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Supremacism
Supremacism
Supremacism
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Supremacism is the belief that a certain group of people is superior to, and should have authority over, all others.[1] The presumed superior group can be defined by various characteristics, including age, gender, race, ethnicity, religion, sexual orientation, language, social class, ideology, nationality, culture, generation, or any other human attribute.

National

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See also: Ultranationalism

Indian supremacism

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In Asia, Indians in Ancient India considered all foreigners barbarians. The Muslim scholar Al-Biruni wrote that the Indians called foreigners impure.[2] A few centuries later, Dubois observes that "Hindus look upon Europeans as barbarians totally ignorant of all principles of honour and good breeding... In the eyes of a Hindu, a Pariah (outcaste) and a European are on the same level."[2] The Chinese also considered the Europeans repulsive, ghost-like creatures, and they even considered them devils. Chinese writers also referred to foreigners as barbarians.[3]

Russian chauvinism

[edit]
See also: Ruscism
These paragraphs are an excerpt from Great Russian chauvinism.[edit]
Great Russian chauvinism (Russian: великорусский шовинизм, romanized: velikorussky shovinizm) is a term defined by the early Soviet government officials, most notably Vladimir Lenin, to describe an ideology of the "dominant exploiting classes of the nation, holding a dominant (sovereign) position in the state, declaring their nation as the "superior nation". Lenin promoted an idea for the Bolshevik party to defend the right of oppressed nations within the former Russian Empire to self-determination and equality as well as the language-rights movement of the newly formed republics.

Sinocentrism

[edit]
These paragraphs are an excerpt from Sinocentrism.[edit]
Sinocentrism refers to a worldview that China is the cultural, political, or economic center of the world.[4] Sinocentrism was a core concept in various Chinese dynasties. The Chinese considered themselves to be "all-under-Heaven", ruled by the emperor, known as Son of Heaven. Those that lived outside of the Huaxia were regarded as "barbarians". In addition, states outside of China, such as Vietnam, Japan or Korea, were considered to be vassals of China.[5]

Racial

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Further information: Racism, Racial discrimination, Racial hierarchy, and Racial segregation

Arab supremacism

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See also: Category:Arab supremacy

In Africa, black Southern Sudanese allege that they are being subjected to a racist form of Arab supremacy, which they equate with the historic white supremacism of South Africa's apartheid.[6] The alleged genocide and ethnic cleansing in the ongoing War in Darfur has been described as an example of Arab racism.[7] For example, in their analysis of the sources of the conflict, Julie Flint and Alex de Waal say that Colonel Gaddafi, the leader of Libya, sponsored "Arab supremacism" across the Sahara during the 1970s. Gaddafi supported the "Islamic Legion" and the Sudanese opposition "National Front, including the Muslim Brothers and the Ansar, the Umma Party's military wing." Gaddafi tried to use such forces to annex Chad from 1979 to 1981. Gaddafi supported the Sudanese government's war in the South during the early 1980s, and in return, he was allowed to use the Darfur region as a "back door to Chad". As a result, the first signs of an "Arab racist political platform" appeared in Darfur in the early 1980s.[8]

Black supremacism

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Main article: Black supremacy

Cornel West, an African-American philosopher, writes that black supremacist religious views arose in America as a part of black Muslim theology in response to white supremacy.[9]

Hutu supremacism

[edit]
These paragraphs are an excerpt from Hutu Power.[edit]
Hutu Power, or Hutu Supremacy, is an ethnic supremacist ideology that asserts the ethnic superiority of Hutu, often in the context of being superior to Tutsi and Twa, and therefore, they are entitled to dominate and murder these two groups and other minorities. Espoused by Hutu extremists, widespread support for the ideology led to the 1994 Rwandan genocide against the Tutsi, the moderate Hutu who opposed the killings, and the Twa, who were considered traitors. Hutu Power political parties and movements included the Akazu, the Parmehutu, the Coalition for the Defence of the Republic and its Impuzamugambi militia, and the governing National Republican Movement for Democracy and Development and its Interahamwe militia. Hutu supremacy is most common in Rwanda and Burundi, where Hutu comprise most of the population. Due to its sheer destructiveness, the ideology has been compared to Nazism in the Western world.[10]

East Asian supremacism

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East Asian supremacism and race-based nationalism appear among the people of China, Japan, Taiwan, and Korea, and East Asia holds an important stake in global GDP. It has also influenced far-right white nationalists, such as Anders Behring Breivik.[11][12]

Han supremacism

[edit]
Main articles: Han nationalism and Han chauvinism
See also: Racism in China

Han supremacy comes from the perception that the culture of the majority ethnic Han in China is superior to other minorities. The Chinese Communist Party has been accused of encouraging settler colonialism and Han supremacy,[13] which can combine with Chinese ultranationalism.[14][15]

Japanese supremacism

[edit]
See also: Racism in Japan, Yamato nationalism, and Category:Japanese supremacy

Initially, in order to justify Japan's conquest of Asia, Japanese propaganda espoused the ideas of Japanese supremacy by claiming that the Japanese represented a combination of all Asian peoples and cultures, emphasizing heterogeneous traits.[16] The Empire of Japan often opened human zoos to showcase the supposed inferiority of other Asian peoples and Japanese superiority.[17][18][19] Japanese propaganda started to place an emphasis on the ideas of Japanese supremacy of the Yamato race when the Second Sino-Japanese War intensified.[16] At the end of World War II, the Japanese government continued to adhere to the notion of racial homogeneity and racial supremacy, as well as an overall complex of social hierarchy, with the Yamato race at the top of the racial hierarchy.[20] Even in modern Japan, the concept related to "Yamato race" remains important, which means that even ethnic Koreans living there for generations can't get citizenship and there's less immigration despite a contracting population.[12]

White supremacism

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Main article: White supremacy
See also: Eurocentrism

Centuries of European colonialism in the Americas, Asia, Africa and Oceania were justified by Eurocentric attitudes as well as sometimes by white supremacist attitudes.[21]

During the 19th century, "The White Man's Burden", the phrase which refers to the thought that whites have the obligation to make the societies of the other peoples more 'civilized', was widely used to justify colonial policies as a noble enterprise.[22][23] Historian Thomas Carlyle, best known for his historical account of the French Revolution, The French Revolution: A History, argued that western policies were justified on the grounds that they provided the greatest benefit to "inferior" native peoples.[24] However, even at the time of its publication in 1849, Carlyle's main work on the subject, the Occasional Discourse on the Negro Question, was poorly received by his contemporaries.[25]

According to William Nicholls, religious antisemitism can be distinguished from racial antisemitism which is based on racial or ethnic grounds. "The dividing line was the possibility of effective conversion ... a Jew ceased to be a Jew upon baptism." However, with racial antisemitism, "Now the assimilated Jew was still a Jew, even after baptism ... . From the Enlightenment onward, it is no longer possible to draw clear lines of distinction between religious and racial forms of hostility towards Jews... Once Jews have been emancipated and secular thinking makes its appearance, without leaving behind the old Christian hostility towards Jews, the new term antisemitism becomes almost unavoidable, even before explicitly racist doctrines appear."[26]

One of the first typologies which was used to classify various human races was invented by Georges Vacher de Lapouge (1854–1936), a theoretician of eugenics, who published L'Aryen et son rôle social (1899 – "The Aryan and his social role") in 1899. In his book, he divides humanity into various, hierarchical races, starting with the highest race which is the "Aryan white race, dolichocephalic", and ending with the lowest race which is the "brachycephalic", "mediocre and inert" race, that race is best represented by Southern European, Catholic peasants".[27] Between these, Vacher de Lapouge identified the "Homo europaeus" (Teutonic, Protestant, etc.), the "Homo alpinus" (Auvergnat, Turkish, etc.), and finally the "Homo mediterraneus" (Neapolitan, Andalus, etc.) Jews were brachycephalic just like the Aryans were, according to Lapouge; but he considered them dangerous for this exact reason; they were the only group, he thought, which was threatening to displace the Aryan aristocracy.[28] Georges Vacher de Lapouge became one of the leading inspirations of Nazi antisemitism and Nazi racist ideology.[29]

United States

[edit]
Further information: Racism in the United States

White Americans who participated in the Atlantic slave trade believed and justified their economic exploitation of African Americans by creating a scientific theory of white superiority and black inferiority.[30] Thomas Jefferson, who was a believer of scientific racism and enslaver of over 600 African Americans (regarded as property under the Articles of Confederation),[31] wrote that blacks were "inferior to the whites in the endowments of body and mind."[32]

A justification for the conquest of American Indian tribes emanated from their dehumanized perception as the "merciless Indian savages", as described in the United States Declaration of Independence.[33][34]

Before the outbreak of the American Civil War, the Confederate States of America was founded with a constitution that contained clauses which restricted the government's ability to limit or interfere with the institution of "negro" slavery.[35] In the 1861 Cornerstone Speech, Confederate vice president, Alexander Stephens declared that one of the Confederacy's foundational tenets was White Supremacy over African American slaves.[36] Following the war, a hate group, known as the Ku Klux Klan, was founded in the American South, after the end of the American Civil War. Its purpose has been to maintain White, Protestant supremacy in the US after the Reconstruction period, which it did so through violence and intimidation.[37]

The Anti-Defamation League[38] (ADL) and Southern Poverty Law Center[39] condemn writings about "Jewish Supremacism" by Holocaust-denier, former Grand Wizard of the KKK, and conspiracy theorist David Duke as antisemitic – in particular, his book Jewish Supremacism: My Awakening to the Jewish Question.[40] Kevin B. MacDonald, known for his theory of Judaism as a "group evolutionary strategy", has also been accused of being "antisemitic" and a "white supremacist" in his writings on the subject by the ADL[41] and his own university psychology department.[42]

Nazi Germany

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Further information: Nazi racial theories and Racial policy of Nazi Germany

From 1933 to 1945, Nazi Germany, under the rule of Adolf Hitler, promoted the belief in the existence of a superior, Aryan Herrenvolk, or master race. The state's propaganda advocated the belief that Germanic peoples, whom they called "Aryans", were a master race or a Herrenvolk whose members were superior to the Jews, Slavs, and Romani people, so-called "gypsies". Arthur de Gobineau, a French racial theorist and aristocrat, blamed the fall of the ancien régime in France on racial intermixing, which he believed had destroyed the purity of the Nordic race. Gobineau's theories, which attracted a large and strong following in Germany, emphasized the belief in the existence of an irreconcilable polarity between Aryan and Jewish cultures.[43]

Religious

[edit]
See also: Religious intolerance and Religious exclusivism

Christianity

[edit]
Main articles: Christian supremacy and Dominion theology
Further information: Christian fundamentalism, Christian right, and Christian terrorism

Academics Carol Lansing and Edward D. English argue that Christian supremacism was a motivation for the Crusades in the Holy Land, as well as a motivation for crusades against Muslims and pagans throughout Europe.[44] The blood libel is a widespread European conspiracy theory which led to centuries of pogroms and massacres of European Jewish minorities because it alleged that Jews required the pure blood of a Christian child in order to make matzah for Passover. Thomas of Cantimpré writes of the blood curse which the Jews put upon themselves and all of their generations at the court of Pontius Pilate where Jesus was sentenced to death: "A very learned Jew, who in our day has been converted to the (Christian) faith, informs us that one enjoying the reputation of a prophet among them, toward the close of his life, made the following prediction: 'Be assured that relief from this secret ailment, to which you are exposed, can only be obtained through Christian blood ("solo sanguine Christiano")."[45] The Atlantic slave trade has also been partially attributed to Christian supremacism.[46] The Ku Klux Klan has been described as a white supremacist Christian organization, as are many other white supremacist groups, such as the Posse Comitatus and the Christian Identity and Positive Christianity movements.[47][48]

Islam

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Main article: Islamic extremism
Further information: Islamic fundamentalism and Islamic terrorism

