induced starvation and violence. Political scientist R.J. Rummel's analysis of —government-sponsored killings outside war—documents approximately 169 million victims worldwide from 1900 to 1987, with the majority occurring under totalitarian regimes that rejected religious authority in favor of absolutist secular doctrines. These systems, lacking objective moral constraints beyond utilitarian state goals, prioritized ideological purity over human life, as evidenced by the Cambodian Khmer Rouge's 1975–1979 extermination campaigns under , which killed 2 million in a of 8 million while enforcing atheistic collectivism. In contrast to religious traditions emphasizing individual dignity derived from divine creation, such secular alternatives devolved into deification of the state or leader, fostering corruption and that justified atrocities as progress. Empirical tallies reveal this exceeded combat deaths in all wars of the century by a factor of six, underscoring the causal link between unmoored secular power and unchecked violence. Contemporary data on secularized societies highlight failures in sustaining individual and communal without religious structures. Longitudinal studies indicate an inverse relationship between and risk, with irreligious individuals exhibiting higher rates of and attempts, even after controlling for . , states with higher proportions of nonbelievers report elevated rates, aligning with a national 30% increase in suicides from 2000 to 2020 amid declining religious affiliation. European nations with advanced secularization, such as those in , maintain low overall rates through strong welfare systems but show spikes in youth crises and epidemics, with surveys linking diminished religious participation to eroded sense of purpose. , as an ethical alternative, struggles to ground objective morality without transcendent foundations, often reducing to subjective preferences or evolutionary byproducts, which critics argue permits rationalization of self-interest over communal obligations. Empirical research on social cohesion further reveals shortcomings in secular frameworks. Frequent religious service attendance correlates positively with generalized trust, , and cooperative behaviors across diverse populations, fostering networks that buffer against isolation. In contrast, highly secular environments exhibit fragmented social ties, as seen in rising atomization metrics from longitudinal surveys in , where declining religiosity precedes increases in reported interpersonal . Attempts to replicate religious functions through state or civic programs, such as Soviet-era "League of the Militant Godless," collapsed under internal contradictions, failing to instill lasting ethical discipline or communal . These patterns suggest that secular alternatives, while promising rational progress, empirically underperform in providing the transcendent moral imperatives that sustain human flourishing amid uncertainty.

Current Trajectories

Global Patterns of Religiosity and Apostasy

The global share of the population affiliated with a religion declined from 76.7% in 2010 to 75.7% in 2020, reflecting net losses from religious switching rather than differential fertility rates alone. This shift occurred as approximately 1 in 10 adults under age 55 worldwide reported leaving their childhood religion, with the religiously unaffiliated ("nones") gaining adherents primarily through disaffiliation from and, to a lesser extent, other faiths. Self-identification as religious has fallen more sharply, from 68% of global respondents in 2005 to 56% in 2024, according to Gallup International surveys across over 100 countries, indicating a broader erosion in personal beyond mere affiliation. Patterns vary regionally, with the steepest declines in high-development countries: in 51 nations with high scores, a 18% of adults aged 18-54 switched religions, often exiting altogether. and saw the religiously affiliated share drop by over 10 percentage points in many countries between 2010 and 2020, driven by generational shifts where younger cohorts attend services at rates 20-30% lower than their elders. In contrast, and the Middle East-North Africa region maintained higher affiliation rates (over 90% in many cases), though even there, urban youth report declining practice amid modernization. shows mixed trends, with and folk religions experiencing net losses from switching, while Islam's global share grew 1.5 percentage points due to high birth rates offsetting limited . Apostasy rates differ markedly by religion and enforcement context. Christianity faced the largest net losses, with millions disaffiliating in the Americas and Europe; for instance, Europe's Christian share fell from 75% to under 70% in the decade, largely via exits to non-religion. In Muslim-majority countries, overt apostasy remains rare and underreported, as 13 nations impose penalties including death for leaving Islam, leading to concealed disbelief or nominal adherence that inflates affiliation figures. Surveys in the Arab world suggest loosening ties to Islam among up to half the population in some areas, but social stigma and legal risks suppress open declaration, contrasting with freer expression in secularizing societies. Hinduism and Judaism show low switching rates globally, bolstered by cultural embeddedness and smaller diaspora effects. Longitudinal data reveal a sequential pattern in religiosity's decline: first, reduced attendance at services (evident in 70% of studied countries); second, drops in self-identified affiliation; and third, diminished belief in or religion's importance, correlating with rising and . This trajectory accelerated post-2000 in 43 of 49 tracked nations, underscoring apostasy's role in unaffiliated growth from 16% of the in 2010 toward 20% by mid-century projections adjusted for recent switching. While data, derived from censuses and surveys, provide robust empirical baselines, underreporting in repressive regimes highlights the need for caution in interpreting persistence of there as genuine commitment rather than coerced .

