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Valencian language
Valencian language
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Valencian
valencià
Pronunciation[valensiˈa]
Native toSpain
RegionValencian Community, Region of Murcia (Carche)
See also geographic distribution of Catalan
EthnicityValencians
Native speakers
2.5 million (2025)[1]
Early forms
Valencian orthography
(Latin script)
Official status
Official language in
Spain
  • Valencian Community
Recognised minority
language in
Spain
  • Carche, Region of Murcia
Regulated byAcadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua (AVL)
Language codes
ISO 639-3
ISO 639-6vlca
Glottologvale1252
IETFca-valencia
This article contains IPA phonetic symbols. Without proper rendering support, you may see question marks, boxes, or other symbols instead of Unicode characters. For an introductory guide on IPA symbols, see Help:IPA.

Valencian[b] (valencià)[c] or the Valencian language[3] (llengua valenciana)[d] is the official, historical and traditional name used in the Valencian Community to refer to the Romance language also known as Catalan,[e][4][5][6][7][8] either as a whole[f] or in its Valencia-specific linguistic forms.[g][9][10] The Valencian Community's 1982 Statute of Autonomy officially recognises Valencian as the name of the native language.[3][11]

Valencian displays transitional features between Ibero-Romance languages and Gallo-Romance languages. According to philological studies, the varieties of this language spoken in the Valencian Community and Carche cannot be considered a single dialect restricted to these borders: the several dialects of Valencian (Alicante Valencian, Southern Valencian, Central Valencian or Apitxat, Northern Valencian or Castellon Valencian and Transitional Valencian) belong to the Western group of Catalan dialects.[12][13]

There is political controversy within the Valencian Community regarding whether it is a glottonym or an independent language. The position that it was an independent language had a slight majority as of 2014,[14][15] but as of 2022 71% of Valencian speakers agree that Valencian is the same language as Catalan.[16] According to the 2006 Statute of Autonomy, Valencian is regulated by the Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua (AVL),[3] following the legacy established by the Castelló Norms,[17] which adapt Catalan orthography to Valencian idiosyncrasies.

Some of the most important works of Valencian literature experienced a Golden Age during the Late Middle Ages and the Renaissance. Important works include Joanot Martorell's chivalric romance Tirant lo Blanch, and Ausiàs March's poetry. The first book produced with movable type in the Iberian Peninsula was printed in the Valencian variety.[18][19] The earliest recorded chess game with modern rules for moves of the queen and bishop was in the Valencian poem Scachs d'amor (1475).

History

[edit]

The Valencian language is usually assumed to have spread in the Kingdom of Valencia when Catalan and Aragonese colonists settled the territory after the conquests carried out by James the Conqueror.[20] A new resettlement in the 17th century, after the expulsion of the Moriscos, largely led by Castilians, defined the Spanish language varieties of inland Valencia. However, Valencian has historically been the predominant and administrative language in the kingdom.

The first documental reference to the usage of the term valencià to refer to the spoken language of the Valencians is found in a judicial process of Minorca against Gil de Lozano, dated between 1343 and 1346, in which it is said that the mother of the indicted, Sibila, speaks valencianesch because she was from Orihuela (formerly Oriola).[21]

The concept of Valencian language appeared in the second half of the 14th century and it was progressively consolidated at the same time that its meaning changed due to events of a diverse nature (political, social, economic).[22] In the previous centuries the Catalan spoken in the territory of the Kingdom of Valencia was called in different ways: romanç (13th century) and catalanesch (during the 14th century, for the medieval concept of nation as a linguistic community). The concept of the Valencian language appeared with a particularistic character due to the reinforced nature of the legal entity of the Kingdom of Valencia for being the Mediterranean commercial power during the 14th and 15th centuries, becoming in the cultural and literary centre of the Crown of Aragon. Thus, the Valencians, together with the Majorcans, presented themselves to other peoples as Catalans while they referred to themselves as Valencians and Majorcans to themselves to emphasise the different legal citizenship of each kingdom.[23]

In the 15th century, the so-called Valencian Golden Age, the name "Valencian" was already the usual name of the predominant language of the Kingdom of Valencia, and the names of vulgar, romanç or catalanesch had fallen into disuse. Joanot Martorell, author of the novel Tirant lo Blanch, said: "lit.'Me atrevire expondre: no solament de lengua anglesa en portuguesa. Mas encara de portuguesa en vulgar valenciana: per ço que la nacio d·on yo so natural se·n puxa alegrar'." ("I dare to express myself: not only in English in Portuguese. But even so from Portuguese to vulgar Valencian: for that the nation I am from born can rejoice").

Since the Spanish democratic transition, the autonomy or heteronomy of Valencian with respect to the rest of the Valencian-Catalan linguistic system has been the subject of debate and controversy among Valencians, usually with a political background. Although in the academic field (universities and institutions of recognised prestige) of linguists the unity of the language has never been questioned since studies of the Romance languages, part of Valencian public opinion believes and affirms that Valencian and Catalan are different languages, an idea that began to spread during the turbulent Valencian transition by sectors of the regionalist right and by the so-called blaverisme (Blaverism). There is an alternative secessionist linguistic regulation, the Normes del Puig (Norms of El Puig), drawn up by the Royal Academy of Valencian Culture (Real Acadèmia de Cultura Valenciana, RACV), an institution founded in 1915 by the Deputation of Valencia, but its use is very marginal.

Official status

[edit]

The official status of Valencian is regulated by the Spanish Constitution and the Valencian Statute of Autonomy, together with the Law on the Use and Teaching of Valencian (ca).

Article 6 of the Valencian Statute of Autonomy sets the legal status of Valencian, establishing that:[24]

  • The native language[h] of the Valencian Community is Valencian.
  • Valencian is the official language in the Valencian Community, along with Spanish, which is the official language of Spain. Everyone shall have the right to know and use them, and to receive education on Valencian and in Valencian.
  • No one can be discriminated against by reason of their language.
  • Special protection and respect shall be given to the recuperation of Valencian.
  • The Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua shall be the normative institution of the Valencian language.

Passed in 1983, the Law on the Use and Teaching of Valencian develops this framework, providing for the implementation of a bilingual educational system, regulating the use of Valencian in the public administration and judiciary system, where citizens can freely use it when acting before both, or establishing the right to be informed by media in Valencian among others.

Valencian is also protected under the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages, ratified by Spain. However, the Committee of Experts of the Charter has pointed out a considerable number of deficiencies in the application of the Charter by the Spanish and Valencian governments.[25]

Distribution and usage

[edit]

Distribution

[edit]

Unlike in other bilingual autonomous communities, Valencian has not historically been spoken to the same extent throughout the Valencian Community. Slightly more than a quarter of its territory, equivalent to 10-15% of the population (its inland and southernmost areas), is Spanish-speaking since the Middle Ages. Additionally, it is also spoken by a small number of people in the Carche comarca, a rural area in the Region of Murcia adjoining the Valencian Community.[26][27][28] Nevertheless, Valencian does not have any official recognition in this area. Nowadays about 600 people are able to speak Valencian in Carche.[29]

The Valencian language is traditionally spoken along the coast and in some inland areas in the provinces of Alicante and Castellón, from Vinaròs (northernmost point of the extension of Valencian on the coast of the Valencian Community) to Guardamar (southernmost point of Valencian).

Knowledge and usage

[edit]
Knowledge of Valencian according to the 2001 census. The light green areas inland and in the southernmost part are not historically Valencian speaking (large).

In 2010 the Generalitat Valenciana, or Valencian government, published a study, Coneixement i ús social del valencià (Knowledge and Social Use of Valencian),[30] which included a survey sampling more than 6,600 people in the provinces of Castellón, Valencia, and Alicante. The survey simply collected the answers of respondents and did not include any testing or verification. The results were:

  • Valencian was the language "always, generally, or most commonly used":
    • at home: 31.6%
    • with friends: 28.0%
    • in internal business relations: 24.7%
  • For ability:
    • 48.5% answered they can speak Valencian "perfectly" or "quite well" (54.3% in the Valencian-speaking areas and 10% in the Spanish-speaking areas)
    • 26.2% answered they can write Valencian "perfectly" or "quite well" (29.5% in the Valencian-speaking areas and 5.8% in the Spanish-speaking areas)

The survey shows that, although Valencian is still the common language in many areas in the Valencian Community, where slightly more than half of the Valencian population are able to speak it, most Valencians do not usually use Valencian in their social relations.

Moreover, according to the most recent survey in 2021,[31] there is a downward trend in everyday Valencian users. The lowest numbers are in the major cities of Valencia and Alicante, where the percentage of everyday speakers is at single-digit numbers. However, the percentage of residents who claim to be able to understand and read Valencian seems to have increased since 2015.

Knowledge of Valencian in the Valencian Community (2021)[32]
Valencian-speaking zone Spanish-speaking zone Total
Understands it 79.4% 54% 75.8%
Can speak it 54.9% 24.2% 50.6%
Can read it 60.9% 35% 57.2%
Can write it 44.4% 19.5% 40.8%

Due to a number of political and social factors, including repression, immigration and lack of formal instruction in Valencian, the number of speakers has severely decreased, and the influence of Spanish has led to the appearance of a number of barbarisms.[33]

Features of Valencian

[edit]
The main dialects of Catalan. The Western Catalan block comprises the two dialects of North-Western Catalan and Valencian.[34][35][36]

This is a list of features of the main forms of Valencian. There is a great deal of variety within the Valencian Community, and by no means do the features below apply to every local version. For more general information about other linguistic varieties, see Catalan language.

The Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua (AVL) specifies Standard Valencian as having some specific syntax, vocabulary, verb conjugations and accent marks compared to Standard Catalan.

Phonology

[edit]