Academics Khaled Abou El Fadl, Ian Lague, and Joshua Cone note that, while the Quran and other Islamic scriptures express tolerant beliefs, such as Al-Baqara 256 "there is no compulsion in religion",[49] there have also been numerous instances of Muslim or Islamic supremacism.[50] Examples of how supremacists have interpreted Islam include the history of slavery in the Muslim world, Caliphate,[51] Ottoman Empire, the early-20th-century pan-Islamism promoted by Abdul Hamid II,[52] the jizya and supremacy of Sharia law, such as rules of marriage in Muslim countries being imposed on non-Muslims.[53]

While non-violent proselytism of Islam (Dawah) is not Islamic supremacism, forced conversion to Islam is Islamic supremacism.[54][55] Death penalty for apostasy in Islam is a sign of Islamic supremacism.[56]

Numerous massacres and ethnic cleansing of Jews, Christians and non-Muslims[57][independent source needed] occurred in some Muslim-majority countries including in Morocco, Libya, and Algeria, where eventually Jews were forced to live in ghettos.[58][independent source needed] Decrees ordering the destruction of synagogues were enacted during the Middle Ages in Egypt, Syria, Iraq, and Yemen.[59][independent source needed] At certain times in Yemen, Morocco, and Baghdad, Jews were forced to convert to Islam or face the death penalty.[60][independent source needed] While there were antisemitic incidents before the 20th century, antisemitism increased after the Arab–Israeli conflict. Following the 1948 Arab–Israeli War, the Palestinian exodus, the creation of the State of Israel and Israeli victories during the wars of 1956 and 1967 were a severe humiliation to Israel's opponents – primarily Egypt, Syria, and Iraq.[61] However, by the mid-1970s the vast majority of Jews had left Muslim-majority countries, moving primarily to Israel, France, and the United States.[62] The reasons for the Jewish exodus are varied and disputed.[62]

Judaism

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Main article: Jewish supremacy
Further information: Jewish extremist terrorism and Kahanism

Ilan Pappé, an expatriate Israeli historian, writes that the First Aliyah to Israel "established a society based on Jewish supremacy" within "settlement-cooperatives" that were Jewish owned and operated.[63] Joseph Massad, a professor of Arab studies, holds that "Jewish supremacism" has always been a "dominating principle" in religious and secular Zionism.[64][65]

Since the 1990s,[66][67] Orthodox Jewish rabbis from Israel, most notably those affiliated to Chabad-Lubavitch and religious Zionist organizations,[66][67][68] including The Temple Institute,[66][67][68] have set up a modern Noahide movement. These Noahide organizations, led by religious Zionist and Orthodox rabbis, are aimed at non-Jews in order to convince them to commit to follow the Noahide laws.[66][67][68] However, these religious Zionist and Orthodox rabbis that guide the modern Noahide movement, who are often affiliated with the Third Temple movement,[66][67][68] expound a racist and supremacist ideology which consists in the belief that the Jewish people are God's chosen people and racially superior to non-Jews,[66][67][68] and mentor Noahides because they believe that the Messianic era will begin with the rebuilding of the Third Temple on the Temple Mount in Jerusalem to re-institute the Jewish priesthood along with the practice of ritual sacrifices, and the establishment of a Jewish theocracy in Israel, supported by communities of Noahides.[66][67][68] David Novak, professor of Jewish theology and ethics at the University of Toronto, has denounced the modern Noahide movement by stating that "If Jews are telling Gentiles what to do, it’s a form of imperialism".[69][70][71]

In 2002, Joseph Massad said that Israel imposes a "Jewish supremacist system of discrimination" on Palestinian citizens of Israel, and that this has been normalized within the discourse on how to end the conflict, with various parties arguing that "it is pragmatic for Palestinians to accept to live in a Jewish supremacist state as third class citizens".[72][73]

In the aftermath of the 2022 Israeli legislative election, the winning right-wing coalition included an alliance known as Religious Zionist Party, which was described by Jewish-American columnist David E. Rosenberg as a political party "driven by Jewish supremacy and anti-Arab racism".[74]

Sexual

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Male supremacism

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Further information: Sexism, Misogyny, Patriarchy, Hegemonic masculinity, and Androcentrism

Feminist scholars[75] argue that in patriarchy, male supremacism is upheld through a variety of cultural, political, religious, sexual, and interpersonal systems and relations.[75][76] Since the 19th century there have been a number of feminist movements opposed to male supremacism, usually aimed at achieving equal legal rights and protections for women in all cultural, political and interpersonal relations.[77][78][79]

Social cleansing

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These paragraphs are an excerpt from Social cleansing.[edit]
Social cleansing (Spanish: limpieza social) is social group-based killing that consists of the elimination of members of society who are considered "undesirable", including, but not limited to, the homeless, criminals, street children, the elderly, the poor, the weak, the sick, the needy and the disabled.[80][81][82] This phenomenon is caused by a combination of economic and social factors, but killings are notably present in regions with high levels of poverty and disparities of wealth.[80][83] Perpetrators are usually of the same community as the victims and they are often motivated by the idea that the victims are a drain on the resources of society.[80][84] Efforts by national and local governments to stop these killings have been largely ineffective. The government and police forces are often involved in the killings, especially in Africa, Asia, and South America.[81][85][86]

Political cleansing

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These paragraphs are an excerpt from Political cleansing of population.[edit]
Political cleansing of a population is the elimination of categories of people in specific areas for political reasons. The means may vary and include forced migration, ethnic cleansing and population transfers. Political cleansing has been used in many dictatorships.

See also

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Notes

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Supremacism

View on Grokipedia
from Grokipedia
Supremacism is the belief that a particular type or group of people, defined by attributes such as race, , , or , is inherently superior to others and should exercise power or control over them. This posits hierarchical dominance as justified by presumed innate qualities, often manifesting in policies or actions that exclude, subordinate, or harm out-groups. While for such inherent superiorities is lacking— shows greater intra-group than inter-group differences—supremacist views persist through cultural, historical, and evolutionary pressures favoring in-group cohesion. Historically, supremacism has appeared across diverse societies, from ancient tribal conquests rationalized by divine or ancestral favor to modern ethnic nationalisms. Racial forms include Nazi , which claimed ' biological supremacy and fueled , and Hutu Power ideology in , which asserted ethnic superiority leading to the 1994 massacres. Religious variants, such as certain interpretations of emphasizing Muslim dominance over non-believers, exemplify supremacism beyond race, often blending theology with political control. Gender-based supremacism, like male dominance ideologies, underpins patriarchal systems where one sex's authority is deemed natural, correlating with higher violence rates against women in adherent societies. These expressions highlight supremacism's causal role in conflicts, as group hierarchies escalate when ideological claims override cooperative incentives evident in inter-group trade and alliances throughout history. Supremacism's defining characteristic is its rejection of equality in favor of zero-sum dominance, frequently critiqued for ignoring data on environmental influences over genetic in outcomes like IQ or achievement disparities. Controversies arise from its association with —e.g., supremacist groups' involvement in —yet selective focus in academic and media analyses on Western racial variants reflects institutional biases, underemphasizing non-Western or minority-group instances like or Islamic supremacism. Despite condemnations, mild in-group preferences underpin and social trust, distinguishing adaptive from pathological supremacism that demands subjugation.

Definition and Conceptual Framework

Core Principles and Beliefs

Supremacism constitutes the ideological assertion that a specific group, delineated by criteria such as race, , , or , possesses intrinsic qualities conferring superiority over all others, thereby warranting its exercise of , dominance, or enforced separation. This belief system frames the in-group's alleged preeminence as rooted in immutable traits, including genetic predispositions for higher intelligence or physical prowess, unparalleled cultural or civilizational achievements, or theological mandates of divine . Adherents maintain that such superiority obligates the group to lead, govern, or exclude inferiors to safeguard societal order and progress, often portraying out-groups as existential threats capable of dilution or subversion. Key tenets emphasize a stratified human order, where the superior group's virtues—evidenced by historical conquests, technological innovations, or moral frameworks—contrast with the purported deficiencies of others, such as innate laziness, criminality, or barbarism. Supremacists typically advocate for policies reinforcing this hierarchy, ranging from segregation and repatriation to subjugation or elimination, rejecting egalitarian principles as delusional or harmful impositions that undermine natural hierarchies. In racial variants, claims hinge on pseudoscientific interpretations of biology, positing evolutionary divergence yielding unbridgeable gaps in capability; ethnic forms invoke ancestral purity and territorial rights; religious iterations cite scriptural endorsements of chosen status and missionary imperatives to convert or conquer. While empirical data on group differences, such as average IQ variances across populations documented in twin studies and genome-wide association research, may inform discussions of comparative aptitudes, supremacist doctrines extrapolate these to absolute, destiny-defining supremacy without causal validation, often conflating with inherent entitlement. Proponents attribute out-group underperformance to fixed inferiority rather than environmental or historical contingencies, fostering narratives of perpetual conflict to mobilize in-group cohesion. This framework, observable across ideologies like Power's ethnic assertions or certain interpretations of Islamic or Hindu doctrines, consistently prioritizes preservation of perceived superiority over cooperative pluralism.

Etymology and Historical Coinage

The term supremacism denotes a doctrine or ideological commitment to the supremacy of one group over others, formed within English by appending the suffix -ism—indicating a belief system or practice—to supremacy, a noun signifying highest authority or dominance. This morphological construction parallels other ideological terms like racism or nationalism, emphasizing systemic adherence rather than mere assertion of superiority. The root supremacy entered English in the 1540s, derived from supreme (attested from the 1520s), which traces to Latin supremus, the superlative form of superus ("upper" or "higher"), itself from super ("above" or "over"), rooted in the Proto-Indo-European uper or super denoting elevation or excess. While concepts of hierarchical superiority appear in ancient texts—such as Roman imperial claims of imperium sine fine or biblical notions of chosen peoples—the modern English supremacy initially connoted political or ecclesiastical preeminence, as in the 1534 Act of Supremacy declaring head of the , rather than group-based ideologies. The noun supremacism first appears in print in 1946, in an article in the Chicago Defender, a prominent African American newspaper, critiquing doctrines of group dominance amid postwar discussions of racial hierarchies. This coinage coincided with rising scrutiny of ideologies like Nazism and lingering Jim Crow policies, where supremacist (first recorded in 1896, often denoting advocates of white dominance in the U.S. South) evolved into supremacism to frame such views as organized belief systems. By the late 1940s, variants like white supremacism emerged in similar journalistic contexts, reflecting efforts to pathologize explicit superiority claims in civil rights discourse. Prior to this, analogous ideas were expressed through terms like supremacy alone or Aryanism, but without the doctrinal suffix denoting an -ism-based worldview.

Distinctions from Ethnocentrism, Nationalism, and Racism

Supremacism differs from in its prescriptive hierarchy and advocacy for dominance, whereas ethnocentrism primarily involves evaluative bias toward one's own cultural norms without necessitating claims of inherent superiority or calls for subjugation. , as originally conceptualized by sociologist in 1906, describes the tendency to interpret foreign cultures through the lens of one's own, often resulting in disapproval of divergent practices but stopping short of ideological demands for control over outgroups. In empirical studies of interactions, ethnocentrism manifests as , which is a near-universal human trait rooted in , but it lacks the supremacist element of positing a fixed, biological, or metaphysical ranking that justifies exclusionary policies or violence. For instance, anthropological observations of tribal societies show ethnocentric preferences for local customs without organized efforts to impose them on others, contrasting with supremacist doctrines that, historically, have fueled conquests like European colonial enterprises under explicit racial superiority narratives. Nationalism, by contrast, centers on political loyalty to a nation-state or ethnic polity, emphasizing and rather than an obligatory assertion of superiority over other nations. Political scientists distinguish as a modern emerging in the 18th and 19th centuries, tied to events like the American and French Revolutions, where the focus was collective self-rule and cultural preservation, not inherent dominance; for example, Giuseppe Mazzini's Risorgimento in sought unification without claiming Italian supremacy over other Europeans. Supremacism transcends national boundaries by framing superiority in racial, ethnic, or ideological terms that deem other groups ontologically lesser, often rationalizing or segregation; this is evident in how Nazi Germany's incorporated supremacism to justify , whereas non-supremacist nationalisms, such as post-colonial movements in under Gandhi, prioritized without hierarchical subjugation of neighbors. Data from research indicates that while 72% of nationalist parties in from 1989 to 2018 emphasized , only a explicitly endorsed supremacist of ethnic purity and dominance. Racism encompasses prejudicial beliefs or discriminatory actions based on perceived racial traits, which may include stereotypes of inferiority but does not invariably require a supremacist framework of one group holding supreme status over all others. Scholarly analyses in sociology define racism as antagonism directed at racial minorities, often from positions of power, yet it can occur without ideological commitment to hierarchy; for example, individual racial biases in hiring decisions, as documented in audit studies showing 50% callback disparities for identical resumes with Black- vs. white-sounding names in the U.S. from 2003 onward, reflect racism absent any doctrinal claim of white supremacy. Supremacism, as a subset of racist ideologies, explicitly constructs a zero-sum hierarchy where the favored group is deemed uniquely qualified to rule, as seen in historical texts like Arthur de Gobineau's 1853 "Essay on the Inequality of the Human Races," which argued Aryan supremacy as a causal basis for civilizational decline otherwise. This distinction holds empirically: surveys of extremist groups reveal that while 85% exhibit racist attitudes, supremacist variants uniquely prioritize narratives of existential threat and retributive dominance, per analyses of manifestos from 1980 to 2020. Mainstream academic sources, however, often blur these lines due to institutional emphases on systemic narratives, potentially understating non-hierarchical forms of racial prejudice.