Secularization: Testing the Thesis with Longitudinal Data

The secularization thesis, originally formulated by sociologists such as Peter Berger, predicts that societal modernization—through industrialization, , , and scientific advancement—results in diminished religious , practice, and institutional influence over time. Longitudinal data from strongly supports this in generational terms: analysis of European Social Survey waves from 2002 to 2018 reveals a cohort-driven decline in , with younger generations exhibiting lower and , mediated by shifts toward post-materialist values emphasizing individual autonomy over tradition. In the United States, Pew Research Center's Religious Landscape Studies document a drop in Christian affiliation from 75% in 2011 to 63% in 2021, driven by disaffiliation among and , though the pace slowed post-2019, with unaffiliated ("nones") stabilizing around 29%. Age-period-cohort models from Swiss panel data (2007–2018) further disentangle effects, attributing much of the decline to cohort replacement rather than aging or period-specific events, though individual can fluctuate modestly over the life course. Globally, however, longitudinal evidence tempers the thesis's universality. Pew Research estimates show the religiously affiliated share of world population dipped slightly from 76.7% in 2010 to 75.8% in , with unaffiliated rising from 23.3% to 24.2% (1.9 billion people), largely via switching from and . Yet absolute numbers grew for (to 2.3 billion), (to 1.9 billion, +1.8 share points via fertility), and (to 1.2 billion), offsetting disaffiliation through higher birth rates in religious-majority regions like and the . Gallup International polls across 20 countries (2005–2024) indicate self-identified religious persons fell from 68% to 56%, with atheists rising from 6% to 10%, but remains above 90% in Africa and the , contrasting sharp drops in (to 37%). data (1981–2020) across 49 countries reveal no uniform resurgence but persistent high in less modernized societies, challenging predictions of inevitable decline. Testing mechanisms via longitudinal models highlights causal nuances: rational choice explanations (e.g., fostering doubt) align with European trends, yet existential insecurity better explains stalled in developing regions, where economic volatility sustains faith. Demographic projections underscore this: by 2060, sub-Saharan Africa's Christian population will exceed Europe's, driven by fertility differentials (religious groups average 2.5–3 children vs. 1.6 for unaffiliated), suggesting 's trajectory depends on development unevenness rather than linear progress. Overall, while disconfirmed as a global inevitability, the holds regionally where modernization is advanced, with data indicating cohort effects dominate over period or age in driving observed declines.