Vowels

[edit]
Vowels of Valencian, from Saborit Vilar 2009, p. 23
Vowels of Valencian[37][38][39][40]
Front Back
Close i u
e o
Open ɛ ɔ
a
  • The stressed vowel system of Valencian (V) is the same as that of Eastern Catalan (EC):
    • /a/, /e/, /ɛ/, /i/, /o/, /ɔ/, and /u/ (with /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ being considerably lower than in EC).[41]
Close (and close-mid) vowels
  • The vowels /i/ and /u/ are more open and centralised than in Spanish.
    • This effect is more pronounced in unstressed syllables, where the phones are best transcribed [ɪ, ʊ][42] (e.g. xiquet [t͡ʃɪˈket] 'boy'). As the process is completely predictable, the latter symbols are not used elsewhere in the article.
      • (Due to the proximity of unstressed close and/or close-mid/mid vowels, non-standard colloquial Valencian may feature further lowerings producing vowel alterations or metathesis, e.g. piscina → *pescina 'pool').[43]
  • The vowel /e/ is somewhat retracted [] and /o/ is somewhat advanced [] both in stressed and unstressed syllables (e.g. metro [ˈme̠tɾo̟] 'metro').
    • /e/ and /o/ can be realised as mid vowels [, ] in some cases. This occurs more often with /o/ (e.g. amor [aˈmo̞ɾ] 'love').[44]
Open vowels
  • The so-called "open vowels", /ɛ/ and /ɔ/, are generally as low as /a/ in most Valencian dialects. The phonetic realisations of /ɛ/ approaches [æ] and /ɔ/ is as open as [ɒ] (as in traditional RP dog). This feature is also found in Balearic.[45] For a list showing the frequency of these vowels, see cases where /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ are found in Valencian.
    • /ɛ/ is slightly more open and centralised before liquids /l, ɾ, r/ (e.g. verdes [ˈvæɾðes] 'greens') and in monosyllabics (set [ˈsæt] 'seven').[46]
    • /ɔ/ is most often a back vowel (soc [ˈsɒk] 'clog', bou [ˈbɒw] 'bull').
      • In some dialects (including Balearic) /ɔ/ can be unrounded ([ˈsɑk], [ˈbɑw]).[47]
  • The vowel /a/ is slightly more fronted and closed than in Central EC (but less fronted and closed than in Majorcan). The precise phonetic realisation of the vowel /a/ in Valencian is [ɐ ~ ä], this vowel is subject to assimilation in many instances.[48]
    • Stressed /a/ can be retracted to [ɑ] in contact with velar consonants (including the velarised [ɫ]):[48] pal [ˈpɑl] ('stick'); and fronted to [a] in contact with palatals:[48] nyap [ˈɲap] ('botched job'). This is not transcribed in the article.
      • The palatal pronunciation of /a/ may merge with /ɛ/ by some speakers: raig [ˈræt͡ʃ] ('ray').[49]
Vowel reduction
  • There are five general unstressed vowels /a, e, i, o, u/ (rare instances of /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ are found through compounding and vowel harmony). Although unstressed vowels are more stable than in EC dialects, there are many cases where they merge:[50]
    • /a/: final unstressed /a/ may have the following values: [ɛ̈ ~ ɔ̈ ~ ä̝] (phonetically ~ ɞ ~ ɐ], and traditionally transcribed without diacritics and/or atypical characters: /ɛ, ɔ, a/ for simplicity), depending on the preceding sounds and/or dialect (see vowel harmony below).
      • In some regions of the Valencian Community (especially Southern Valencian) unstressed /a/ followed by stressed /i/ becomes [ə]: raïm [rəˈim] ('grape'). Beltran i Calvo (2000) states,[51] that final /a/ is close to [ə] in some towns of Marina Alta: xica [ˈt͡ʃikə] ('girl').
    • /e/: unstressed /e/ and /ɛ/ may be realised as /a/ (phonetically [a], [ɐ̃], [ɑ̃], etc.) in initial position in contact with sibilants, nasals and certain approximants and liquids (e.g. eixam [ajˈʃam] 'swarm').
      • Similarly (although not recommended by the AVL), unstressed /e/ and /ɛ/ merges with /i/ (phonetically [ɪ]) in contact with palatal consonants (e.g. genoll [d͡ʒiˈnoʎ] 'knee'), and especially (in this case it is accepted) in lexical derivation with the suffix -ixement (e.g. coneixement [konejʃiˈment] 'knowledge').
        • In the standard (/e//i/ [ɪ]) is only accepted in words with the suffix -ixement).[52]
    • /i/: it is more open and centralised [ɪ] in unstressed position.
    • /o/: unstressed /o/ and /ɔ/ may be realised as /u/ (phonetically [ʊ]) before labial consonants (e.g. coberts [kuˈbɛɾ(t)s] 'cutlery'), before a stressed syllable with a high vowel (e.g. sospira [susˈpiɾa] 'they [s.] sighs') and in some given names (e.g. Josep [d͡ʒuˈzɛp] 'Joseph').
      • (Note in some colloquial speeches initial unstressed /o/ can diphthongise to [aw], olor [awˈloɾ]) 'smell (n.)'). This is regarded as non-standard.
    • /u/: it is more open and centralised [ʊ] in unstressed position.
Elision and diphthongisation
  • In certain cases, unstressed /a/ and /e/ become silent when followed or preceded by a stressed vowel:
    • Unstressed /a/: quina hora és? [ˌkin‿ˈɔɾɔ ˈes] or [ˌkin‿ˈɔɾa ˈes] ('what time is it?')
    • Unstressed /e/: este home [ˌest‿ˈɔme] ('this man').
  • In some accents, vowels occurring at the end of a prosodic unit may be realised as centring diphthongs for special emphasis, so that Eh tu! Vine ací 'Hey you (s.)! Come here!' may be pronounced [ˈe ˈtuə̯ ˈvine a̯ˈsiə̯]. The non-syllabic [a̯] (phonetically [ɐ̯]) is unrelated to this phenomenon as it is an unstressed non-syllabic allophone of /a/ that occurs after vowels, much like in Spanish.
Vowel harmony
  • Many Valencian dialects feature some sort of vowel harmony (harmonia vocàlica). This process is normally progressive (i.e. preceding vowels affect those pronounced afterwards) over the last unstressed vowel of a word; e.g. tela /ˈtɛla/ > [ˈtɛlɛ] 'fabric, cloth', hora /ˈɔɾa/ > [ˈɔɾɔ] 'hour'. However (although regarded as non-standard), there are cases where regressive metaphony occurs over pretonic vowels; e.g. afecta /aˈfɛkta/ > [ɛˈfɛktɛ] 'affects', tovallola /tovaˈʎɔla/ > [tɔvɔˈʎɔlɔ] 'towel'.
    • Vowel harmony differs greatly from dialect to dialect, while many varieties assimilate both to the height and the quality of the preceding stressed vowel (e.g. terra [ˈtɛrɛ] 'Earth, land' and dona [ˈdɔnɔ] 'woman'); in other varieties, it is just the height that assimilates, so that terra and dona can be realised with either /ɛ/ ([ˈtɛrɛ] and/or [ˈdɔnɛ]) or with /ɔ/ ([ˈtɛrɔ] and/or [ˈdɔnɔ]), depending on the region and speaker.[53]
      • In some subvarieties the unstressed vowels produced by vowel harmony may actually be higher than the stressed ones (e.g. porta [ˈpɔɾtɔ̝] 'door').
  • In a wider sense, vowel assimilations can occur in further instances (that is all or most instances of final unstressed /а/, regardless of the preceding sounds and involving palatalisation and/or velarisation): xica [ˈt͡ʃikɛ] or [ˈt͡ʃikɔ] ('girl'). This is considered non-standard.
Other sound changes
Vowel nasalisation and lengthening
  • All vowels are phonetically nasalised between nasal consonants or when preceding a syllable-final nasal (e.g. diumenge [diwˈmẽɲd͡ʒe], colloquial [duˈmẽɲd͡ʒe] 'Sunday').[50]
  • Vowels can be lengthened in some contexts[50] (e.g. coordinació [koːɾðinasiˈo] 'coordination').
Main vocalic allophones[54][50]
Phoneme Allophone Usage Example English
/a/[48]
[ä] ~ [ɐ] - Found in most instances mà hand
[a] - Before/after palatals, may be higher [æ] (both in stressed and unstressed position) nyap botched job
[ã] - Same than [a], but followed by a nasal; may be higher [æ̃] (both in stressed and unstressed position) llamp lightning
[ɑ] - Before/after velars, usually higher in unstressed position [ʌ] poal bucket
[ɑ̃] - Same than [ɑ], but followed by a nasal; usually higher in unstressed position [ʌ̃] sang blood
[ɐ] - In unstressed position abans before
[ɐ̃] - Nasal [ɐ]; that is, [ɐ] followed by or in between nasals llançat thrown
[ɛ̈] ~ [ɔ̈] - Final unstressed syllables (vowel harmony), may be lower [ɛ̞̈] and [ɔ̞̈] terra / dona Earth, land; woman
/ɛ/[55]
[æ] - Before liquids and in monosyllabic terms set seven
[æ̃] - Before nasals dens dense
[ɛ] - Rest of cases, may be lower [ɛ̞] tesi thesis
/e/[56]
[e] - Found in stressed and unstressed syllables, may be lower [e̞] sec dry
[ẽ] - In stressed and unstressed position followed by or in between nasals, may be lower [ẽ̞] lent slow
[a] - In some cases, in initial unstressed position before palatals; may be higher [æ] eixam swarm
[ɐ] - In some cases, in unstressed position terrós earthy
[ɐ̃] - In some cases, in initial unstressed position before nasals (except velar nasals) entén they (s.) understands
[ɑ] - In some cases, in unstressed position in contact with velars; may be higher [ʌ] clevill crevice
[ɑ̃] - In some cases, in initial unstressed position before velar nasals; may be higher [ʌ̃] enclusa anvil
[ɪ] - Found in the suffix -ixement naixement birth
/i/[57]
[i] - Especially found in stressed syllables sis six
[ĩ] - Nasal [i]; that is, [i] followed by or in between nasals dins in, within, inside
[ɪ] - Unstressed position xiquet boy
[ɪ̃] - Nasal [ɪ]; that is, [ɪ] followed by or in between nasals minvar to decrease, to wane
[j] - Unstressed position before/after vowels iogurt yoghurt
/ɔ/[58]
[ɒ] - Found before stops and in monosyllabic terms roig red
[ɒ̃] - Before nasals pont bridge
[ɔ] - Rest of cases, may be lower [ɔ̞] dona woman
/o/[59]
[o] - Found in stressed and unstressed syllables molt much, very
[õ] - Nasal [o]; that is, [o] followed by or in between nasals on where
[o̞] - Found in the suffix -dor and in coda stressed syllables cançó song
[ʊ] - Unstressed position before labials, a syllable with a high vowel and in some given names Josep Joseph
[ʊ̃] - Same as [ʊ], but followed by a nasal complit to fulfill
[ew] - Found in most cases with the weak pronoun ho ho it
/u/[60]
[u] - Especially found in stressed syllables lluç hake
[ũ] - Nasal [u]; that is, [u] followed by or in between nasals fum smoke
[ʊ] - Unstressed position sucar to soak, to dip
[ʊ̃] - Nasal [ʊ]; that is, [ʊ] followed by or in between nasals muntó a lot
[w] - Unstressed position before/after vowels teua your (f.)