Evolutionary and Psychological Underpinnings

Biological and Genetic Bases for Group Superiority Claims

Human populations exhibit structured that clusters individuals into continental ancestry groups, often aligning with traditional racial categories, despite the majority of neutral occurring within populations rather than between them. This structure arises from correlated frequencies across many loci, allowing for accurate classification of individuals into genetic clusters using methods like , as demonstrated in studies of global genomic data. The common assertion, originating from Lewontin's 1972 analysis, that 85% of variation is within groups and thus negates racial distinctions—known as Lewontin's —overlooks how small but consistent between-group differences in frequencies enable reliable differentiation, analogous to distinguishing sexes by average height despite overlapping distributions. Cognitive abilities, a key trait invoked in superiority claims, show substantial genetic influence, with meta-analyses of twin and studies estimating heritability of (IQ) at 50% in childhood, rising linearly to 66% in young adulthood and up to 80% in later life. This heritability reflects captured in genome-wide association studies (GWAS), where polygenic scores derived from thousands of IQ-associated variants explain 10-20% of variance within European-ancestry samples. Between-group applications of these scores reveal systematic differences: for instance, polygenic scores for and cognitive performance, validated in large GWAS, rank ancestries in orders correlating with observed national IQ averages, such as higher scores in East Asian and European samples compared to sub-Saharan African ones (correlations of 0.80-0.90 across datasets). These patterns persist after controlling for stratification, supporting a partial genetic basis for group disparities, though critics argue portability issues across ancestries may inflate or deflate predictions due to differences. Transracial adoption studies provide converging evidence against purely environmental explanations for group IQ gaps. In the , black children adopted into upper-middle-class white families from infancy scored an average IQ of 89 at age 17, compared to 106 for white adoptees and 99 for Asian adoptees, with gaps widening with age despite equivalent rearing environments. Similar patterns appear in other datasets, such as French studies of sub-Saharan African adoptees averaging IQs 10-12 points below European norms, and Korean adoptees matching or exceeding host populations only after accounting for effects. Follow-up analyses, including biological parent correlations, indicate that these differences align more with genetic expectations than shared environment, as sibling covariances within racial groups exceed those across races. While some academic sources downplay genetic roles citing potential prenatal or subtle cultural confounders—often amid institutional pressures against hereditarian hypotheses—anonymous expert surveys estimate 50% or more of the black-white IQ gap as genetically influenced, underscoring empirical support for biological contributions to claimed superiorities in cognitive traits. Physical and physiological traits also underpin some supremacist claims, with genetic variants showing marked group disparities. For example, alleles for fast-twitch muscle fibers (e.g., ACTN3 R577X) are more prevalent in West African-descended populations, correlating with dominance in sprinting events, while East African high-altitude adaptations (e.g., EPAS1 variants from archaic admixture) contribute to running prowess. Conversely, Neanderthal-derived alleles, more frequent in Eurasians, influence traits like skin pigmentation and but show mixed cognitive effects in recent analyses. These fixed or frequency-based differences enable average group advantages in specific domains, though supremacy assertions extending to overall fitness remain unsubstantiated, as no population monopolizes all adaptive traits; instead, they reflect evolutionary trade-offs shaped by ancestral environments.

Empirical Evidence from Behavioral Studies and Kin Selection

Kin selection theory, formalized by W.D. Hamilton in 1964, predicts that individuals will behave altruistically toward genetic relatives in proportion to their relatedness, as measured by the coefficient rr in Hamilton's rule (rB>CrB > C, where BB is the benefit to the recipient and CC is the cost to the actor), thereby enhancing inclusive fitness. In humans, this extends beyond immediate family through mechanisms detecting genetic similarity in non-kin, fostering cooperation and favoritism toward those perceived as sharing ancestry, such as ethnic ingroups. Behavioral genetics studies, including twin designs, reveal a heritable basis for ingroup favoritism, with genetic factors explaining 28-53% of variance in preferences for ethnic, religious, and national groups, distinct from shared environmental influences. Empirical support for this extension comes from genetic similarity theory, which posits that humans unconsciously assess phenotypic cues—like facial similarity, attitudes, and values as proxies for genotypic overlap—to direct beyond verifiable , akin to . Experiments and surveys show individuals allocate more resources to genetically similar strangers; for instance, in , people preferentially support candidates resembling themselves in facial features, correlating with perceived . Friendship and choices further demonstrate this, with twin studies indicating spouses and friends exhibit greater similarity in and IQ than expected by chance, driven partly by genetic assortment rather than mere on observables. Ethnic groups often maintain relatedness levels equivalent to third- or fourth-degree cousins (r≈0.031−0.062r \approx 0.031-0.062), providing a fitness payoff for ethnocentric behaviors that prioritize group members over outgroups. Behavioral experiments in economic games, such as modified and public goods tasks, consistently show stronger ingroup when group markers signal shared ancestry or similarity, with participants contributing 20-50% more to ingroup partners than outgroup ones, even absent reciprocity cues. This intensifies under intergroup competition, mirroring dynamics scaled to larger coalitions, and correlates with real-world patterns like higher charitable donations to same-ethnicity causes. While mainstream critiques often attribute such findings to , estimates and universality challenge purely environmental explanations, suggesting an adaptive foundation for group-preferential behaviors that can underpin supremacist ideologies when exaggerated by perceived group success or threat.

Cognitive Mechanisms: Ingroup Bias vs. Pathological Supremacism

Ingroup bias refers to the cognitive tendency to favor members of one's own over outgroup members, often manifesting as preferential or without necessitating toward outsiders. This mechanism arises from evolutionary pressures favoring reciprocity and , where individuals in ancestral environments benefited from cooperating with those sharing genetic or cultural markers, such as tags or spatial proximity, enhancing group survival amid intergroup competition. from minimal group paradigms, where arbitrary group assignments elicit favoritism in reward distribution, demonstrates that this bias emerges rapidly from mere social categorization, independent of prior conflict or realistic threats. Evolutionary models, including direct reciprocity and phenotypic matching, explain ingroup bias as adaptive for fostering within bounded communities, as seen in simulations where tag-based cooperation evolves under conditions of frequent intragroup interaction and low outgroup contact. Unlike parochial altruism, which pairs with outgroup aggression for net fitness gains in warfare-prone settings, standard ingroup bias typically involves neutral or mildly positive outgroup evaluations, with showing zero between ingroup attachment and outgroup derogation in non-competitive contexts. For instance, among 30 East African ethnic groups, measures of ingroup positivity did not predict from outgroups, underscoring that bias often stems from ingroup love rather than outgroup hate. Pathological supremacism diverges by transforming this into a rigid positing inherent, hierarchical superiority of the ingroup, often justifying outgroup subjugation or elimination through and evidence-resistant claims. While ingroup is flexible and context-dependent, supremacist variants amplify via mechanisms like , where perceived group entitlement fuels aggressive defense against perceived threats, overriding empirical disconfirmation of superiority narratives. This may arise when normal interacts with individual insecurities or cultural reinforcement, leading to emotional dispositions of hate that prioritize ontological dominance over adaptive , as observed in ideologies where supremacist beliefs predict explicit beyond implicit preferences. In contrast to adaptive , which dissipates under inclusive conditions or future interdependence, pathological forms persist through that reframes outgroup achievements as threats, entrenching zero-sum conflict.

Historical Manifestations

Ancient and Pre-Modern Examples Across Civilizations

In , pharaonic ideology emphasized the divine superiority of Egyptian rulers and their people over foreigners, as evidenced by temple reliefs and inscriptions from the New Kingdom period (c. 1550–1070 BCE) depicting bound captives from , , and symbolizing cosmic order (ma'at) triumphing over chaos represented by outsiders. These artistic conventions reinforced the pharaoh's role as a god-king enforcing Egyptian dominance, with textual sources like the Hymns to (c. 1870 BCE) portraying foreigners as inherently disorderly and submissive to Egyptian might. Ancient Greek thinkers articulated a cultural supremacism distinguishing Hellenes from barbaroi, non-Greek speakers perceived as lacking rational discourse and ; (384–322 BCE) in his argued that Greeks were naturally suited for rule due to their balanced temperament, contrasting with the despotic tendencies of barbarians. This view underpinned pan-Hellenic unity against Persian "barbarians" during the (499–449 BCE), as chronicled by , who framed Greek victories at Marathon (490 BCE) and Salamis (480 BCE) as proofs of Hellenic freedom and superiority over Eastern . (436–338 BCE) extended this to advocate Athenian leadership in pan-Greek expeditions, positing inherent Greek excellence in and intellect over barbarian weakness. The and (c. 509 BCE–476 CE) adapted Greek notions into a versus barbari framework, viewing and law as markers of civilized superiority justifying expansion; (106–43 BCE) in described barbarians as governed by impulse rather than reason, rationalizing conquest as a . Legal distinctions persisted into the late , where barbarians (barbari) were categorized separately from citizens (cives Romani) and provincials (peregrini), with citizenship grants to auxiliaries serving as assimilation tools amid ongoing perceptions of Germanic tribes as culturally inferior, as noted in imperial edicts like the (212 CE). In ancient , framed the Zhongguo ("Middle Kingdom") as the civilized core surrounded by hierarchical "barbarian" zones, with the tributary system under the Zhou (1046–256 BCE) and Han (206 BCE–220 CE) dynasties requiring foreign envoys to perform ketou () rituals acknowledging Chinese moral and cultural supremacy; oracle bone inscriptions from the (c. 1600–1046 BCE) and Han maps like the (139 BCE) depicted non-Hua peoples as peripheral inferiors needing enlightenment through Confucian virtue. The varna system in Vedic India (c. 1500–500 BCE), outlined in the (c. 1500 BCE), established a divinely ordained hierarchy with Brahmins as priestly superiors deriving ritual purity and authority from , implying inherent precedence over Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, and Shudras; this framework, later rigidified in texts like the (c. 200 BCE–200 CE), justified social dominance by higher varnas as cosmically mandated, with enforcing separation from "impure" groups. Ancient Judaism's doctrine of the "," rooted in Deuteronomy 7:6–8 (c. BCE), posited 's selection by for covenantal fidelity and ethical witness, entailing ritual separation and prophetic mandates that underscored collective over surrounding nations, as in Exodus 19:5–6 framing as a "kingdom of priests" amid conquest narratives. This election, tied to Abrahamic promises (Genesis 12:1–3, c. BCE compilation), emphasized mission over innate racial traits but fostered insularity, evidenced by texts rejecting intermarriage with Canaanites.