Resurgence of Orthodoxy and Fundamentalism

In the late 20th and early 21st centuries, and movements—emphasizing scriptural literalism, traditional doctrines, and resistance to secular —have gained adherents in multiple religious traditions, particularly amid demographic shifts in the Global South and reactions to . This resurgence counters predictions of inevitable , with data indicating that religious affiliation rose globally from 80.8% of the population in 1970 to 88.7% in 2020, driven by higher birth rates in religious-majority regions and conversions outpacing losses in some areas. specifically has strengthened worldwide for over three decades, manifesting in heightened political influence and cultural assertiveness, as evidenced by surveys tracking literalist beliefs and anti-modern stances across faiths. Within Christianity, has seen localized revivals, notably in and the . In , Orthodox identification surged from under 30% self-reporting as believers in 1991 to over 70% by 2017, bolstered by state alignment under President , which promoted traditional values against Western liberalism. In the U.S., Eastern Orthodox parishes experienced a 78% increase in converts in 2022 relative to pre-2020 levels, with disproportionate growth among young men seeking doctrinal rigor amid cultural fragmentation; overall membership estimates hover around 700,000 adherents as of 2020, though some claims of sixfold expansion lack corroboration from census data. During the , 44% of U.S. Orthodox churches stayed open for services, exceeding the 12% national average for congregations, signaling resilience tied to hierarchical authority. Evangelical and fundamentalist Protestantism has expanded most dynamically in and , where literalist interpretations and charismatic practices attract converts from Catholicism and indigenous faiths. In , the Christian population grew from 9% in 1900 to over 60% by 2020, with evangelicals comprising a growing share through missions emphasizing personal and ; annual growth rates for Pentecostals exceeded 2.5% from 2000 to 2020. shifted from 90% Catholic in 1970 to approximately 65% by the 2020s, with evangelicals rising to 20-25% regionally—reaching 31% in by 2010—fueled by urban , anti-corruption appeals, and rejection of perceived liberal dilutions in mainline churches. This growth correlates with higher fertility (averaging 2.5 children per evangelical woman versus 1.8 for seculars) and retention rates above 80% among second-generation adherents. Islamic fundamentalism, often termed Salafism or , has proliferated since the 1979 and Soviet-Afghan War, with Saudi-funded mosques and madrasas exporting strict adherence to and across 80+ countries. Adherents increased from marginal numbers in the to tens of millions by the 2010s, particularly in , , and , where fundamentalist parties garnered 10-20% vote shares in elections; in , surveys indicate 10-40% of Muslim immigrants endorse fundamentalist views on gender roles and apostasy penalties, rising with isolation from host societies. This trend persists despite counterterrorism efforts, as economic stagnation and identity crises sustain appeal, with global jihadist incidents peaking at 16,000 in 2014 before stabilizing at elevated levels. These movements' advances stem causally from unmet secular promises—such as rising inequality (global at 0.67 in 2020) and moral relativism's perceived failures—prompting returns to absolutist frameworks offering and purpose, though they also exacerbate conflicts, as seen in fundamentalist-linked accounting for 30% of global terrorism deaths from 2000-2019. Mainstream academic sources, often secular-leaning, underemphasize this vitality by focusing on Western declines, yet longitudinal affirm orthodoxy's adaptive strength in high-fertility, low-secularization zones.

Ecumenism versus Particularism: Outcomes and Tensions

, the promotion of unity across Christian denominations through dialogue and shared initiatives, has yielded limited institutional mergers since the formation of the in 1948, with membership stabilizing around 350 member churches but failing to reverse broader denominational fragmentation. In contrast, particularism—adherence to exclusive doctrinal claims and separation from perceived heterodox groups—has correlated with membership retention and growth in conservative traditions. For instance, U.S. evangelical Protestant groups, emphasizing and distinctives like conversionism, expanded to comprise 55% of Protestants by 2015, while mainline denominations pursuing ecumenical ties saw their share drop below 15%. Empirical trends underscore these divergent outcomes: mainline bodies such as the lost 41% of members since 1987, and the halved its size over the same period, amid ecumenical emphases on doctrinal flexibility and social cooperation. Particularist groups, however, demonstrate higher fertility rates and lower apostasy; Orthodox Jewish communities, for example, maintain retention above 80% into adulthood through rigorous boundary maintenance, compared to under 50% in Reform Judaism's more inclusive variants. This pattern extends globally, where Pentecostal and independent churches—often particularistic in rejecting formal —account for much of Christianity's projected growth to 2.9 billion adherents by 2050, driven by conversions in the Global South. Tensions arise from ecumenism's prioritization of relational harmony over theological rigor, often eroding distinctives and provoking schisms; Vatican II's ecumenical overtures (1962–1965), while fostering dialogues with Protestants and Orthodox, spurred traditionalist backlash, including the 1988 consecrations by that led to the Society of St. Pius X's irregular status. Particularism, conversely, sustains communal but risks insularity and conflict, as seen in evangelical resistance to interfaith initiatives, which critics attribute to fostering division yet proponents link to doctrinal fidelity amid secular pressures. These dynamics reveal causal trade-offs: ecumenism enhances short-term cooperation but correlates with identity dilution and numerical erosion, whereas particularism bolsters resilience at the expense of broader alliances, with data favoring the latter for long-term in competitive religious markets.

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