Consonants

[edit]
Consonants of Valencian[38][39][40]
Labial Dental/
Alveolar
Palatal Velar
Nasal m n ɲ (ŋ)
Plosive p b t d k ɡ
Affricate t͡s d͡z t͡ʃ d͡ʒ
Fricative f v s z ʃ (ʒ)
Approximant Central j w
Lateral l ʎ
Rhotic Tap ɾ
Trill r
Nasals
  • /m/ is bilabial, except before /v/ and /f/ where it becomes labiodental [ɱ].
  • /n/ is apical front alveolar [n̺], and laminal denti-alveolar [n̪] before /t/ and /d/.
    • In addition, /n/ is postalveolar [n̠] or alveolo-palatal [ɲ̟] before /d͡ʒ/, /t͡ʃ/, and /ʃ/; velar [ŋ] before /ɡ/ and /k/; and labiodental [ɱ] before /v/ and /f/, where it merges with /m/. It also merges with /m/ (to [m]) before /b/ and /p/.
  • /ɲ/ is laminal front alveolo-palatal [ɲ̟].
  • /ŋ/ is velar and is only found in the coda.
Obstruents
  • Obstruents assimilate to the voicing of the following consonant and vowel: els amics [elz‿aˈmiks] ('the friends').
Plosives
  • /b/ and /p/ are bilabial.
    • /b/ is lenited to the approximant (or fricative) [β̞] (or [β]) in betacist dialects, after a continuant, i.e. a vowel or any type of consonant other than a stop or nasal (e.g. cabut [kaˈβ̞ut] 'big head, stubborn' vs. canvi [ˈkambi] 'change', Standard without betacism: [kaˈbut] and [ˈkaɱvi]).
    • Voiced contrast is lost word finally, so cub ('cube') and cup ('winepress') are both pronounced with final [p] (also represented as [b̥]).
      • Final /p/ may be lenited before a vowel: cap estret [ˈkab‿esˈtɾet] or [ˈkaβ̞‿esˈtɾet] ('narrow head').[61]
      • Final /p/ after nasals is preserved in most dialects: camp [ˈkamp] ('field').
  • /d/ and /t/ are laminal denti-alveolar [t̪] and [d̪]. After /s/ and /z/, they are laminal alveolar [t̻] and [d̻].
    • /d/ is lenited to the approximant (or fricative) [ð̞] (or [ð]), after a continuant, i.e. a vowel or any type of consonant other than a stop or nasal (exceptions include /d/ after lateral consonants): fades [ˈfað̞es] 'fairies' vs. faldes [ˈfal̪des] ('skirts').
      • /d/ [ð] is often elided between vowels following a stressed syllable (found notably in feminine participles, /ada/[aː], and in the suffix -dor); e.g. fideuà [fiðeˈwaː] ( < fideuada) 'fideuà', mocador [mokaˈoɾ] 'tissue' (note this feature, although widely spread in south Valencia, is not recommended in Standard Valencian,[40] except for reborrowed terms such as Albà, Roà, the previously mentioned fideuà, etc.).
    • Voiced contrast is lost word finally, so sord ('deaf') and sort ('luck') are both pronounced with final [t] (also represented as [d̥]).
      • Final /t/ may be lenited before a vowel: tot açò [ˈtoð‿aˈsɔ] ('all this').[61]
      • Final /t/ after nasals and laterals is preserved in most dialects: cent [ˈsen̪t] ('hundred') and molt [ˈmol̪t] ('very').
  • /ɡ/ and /k/ are velar.
    • /ɡ/ and /k/ are fronted to pre-velar position [ɟ̠, ] before front vowels: qui [ˈc̠i] ('who'). This is not transcribed in broader transcriptions of Valencian.
    • /ɡ/ is lenited to the approximant (or fricative) [ɣ̞] (or [ɣ]) after a continuant, i.e. a vowel or any type of consonant other than a stop or nasal.
      • In some dialects, /ɡ/ may lenite [ɣ] in all environments (e.g. gat [ˈɣ̞at]), except after nasal (angoixa [aŋˈɡojʃa] 'anguish').[62]
    • Voiced contrast is lost word finally, so reg ('irrigation') and rec ('irrigation ditch') are both pronounced with final [k] (also represented as [ɡ̥]).
      • Final /k/ may be lenited before a vowel: poc alt [ˈpɔɣ‿ˈal̪t] ('not very tall').[61]
      • Final /k/ after nasals is preserved in most dialects: banc [ˈbaŋk] ('bank').
Affricates and fricatives
  •  /d͡z/ and /t͡s/ are apical alveolar [d͡z̺] and [t͡s̺]. They may be somewhat fronted, so that the stop component is laminal denti-alveolar, while the fricative component is apical post-dental. /t͡s/ is rare and may not be phonemic.
    • In the Standard, intervocalic /d͡z/, e.g. setze ('sixteen'), and /t͡s/, e.g. potser ('maybe'), are recommended to be pronounced with a gemination of the stop element ([dd͡z] and [tt͡s], respectively. However this is not transcribed in standard transcriptions.
      • Note /d͡z/ is deaffricated to [z] in verbs ending in -itzar and derivatives: analitzar [analiˈzaɾ] ('to analyse'), organització [oɾɣanizasiˈo] ('organisation'). Also in words like botzina [boˈzina] ('horn'), horitzó [oɾiˈzo] ('horizon') and magatzem [maɣaˈzem] ('storehouse') (cf. guitza [ˈɡid͡za], 'kick' (from an animal)).
  • /d͡ʒ/, /t͡ʃ/, ([ʒ]), and /ʃ/ are described as back alveolo-palatal, or postalveolar.
    • Valencian has preserved in most of its varieties the mediaeval voiced pre-palatal affricate /d͡ʒ/ (similar to the j in English "jeep") in contexts where other modern dialects have developed fricative consonants /ʒ/ (like the si in English "vision"), e.g. dijous [diˈd͡ʒɔws] ('Thursday').
    • Note the fricative [ʒ] (and [jʒ]) appears only as a voiced allophone of /ʃ/ (and /jʃ/) before vowels and voiced consonants; e.g. peix al forn [ˈpejʒ al ˈfoɾn] ('oven fish').
    • Unlike other Catalan dialects, /d͡ʒ/ and /t͡ʃ/ do not geminate (in most accents): metge [ˈmed͡ʒe] ('medic'), and cotxe [ˈkot͡ʃe] ('car'). Exceptions may include learned terms like pidgin [ˈpidd͡ʒin] ('pidgin').
    • Final etymological /d͡ʒ/ is devoiced to [t͡ʃ]: lleig [ˈʎet͡ʃ] ('ugly').
  • /z/ and /s/ are apical back alveolar [z̺] and [s̺], also described as postalveolar.
    • In some dialects, /s/ is pronounced [] or [ʃ] after /i, j, ʎ, ɲ/. In the Standard only is accepted after /i/ (in the inchoative form with /sk/[ʃk]), and after /ʎ, ɲ/: ells [ˈeʎʃ] ('they' [pl.]). In some variants the result may be an affricate.[63]
    • Final /z/ is devoiced to [s] (also represented as [z̥]): brunz [ˈbɾuns] ('they [s.] buzzes').
  • /v/ and /f/ are labiodental.
    • /v/ occurs in Balearic,[64] Alguerese, Standard Valencian and some areas in southern Catalonia (e.g. viu [ˈviw], 'they [s.] lives').[65] It has merged with /b/ elsewhere.[66]
      • /v/ is realised as an approximant [ʋ] after continuants: avanç [aˈʋans] ('advance'). This is not transcribed in this article.
      • Final /v/ is devoiced to [f] (also represented as [v̥]): salv [ˈsalf] ('save, except').
Liquids (rhotics and laterals)
  • /l/ is apical front alveolar [l̺], and laminal denti-alveolar [l̪] before /t/ and /d/. (In addition, /l/ is postalveolar [l̠] or alveolo-palatal [ʎ̟] before /d͡ʒ/, /t͡ʃ/, and /ʃ/).
    • /l/ is normally velarised ([ɫ]), especially in the coda.
      • /l/ is generally dropped in the word altre [ˈatɾe] ('other'), as well as in derived terms.[40]
  • /ʎ/ is laminal front alveolo-palatal [ʎ̟].
  • /ɾ/ is apical front alveolar [ɾ̺] and /r/ is apical back alveolar [r̺], also described as postalveolar.
    • Between vowels, the two rhotics contrast (e.g. mira [ˈmiɾa] 'they [s.] looks' vs. mirra [ˈmira] 'myrrh'), but they are otherwise in complementary distribution. [ɾ] appears in the onset, except in word-initial position (ruc 'donkey'), after /l/, /n/, and /s/ (folre 'lining', honra 'honour', and Israel 'Israel'), and in compounds (infraroig 'infrared'), where [r] is used.
    • /ɾ/ is mostly retained in the coda (e.g. anar [aˈnaɾ], 'to go'), except for some cases where it can be dropped: prendre [ˈpendɾe] ('to take'), arbre [ˈabɾe] ('tree'), and diners [diˈnes] ('money').[40]
      • In some dialects /ɾ/ can be further dropped in combinatory forms with infinitives and pronouns (anar-me'n [aˈna.men] 'to go away, to leave' [myself]).
      • In other dialects, further instances of final /ɾ/ (like nouns and/or infinitives, regardless of combinatory forms with pronouns) are lost: anar [aˈna] ('to go').
Semivowels
  • The vowels /i/ and /u/ have as non-vocalic correlates the semivowels [j] and [w], respectively, which form a diphthong with the preceding or following vowel (e.g. hiena [ˈjena] 'hyena', feia [ˈfeja] 'I / they [s.] was doing', meua [ˈmewa] 'mine', pasqua [ˈpaskwa] 'Easter').
    • According Wheeler (2005),[67] the sequences [ɡw] or [kw] are regarded as labiovelar phonemes /ɡʷ/ and /kʷ/.
Metathesis
  • In some places, some terms can undergo sound changes (such as metathesis), like cridar → *crid(r)ar or quid(r)ar ('to call'). This is heard frequently in the term aigua (standard) → àuia (colloquial) ('water').

Morphology

[edit]
  • The present first-person singular of verbs differs from Central Catalan. All those forms without final -o are more akin to mediaeval Catalan and contemporary Balearic Catalan.
Comparison of present first-person singular with Central Catalan
Stem Infinitive Present first person singular
Catalan English Valencian Central English
IPA IPA
-ar parlar to speak parle [ˈpaɾle] parlo [ˈpaɾlu] I speak
-re batre to beat bat [ˈbat] bato [ˈbatu] I beat
-er témer to fear tem [ˈtem] temo [ˈtemu] I fear
-ir sentir to feel sent [ˈsent] sento [ˈsentu] I feel
senc (col.) [ˈseŋk]
inchoative -ir patir to suffer patisc [paˈtisk] pateixo [pəˈtɛʃu] I suffer
patesc [paˈtesk]
  • Present subjunctive is more akin to medieval Catalan and Spanish; -ar infinitives end ⟨e⟩, -re, -er and -ir verbs end in ⟨a⟩ (in contemporary Central Catalan present subjunctive ends in ⟨i⟩).
  • An exclusive feature of Valencian is the subjunctive imperfect morpheme -ra: que ell vinguera ('that he might come').
  • Valencian has -i- as theme vowel for inchoative verbs of the third conjugation; e.g. servix ('they [s.] serves'), like North-Western Catalan. Although, again, this cannot be generalised since there are Valencian dialects that utilise -ei-, e.g. serveix.
  • In Valencian the simple past tense (e.g. cantà 'he sang') is more frequently used in speech than in Central Catalan, where the periphrastic past (e.g. va cantar 'he sang') is prevailing and the simple past mostly appears in written language. The same, however, may be said of the Balearic dialects.[68]
  • The second-person singular of the present tense of the verb ser ('to be'), ets ('you [s.] are'), has been replaced by eres in colloquial speech.
  • The infinitive veure ('to see') has the variant vore, which belongs to more informal and spontaneous registers.
  • The usage of the periphrasis of obligation tindre + que + infinitive is widely spread in colloquial Valencian, instead of the Standard haver + de (equivalent to English "have to").
Clitics
  • In general, use of modern forms of the determinate article (el, els 'the') and the third-person unstressed object pronouns (el, els 'him, them'), though some dialects (for instance the one spoken in Vinaròs area) preserve etymological forms lo, los as in Lleida. For the other unstressed object pronouns, etymological old forms (me, te, se, ne, mos, vos...) can be found, depending on places, in conjunction with the more modern reinforced ones (em, et, es, en, ens, us...).
    • Several local variations for nosaltres ('we'), vosaltres ('you [pl.]'): mosatros, moatros, matros, etc. and vosatros, voatros, vatros, etc.; also for the weak form mos/-mos instead of standard ens/'ns/-nos ('us') and vos/-vos instead of us/-vos ('you pl.'), the latter (vos, instead of us) is considered standard.
  • The adverbial pronoun hi ('there') is almost never used in speech and is replaced by other pronouns. The adverbial pronoun en ('him/her/them/it') is used less than in Catalonia and the Balearic Islands.[68]
  • Combined weak clitics with li ('him/her/it') preserve the li, whereas in Central Catalan it is replaced by hi. For example, the combination li + el gives li'l in Valencian (l'hi in Central Catalan).
  • The weak pronoun ho ('it') is pronounced as:
    • [ew], when it forms syllable with a pronoun: m'ho dona [mew ˈðona], dona-m'ho [ˈdonamew] ('they [s.] gives it to me')
    • [ew] or [u], when it comes before a verb starting with consonant: ho dona [ew ˈðona] (or [u ˈðona]) ('they [s.] gives it')
    • [w], when precedes a vowel or when coming after a vowel: li ho dona [liw ˈðona] ('they [s.] gives it to her/him'), dona-ho [ˈdonaw] ('you [s.] give it')
    • [o], when it comes after a consonant or a semivowel: donar-ho [doˈnaɾo] ('to give it').
  • The personal pronoun jo ('I') and the adverb ja ('already') are not pronounced according to the spelling, but to the etymology ([ˈjɔ] and [ˈja], instead of /ˈ(d)ʒɔ/ and /ˈ(d)ʒa/). Similar pronunciations can be heard in North-Western Catalan and Ibizan.
  • The preposition amb ('with') merges with en ('in') in most Valencian dialects.
  • The compound preposition per a ('for') is usually reduced to p'a in colloquial Valencian.
  • Valencian preserves the mediaeval system of demonstratives with three different levels of demonstrative precision (este or aquest/açò/ací, eixe or aqueix/això/ahí, aquell/allò/allí or allà, where aquest and aqueix are almost never used) (feature shared with modern Ribagorçan and Tortosan).
    • The colloquial variant of açò ('this'), astò, is heard frequently in Alicante's Valencian.