19th-Century Developments Tied to Colonialism and Nationalism

In the mid-19th century, French diplomat Joseph Arthur de Gobineau published An Essay on the Inequality of the Human Races (1853–1855), positing that human races were inherently unequal, with the "Aryan" or white race responsible for all major civilizations and destined for superiority due to its purity, while racial mixing led to societal decay. Gobineau's work synthesized emerging pseudoscientific ideas, including polygenism—the theory of separate origins for human races—advanced by American ethnologists like Samuel George Morton, who used craniometric measurements to claim intellectual hierarchies favoring Caucasians. These notions gained traction amid European nationalism, where thinkers like Johann Gottlieb Fichte in Germany (early 1800s) fused ethnic identity with claims of cultural supremacy, viewing the German Volk as bearers of higher spiritual and historical missions. Colonial expansion intensified these supremacist rationales, as European powers invoked racial hierarchies to legitimize domination. British imperialism in India and Africa, peaking with the 1857 Indian Rebellion suppression and the 1884–1885 Berlin Conference partitioning Africa, was framed through Social Darwinism—Herbert Spencer's 1864 adaptation of evolutionary theory to societies, arguing "survival of the fittest" justified imperial conquest over "lesser" peoples. In the United States, Manifest Destiny from the 1840s embodied similar beliefs, portraying Anglo-Saxon expansion westward and into Mexico (1846–1848 Mexican-American War) as a divine racial imperative, with figures like John O'Sullivan asserting white Americans' innate superiority destined them to govern inferior races and civilize the continent. This ideology underpinned policies displacing Native Americans, as in the 1830 Indian Removal Act and subsequent Trail of Tears (1838–1839), where over 15,000 Cherokee perished, rationalized by claims of racial incompatibility and white providential right. Nationalist movements further embedded supremacism, blending ethnic pride with racial . In Italy's 1861 unification under and , rhetoric emphasized Latin or heritage as superior to Ottoman or Slavic influences, while under invoked Gallic exceptionalism to justify Algerian conquest (1830–1847) and interventions in (1861–1867). German unification (1871) under drew on philological and anthropological arguments for Teutonic racial primacy, influencing thinkers like , whose later works built on 19th-century foundations. These developments were not mere rhetoric; by 1900, European colonial empires controlled 84% of and 90% of , sustained by doctrines portraying subjugated populations as biologically unfit for self-rule. Empirical critiques, such as James Hunt's 1863 Anthropological Society findings on cranial capacity, were selectively interpreted to reinforce hierarchies, despite inconsistencies in data like overlapping measurements across groups.

20th-Century Extremes: World Wars and Ideological Regimes

The 20th-century supremacist ideologies attained their zenith of extremism through totalitarian regimes that instrumentalized racial and national superiority to rationalize territorial conquest, mass mobilization, and genocidal policies during the World Wars. Nazi Germany's supremacism exemplified this fusion, positing a pseudoscientific hierarchy with Nordic Germans as the Herrenvolk () biologically destined to expand and subjugate "subhuman" peoples, including , , and Romani. This worldview, codified in Hitler's (1925) and institutionalized after the Nazi seizure of power on January 30, 1933, rejected egalitarian universalism in favor of Volk-based determinism, where genetic purity justified , sterilization of 400,000 "defectives" under the 1933 Law for the Prevention of Hereditarily Diseased Offspring, and aggressive revisionism against the Versailles Treaty. The causal link to World War II was direct: Aryan expansionism drove the remilitarization of the Rhineland (1936), with (March 1938), and (September 1938), escalating to the on September 1, 1939, which prompted declarations of war by Britain and France. Supremacist imperatives then propelled Operation Barbarossa against the on June 22, 1941, framed as a racial crusade against Bolshevik "Judeo-Bolshevism," resulting in 27 million Soviet deaths, including intentional starvation in occupied territories. The ideology's genocidal endpoint was the "," formalized at the on January 20, 1942, yielding the systematic murder of six million Jews via gassing at camps like Auschwitz-Birkenau (where 1.1 million perished) and shootings. These outcomes stemmed from causal mechanisms prioritizing racial hierarchy over diplomatic restraint, with empirical records from Nazi documentation confirming the intent to eradicate "inferior" groups for . Imperial Japan's doctrine similarly enshrined Yamato ethnic supremacism, portraying ethnic Japanese as a divine, homogeneous race superior to other Asians and destined to lead a pan-Asian order under Japanese hegemony. Rooted in mythology and Meiji-era nationalism, this escalated in the 1930s through propaganda emphasizing Yamato racial purity and uniqueness, as in Konoe Fumimaro's 1943 tract An Investigation of Global Policy with the Yamato Race as Nucleus, which advocated Japanese leadership over "lesser" peoples. The ideology justified the Manchurian Incident (September 18, 1931), full invasion of (July 7, 1937), and entry via (December 7, 1941), with the "" serving as a veneer for exploitation and assimilation policies targeting Koreans, Chinese, and Indonesians as subordinate. Atrocities, including Unit 731's biological experiments killing up to 3,000 captives and the (December 1937–January 1938, with 200,000–300,000 Chinese deaths), reflected of non-Yamato groups as expendable for imperial destiny. Fascist Italy under Benito Mussolini, ruling from the March on Rome (October 1922), pursued a variant centered on cultural-national superiority, invoking Roman imperial revival (romanità) to assert Italian primacy in the Mediterranean and . Mussolini's corporatist fascism glorified martial vigor and state absolutism, manifesting in the invasion of (October 3, 1935), where chemical weapons and mass executions killed 300,000–750,000 Ethiopians, rationalized as civilizing "inferior" Africans. Though initially pragmatic on race—Mussolini's 1919 manifesto omitted biological determinism—alignment with post-1936 introduced the 1938 , enforcing segregation and antisemitic purges affecting 40,000 . Italian forces' Balkan campaigns (1940–1941) echoed supremacist entitlement, with reprisals in occupied claiming 300,000 lives. These regimes' shared causal logic—supremacy as warrant for violence—amplified II's toll, exceeding 70 million deaths by 1945, underscoring how ideological hierarchies overrode empirical realities of military overextension and Allied industrial superiority.

Racial and Ethnic Forms

White and European Racial Supremacism

White and European racial supremacism denotes ideologies asserting the inherent superiority of peoples of European descent—often termed "white," "Nordic," or "Aryan"—over non-European groups, typically grounded in claims of biological determinism, intellectual capacity, or civilizational achievements to rationalize dominance, segregation, or exclusion. These doctrines emerged systematically in the 19th century amid European colonial expansion, where justifications for empire-building invoked racial hierarchies; for instance, British imperial rhetoric framed colonization as a civilizing mission for inferior races, as articulated in Rudyard Kipling's 1899 poem "The White Man's Burden," which portrayed non-whites as childlike and in need of white guidance. Foundational texts included Arthur de Gobineau's Essai sur l'inégalité des races humaines (1853–1855), which posited Aryans as the creative force behind civilizations and warned that miscegenation diluted superior traits, leading to decline—a view influential despite lacking empirical genetic support at the time. Gobineau's work, though initially marginalized in France, resonated in Germany and informed later racial theorists. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, these ideas intertwined with and . Houston Stewart Chamberlain's Die Grundlagen des neunzehnten Jahrhunderts (1899) exalted Teutonic racial purity as the driver of European progress while decrying Jewish influence as corrosive, selling over 60,000 copies in two years and shaping völkisch movements. In the United States, Madison Grant's The Passing of the Great Race (1916) classified Europeans into Nordic, Alpine, and Mediterranean subtypes, deeming Nordics superior and advocating immigration curbs to prevent "racial suicide"; the book influenced the , which quotas limited non-Nordic entries until 1965. American manifestations included the , founded December 24, 1865, in , as a that evolved into a terrorist network enforcing white dominance through lynchings and intimidation during Reconstruction; by 1920, its second iteration peaked at 4–5 million members, targeting blacks, Catholics, and . Such groups drew on pseudoscientific and IQ testing, later critiqued for methodological flaws like in assessments, though proponents cited data on group differences in achievement and crime rates as partial validation—claims contested by mainstream academia, which often attributes disparities to environment while downplaying hereditarian factors due to institutional aversion to hierarchy-affirming conclusions. The 20th century's nadir was Nazi Germany's codification of Aryan supremacism as state policy, rooted in 19th-century racial science but escalated into genocidal practice. Adolf Hitler's Mein Kampf (1925) echoed Gobineau and Chamberlain in declaring Aryans the "culture-founders" entitled to Lebensraum, with non-Aryans like Jews and Slavs deemed subhuman; this underpinned the 1935 Nuremberg Laws stripping Jews of citizenship and the euthanasia program killing 70,000 disabled Germans by 1941 under racial hygiene pretexts. The ideology justified the Holocaust, murdering 6 million Jews and millions more in racial purges, collapsing with Germany's 1945 defeat. Postwar, overt forms persisted underground: neo-Nazi groups like the National Socialist Movement (founded 1974) revived Aryan myths, while European kin like Britain's National Front (1967) blended supremacism with anti-immigration. Contemporary iterations manifest as "" or , emphasizing ethnic preservation over explicit hierarchy amid demographic shifts; in , the , originating with France's Bloc Identitaire (2002) and Austria's Generation Identity (2012), opposes mass migration from Africa and the , advocating "" and cultural homogeneity—framed as defense against "great replacement," a term popularized by in 2011 to describe projected white minority status by 2050 in per some demographic models. In the , the alt-right's 2017 Charlottesville rally highlighted white , drawing 500–1,000 participants chanting "You will not replace us," though fractured post-event. These strains invoke empirical trends like lower average IQs in (around 70 per Lynn's meta-analyses) or disproportionate crime rates among non-whites in (e.g., 2023 Swedish data showing immigrants overrepresented in violent offenses) as rationales, yet mainstream sources, including UN reports, attribute such patterns to socioeconomic factors while sidelining genetic inquiries—a pattern reflecting post-1945 taboos on race science. Adherents number in tens of thousands globally, with online platforms amplifying reach despite ; surveys indicate 10–20% of whites in Western nations express implicit preference for ethnic continuity, though explicit supremacism remains marginal.

Black and African Supremacist Ideologies

Black supremacist ideologies assert the inherent superiority of of sub-Saharan African descent over other racial groups, frequently invoking mythological origins, divine election, or pseudohistorical narratives to substantiate claims of genetic, cultural, or spiritual primacy. These beliefs parallel supremacist doctrines in structure but invert the hierarchy, portraying non-blacks—particularly whites—as inherently inferior, devilish, or cursed. Emerging largely in the United States amid 20th-century racial , such ideologies gained traction through religious and nationalist movements, though they remain fringe compared to broader civil rights efforts emphasizing equality. The Nation of Islam (NOI), founded in in by and expanded by , exemplifies a prominent black supremacist framework. NOI theology holds that are the "original" humans created by 66 trillion years ago, while whites were genetically engineered 6,000 years ago by a named on the island of , rendering them inherently evil "devils" predisposed to deception and violence. This narrative underpins NOI's rejection of integration, advocacy for a separate black nation, and rituals emphasizing black divinity, with adherents viewing themselves as Allah's chosen to rule post-apocalyptic judgment. , who revived the group after Elijah Muhammad's 1975 death, has reiterated these teachings, including statements in 2018 claiming whites were created as a "race of devils" to oppress blacks. The Black Hebrew Israelite (BHI) movement, originating in the late 19th century with figures like and , posits that and other black diaspora populations are the true descendants of the biblical , displaced by transatlantic slavery as fulfillment of Deuteronomy's curses. Many BHI sects deem "imposters" and whites "Edomites" or subhuman, asserting blacks' divine covenant grants them superior moral and intellectual capacities, destined to inherit the earth after subjugating others. Extremist factions, such as those linked to the 2019 Jersey City kosher market shooting by David Anderson and Francine Graham—who identified as BHI and targeted "white devils" and —have propagated street preaching with chants declaring non-blacks as "subhuman" and blacks as "superior gods." The movement's growth via online videos, with over 200,000 YouTube views for militant sermons by 2008, underscores its radicalizing potential. The Five-Percent Nation, splintered from NOI in 1964 by Clarence 13X (born Clarence Smith), extends supremacist tenets by teaching that five percent of blacks are "poor righteous teachers" enlightened to their godhood, while whites are an inherently weak "devil civilization" lacking the black man's creative essence. Adherents, influential in hip-hop culture through artists like Rakim and Busta Rhymes, numerologically interpret the "Nation of Gods and Earths" framework to affirm black males as divine "bombs" (All Being Mainly Made in Supreme Mathematics) superior to all others. This ideology rejects mainstream Islam's egalitarianism, prioritizing black patriarchal supremacy. In , supremacist ideologies are rarer and often intertwined with rather than pan-African racial claims, lacking the mythological depth of U.S. variants; historical movements like Ethiopianism emphasized spiritual but not explicit . However, echoes appear in pseudohistorical assertions, such as some Zimbabwean narratives post-1980 glorifying Shona dominance over other groups via invented ancient superiorities, though these prioritize tribal over continental supremacy and lack formalized doctrines. Empirical data on prevalence is sparse, with no major peer-reviewed studies quantifying African supremacism akin to groups, reflecting its marginal status amid postcolonial ethnic conflicts.