Vocabulary

[edit]

Valencian vocabulary contains words both restricted to the Valencian-speaking domain, as well as words shared with other Catalan varieties, especially with North-Western ones. Words are rarely spread evenly over the Valencian Community, but are usually contained to parts of it, or spread out into other dialectal areas. Examples include hui 'today' (found in all of Valencia except transitional dialects, in Northern dialects avui) and espill 'mirror' (shared with North-Western dialects, Central Catalan mirall). There is also variation within Valencia, such as 'corn', which is dacsa in Central and Southern Valencian, but panís in Alicante and Northern Valencian (as well as in North-Western Catalan). Since Standard Valencian is based on the Southern dialect, words from this dialect are often used as primary forms in the standard language, despite other words traditionally being used in other Valencian dialects. Examples of this are tomaca 'tomato' (which is tomata outside of Southern Valencian) and matalaf 'mattress' (which is matalap in parts of Valencia, including the Southern Valencian area).

Written varieties (phonetics)
Valencian (AVL) Catalan (IEC) English
anglés anglès English
conéixer conèixer to know
traure treure take out
nàixer néixer to be born
cànter càntir pitcher
redó rodó round
meua meva my, mine
huit vuit eight
ametla ametlla almond
estrela estrella star
colp cop hit
llangosta llagosta lobster
hòmens homes men
servici servei service

Below are a selection of words which differ or have different forms in Standard Valencian and Catalan. In many cases, both standards include this variation in their respective dictionaries, but differ as to what form is considered primary. In other cases, Valencian includes colloquial forms not present in the IEC standard. Primary forms in each standard are shown in bold (and may be more than one form). Words in brackets are present in the standard in question, but differ in meaning from how the cognate is used in the other standard.

Standard Valencian (AVL)[69] Standard Catalan (IEC)[70] English
ací, aquí aquí, ací here
avi, iaio, uelo avi, iaio grandpa
així, aixina així like this
artista; artiste, -a artista artist
bou, brau, toro toro, bou, brau bull
brull, brossat, mató mató, brull, brossat curd cheese
bresquilla, préssec préssec, bresquilla peach
festa, comboi festa fest
corder, xai, anyell xai, corder, anyell lamb
creïlla, patata patata, creïlla potato
dacsa, panís blat de moro, panís corn
dènou, dèneu, dinou dinou, dènou nineteen
dos, dues dues, dos two (f.)
eixe, aqueix aqueix, eixe that
eixir, sortir sortir, eixir to exit, leave
engrunsador(a), gronxador(a) gronxador(a) swing
espill, mirall mirall, espill mirror
este, aquest aquest, este this
fraula, maduixa maduixa, fraula strawberry
germà, tete germà brother
granera, escombra escombra, granera broom
hui, avui avui, hui today
llaurador, pagés pagès, laurador farmer
lluny, llunt lluny far
matalaf, matalap, matalàs matalàs, matalaf mattress
melic llombrígol, melic belly button
meló d'Alger, meló d'aigua, síndria síndria, meló d'Alger, meló d'aigua watermelon
mitat, meitat meitat, mitat half
palometa, papallona papallona, palometa butterfly
paréixer, semblar semblar, parèixer to seem
per favor si us plau, per favor please
poal galleda bucket
quint, cinqué cinquè, quint fifth
rabosa, guineu guineu, rabosa fox
roí(n), dolent dolent, roí bad, evil
roig, vermell vermell, roig red
safanòria, carlota pastanaga, safanòria, carrota carrot
sext, sisé sisè, sext sixth
tindre, tenir tenir, tindre to have
tomaca, tomàquet, tomata tomàquet, tomaca, tomata tomato
vacacions, vacances vacances, vacacions holidays
vesprada tarda afternoon
veure, vore veure to see
vindre, venir venir, vindre to come
xicotet, petit petit, xicotet small
xiquet, nen nen, nin, xiquet boy
xic  noi, xic

Writing system

[edit]
Main
forms
A
a
B
b
C
c
D
d
E
e
F
f
G
g
H
h
I
i
J
j
K
k
L
l
M
m
N
n
O
o
P
p
Q
q
R
r
S
s
T
t
U
u
V
v
W
w
X
x
Y
y
Z
z
Mod.
forms
À
à
Ç
ç
É
é
È
è
Í
í
Ï
ï
ĿL
ŀl
Ó
ó
Ò
ò
Ú
ú
Ü
ü
IPA /a/ /b/[i] /k/[ii]
/s/[iii]
/d/[i] /e/ /ɛ/ /f/ /ɡ/[ii][i]
/d͡ʒ/[iii][i]
[iv] /i/
/j/
/d͡ʒ/[ii][v][vi][i] /k/ /l/ /m/ /n/ /o/ /ɔ/ /p/ /k/ /r/[vii]
/ɾ/[vii]
/s/[viii]
/z/[viii]
/t/ /u/
/w/
/v/[i] /w/
/v/[i]
/ks/[ix]
/ɡz/[ix]
/t͡ʃ/[x]
/ʃ/[x]
/j/
/i/
/z/[i]

Valencian and Catalan use the Latin script, with some added symbols and digraphs.[71] The Catalan-Valencian orthographies are systematic and largely phonologically based.[71] Standardisation of Catalan was among the topics discussed during the First International Congress of the Catalan Language, held in Barcelona October 1906. Subsequently, the Philological Section of the Institut d'Estudis Catalans (IEC), founded in 1911, published the Normes ortogràfiques in 1913 under the direction of Antoni Maria Alcover and Pompeu Fabra. In 1932, Valencian writers and intellectuals gathered in Castelló de la Plana to make a formal adoption of the so-called Normes de Castelló (Castelló Norms), a set of guidelines following Pompeu Fabra's Catalan language norms.[72]

The letters k, y and w only appear in loanwords. In the case of y it also appears in the digraph ny. Most of the letters are pronounced the same in both standards (Valencian and Catalan). The letters c and g have a soft and hard pronunciation similar to English and other Romance languages, ç (found also in Portuguese and French) always has a soft pronunciation and may appear in word final position. The only differences between the main standards are the contrast of b /b/ and v /v/ (also found in Insular Catalan), the treatment of long consonants with a tendency to simplification in Valencian (see table with main digraphs and letter combinations), the affrication (/d͡ʒ/) of both soft g (after front vowels) and j (in most cases), the affrication (/t͡ʃ/) of initial and postconsonantal x (except in some cases)[x] and the lenition (deaffrication) of tz /d͡z/ in most instances (especially the -itzar suffix).

Main digraphs and letter combinations
Spelling IPA Example Meaning
Catalan Valencian
ch[xi] /k/ Folch Folch
gu[iii][xii] /ɡ/ àguila eagle
ig[xi][i] /t͡ʃ/ raig ray
ix[xiii] /ʃ/ /jʃ/ eixida exit
kh[xiv] /x/ Txékhov Chekhov
ll[xiv] /ʎ/ brollar to sprout
ŀl[xv] /lː/ or /l/ /l/ coŀlegi school, college
ny[xiv] /ɲ/ senyal signal
qu[iii][xii] /k/ què what
rr[vii] /r/ garra shank, claw
sc[iii] /s/ ascens rise
ss[viii] bossa bag, purse
tg[iii] /d͡ʒ/ fetge liver
tj[ii] viatjar to travel
th[xvi] /θ/ theta theta
tl[xvii] /lː/ /l/ or /lː/ Betlem Bethlehem
tll[xvii] /ʎː/ /ʎ/ bitllet bank note, ticket
tm[xvii] /mː/ /m/ setmana week
tn[xvii] /nː/ /n/ or /nː/ cotna pork rind
ts[xiv][xviii] /t͡s/ potser maybe
tx[xiv] /t͡ʃ/ cotxe car
tz[xix][i] /d͡z/ /d͡z/ setze sixteen
/z/ analitzar to analyse
Diacritics[xx][xxi]
Spelling IPA Example Meaning
à /a/ butà butane
 
Spelling IPA Example Meaning
é /e/ més more
è /ɛ/ rètol sign, label
 
Spelling IPA Example Meaning
ó /o/ emoció emotion
ò /ɔ/ òbila barn owl
 
Spelling IPA Example Meaning
í /i/ físic physical
ï ruïna ruin
 
Spelling IPA Example Meaning
ú /u/ dejú fasting
ü peüc bootee
/w/ aigües waters
C trencada
Spelling IPA Example Meaning
ç[xxii] /s/ braç arm
  1. ^ a b c d e f g h i j The consonants and digraphs ⟨b, d, g, v / w, z, (i)g / j, tz⟩ /b, d, ɡ, v, z, d͡ʒ, d͡z/ become [p, t, k, f, s, t͡ʃ, t͡s] in final position (e.g. club, fred, reg, salv / Tomászow, brunz, mig / Raj, Hertz).
  2. ^ a b c d Before central (/a/, including schwa in Catalan) and back vowels (/o, u/).
  3. ^ a b c d e f Before front vowels (/e, i/). Also before schwa [ə] in Catalan.
  4. ^ /h/ in loanwords (e.g. hawaià 'Hawaiian', hippy 'hippy') and interjections (ehem 'ahem').
  5. ^ For etymological reasons, ⟨j⟩ is written before e /e/ in certain cases, such as jerarquia ('hierarchy'), jeroglífic ('hieroglyph'), jersei ('jersey'), jesuïta ('Jesuit'), majestat ('majesty'), etc., and before the groups -ecc- and -ect-: injecció ('injection'), objecte ('object'), etc. In fewer cases, and mainly in loanwords, ⟨j⟩ is also found before i /i/ (Beijing 'Beijing', fij 'Fijian', Fuji 'Fuji', Jim 'Jim', etc.).
  6. ^ In Valencian, ⟨j⟩ is pronounced /j/ (yod) in terms like jo ('I') and ja ('already').
    The Spanish ⟨j⟩ /x/ is found in loanwords like orujo ('grape liqueur') or La Rioja ('La Rioja').
  7. ^ a b c Initial ⟨r⟩ is pronounced /r/ (e.g. ros 'blond'); while intervocalic ⟨r⟩ is pronounced /ɾ/ (vora 'edge'), except in compounds (arítmia 'arrhythmia', pronounced with /r/).
  8. ^ a b c Initial ⟨s⟩ is pronounced /s/ (e.g. suc 'juice'); while intervocalic ⟨s⟩ is pronounced /z/ (cosa 'thing'), except in compounds (antesala 'antechamber', pronounced with /s/).
  9. ^ a b The ⟨x⟩ /ks/ pronunciation is found between vowels (e.g. xim 'maximum'), between a vowel and voiceless consonant (extens 'extensive') and word finally, after a vowel (annex 'annexe') or consonant (larinx 'larynx'). The letter ⟨x⟩ is pronounced /ɡz/ in the initial groups ex- and inex- followed by vowel, ⟨h⟩ or a voiced consonant (examen 'exam', exhortar 'to exhort', exdiputat 'ex-deputy', inexorable 'inexorable').
  10. ^ a b c In Valencian, ⟨x⟩ is usually pronounced /ʃ/ after the high vocoid /i/ ⟨i⟩ (e.g. ix 'they [s.] goes out', pixar 'to pee', exceptions include learned terms: fixar 'to fix' and prolix 'prolix', pronounced with /ks/), in proper names or place names like Xàtiva 'Xàtiva' (often mispronounced with an epenthetic ei-) and learned terms like xenofòbia ('xenophobia') and xerografia ('xerography'). In other cases it alternates with /t͡ʃ/: xarop [ʃaˈɾɔp] or [t͡ʃaˈɾɔp] ('syrup'), or it is only pronounced /t͡ʃ/ (xiular 'to whistle', xinxa 'bedbug').
    Note also final ⟨x⟩ /ʃ/ is voiced to [ʒ] before vowels and voiced consonants (e.g. ix ara 'they [s.] goes out now').
  11. ^ a b Only found in the syllable coda.
  12. ^ a b Before the vowels /a, o/ (spelled ⟨a⟩ and ⟨o⟩) it is pronounced /ɡw/ and /qw/ (e.g. guants 'gloves', quota 'share, fee').
  13. ^ In some Valencian dialects (as well as Standard Catalan) the yod in the digraph ⟨ix⟩ /jʃ//ʃ/ is dropped (e.g. peix [ˈpeʃ] 'fish'). The general (Valencian) pronunciation retains /j/ ([ˈpejʃ]).
    Before vowels and voiced consonants, the ⟨ix⟩ digraph /jʃ/ (or (/ʃ/) is voiced to [(j)ʒ] (peix blau 'blue fish').
  14. ^ a b c d e In any position.
  15. ^ "In Valencian ⟨ŀl⟩ is only geminated in very formal registers.
    In Catalan it is geminated in careful speech.
  16. ^ The group ⟨th⟩ is pronounced /t/ in native words (e.g. tothom [toˈtɔm] or [tuˈtɔm] 'everybody').
  17. ^ a b c d In Valencian ⟨tl⟩ and ⟨tn⟩ can be pronounced with gemination or not,
    ⟨tm⟩ and ⟨tll⟩ are only geminated in very formal registers.
    In Catalan ⟨tl⟩, ⟨tll⟩, ⟨tm⟩ and ⟨tn⟩ are geminated in careful speech.
  18. ^ In Valencian initial ⟨ts⟩ (found only in loanwords, e.g. tsar 'tsar') is deaffricated.
    However, it may be pronounced in very formals registers.
  19. ^ In Valencian ⟨tz⟩ is deaffricated in most instances.
  20. ^ The acute (´) and grave (`) accents indicate stress and vowel height.
  21. ^ The diaeresis (¨) is used to indicate a vowel hiatus or a non-silent /u/ after ⟨g⟩ or ⟨q⟩.
  22. ^ Before central (/a/, including schwa in Catalan) and back vowels (/o, u/),
    also after any vowels in the coda.

Varieties of Valencian

[edit]

Standard Valencian

[edit]

The Academy of Valencian Studies (Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua, AVL), established by law in 1998 by the Valencian autonomous government and constituted in 2001, is in charge of dictating the official rules governing the use of Valencian.[73] Currently, the majority of people who write in Valencian use this standard.[74]

Standard Valencian is based on the standard of the Institute of Catalan Studies (Institut d'Estudis Catalans, IEC), used in Catalonia, with a few adaptations.[75] This standard roughly follows the Castelló Norms (Normes de Castelló) from 1932,[76] a set of othographic guidelines regarded as a compromise between the essence and style of Pompeu Fabra's guidelines, but also allowing the use of Valencian idiosyncrasies.

Valencian dialects

[edit]
Dialects of Valencian
  • Northern area:
    • Transitional Valencian (valencià de transició) or Tortosan (tortosí), also ambiguously termed Northern Valencian: spoken in the comarques situated between Castellon and the border, including towns like Benicarló, Vinaròs and Morella, as well as the contiguous areas to the north of the border: the Matarranya area in Aragon (province of Teruel) and a strip of southern Catalonia surrounding Tortosa.
      • Word-initial and postconsonantal /d͡ʒ/ (Catalan /ʒ/ and /d͡ʒ/~/ʒ/) alternates with [(j)ʒ] intervocalically; e.g. joc [ˈd͡ʒɔk] ('game'), but pitjor [piˈʒo] ('worse'), boja [ˈbɔjʒa] ('crazy') (Standard Valencian /ˈd͡ʒɔk/, /piˈd͡ʒoɾ/; /ˈbɔd͡ʒa/; Standard Catalan /ˈʒɔk/, /piˈd͡ʒo/ and /ˈbɔʒə/).
      • Final ⟨r⟩ [ɾ] is not pronounced in infinitives; e.g. cantar [kanˈta] (Standard /kanˈtaɾ/) ('to sing').
      • Archaic articles lo, los ('the') are used instead of el, els; e.g. lo xic ('the boy'), los hòmens ('the men').
    • Northern Valencian (valencià septentrional) or Castellon Valencian (valencià castellonenc): spoken in an area surrounding the city of Castellón de la Plana.
      • Use of [e] sound instead of standard ⟨a⟩ /a/ in the third person singular of most verbs; e.g. (ell) cantava [kanˈtave] (Standard /kanˈtava/) 'he sang'. Thus, Northern Valencian dialects contrast forms like (jo) cantava [kanˈtava] ('I sang') with (ell) cantava [kanˈtave] ('he sang'), but merges (jo) cante [ˈkante] ('I sing') with (ell) canta [ˈkante] ('he sings').
      • Palatalisation of ⟨ts⟩ /t͡s/ > [t͡ʃ] and ⟨tz⟩ /d͡z/ > [d͡ʒ] or [dd͡ʒ]; e.g. pots /ˈpot͡s/ > [ˈpot͡ʃ] ('cans, jars, you [s.] can'), dotze /ˈdod͡ze/ > [ˈdodd͡ʒe] ('twelve'). Thus, this dialect may merge passeig ('walk') and passets ('little steps').
      • Depalatalization of /jʃ/ to [jsʲ] by some speakers; e.g. caixa /ˈkajʃa/ > [ˈkajsʲa] ('box').
  • Central area:
    • Central Valencian (valencià central), or Apitxat, spoken in Valencia city and its area. One of the two most widely spoken dialects of Valencian, it is not however used as the main model for the oral standard in Valencian media and education,[77] and is sometimes connated negatively.[78][79][80]
      • Sibilant merger: all voiced sibilants are devoiced (/d͡ʒ/ > [t͡ʃ], /d͡z/ > [t͡s], /z/ > [s]); that is, apitxat pronounces casa [ˈkasa] ('house') and joc [ˈt͡ʃɔk] ('game'), where other Valencians would pronounce /ˈkaza/ and /ˈd͡ʒɔk/ (a feature shared with Ribagorçan). The names apitxat, parlar apitxat[81] and the verb apitxar all refer to this specific pronunciation pattern[82][81] - as well as itself representing a prime example of devoicing, since devoiced apitxar is also a synonym of voiced pitjar.[82]
      • Betacism, that is the merge of /v/ into /b/; e.g. viu [ˈbiw] (instead of /ˈviw/) ('he lives').
      • Fortition (gemination) and vocalisation of final consonants; nit [ˈnitː(ə)] (instead of /ˈnit/) ('night').
      • It preserves the strong simple past, which has been substituted by an analytic past (periphrastic past) with vadere + infinitive in the rest of modern Catalan and Valencian variants. For example, aní instead of vaig anar ('I went').
  • Southern area:
    • Southern Valencian (valencià meridional) or Upper Southern Valencian: spoken in the contiguous comarques located south of Valencia and north of Alicante, respectively, for example in the cities of Dénia, Gandia, Xàtiva and Alcoi, among others. This is the dialect which includes the largest number of general phonetic features considered proper to Standard Valencian,[77] as well as being the second most widely spoken and located in the geographic centre of the country; it is therefore considered by some Valencians as a reference point for Valencian Catalan as a whole.[80]
      • Vowel harmony: the final syllable of a disyllabic word adopts a preceding open ⟨e⟩ (/ɛ/) and/or ⟨o⟩ (/ɔ/) if the final vowel is an unstressed -⟨a⟩; e.g. terra [ˈtɛrɛ] ('Earth, land'), dona [ˈdɔnɔ] ('woman'). Further merges (such as [ˈtɛrɔ] and [ˈdɔnɛ]) depends on the town and speaker.
      • This dialect retains geminate consonants (⟨tl⟩ /lː/ and ⟨tn⟩ /nː/); e.g. guatla [ˈɡwalːa] ('quail'), cotna [ˈkonːa] ('rind').
      • Weak pronouns are "reinforced" in front of the verb (em, en, et, es, etc.) contrary to other dialects which maintains "full form" (me, ne, te, se, etc.).
    • Alicante Valencian (valencià alacantí) or Lower Southern Valencian: spoken in and around the cities of Alicante, Elche and the area of Carche in Murcia.
      • Vowel harmony like in the central Southern areas.
      • Intervocalic /d/ elision in most instances; e.g. roda [ˈrɔa] ('wheel'), nadal [naˈal] ('Christmas').
      • Yod is not pronounced in ⟨ix⟩ /jʃ/ > [ʃ]; e.g. caixa [ˈkaʃa] ('box').
      • Final ⟨r⟩ is not pronounced in infinitives in some areas and/or contexts; e.g. cantar [kanˈta] ('to sing').
      • There are some archaisms like: ans instead of abans ('before'), manco instead of menys ('less'), dintre instead of dins ('into') or devers instead of cap a ('towards').
      • There are more interferences with Spanish than other dialects: assul (from azul) instead of blau (or atzur) ('azure'), llimpiar (from limpiar) instead of netejar ('to clean') or sacar (from sacar) instead of traure ('take out').