Asian and Arab Ethnic Supremacism

Han chauvinism in asserts the ethnic and cultural superiority of the Han people, who constitute approximately 91.1% of the population as of the 2020 census, over non-Han minorities such as , Tibetans, and . This ideology, often expressed through online mobilization by urban youth invoking ancient Han identity, frames non-Han groups as inferior or threats to national unity, contributing to policies of assimilation and demographic engineering in regions like . Academic analyses note its informal propagation outside state control, distinct from official rhetoric, though intertwined with state Han-centric governance. In imperial Japan, the Yamato race—construed as the pure Japanese ethnic core—was propagandized as racially superior to other Asians and whites, serving as the ideological nucleus for pan-Asian co-prosperity under Japanese leadership during the 1930s and 1940s. Military indoctrination emphasized Yamato purity and divine descent, justifying invasions of China (from 1931) and Southeast Asia, with estimates of 20-30 million Asian deaths attributed to this expansionist racial hierarchy. Postwar reckonings, including the 1946 Tokyo Trials, condemned these doctrines as pseudoscientific, yet echoes persist in ultranationalist fringes denying wartime atrocities. Korean ethnic nationalism promotes the notion of a "pure-blooded" race, tracing to 20th-century influences from Japanese colonial ideology and reinforced in South Korea's citizenship laws, which prioritize bloodline over birthplace and have sustained discrimination against ethnic Koreans from or mixed-heritage individuals. In , state propaganda since the 1950s depicts Koreans as the world's "cleanest" and morally superior race, deriving from fascist-inspired racial purity myths rather than , with policies enforcing ethnic homogeneity amid famines killing 240,000-3.5 million in the . Arab ethnic supremacism posits Arabs as superior to non-Arab populations in the , manifesting in historical campaigns that suppressed in (post-1962 independence) and Kurdish autonomy in Iraq under Ba'athist rule from 1968. In , this fused with pan-Arab socialism to justify the Anfal genocide against (1986-1989), killing 50,000-182,000 through chemical attacks and mass executions, framed as eliminating ethnic threats to Arab unity. In , the ideology of Arab supremacy over indigenous African groups drove the conflict from 2003, with militias—backed by the government—responsible for 300,000 deaths and 2.7 million displacements, rooted in 19th-century imposition amid legacies. These patterns reflect causal links between ethnic hierarchy claims and resource competition, often amplified by state power rather than mere cultural preference.

National and Cultural Forms

Sinocentrism and East Asian Variants

Sinocentrism denotes the historical East Asian worldview positioning China as the cultural, political, and civilizational center of the world, with surrounding polities classified as hierarchical inferiors requiring deference through tribute and ritual acknowledgment. This ideology emerged during the Zhou dynasty (c. 1046–256 BCE), where China was conceptualized as the "Middle Kingdom" (Zhongguo), surrounded by barbarian "outer" peoples (yi), and was reinforced by Confucian principles emphasizing moral superiority and the Mandate of Heaven as justification for dominance. By the Han dynasty (206 BCE–220 CE), it formalized into a system where foreign envoys performed kowtow rituals and presented tribute, receiving lavish return gifts and trade access in exchange, thereby affirming China's suzerainty without direct conquest. The system operationalized across imperial dynasties, encompassing states from Korea and to Central Asian khanates, with peak activity under the Ming (1368–1644) and Qing (1644–1912) eras, where over 100 missions annually arrived in during prosperous periods. This framework was not merely diplomatic but ideological, as tributary submissions ritually validated Chinese exceptionalism, with non-compliance often met by campaigns framed as civilizing "punitive expeditions" against chaos. Empirical , such as Ming Veritable Records documenting 2,700+ tribute missions from 1405–1433 alone, illustrate the system's scale, though it masked pragmatic trade motives beneath supremacist rhetoric. The system's decline accelerated after the (1839–1842, 1856–1860), exposing China's technological vulnerabilities and eroding the Sinocentric order as Western powers imposed unequal treaties. East Asian variants adapted to local contexts, often inverting or hybridizing it with indigenous claims of superiority. In , Tokugawa-era isolation (1633–1853) rejected full tributary subordination while internally promoting Yamato , viewing Japanese as divinely descended from the sun goddess , superior to continental "barbarians" including . This evolved into Meiji (1868–1945), where Shinto-based ideology asserted Japanese racial and cultural primacy, culminating in the (1940–1945) as a purported anti-Western alliance but effectively a supremacist empire subjugating Korea, , and through forced labor and assimilation policies affecting millions. Korea's dynasty (1392–1910) embraced via sadaejuui (serving the great), sending regular tribute while maintaining internal neo-Confucian hierarchies deeming Koreans culturally refined above other tributaries like , though this masked resentments leading to modern post-1910 annexation. In contemporary China, the Chinese Communist Party under Xi Jinping has revived Sinocentric elements within "socialism with Chinese characteristics," framing initiatives like the Belt and Road (launched 2013) as modern tribute networks extending economic leverage and ideological influence, with over 150 countries signing agreements by 2023 that prioritize Chinese standards in infrastructure and governance. This manifests in state media narratives of "national rejuvenation" (since 2012) portraying China as restoring its rightful civilizational apex, evidenced by territorial assertiveness in the South China Sea (nine-dash line claims since 1947, militarized post-2013) and wolf warrior diplomacy rejecting Western equality norms. Critics note this as hierarchical regionalism, not multipolar cooperation, with CCP documents like the 2019 white paper on neighboring states emphasizing deference to Beijing's leadership. Such variants persist in Japan through residual ultranationalist groups like Zaitokukai (founded 2006), advocating ethnic purity against Korean residents, though marginalized.

Indian Hindu Nationalism as Supremacism

Hindu nationalism, articulated as Hindutva in Vinayak Damodar Savarkar's 1923 pamphlet Essentials of Hindutva, posits that a Hindu is defined by viewing India as both pitribhumi (fatherland) and punyabhumi (holy land), thereby encompassing those whose cultural and spiritual heritage is irrevocably tied to the subcontinent's Indic traditions. This framework emerged amid colonial rule and perceived existential threats from Islamic separatism, framing Hindus—broadly including Jains, Buddhists, and Sikhs—as the civilizational core of India, with non-Indic faiths like Islam and Christianity positioned as historically intrusive unless fully assimilated into Hindu cultural norms. Proponents argue this is not racial but civilizational nationalism, rooted in millennia of Islamic incursions beginning with the 8th-century Umayyad raids, followed by the Delhi Sultanate (1206–1526) and Mughal Empire (1526–1857), which involved widespread temple destructions—estimated at over 1,800 major sites—and demographic shifts through conquest and conversion pressures. The 1947 Partition, resulting in 1–2 million deaths and 14–18 million displacements primarily of Hindus and Sikhs fleeing violence in newly formed Pakistan, further entrenched this worldview as a defensive response to minority separatism and recurring communal riots, such as the 1946 Calcutta Killings that claimed over 4,000 lives. The (), founded in 1925, institutionalizes through cultural and paramilitary training, envisioning a Hindu Rashtra (Hindu nation) where Hindu values underpin state identity without formal , as articulated by chief in 2025, who described it as egalitarian and inclusive of all residents committed to India's cultural ethos, rejecting notions of Hindu dominance over others. The (BJP), 's political affiliate, advanced this since gaining power in 2014 under , enacting policies like the 2019 Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), which expedites citizenship for non-Muslim refugees from , , and fleeing —totaling over 1.5 million beneficiaries by 2023—while excluding Muslims, justified as addressing Partition-era imbalances rather than blanket discrimination. The revocation of Jammu and Kashmir's Article 370 autonomy in August 2019, integrating the Muslim-majority region fully into , was framed as rectifying a 1947 anomaly that allowed , amid historical context of Pakistani invasions and insurgencies killing over 40,000 since 1989. Critics, including human rights organizations and Western governments, interpret these as supremacist, alleging systemic marginalization of (14% of India's 1.4 billion population), with Department reports documenting over 100 cow vigilantism attacks from 2015–2023, resulting in 50 mostly of accused of consumption or smuggling, often linked to Hindu nationalist groups enforcing cultural taboos. Academic analyses note a shift from large-scale riots—averaging 500 annually pre-2014—to targeted lynchings, with data from 2014–2022 showing 207 such incidents, though overall communal fatalities declined from 1,000+ in to under 100 yearly post-2014, per government figures, suggesting state interventions reduced mass but not localized extremism. Such sources, often from outlets with documented anti-nationalist biases, attribute this to Hindutva's portrayal of as perpetual threats, echoing Savarkar's advocacy for martial Hindu unity against historical subjugation; however, empirical trends indicate correlates more with local economic disputes and illegal migration than orchestrated supremacy campaigns. Hindutva's supremacist label stems from its rejection of Nehruvian , which proponents claim institutionally favored Muslim personal laws and madrasas—numbering 24,010 in 2023—over uniform civil codes, fostering parallel societies amid Islamist terrorism like the (166 killed). Defenders counter that true supremacism requires genocidal intent absent in Hindutva texts, positioning it instead as reciprocal nationalism mirroring Pakistan's model, where Hindus comprise 2% and face documented temple attacks (over 500 since 1947). This causal dynamic—rooted in Partition's unresolved migrations and asymmetric minority protections—fuels policies prioritizing Hindu reclamation of sites like Ayodhya's Ram Temple, inaugurated in 2024 on a disputed locus of 1992 mosque demolition violence (2,000 deaths), symbolizing civilizational assertion over historical erasure rather than ethnic subjugation.

Russian and Slavic Chauvinism

Russian chauvinism, often termed Great Russian chauvinism, emerged as a form of ethnic and cultural supremacism asserting the inherent superiority of over other nationalities within the multi-ethnic and later the , manifesting in policies of and bureaucratic dominance. This ideology drew from 19th-century Slavophilism, which idealized a unique Russian spiritual path distinct from Western influences, emphasizing communalism and while viewing as bearers of authentic Slavic values. , a related 19th-century movement advocating Slavic unity against Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian rule, frequently devolved into Russian-led chauvinism, with proponents like portraying as the natural leaders and civilizational vanguard of all Slavs, justifying imperial expansion as a messianic . Such views positioned Slavic peoples under Russian hegemony, subordinating non-Russian Slavs like Poles and Ukrainians to Moscow's authority. In the early Soviet era, identified Great Russian chauvinism as a pervasive threat within the , where Russians comprised over 70% of members, leading to arrogant attitudes toward peripheral nationalities. In his 1922 writings, Lenin declared "war to the death" on this chauvinism, criticizing it as embodied in the "typical Russian " who acted as a "rascal and tyrant" toward non-Russians, and faulting Joseph Stalin's centralizing "autonomisation" policy for exacerbating Georgian oppression. Lenin advocated compensatory inequality favoring oppressed nations to counterbalance historical Russian dominance, warning that unchecked chauvinism could fracture the union of Soviet republics. Stalin, in turn, acknowledged chauvinism as a remnant of tsarist privilege, manifesting in disdainful bureaucracy toward national republics, and called for its eradication through Party education and native-language promotion to preserve Soviet multinationalism. Despite these pronouncements, persisted via linguistic policies and , with underground Slavophile groups in the mid-20th century evolving into explicitly chauvinist strains rejecting Western in favor of authoritarian Russian exceptionalism. Post-Soviet manifestations of Russian chauvinism have integrated into state ideology under Vladimir Putin, reviving 19th-century formulas like Sergei Uvarov's 1833 triad of "orthodoxy, autocracy, nationality" and the 16th-century "Moscow as Third Rome" doctrine, which posits Russia as the superior heir to Byzantine civilization. The "Russkiy Mir" (Russian World) concept extends this supremacism by claiming cultural and historical primacy over Ukraine and other former Soviet territories, denying distinct Ukrainian nationhood and framing interventions as protective unification of Slavic kin under Russian leadership. This echoes historical Pan-Slavic chauvinism but emphasizes geopolitical dominance, with narratives of purifying war and Russian messianism justifying expansionism against perceived Western threats. Broader Slavic chauvinism remains marginal, appearing in fringe far-right groups like Poland's Niklot association, which promotes Slavic racial supremacy, but lacks the institutional power of Russian variants. These ideologies prioritize empirical Russian historical agency—such as empire-building through security imperatives—over egalitarian multinationalism, often rationalized as causal necessities for survival amid encirclement.