Authors and literature

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Media in Valencian

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Employees demonstrate in front of the RTVV headquarters in Burjassot the day of its closure

Until its dissolution in November 2013, the public-service Ràdio Televisió Valenciana (RTVV) was the main broadcaster of radio and television in Valencian language. The Generalitat Valenciana constituted it in 1984 in order to guarantee the freedom of information of the Valencian people in their own language.[83] It was reopened again in 2018 in the same location but under a different name, À Punt, and it is owned by À Punt Media, a group owned by the Generalitat Valenciana. The new television channel claims to be plural, informative and neutral for all of the Valencian population. It is bilingual, with a focus on the Valencian language. It is recognised as a regional TV channel.[84]

Prior to its dissolution, the administration of RTVV under the People's Party (PP) had been controversial due to accusations of ideological manipulation and lack of plurality. The news broadcast was accused of giving marginal coverage of the Valencia Metro derailment in 2006 and the indictment of President de la Generalitat Francisco Camps in the Gürtel scandal in 2009.[85] Supervisors appointed by the PP were accused of sexual harassment.[86]

In face of an increasing debt due to excessive expenditure by the PP, RTVV announced in 2012 a plan to shed 70% of its labour. The plan was nullified on 5 November 2013 by the National Court after trade unions appealed against it. On that same day, the President de la Generalitat Alberto Fabra (also from PP) announced RTVV would be closed, claiming that reinstating the employees was untenable.[87] On 27 November, the legislative assembly passed the dissolution of RTVV and employees organised to take control of the broadcast, starting a campaign against the PP. Nou TV's last broadcast ended abruptly when Spanish police pulled the plug at 12:19 on 29 November 2013.[88]

Having lost all revenues from advertisements and facing high costs from the termination of hundreds of contracts, critics question whether the closure of RTVV has improved the financial situation of the Generalitat, and point out to plans to benefit private-owned media.[89] Currently, the availability of media in the Valencian language is extremely limited. All the other autonomous communities in Spain, including the monolingual ones, have public-service broadcasters, with the Valencian Community being the only exception despite being the fourth most populated.

In July 2016 a new public corporation, Valencian Media Corporation, was launched in substitution of RTVV. It manages and controls several public media in the Valencian Community, including the television channel À Punt, which started broadcasting in June 2018.

Politico-linguistic controversy

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Linguists, including Valencian scholars, deal with Catalan and Valencian as the same language. The official regulating body of the language of the Valencian community, the Valencian Language Academy (Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua, AVL) considers Valencian and Catalan to be two names for the same language.[90]

[T]he historical patrimonial language of the Valencian people, from a philological standpoint, is the same shared by the autonomous communities of Catalonia and Balearic Islands, and Principality of Andorra. Additionally, it is the patrimonial historical language of other territories of the ancient Crown of Aragon [...] The different varieties of these territories constitute a language, that is, a "linguistic system" [...] From this group of varieties, Valencian has the same hierarchy and dignity as any other dialectal modality of that linguistic system [...]

— Ruling of the Valencian Language Academy of 9 February 2005, extract of point 1.[76][i]

Chronological map showing linguistic evolution of Valencian/Catalan in southwest Europe

The AVL was established in 1998 by the PP-UV government of Eduardo Zaplana. According to El País, Jordi Pujol, then president of Catalonia and of the CiU, negotiated with Zaplana in 1996 to ensure the linguistic unity of Catalan in exchange for CiU support of the appointment of José María Aznar as Prime Minister of Spain.[91] Zaplana has denied this, claiming that "[n]ever, never, was I able to negotiate that which is not negotiable, neither that which is not in the negotiating scope of a politician. That is, the unity of the language".[j] The AVL orthography is based on the Normes de Castelló, a set of rules for writing Valencian established in 1932.

A rival set of rules, called Normes del Puig, were established in 1979 by the Royal Academy of Valencian Culture (Real Acadèmia de Cultura Valenciana, RACV), which considers itself a rival language academy to the AVL, and promotes an alternative orthography, treating Valencian as an independent language, as opposed to a variety of Catalan. Compared to Standard Valencian, this orthography excludes many words not traditionally used in the Valencian Community, and also prefers spellings such as ⟨ch⟩ for /t͡ʃ/ and ⟨y⟩ for /j/ (as in Spanish). Besides, these alternative Norms are also promoted and taught by the cultural association Lo Rat Penat.

Valencian is classified as a Western dialect, along with the North-Western varieties spoken in Western Catalonia (Province of Lleida and most of the Province of Tarragona).[92][93] The various forms of Catalan and Valencian are mutually intelligible (ranging from 90% to 95%)[94]

Despite the position of the official organisations, an opinion poll carried out between 2001 and 2004[15] showed that the majority (65%) of the Valencian people (both Valencian and Spanish speakers) consider Valencian different from Catalan: this position is promoted by people who do not use Valencian regularly.[95] Furthermore, the data indicate that younger people educated in Valencian speaking areas are considerably less likely to hold these views. According to an official poll in 2014,[14] 54% of Valencians considered Valencian to be a language different from Catalan, while 41% considered the languages to be the same. Different opinions about the unity of the language are different between people with certain levels of studies and the opinion also differs between each of the Valencian provinces. The opinion agreeing on the unity of Valencian and Catalan has significant differences regarding age, level of education and province of residence, with a majority of those aged 18–24 (51%) and those with a higher education (58%) considering Valencian to be the same language as Catalan. This can be compared to those aged 65 and above (29%) and those with only primary education (32%), where the same view has its lowest support. People living in the province of Castellón are more prone to be in favor of the unity of the language, while people living in the province of Alicante are more prone to be against the unity of the language, especially in the areas where Valencian is not a mandatory language at schools. By applying a binary logistic regression to the same data, it was found that, among all these variables, the relevant ones are political ideology, educational level, geographical origin and identity: negative views on the unity of Catalan/Valencian were much more likely to be held among right-wing partisans, people with lower studies, people from the Alicante provice (the one with percentually the fewest Valencian speakers, especially in the areas where Valencian is not a mandatory language at schools) and people who do not self-identify as Valencian.[96]

Later studies showed that the results differ significantly depending on the way the question is posed;[97] the findings of the most recent work on polling indicate that Valencians today do widely agree that Valencian and Catalan belong to the same language, but that the wording of the question significantly alters the result, even more so than other statistically significant factors - which are the respondent's ideology, language skill and use, and ethnic self-identification: thus, references to Catalonia produce a measurable downturn in support and mentioning diversity within the same language strengthens their agreement.[98]

The ambiguity regarding the term Valencian and its relation to Catalan has sometimes led to confusion and controversy. In 2004, during the drafting of the European Constitution, the regional governments of Spain where a language other than Spanish is co-official were asked to submit translations into the relevant language in question. Since different names are used in Catalonia ("Catalan") and in the Valencian Community ("Valencian"), the two regions each provided one version, which were identical to each other.[99]

See also

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Notes

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References

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Bibliography

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Valencian (valencià) is the name used in the for the local variety of the , a Western Romance tongue within the Occitano-Romance group that evolved from Latin in the medieval . Spoken primarily in the provinces of , , and , it enjoys co-official status alongside Spanish under the 1982 Statute of Autonomy, with the Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua serving as its normative authority. The institution upholds the linguistic unity of Valencian with Catalan, viewing them as interchangeable designations for the same system characterized by , shared morphology, , and lexicon, despite phonological and lexical divergences that mark it as the westernmost . Approximately two million people use Valencian, though habitual proficiency varies regionally due to historical suppression under Franco and ongoing sociolinguistic pressures from dominant Spanish usage. Politically charged assertions of Valencian as a wholly independent Romance —often tied to anti-Catalanist sentiments—lack substantiation in empirical , where dialectal status prevails over claims of separation driven by rather than causal linguistic evolution.

Historical Development

Origins and Early Evolution

The Valencian language descends from , as spoken in the northeastern during the transition from Roman Hispania to the early medieval period. Following the Muslim conquest around 711–714 CE, the region of future experienced significant demographic shifts, with much of the pre-existing Romance-speaking population displaced, converted, or assimilated into Arabic-speaking communities, leading to a lack of direct linguistic continuity with earlier local varieties. Instead, the foundational substrate for modern Valencian emerged from the Romance dialects carried southward by Christian settlers during the . The decisive phase of linguistic implantation occurred after King James I of Aragon's conquest of the in 1238 CE, which established the Kingdom of Valencia within the of . Repopulation efforts drew primarily from (along the coast) and (in the interior), introducing a rooted in the proto-Catalan varieties that had evolved in the northern counties since the 9th–10th centuries, characterized by features such as and specific consonant shifts from . This settler language supplanted residual Mozarabic Romance remnants and Arabic-influenced substrates, with empirical linguistic analysis confirming phonological and morphological alignment with contemporaneous texts rather than independent pre-conquest evolution. Claims of autochthonous Valencian continuity from Roman or Visigothic eras, often advanced in regionalist narratives, lack support from and onomastic evidence, which indicate feudal-era colonization as the causal origin. Early evolution in the 13th–14th centuries involved adaptation to local and substrate influences, yielding subdialectal variations: coastal areas retained stronger northern (Catalan-proper) traits, while inland zones incorporated Aragonese elements like preserved intervocalic /f/ or lexical borrowings. The first documents, such as the Furs de València (customary laws codified in 1261 CE), exemplify this nascent form, employing a Romance script and indistinguishable from legal texts of the era. By the late medieval period, phonetic innovations like the of /n/ before velars and lexical enrichment from maritime trade further distinguished Valencian features within the broader Eastern Romance continuum, setting the stage for its literary consolidation.

Medieval Consolidation and Literary Flourishing

The conquest of the Kingdom of Valencia by in 1238 facilitated the linguistic consolidation of Valencian, as Christian repopulation introduced Eastern Iberian Romance varieties derived from spoken by settlers from , , and . The city's surrender on September 28, 1238, after sieges including Burriana, shifted the region from Arabic dominance to Romance use in administration and daily life, with the Crown of Aragon's rulers increasingly employing the local in documents from the mid-13th century onward. This period saw the gradual standardization of phonetic and morphological features distinguishing Valencian within the Occitano-Romance continuum, including of unstressed vowels and retention of Latin /f/ before /i/. By the , Valencian had solidified as a distinct written form, evidenced in legal texts like the Furs de València (codified around 1261 and revised in 1329), which were drafted in the to ensure accessibility beyond Latin elites. Economic prosperity from silk trade and Mediterranean commerce under Peter III and successors supported urban literacy, fostering chancellery use of Valencian in royal correspondence and municipal records. This consolidation reflected causal dynamics of limited settler demographics—James I complained that only 30,000 Christians had settled despite his request for 100,000—and administrative pragmatism, rather than imposed policy, yielding a with lexical influences from Mozarabic substrates but dominated by Catalan-Aragonese norms. The marked Valencian literature's golden age, driven by royal patronage under Alfonso V (r. 1416–1458), whose Neapolitan court and Valencian investments elevated the language's prestige through poetry, prose, and . Ausiàs March (c. 1400–1459), a from , produced introspective verse on love and mortality in over 120 poems, innovating with analytical psychological depth and decasyllabic forms that influenced . Joan Roís de Corella (1433–1490), a Valencian humanist and preacher, complemented this with lyrical works like Tragèdia de Caldesa and prose translations of classics, blending with dolce stil nuovo influences for refined emotional expression. Other figures, including Joanot Martorell's Tirant lo Blanch (completed 1490) and Jaume Roig's satirical Espill (1460), showcased Valencian's versatility in narrative genres, with over 500 manuscript productions surviving from the era. This flourishing, peaking amid Valencia's to 70,000 by 1420 and export booms, stemmed from aristocratic academies and printing innovations, though later Castilian dominance curtailed momentum. Empirical records, such as guild charters and notarial acts, confirm widespread literacy among , underscoring the period's causal link between economic vitality and cultural output.