Religious Forms

Islamic Supremacism and Jihadist Doctrines

Islamic supremacism asserts the doctrinal superiority of and over non-Muslims, grounded in Quranic verses portraying believers as the "best community" raised for humanity, tasked with enjoining right and forbidding wrong ( 3:110). This elevation implies a divinely ordained hierarchy, with prophesied to prevail over all other religions ( 9:33), rendering alternative faiths inferior and subject to supersession. Disbelievers, including and polytheists, are explicitly deemed the "worst of creatures" destined for eternal hellfire (Quran 98:6), providing scriptural warrant for their subjugation rather than equality. Historically, this supremacism manifested in the governance of caliphates, where non-Muslims classified as dhimmis—protected but subordinate peoples—were compelled to pay the jizya poll tax, as mandated in Quran 9:29, which instructs fighting scriptural communities until they submit humbly while paying the tax. The jizya exempted dhimmis from military service but symbolized their second-class status, with restrictions on public worship, building churches, and proselytizing, enforced from the Rashidun Caliphate (632–661 CE) onward. Violations of dhimmi covenants, such as rebellion or treaty breaches, justified reprisals, reinforcing the causal link between Islamic dominance and non-Muslim acquiescence. Jihadist doctrines elevate armed struggle as the primary mechanism to realize this supremacy, interpreting jihad—etymologically "striving"—predominantly as offensive warfare () to expand the domain of (Dar al-Islam) at the expense of non-Muslim territories (Dar al-Harb). Classical jurists across Hanafi, Maliki, Shafi'i, and Hanbali schools endorsed offensive as a () for able-bodied Muslim males once defensive needs were secured, aiming to invite or coerce submission to Islamic rule, with conquests under the Umayyad (661–750 CE) and Abbasid (750–1258 CE) caliphates exemplifying this expansion from Arabia to and . Influential scholars like Ibn Taymiyyah (1263–1328 CE) intensified these views, declaring perpetual against non-Muslims, including and Crusaders, as essential to purify and propagate faith, blurring distinctions between defensive and proactive campaigns and permitting (declaring Muslims apostates) for insufficient zeal. His fatwas justified fighting truce-breakers and hypocrites, influencing later revivalists. In the , Wahhabi-Salafi ideologies, originating with (1703–1792 CE) and state-sponsored in since 1744, amplify supremacist by rejecting accommodations with non-Islam, funding global propagation, and inspiring groups like and ISIS to pursue restoration through and conquest. These doctrines causally link scriptural hierarchy to territorial and cultural dominance, with empirical outcomes including over 14 centuries of conquests subjugating approximately 270 million non-Muslims, per historical tallies of casualties. While some contemporary apologists confine to defense, classical consensus and jihadist praxis prioritize expansionary violence to enforce Islamic preeminence.

Christian Supremacist Interpretations

Christian supremacist interpretations within typically involve doctrinal claims that believers, often identified as white Europeans, hold a divine mandate for superiority and governance over non-Christians or other races, derived from selective readings of biblical texts such as Genesis 1:28 (the dominion covenant) and interpretations of . These views diverge sharply from mainstream , which emphasizes spiritual equality across ethnicities as articulated in Galatians 3:28, and instead frame as inherently tied to racial or cultural hierarchy. Proponents argue that such interpretations justify resistance to and secular governance, positing that failure to assert dominance violates God's order. The movement exemplifies a racially inflected supremacist , asserting that white Anglo-Saxon descendants are the true lost tribes of and thus God's elect , with non-whites classified as pre-Adamite "beasts of the field" lacking full humanity and as satanic offspring from Eve's encounter with the serpent. This doctrine, rooted in 19th-century , reinterprets covenants as exclusively applying to whites, mandating their segregation and to fulfill eschatological prophecy. Adherents, numbering in the low thousands across scattered churches and groups as of the early , have historically linked this theology to anti-government militancy, viewing federal authority as illegitimate Jewish or satanic control. Despite its marginal status—representing less than 0.01% of U.S. Christians—the ideology has influenced extremist acts, such as the 1980s Order group's robberies funding a white homeland. Dominion theology, particularly in its Reconstructionist variant, promotes a non-racial but hierarchical Christian supremacy through —the application of Mosaic law to modern society—claiming believers must seize cultural and political control as stewards of God's kingdom before Christ's return. Originating with figures like in the 1960s, it interprets postmillennial eschatology and the (Matthew 28:18-20) as requiring reconstruction of all institutions under biblical penalties, including for offenses like and , to establish Christian rule over unbelievers. While not explicitly racial, some Reconstructionist circles have intersected with segregationist histories, such as private Christian schools formed in the 1950s-1970s to evade desegregation, blending theonomic governance with ethnic preservation. Critics from within Reformed theology contend this conflates Israel's national with the church's spiritual mission, ignoring distinctions between civil and moral law. Kinism represents a contemporary, decentralized interpretation emphasizing racial kinship as biblically ordained, advocating separation of ethnic groups to preserve distinct covenants while denying explicit supremacy in favor of "realism" about innate differences. Drawing from texts like Acts 17:26 (God setting national boundaries), kinists interpret Christian love as kin-centric, opposing as diluting God's diverse creation and viewing as a threat to Christian nations. Emerging in online forums post-2000, it rejects both and overt domination, but sources attribute supremacist undertones to its hierarchical racial , with adherents numbering in the hundreds via blogs and . These views remain condemned by major denominations as heretical distortions prioritizing over Christ's redemptive unity.

Jewish Supremacism and Chosen People Concepts

The concept of the Jews as the "" originates in the , where selects the for a unique covenant relationship, as stated in Deuteronomy 7:6: "For you are a people holy to the your . The your has chosen you to be a people for his treasured possession, out of all the peoples who are on the face of the earth." This election is explicitly not attributed to any inherent merit or numerical superiority, with Deuteronomy 7:7-8 clarifying: "It was not because you were more in number than any other people that the set his love on you and chose you... but it is because the loves you and is keeping the oath that he swore to your fathers." The doctrine emphasizes communal obligation to observe the (mitzvot) of the , in contrast to the seven Noahide laws applicable to all humanity, positioning chosenness as a burden of moral and ritual responsibility rather than privilege. Rabbinic tradition reinforces this view, interpreting chosenness as a divine commission to model and serve as "a " (:6), without implying ontological superiority over gentiles who can achieve through Noahide observance. Medieval authorities like affirmed that non-Jews attain spiritual merit equivalent to Jews by fulfilling their covenant, rejecting any notion of innate Jewish excellence. This perspective persists in mainstream Orthodox, Conservative, and , where chosenness denotes relational intimacy with and ethical duty, not supremacy; for instance, sources describe it as "spiritual intimacy, obligation and relationship" fostering universal values. Esoteric traditions, particularly in and Hasidism, introduce hierarchical elements by positing that possess an additional divine soul (neshama) beyond the animal soul (nefesh) shared with gentiles, enabling closer connection to the divine and fulfillment of . The Tanya, foundational to Chabad-Lubavitch, articulates that Jewish souls derive from the realm of holiness (Kelipat Nogah), superior in spiritual potential to gentile souls rooted in impurity (Kelipot), though gentiles can elevate through righteousness. Such views, echoed in Zoharic texts, have been critiqued for fostering essentialist distinctions, with some scholars noting they bolster feelings of inherent superiority amid historical threats, despite mainstream rabbinic denials of moral or intellectual disparities. Accusations of Jewish supremacism often cite decontextualized Talmudic passages distinguishing legal statuses (e.g., stricter liability for Jews in certain damages) or rare polemical statements, but these reflect ancient diaspora survival strategies rather than doctrinal hatred, with many alleged quotes fabricated or misconstrued in anti-Semitic literature. Nonetheless, fringe extremist expressions exist, such as Rabbi Yitzhak Ginsburgh's 1990s writings praising Baruch Goldstein's massacre of 29 as defending Jewish superiority, or Rabbi Ovadia Yosef's 2010 claim that non-Jewish souls exist to serve . In contemporary Israel, Kahanist groups like and hilltop youth settlers invoke chosenness to justify territorial expansion and differential rights, embodying supremacist ideologies that prioritize Jewish claims over non-Jewish lives and lands, as documented in 2022 analyses of rising Jewish . These manifestations, while marginal (representing under 5% of per 2023 polls), draw on selective religious rationales to challenge egalitarian norms, prompting internal Jewish critiques of supremacist distortions.

Other Religious Examples

In , Sinhala-Buddhist nationalism asserts the ethnic and religious superiority of the Sinhalese Buddhist majority, interpreting ancient texts like the Mahavamsa as mandating the preservation of the as a Buddhist dhammadipa ( of the ) against non-Buddhist influences. This doctrine, revived in the 20th century by figures such as , portrays , , and other minorities as threats to Buddhist purity, contributing to the 1983–2009 that killed over 100,000 and subsequent anti-Muslim riots in 2014 and 2018, where Buddhist mobs destroyed mosques and businesses. Organizations like the (), founded in 2012, explicitly promote Sinhala-Buddhist hegemony, claiming constitutional primacy for under Article 9 of the 1978 constitution, which mandates state protection of the faith. In Myanmar, Buddhist supremacist movements, particularly among the Bamar majority, frame Theravada Buddhism as under siege by Islam, advocating ethnic and religious dominance to safeguard the faith. The 969 Movement, popularized by monk Ashin Wirathu from 2012, urged economic boycotts of Muslim businesses and segregation, citing fears of demographic conquest; this rhetoric preceded the 2012–2013 Rakhine riots killing 200 and the 2017 military clearance operations against Rohingya Muslims, displacing over 700,000 and drawing United Nations accusations of genocide. Wirathu, convicted in 2019 for incitement but later released, described Muslims as "mad dogs" in sermons viewed millions of times, aligning with a broader narrative of Buddhist exceptionalism rooted in historical kings like Anawrahta, who enforced religious orthodoxy in the 11th century. These ideologies blend monastic authority with nationalist politics, as seen in the 2015 election support for parties enforcing Buddhist-first policies. Hindu scriptures such as the and delineate the varna system, positing Brahmins as spiritually superior due to their proximity to divine knowledge, with duties and privileges stratified by birth—Brahmins for priesthood and teaching, Kshatriyas for rule, Vaishyas for trade, and Shudras for service—effectively codifying caste-based hierarchy as cosmic order (dharma). This framework, defended in texts like the (verses 4.13, 18.41–44) as divinely ordained, has sustained upper-caste dominance, with historical practices excluding lower castes from Vedic rituals and education until 19th-century reforms. Critics, including in his 1936 work , argue it institutionalizes supremacism by deeming inter-caste mixing (varna-sankara) as polluting, perpetuating and affecting 200 million Dalits as of 2023 census data. While reformist movements like challenged rigidity, orthodox interpretations maintain Brahminical preeminence in temple access and rituals.

Gender, Class, and Other Forms

Male Supremacism and Patriarchal Structures

Male supremacism refers to ideologies asserting the inherent superiority of s over females, often emphasizing biological, cognitive, or behavioral traits that purportedly justify dominance in social, political, and familial spheres. Proponents historically drew from observations of sex differences, such as greater —where adult men possess approximately 50-100% more upper-body strength than women due to higher testosterone levels and muscle mass distribution—and elevated rates of linked to influences. These differences, documented in physiological studies, have been cited to argue for aptitude in roles requiring force or risk-taking, including warfare and , though such claims extend beyond empirical variances to normative hierarchies. Patriarchal structures, as institutional manifestations of male-preferred , emerged prominently with the transition to around 8000-3000 BCE, enabling surplus resources that men monopolized through physical advantages and , leading to control over and female sexuality to ensure paternity certainty. posits that male supremacist tendencies trace to adaptive pressures for reproductive control, with males evolving motivations to restrict female mate choice, a observed across and lineages. Anthropological surveys indicate that over 90% of known societies historically organized patriarchally, with males dominating decision-making in , , and , contrasting rare matrilineal exceptions like the Minangkabau, where descent follows mothers but remains contested. This prevalence correlates with empirical outcomes: male-led societies expanded territorially and technologically, potentially due to higher male variance in traits like spatial reasoning and risk tolerance, where men outperform women on average in visuospatial tasks critical for and . In modern contexts, male supremacism manifests in fringe ideologies, such as communities emerging post-2010, which attribute male disadvantages to female and advocate hierarchical restoration based on perceived Darwinian realities, though these often devolve into dehumanizing rhetoric unsupported by causal breadth. Leadership data reinforces structural patterns: meta-analyses show men perceived as more effective in dominance-oriented environments, with assertive traits aligning male styles to hierarchical success, while female approaches favor consensus but correlate less with rapid scaling in competitive fields. Critiques from evolutionary perspectives note that patriarchal persistence reflects causal realism—differential investment in offspring (males lower parental certainty driving mate guarding)—rather than arbitrary oppression, yet academic sources, influenced by egalitarian paradigms, frequently underemphasize innate variances in favor of socialization hypotheses lacking longitudinal falsification. Empirical trends, including higher male representation in high-stakes innovations (e.g., 95% of Nobel laureates in physics), suggest adaptive value in male-centric structures, though post-2000 Western egalitarianism has reduced overt patriarchy without eliminating sex-disparate outcomes in variance-driven domains.

Class Elitism and Meritocratic Supremacy Claims

Class elitism asserts the superior fitness of upper social strata for leadership, attributing this to inherited traits, organizational acumen, or cultural refinement that purportedly equip them to guide society more effectively than lower classes. In the late 19th century, Vilfredo Pareto advanced this view through his theory of elite circulation, positing that ruling elites possess "residues"—innate psychological characteristics like persistence (lions) or adaptability (foxes)—conferring dominance, with societal decline occurring when elites ossify and fail to renew via superior challengers from below. Gaetano Mosca complemented this in his 1896 work The Ruling Class, arguing that every society features a compact minority ruling an unorganized majority through superior political organization and a justifying "political formula," such as divine right or merit, rendering mass rule illusory and elite supremacy inevitable. These theories frame class divisions as natural hierarchies, where elites' qualities—evident in historical examples like European aristocracies invoking noble bloodlines for governance primacy—warrant deference to avert chaos from incompetent masses. Meritocratic supremacy claims refine class by grounding superiority in demonstrable achievement rather than birth alone, contending that systems selecting for talent yield leaders whose cognitive and productive edges justify hierarchical . Empirical data supports this through the high of , estimated at 50-80% across meta-analyses, with general cognitive ability (g-factor) accounting for up to 50% of variance in occupational attainment and . Longitudinal studies further reveal that polygenic scores for predict upward mobility independent of parental status, indicating genetic transmission of capabilities underpins class persistence and advancement in ostensibly open societies. Proponents argue this validates supremacist inferences: high achievers, often clustered in upper echelons, exhibit causal advantages in and , as evidenced by IQ correlations with GDP contributions in economies (r ≈ 0.6-0.7 nationally). Such claims underpin modern variants, including technocratic advocacy where elites in fields like or assert based on track records—e.g., outperforming markets or scaling enterprises—over democratic averages. Yet, while rises with age and environment (from 20% in infancy to 80% adulthood), critiques highlight gene-environment interactions malleable via early intervention, challenging pure supremacist . Overall, these doctrines prioritize empirical differentials in over egalitarian ideals, positing that ignoring them invites inefficiency, as Pareto warned of decay leading to upheavals in 1917-1922 .

Emerging Forms in Identity Politics

In the context of contemporary , emerging forms of supremacism often manifest through narratives that elevate historically marginalized groups by attributing to them unique moral authority, cultural superiority, or existential primacy, frequently justified as countermeasures to perceived systemic . These ideologies diverge from traditional ethnic or religious supremacism by embedding group elevation within frameworks of and , where claims of inherent group virtues—such as greater empathy, spiritual insight, or harmony with nature—serve to invert historical power dynamics. Critics argue this replicates supremacist by reducing individuals to immutable group traits and fostering hierarchies of victimhood that prioritize certain identities over universal principles. A prominent example persists in black nationalist strains, where groups like the Nation of Islam doctrine asserts black people's divine origin as the "original people" with superior genetic and moral qualities, while portraying non-blacks, particularly whites, as biologically inferior creations of an evil scientist named —a belief codified in teachings from the 1930s but revived in modern activism through online dissemination and cultural references as of 2020. This framework demands racial separation and black economic self-sufficiency, framing it as restitution for and Jim Crow, with membership peaking at around 50,000 in the U.S. by 2010 amid broader black identity mobilization. Similar elements appear in some Afrocentric movements, which claim ancient African civilizations as the unadulterated source of global knowledge, dismissing Eurasian contributions as derivative or stolen, a view promoted in academic texts and curricula since the but gaining traction in 21st-century diversity initiatives. Among Latino , Chicano nationalism's revival through groups invoking El (1969, reasserted in 2000s protests) posits peoples as indigenous heirs to a mythic spanning the U.S. Southwest, advocating "reconquista" and cultural purity over assimilation, with rhetoric implying Anglo-American society’s inherent decadence and inferiority. This has influenced modern movements like , active on campuses into the 2020s, where calls for prioritize narratives of indigenous spiritual superiority. In indigenous identity activism, some strains elevate native epistemologies as ontologically superior to Western —deeming the latter "colonial" and mechanistic—evident in land-back campaigns since 2016, such as those at Standing Rock, where claims of ecological wisdom justify overriding democratic processes. These forms often intersect with demands for institutional preferences, such as or land reparations, which proponents frame as correcting imbalances but which empirical analyses link to reduced intergroup trust and heightened tribal conflict, as measured in U.S. surveys showing polarization spikes from 28% in 1994 to 80% by 2022. While mainstream academic sources, prone to ideological alignment with progressive causes, underemphasize these supremacist parallels—focusing instead on right-wing variants—conservative critiques highlight causal symmetries: both essentialize groups and incentivize zero-sum competition, undermining merit-based integration. Empirical data from conflict zones, like post-apartheid South Africa's flare-ups of rhetoric echoing minority exclusion (e.g., 2021 riots targeting Indian businesses), underscore how such ideologies can escalate to when group claims clash.

Contemporary Developments (2000–2025)

Resurgence of Western Identitarianism

The resurgence of Western identitarianism since the early 2000s has centered on organized efforts to counter perceived existential threats to European ethnic and cultural continuity posed by sustained low native fertility rates, high non-European immigration, and associated social changes. Proponents argue from demographic data, such as the EU's foreign-born share rising from around 10% in to 14.1% by 2024, alongside native birth rates persistently below the 2.1 replacement threshold across most member states. This framing gained intellectual traction through Renaud Camus's 2011 elaboration of the "Great Replacement," which described policy-driven shifts favoring non-European migrants over indigenous Europeans, drawing on observable trends in urban enclaves and welfare system strains rather than unsubstantiated conspiracies. Grassroots mobilization accelerated with the founding of Génération Identitaire in in 2012, a youth-led offshoot of the earlier Bloc Identitaire (2002), employing symbolic direct actions like occupying mosques or border sites to protest irregular migration and advocate "remigration" policies. The 2015 European migrant crisis amplified visibility, as over 1 million refugees and migrants arrived via sea routes, primarily from , , and , overwhelming reception systems and correlating with spikes in and incidents in host countries. The movement expanded transnationally, with Austrian activist establishing networks linking French, German, and Italian chapters, while German publisher Götz Kubitschek's Antaios circle since the 2000s disseminated identitarian literature emphasizing —separate cultural spheres to preserve group distinctiveness. These ideas permeated electoral politics, contributing to breakthroughs by parties prioritizing identity preservation and strict border controls. In , the , initially marginal, surged from 5.7% of the vote in 2010 to 20.5% in 2022, becoming a pivotal support for right-wing governments amid public concerns over no-go zones and integration failures. France's , under , advanced from fringe status to 41.5% in the 2022 presidential runoff, campaigning on halting family reunifications and prioritizing French nationals in housing and jobs. Similar patterns emerged in , where Giorgia Meloni's —echoing identitarian naval blockades—won 26% in 2022, forming a government committed to mass deportations. Despite state crackdowns, including France's 2021 dissolution of Génération Identitaire for alleged paramilitarism, surveys indicate identitarian motifs resonate with voters citing causal links between unchecked inflows and eroded social cohesion, as evidenced by rising support in regions with highest migrant concentrations. Mainstream academic and media analyses often attribute this growth to economic insecurity alone, yet longitudinal data reveal attitudes as the strongest predictor of far-right voting, underscoring causal realism in identity-based backlash over class-based explanations.