Suppression, Revival, and Modern Standardization

During the Franco dictatorship from 1939 to 1975, the Valencian language faced systematic suppression as part of a broader policy enforcing Spanish as the sole and promoting national unity through linguistic homogenization. Public use of Valencian was prohibited in , administration, media, and signage, with violations often resulting in fines, , or ; schools operated exclusively in Spanish, and publications were censored or banned. This repression extended to cultural expressions, such as traditional festivals and literature, contributing to a decline in active speakers, particularly among younger generations urbanized during industrialization. Following Francisco Franco's death on November 20, 1975, and Spain's , Valencian experienced a revival through legal recognition and institutional promotion. The 1978 Spanish Constitution acknowledged Spain's linguistic diversity, paving the way for regional autonomy statutes. The Valencian Community's Statute of Autonomy, enacted on July 1, 1982, declared Valencian an alongside Spanish, mandating its normal and official use while guaranteeing rights to either in public and private spheres. Revival efforts included its integration into primary and , with immersion models increasing competence levels—by the , over 80% of students received some instruction in Valencian—alongside media outlets like Radiotelevisió Valenciana (RTVV), established in 1984. However, sociolinguistic surveys indicate that while passive knowledge recovered, active usage remained lower due to intergenerational transmission gaps and urban-rural divides. Modern standardization emerged amid post-Franco debates over linguistic norms, influenced by tensions between viewing Valencian as a distinct versus a variety within the Catalan dialect continuum. Early efforts relied on the Institut d'Estudis Catalans (IEC) norms from 1913–1932, adapted locally, but regionalist opposition—exemplified by "blaverismo" advocates emphasizing Valencian specificity—prompted the creation of dedicated bodies. The Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua (AVL) was established by Law 7/1998 on April 16, 1998, as the autonomous authority, tasked with defining , , , and while promoting unity and resolving disputes. The AVL's 2005 Resolució sobre principis i criteris per a la defensa del nom i l'entitat del valencià affirmed Valencian as the historical name while endorsing compatibility with IEC standards for interoperability, rejecting full secession but accommodating apitxat subdialect features like vowel reductions. This approach has stabilized and , with over 90% normative adherence in official texts by 2010, though political fluctuations—such as RTVV's liquidation in November 2013 amid austerity—have periodically hindered media normalization.

Linguistic Classification

Relationship to Catalan and Romance Languages

Valencian belongs to the Romance language family, descending from Vulgar Latin spoken in the eastern Iberian Peninsula during the early Middle Ages, emerging as a distinct variety between the 8th and 10th centuries alongside other Catalan forms. It forms part of the Western Romance subgroup, specifically the Occitano-Romance branch, which includes Catalan and Occitan, characterized by shared innovations such as the preservation of Latin /f/ before /i/ (e.g., filium > fill "son") and certain vowel shifts not found in Ibero-Romance languages like Spanish or Portuguese. This classification positions Valencian phylogenetically closer to Occitan than to neighboring Spanish, with a family tree branching from Proto-Romance through Italo-Western Romance to the Gallo-Romance cluster, diverging from Italian and Iberian branches around the 6th-8th centuries CE based on comparative reconstruction of phonological and morphological traits. Linguistically, Valencian constitutes the southernmost dialect continuum of the , exhibiting near-complete with central and northern Catalan varieties due to identical core , , and approximately 85-90% lexical overlap in everyday usage. Shared features include the use of the periphrastic with anar + (e.g., he anat "I have gone"), enclitic personal pronouns, and a seven-vowel system with neutral , distinguishing it from Spanish's five-vowel diphthong-heavy . Historical texts from the 13th-15th centuries, such as Valencian chronicles and poetry by Ausiàs March, demonstrate continuity with medieval Catalan literature from , supporting a unified evolutionary path rather than independent development. While some political movements in the advocate for Valencian as an autonomous to emphasize regional identity separate from , empirical linguistic criteria— exceeding 95% in spoken form, standardized under norms like those of Pompeu Fabra, and mapping—affirm its status as a regional variety within Catalan, not a distinct by structural divergence. The Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua, established in 1998 and tasked with normative regulation, officially recognized in February 2005 that Valencian is a historical and co-official name for the same linguistic system as Catalan, rejecting secessionist claims lacking philological basis. This consensus among Romance philologists prioritizes diachronic evidence over ideological separation, though surveys indicate varying speaker self-identification influenced by post-Franco regional politics rather than linguistic divergence.

Dialect Continuum vs. Political Separation Claims

The Valencian variety belongs to the of the , exhibiting gradual phonetic, lexical, and morphological variations that connect it seamlessly with northern across the Eastern . This continuum is evidenced by shared historical developments from medieval Occitano-Romance origins, including common innovations in and traceable to 13th-century texts like the Homilies d'Organyà. between Valencian and central exceeds 95%, with speakers comprehending each other without formal training, as demonstrated in sociolinguistic surveys and comparative phonetic studies. Political claims asserting Valencian as a distinct separate from Catalan emerged prominently during Spain's from 1975 to 1981, framed within blaverism—a movement opposing perceived Catalan cultural dominance and emphasizing Valencian regional identity tied to Spanish unionism. Proponents of separation argue for unique phonological traits, such as apico-alveolar fricatives and reductions, as markers of independence, yet these features align with southern extensions of the Catalan continuum rather than indicating a rupture. Critics, including dialectologists, contend that such assertions prioritize ideological separation over empirical , noting that isoglosses (boundaries of linguistic features) do not coincide with the Valencia-Catalonia political border but form a porous transition zone. In 1998, the Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua, established by Valencian parliamentary consensus, issued the Informe de la AVL affirming that constitutes the local name for the within the , rejecting secessionist norms that diverge from shared standards. This ruling, upheld in subsequent legal challenges, highlights how political separation efforts have led to normative fragmentation, such as competing orthographic proposals, despite underlying unity in core and . Sociolinguistic data from 2020 indicates that while 27% of surveyed viewed as independent, linguistic convergence persists in media and education, underscoring the primacy of dialectal continuity over imposed divisions. Academic consensus, drawn from dialectometry and historical , attributes separation claims to post-Franco rather than verifiable linguistic divergence, with mainstream Romance linguists classifying as the westernmost Catalan group.

Official Status and Regulation

The Spanish Constitution of 1978 establishes as the official state language, while Article 3.3 provides that other shall also be official in their respective Autonomous Communities in accordance with their Statutes of Autonomy. This framework enables regional languages, including Valencian, to achieve co-official status within specific territories, with laws delineating areas of predominant use and potential exemptions from mandatory instruction. The Statute of Autonomy for the , enacted as 5/1982 on July 1, designates Valencian as the community's own language and declares it official alongside Spanish, granting all residents the right to know and use both. Article 6 specifies that preferential use of Valencian shall be regulated by ordinary law, emphasizing its role in public administration, education, and cultural spheres within the provinces of Castellón, , and . A 2006 reform via 1/2006 retained this co-official provision without substantive alteration to language status, reinforcing bilingual obligations in official proceedings. Complementing the , Law 4/1983 of November 23 on the use and teaching of Valencian operationalizes these rights by mandating its progressive normalization in public and private domains. The law affirms citizens' rights to express themselves in Valencian in assemblies, professional activities, and media, while requiring bilingual signage, documentation, and education tailored to linguistic zones of prevalence. It establishes mechanisms for enforcement through the Valencian government, aiming for effective parity with Spanish without supplanting it, and has been upheld as compatible with constitutional bilingualism despite periodic challenges over implementation scope.

Standardization Bodies and Normative Authority

The Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua (AVL), established by Law 7/1998 of September 16, serves as the official normative institution for the Valencian language in the . This legislation designates the AVL as an autonomous body under the , tasked with developing and applying linguistic standards to promote the normal and official use of Valencian while addressing historical inequalities between co-official languages. The AVL's norms derive from the unitary tradition of the language, incorporating the specific linguistic reality of Valencia, including its phonological, morphological, and lexical features. The AVL holds exclusive authority to regulate , , and , issuing key publications such as the Diccionari normatiu valencià (2006) and Gramàtica normativa valenciana (updated periodically), which guide , , and media. In a 2005 resolution, the AVL affirmed as the proper name for the in its territory, recognizing its historical continuity with medieval norms while rejecting fragmentation or subordination to external standards without Valencian input. This body collaborates internationally but maintains autonomy, as evidenced by its oversight of commissions and legal consultations on language use. While the AVL represents the state's normative framework, alternative groups like the Real Acadèmia de Cultura Valenciana advocate for distinct standards emphasizing pre-modern Valencian traits, reflecting ongoing debates over linguistic independence versus unity with broader Catalan varieties; however, these lack official endorsement. The AVL's authority stems directly from statutory law, enforced through decrees like 158/2002, which outline its via a plenary assembly and executive board appointed by regional consensus.

Recent Policy Shifts and EU Recognition Efforts

In June 2023, following the regional elections in the , the new government coalition led by the Partido Popular (PP) and supported by Vox enacted Decree-Law 1/2023, which abolished the previous compulsory immersion model in and introduced a more flexible trilingual framework allowing parents to select Spanish (Castilian) as the primary vehicular language in schools. This shift reversed policies from prior administrations that mandated significant Valencian usage, aiming to prioritize parental choice and reduce perceived linguistic imposition, though critics from pro-Valencian groups argued it undermined the language's presence in public life. By the 2024-2025 academic year, over 100 schools and colleges transitioned to models emphasizing Spanish instruction, reflecting growing opt-outs from Valencian-heavy curricula. A non-binding consultation held in March 2025 on language use in education revealed a narrow preference, with 50.53% of participating families selecting Valencian as the main vehicular language compared to 49.47% for Spanish, highlighting ongoing sociolinguistic tensions amid declining compulsory enforcement. The Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua (AVL), the statutory regulatory body, has maintained its normative stance without direct policy alterations but faced indirect pressure through budget constraints and reduced institutional promotion under the Mazón administration, which some observers link to broader efforts affirming Valencian distinctiveness from Catalan unificationist agendas. Regarding EU recognition, efforts have centered on elevating Spain's co-official languages to procedural status in Union institutions, but Valencian has been notably absent from national proposals framed around "Catalan." In early 2025, the Spanish omitted Valencian from its submission to the Council of the , prompting the Valencian regional authorities to demand explicit inclusion as a distinct to preserve regional identity. Multiple delays occurred, including in May 2025 when EU member states failed to achieve unanimity for recognizing Catalan, Basque, and Galician, with no separate Valencian pathway advanced. As of October 2025, Spain's government persists in advocating for the bundled co-official languages but has not accommodated Valencia's call for differentiated treatment, underscoring political divergences where regional blaveros (Valencian separatists from pan-Catalanism) view the exclusion as a safeguard against subsumption, while linguistic experts emphasize Valencian's alignment with Catalan norms under AVL standards.