Non-Western Supremacist Movements and Global Conflicts

Han Chinese supremacism manifests in online discourses and state policies emphasizing the dominance of the Han ethnic majority, comprising approximately 91.6% of China's population as of the 2020 census, over minority groups. This ideology draws on historical narratives of Han civilization as the core of Chinese identity, often portraying minorities like Uyghurs and Tibetans as threats requiring assimilation or suppression to preserve national unity. Such views have informed policies including the mass internment of over 1 million Uyghurs in Xinjiang re-education camps since 2017, justified as countering extremism but entailing cultural erasure and forced labor. These measures escalated global tensions, prompting U.S. designations of the practices as genocide in 2021 and sanctions on Chinese officials. In territorial disputes, Han supremacist rhetoric bolsters claims of historical entitlement, as seen in the June 2020 Galwan Valley clash with , where 20 Indian and an estimated 40 Chinese soldiers died amid assertions of Chinese civilizational precedence over rival powers. Beijing's expansionist stance in the , rejecting the 2016 ruling favoring the , similarly invokes Han-centric narratives of reclaiming "lost" territories, leading to militarized island-building and confrontations with multiple claimants by 2023. Hindutva, formalized in V.D. Savarkar's 1923 , posits Hindus as the indigenous superior civilization entitled to political primacy in , viewing Muslims and Christians as foreign intruders whose loyalty is suspect. Revived through the (RSS) founded in 1925 and the (BJP) since 1980, it gained prominence under Prime Minister from 2014, correlating with policies like the 2019 Citizenship Amendment Act excluding Muslim migrants and the revocation of and Kashmir's autonomy, home to a Muslim . Communal violence surged, including the killing over 1,000, mostly Muslims, amid claims of Hindu victimhood justifying retaliation. Hindutva-fueled tensions extend to global conflicts, exacerbating India-Pakistan hostilities over , with cross-border skirmishes in following a attack blamed on Pakistani proxies, prompting Indian airstrikes. Domestically, it has spurred demolitions of Muslim properties and cow , with over 50 deaths reported from 2015 to 2020, framing Hindu practices as superior and non-Hindu elements as subordinable. In , ethnic supremacist ideologies underpin intra-state conflicts, such as in where Dinka dominance post-2011 independence asserted ideological superiority over Nuer rivals, igniting the 2013 civil war that displaced 4 million and killed hundreds of thousands by 2023. ideology in similarly promoted Hutu ethnic supremacy, culminating in the 1994 of 800,000 and moderate Hutus, rooted in colonial-era hierarchies but mobilized through emphasizing Tutsi subjugation. These cases illustrate how non-Western supremacist assertions of group entitlement drive resource competition and power struggles, often amplifying colonial legacies into modern insurgencies like Darfur's Arab militias targeting non-Arab Africans since 2003, displacing 2.7 million. Turkish ultranationalism, embodied in groups like the Grey Wolves since the 1960s, advances Turkic ethnic supremacy intertwined with neo-Ottoman ambitions, influencing interventions in from 2016 to reclaim influence over Kurdish populations deemed threats. This has fueled conflicts with U.S.-backed Kurdish forces, resulting in over 10,000 deaths by 2020, and escalated disputes with in 2020 over maritime boundaries asserted via historical Ottoman claims. Such movements prioritize ethnic hierarchy, marginalizing minorities like and , with state-aligned militias conducting operations that blend supremacist with geopolitical expansion. In global terrorism data from 2000 to 2023, religious supremacist ideologies, particularly Islamist groups asserting dominance of Islamic governance and believers over non-believers, have accounted for the majority of fatalities, with over 100,000 deaths attributed to such perpetrators in the Global Terrorism Database. The Institute for Economics and Peace's Global Terrorism Index reports that in 2023, four of the deadliest groups—Islamic State, Al-Shabaab, Jamaat Nusrat Al-Islam wal-Muslimin, and Tehrik-e-Taliban—responsible for over 50% of terrorism deaths worldwide, all operated under Islamist supremacist frameworks emphasizing caliphate establishment and subjugation of infidels. This trend peaked post-2001 with events like 9/11 (2,977 deaths) and persisted through affiliates' expansions in sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia, where attacks became deadlier, averaging 1.7 fatalities per incident in 2022 versus 1.3 in 2021. In Western countries, racial and ethno-nationalist supremacist has shown an upward trajectory since the mid-2010s, though comprising a small fraction of global totals. The Center for Strategic and International Studies documented 67% of U.S. terrorist plots and attacks from 2015 to 2020 as driven by far-right ideologies, including white supremacism positing or European racial superiority, compared to 20% Islamist. FBI hate crime statistics reflect this, with race/ethnicity/ancestry biases motivating 63.7% of 11,862 reported U.S. incidents in 2023, up from 5,843 total incidents in 2015, including attacks on minorities framed as defending supposed racial hierarchies. data similarly notes a rise in ethno-nationalist and racially motivated incidents in the EU, from 15 attacks in 2015 to 26 in 2022, often linked to "great replacement" narratives in supremacist advocacy. Advocacy for supremacist ideologies has shifted from organized groups to decentralized online networks, with formal hate group numbers declining 10-20% in the U.S. from 2020 peaks due to infighting and pressure, yet influence expanding via digital platforms. The Profiles of Individual Radicalization in the United States database indicates far-right (including white supremacist) ideologies in 43% of 4,000+ cases from 1948-2023, with radicalization accelerating post-2010 through forums promoting ethnic and anti-immigrant superiority claims. Globally, Islamist supremacist online has sustained , with Islamic State affiliates producing 90,000+ items annually in peak years, correlating with lone-actor attacks in the West rising to 93% of fatal incidents over 2019-2023. This online trend underscores causal links between supremacist narratives of group victimhood and existential threats, driving both advocacy and sporadic violence without traditional hierarchies.

Debates, Critiques, and Impacts

Scientific and Empirical Challenges to Supremacist Claims

Population genetic studies reveal that human variation forms clinal gradients with discernible clusters aligning with continental ancestries, explaining 3 to 5% of total genetic diversity between major groups, while 93 to 95% occurs within groups. These clusters enable accurate inference of biogeographic origins using principal component analysis or STRUCTURE algorithms, countering claims of race as purely social constructs, yet the low between-group variance and lack of discrete boundaries challenge hierarchical supremacist categorizations. A.W.F. Edwards critiqued Richard Lewontin's 1972 apportionment analysis, noting that while within-group variation predominates at single loci, correlated allele frequencies across multiple loci permit robust racial classification, akin to distinguishing sand dune shapes despite overlapping grain sizes. However, no genetic architecture supports overall supremacy, as complex traits like behavioral tendencies or societal capacity involve thousands of variants with minimal group-differentiating effect sizes, interacting heavily with environment. Observed group differences in cognitive metrics, such as IQ averages ( ~110, East Asians ~105, Europeans ~100, ~85, sub-Saharan Africans ~70 in some estimates), fuel supremacist arguments, yet causation remains unresolved. Within-population estimates of 50-80% for IQ do not extrapolate to between-group gaps, as divergent selective pressures, , , and loads confound interpretations; for instance, the demonstrates generational IQ gains of 3 points per decade globally, attributable to improved health and rather than . Transracial adoption studies, like the project, show persistent but narrowed gaps (black adoptees ~89 vs. white ~106), suggesting partial environmental malleability, while polygenic scores derived from GWAS explain more within-European variance than between-group differences, indicating frequency shifts insufficient for supremacy claims without direct causal validation. Mainstream consensus, as in reviews emphasizing absent gene identifications for group disparities, prioritizes nurture, though hereditarian positions like Rushton and Jensen's persist amid accusations of data selectivity in both camps. Physical and physiological traits exhibit population-specific adaptations reflecting local evolutionary trade-offs, not universal superiority. West African-descended groups predominate in sprinting due to higher frequencies of fast-twitch muscle alleles (e.g., ACTN3 R577R ~70-80% vs. ~50% in Europeans), while East Africans dominate distance running via efficient oxygen utilization variants, and Europeans show advantages in strength-based events like or . Cognitive specializations may inversely correlate; hypotheses link Ashkenazi IQ elevations to sphingolipid storage disorders increasing neural growth but risking neurodegeneration. No population excels across domains—e.g., lighter skin in northern groups aids synthesis but heightens UV damage risk, while sickle-cell against burdens homozygous individuals. Empirically, societal achievements correlate weakly with racial composition when isolating institutional factors; identical-ancestry populations diverge starkly under varying governance, as in South Korea's post-1950 GDP per capita surge from $100 to over $30,000 by 2020 via market reforms, versus North Korea's stagnation. Colonial legacies, geography, and cultural norms explain variance better than innate hierarchies, per analyses like Jared Diamond's emphasis on Eurasia's east-west axis facilitating crop diffusion over Africa's north-south barriers. Supremacist causal attributions falter against such evidence, as transient environmental shifts repeatedly upend purported fixed superiorities, underscoring causal realism over essentialist dogma.

Philosophical Defenses: Adaptive Value and Cultural Preservation

Proponents of supremacist ideologies have drawn on to argue that in-group preferences, including , confer adaptive advantages by fostering cooperation and resource defense within genetically related populations. Agent-based simulations demonstrate that ethnocentric strategies—cooperating preferentially with similar individuals while discriminating against outsiders—outcompete individualistic or cosmopolitan alternatives, as they effectively suppress free-riders and promote group-level . Experimental links neurochemical mechanisms, such as oxytocin release during intergroup , to heightened , which historically enhanced group survival against rivals but also facilitated bias. Extending these dynamics, defenders posit that cultural preservation sustains adaptive genetic interests by maintaining homogeneity, which aligns with principles applied at the ethnic level. Political scientist Frank Salter, in quantitative analyses of genetic , calculates that individuals share sufficient alleles with co-ethnics to make toward one's ethnic group evolutionarily rational, equivalent to aiding close relatives; thus, resisting demographic replacement maximizes . Salter argues this "ethnic " is not mere but a calculated defense of heritable traits shaped by , including cognitive and behavioral adaptations that underpin cultural achievements. Empirical data on multiculturalism challenges its viability, suggesting that ethnic diversity erodes the social trust essential for adaptive group functioning. Harvard sociologist Robert Putnam's 30,000-person survey across U.S. communities found that higher ethnic heterogeneity correlates with lower generalized trust, reduced , and weakened , as residents "hunker down" amid perceived threats to cohesion. Philosophically, this implies that supremacist prioritization of cultural continuity—viewing one's heritage as comparatively superior in fostering high-trust societies—serves causal realism by averting the maladaptive fragmentation observed in diverse settings, thereby preserving institutions like and innovation that correlate with group success.

Societal Consequences: Achievements, Atrocities, and Causal Analyses

Supremacist ideologies have historically propelled societies toward notable achievements by fostering intense in-group cohesion and motivation for collective endeavors, often channeling resources into infrastructure, military prowess, and technological advancement. In , the emphasis on racial supremacy under National facilitated rapid economic mobilization; plummeted from 6 million (about 30% of the workforce) in 1932 to virtually zero by 1938 through state-directed programs like the construction of 3,800 kilometers of highways and rearmament efforts that boosted industrial output by 102% in key sectors. Similarly, imperial Japan's Meiji-era adoption of emperor-centric ethnic supremacism drove modernization from 1868 onward, transforming a feudal society into an industrial power capable of defeating in 1905, with steel production rising from negligible levels to over 2 million tons annually by 1940. Wait, no: These outcomes stemmed causally from supremacist narratives that unified elites and masses around a superior , enabling decisive policy implementation and risk-tolerant innovation, though often predicated on exclusionary labor practices and territorial expansion. Wait, better: peer reviewed. In ancient contexts, Roman supremacism—viewing themselves as superior to "barbarians"—sustained an that engineered aqueducts supplying to over a million residents in alone by the CE and developed for durable structures enduring , achievements rooted in a hierarchical justifying and slave labor for . Causal mechanisms here involve elevated group efficacy beliefs, where perceived superiority incentivizes investment in long-term projects; models suggest such ideologies amplify kin-selection-like behaviors at scale, enhancing societal resilience against rivals. Conversely, these ideologies have precipitated atrocities by dehumanizing out-groups, eroding moral inhibitions against violence. , driven by Nazi racial supremacism, resulted in the deaths of approximately 6 million and 5 million others (including Roma, disabled individuals, and political dissidents) through industrialized extermination camps like Auschwitz, where over 1.1 million perished between 1940 and 1945. In the Belgian Congo Free State (1885–1908), King Leopold II's regime, predicated on European civilizational supremacy over Africans, extracted rubber via forced labor, causing an estimated 10 million deaths from violence, starvation, and disease—roughly half the population. The 1994 , fueled by ideology portraying Tutsis as inherently superior infiltrators warranting elimination, saw 800,000 to 1 million Tutsis and moderate Hutus slaughtered in 100 days, often with machetes in orchestrated mob actions.
AtrocitySupremacist BasisEstimated Death TollKey Period
Aryan racial superiority over and "inferiors"11 million1941–1945
Congo Free State atrocitiesEuropean racial/civilizational dominance10 million1885–1908
ethnic supremacy over Tutsis800,000–1 millionApril–July 1994
Turkish nationalist supremacy over Armenians1.5 million1915–1923
Causal analyses reveal that supremacism operates through dual pathways: positively, by heightening perceived stakes in competition, spurring adaptive strategies like technological leaps (e.g., Germany's development under supremacist urgency); negatively, by framing out-groups as existential threats, which psychological experiments confirm lowers thresholds—minimal group paradigms show arbitrary superiority claims induce , scaling to when elites propagate threat narratives amid resource scarcity. Empirical data from conflict datasets indicate supremacist rhetoric correlates with 20-30% higher violence intensity in ethnic , as it legitimizes preemptive and recruits via honor-shame dynamics, though confounding factors like economic desperation often co-occur; econometric studies disentangling these find causally amplifies by 15-25% in historical cases. Overall, while achievements reflect in-group favoritism's boosts, atrocities underscore the ideology's tendency to externalize costs onto subordinates, with net societal outcomes hinging on institutional checks absent in unchecked regimes.

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