Distribution and Sociolinguistic Patterns

Geographic Spread and Core Speaking Areas

The Valencian language is primarily spoken in the , an autonomous region in eastern comprising the provinces of Castelló, València, and Alacant. Its core speaking areas align with the historical , concentrating along the Mediterranean coast and in northern and central inland zones, excluding traditionally Castilian-dominant subregions such as Requena-Utiel, Hoya de Buñol, and parts of southern Alacant like . These core areas encompass comarques including Castelló province, the Valencia region proper, and the Alcoy-Gandia interior belt, where environmental and historical factors favored continuity of Romance vernaculars distinct from Castilian. The 2021 Enquesta d'ús del valencià, conducted by the , delineates higher competence in designated Valencian-speaking subregions versus Spanish-speaking ones. In the region subarea, 68.3% report perfect understanding and 49.7% perfect speaking ability, while Alcoy-Gandia shows 61.6% understanding and 47.0% speaking proficiency; follows closely at 60.3% and 42.1%, respectively. Usage at home remains strongest here, with 35.2% in the region and 37.9% in Alcoy-Gandia always speaking Valencian exclusively. In contrast, exhibits lower rates at 37.5% understanding and 17.9% speaking, and the at 50.9% and 24.2%, reflecting urban Spanish dominance and migration influences. Spanish-speaking subregions like Requena-Segorbe average only 7.6% perfect speakers. Beyond the , a minor enclave persists in El Carche, a rural district in province between and Jumilla, settled by Valencian immigrants in the 19th and early 20th centuries. This isolated pocket, never part of the historical Valencian domain, now supports only a few dozen native speakers amid assimilation pressures. The 2021 Enquesta de Coneixement i Ús Social del Valencià, conducted by the Generalitat Valenciana, reported that 75.8% of the population in the Comunitat Valenciana understands Valencian, marking an increase of 3.4 percentage points from 72.4% in the 2015 survey. This rise in comprehension is largely attributed to mandatory education in Valencian since the 1980s, which has elevated passive proficiency across generations, particularly among younger cohorts. However, active speaking ability remains lower, with around 50-60% of respondents capable of speaking it to varying degrees, though comprehensive data on production proficiency shows persistent gaps between understanding and fluent usage. Habitual usage lags significantly behind competence levels. In 2021, only 23.1% of the reported using Valencian predominantly ("always," "generally," or "more than Castilian") at home, a decline from prior surveys indicating weakening intergenerational transmission, especially in urban and castellanophone-dominant areas like the city of , where regular speakers constitute about 15%. Public domain usage shows slight improvements in specific contexts, such as administrative interactions, where a 2023 baròmetre noted an 8-point increase since 2021, reaching over 50% in some services like traditional shops and healthcare. Yet, overall social usage in private spheres and with strangers remains low, with less than 5% preferring Valencian in informal encounters outside traditional zones. Trends reveal a divergence: while educational policies have stabilized or modestly boosted knowledge—projecting near-universal comprehension among school-aged children—usage in daily life has stagnated or declined, particularly in family and peer settings, due to demographic shifts, urbanization, and preferences for Castilian in mixed-lingual environments. A University of Valencia study extrapolates that, absent intensified promotion, habitual speakers could fall below 10% by 2050, underscoring causal factors like voluntary language choice in non-traditional areas and resistance to perceived imposition. Proficiency is highest in rural valencianophone heartlands (e.g., northern and central provinces), exceeding 80% for speaking, but drops sharply in Alicante and southern castellanophone subregions to under 30%. Recent policy shifts toward balanced bilingualism, including parental choice in schooling, may further influence these patterns, potentially accelerating usage erosion in non-core areas.

Core Linguistic Features

Phonology and Sound System

The vowel system of Valencian consists of seven monophthongal vowels in stressed syllables: /a/, /ɛ/, /e/, /i/, /ɔ/, /o/, /u/, derived from Vulgar Latin with parallels to other Romance languages. Unstressed vowels generally preserve these distinctions without the centralization or reduction (e.g., to schwa-like [ə]) observed in Central Catalan dialects, resulting in a fuller seven-vowel realization across positions. Formant frequency analyses confirm this expanded dispersion in Valencian compared to reduced systems elsewhere in Catalan, enhancing perceptual clarity. Certain Valencian subdialects exhibit , a regressive process where word-final /a/ assimilates in tongue root retraction ([−ATR]) to a preceding stressed like /ɛ/ or /ɔ/, yielding forms such as terra [ˈtɛrɛ] instead of [ˈtɛra]. This harmony is restricted in varieties like those of and Palmera, applying only to specific mid-vowel triggers and contrasting with broader assimilations in other areas. Diphthongs are limited, primarily /ai̯/, /au̯/, /ei̯/, and /ɔi̯/ in stressed contexts, with hiatus resolution via glide formation or in vowel sequences. The consonant inventory comprises 23 phonemes, including bilabial /p b m/, alveolar /t d n s l r/, palatal /ɲ ʎ tʃ/, and velar /k g/, with no phonemic /ŋ/ or /ʃ/. Valencian dialects often lenite word-final voiceless stops (/p t k/) to fricatives or approximants ([ɸ θ x] or [β ð ɣ]) before vowels, as in tot açò [ˈtoθ‿aˈsɔ]. The alveolar trill /r/ is retained word-finally, unlike reductions in some Catalan areas, and the voiceless palatal affricate /tʃ/ (spelled ch) remains distinct without merger to /ʃ/. Final obstruent devoicing is systematic, and voicing assimilation occurs in clusters, reflecting Romance lenition patterns. Prosodically, Valencian employs lexical stress with penultimate or ultimate placement, unmarked in except via accents for exceptions; intonation contours feature rising-falling patterns in declaratives, akin to other Western Romance varieties. These features contribute to its perceptual divergence from neighboring Spanish, particularly in quality and articulation.

Morphology, Syntax, and Grammar

Valencian morphology exhibits fusional characteristics typical of , with nouns, adjectives, and determiners inflecting for two (masculine and feminine) and two (singular and ). Masculine nouns typically end in -∅ or -o in the singular, shifting to -s in the , while feminine forms end in -a, becoming -es; irregular plurals like -cs to -ts (e.g., peix "" to peixos) persist from Latin. Adjectives agree in and number with the nouns they modify, often following the same patterns, though some exhibit stem changes or suppletion (e.g., bo "good" masculine singular, bona feminine). Verb morphology is highly inflected, featuring three conjugations (-ar, -er, -ir) with paradigms for indicative, subjunctive, and imperative moods across tenses; Valencian norms favor the inchoative -eix- in forms for -ir verbs (e.g., serv-eix "serves"), distinguishing it from some central Catalan variants that reduce it to -ix-. In first-conjugation verbs, contemporary Valencian generalizes the supporting vowel -e in certain past subjunctive forms (e.g., canté rather than cantí), reflecting diatopic regularization. Pronominal morphology includes strong and clitic forms, with clitics such as me, et, el/la/los/les, and en functioning as objects; Valencian exhibits variation in clitic combinations, particularly for third-person datives, which are analyzed as inherently case-marked in syntactic structure, allowing distinct ordering like li el over non-Valencian el li. Reflexive clitics in plural forms (e.g., ens, us) show corpus-attested positioning before verbs in spoken varieties, with reflexive pronouns often omitted in non-emphatic contexts due to morphological marking on the verb. Diminutives and augmentatives, formed via suffixes like -et/-eta or -ó/-ona, interact with , preferring morpheme matches to avoid in hypocoristics (e.g., Tonet from Antoni). Syntactically, Valencian follows a basic subject-verb-object order, with flexibility enabled by case-like distinctions and pro-drop for subjects when disambiguates person and number. expression, especially first-person singular (jo), varies quantitatively in speech: overt use rises with 1sg-3sg in forms (e.g., parli "I/he/she speak(s)"), reaching up to 70% in ambiguous contexts per corpus data from southern Valencian varieties, contrasting with lower rates in unambiguous paradigms. proclitize to finite in declarative main clauses (e.g., me'l dono "I give it to him") but encliticize to infinitives, gerunds, and affirmatives; triggers proclisis even with imperatives. Agreement rules mandate and number concord between subjects and , articles and nouns, and adjectives with heads, with no neuter agreement beyond certain pronouns (e.g., ho for inanimate direct objects). Valencian grammar incorporates periphrastic constructions for aspect and tense, such as anar + for imminent (e.g., vaig a menjar "I'm going to eat") and estar + for progressives, aligning with broader Catalan patterns but with regional preferences for synthetic futures ending in -rà over -ré in spoken norms. is triggered by volitional, doubt, and subordinate clauses, with Valencian maintaining distinct present subjunctive endings (e.g., -i for -ar verbs in 1sg/3sg). These features, standardized by the Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua since 2001, preserve dialectal traits like apitxat variants' simplified clusters while ensuring compatibility within the Catalan .

Vocabulary, Lexical Borrowings, and Influences

The core vocabulary of Valencian derives primarily from , reflecting its evolution as a Western Romance alongside other Iberian varieties, with systematic lexical continuity in basic terms such as casa (house) from Latin casa and aigua (water) from Latin aqua. Pre-Roman substrates, including Iberian and possibly Basque elements, exert minimal influence, limited to potential phonetic or toponymic traces rather than substantial lexical stock. Arabic borrowings entered the lexicon during the Muslim occupation of (711–1238 CE), contributing terms related to , , and daily life, with estimates for Catalan varieties (including Valencian) suggesting hundreds to thousands of such loans adapted phonetically, such as arròs () from Arabic ar-ruzz and alqueria (farmstead) from al-qaryah. Germanic influences, primarily from Visigothic and Frankish contacts in the early medieval period, are sparse but include words like guàrdia (guard) derived from Frankish wardon. Occitan and northern Catalan interactions during the medieval introduced lexical elements in literature and administration, particularly poetry terms like joglar (jongleur), fostering lexical affinity with Gallo-Romance. borrowings became prominent from the onward due to political unification under the Spanish monarchy and prolonged bilingualism, with studies documenting significant interference in contemporary Valencian usage, such as adverbs and nouns like chulo (cool, ) or ordenador (computer) supplanting native forms in informal speech. Efforts at lexical purification since the , via bodies like the Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua, aim to reduce these Castilianisms by promoting Catalan-rooted neologisms, though empirical surveys indicate persistent adoption in urban and media contexts. Recent English influences appear in technical and global domains, such as or software, often untranslated in professional , reflecting rather than deep integration. Valencian retains some archaic Romance terms preserved from medieval texts, distinguishing it from central Catalan, but favors shared Eastern Catalan over dialectal variants.

Orthography and Written Form

Script and Spelling Conventions

The Valencian language employs the for writing. Its alphabet comprises 27 letters: the 26 basic letters of the Latin alphabet (a, b, c, d, e, f, g, h, i, j, , l, m, n, o, p, q, r, s, t, u, v, , x, y, z) plus ç (cedilla c), with the digraph l·l (written with an or midline dot to denote the palatal lateral /ʎ/) treated as a distinct unit in traditional listings and dictionaries. Digraphs such as ny (/ɲ/), gu (/ɡw/), qu (/kw/), and ix/ux (/ʃ/, /ɡz/) are used for specific sounds, while j, , and appear primarily in loanwords. Diacritics include the (á, é, í, ó, ú) and (à, è, ò, ù) on s to mark lexical stress or distinguish homophones, with stress defaulting to the penultimate if unmarked. The diaeresis (ü) indicates a hiatus, separating /u/ from a following , as in "valencià" (to avoid /w/ diphthongization). follows Romance conventions, applying to proper nouns and sentence initials but not common nouns, unlike German. Spelling conventions prioritize a mixed etymological-phonetic system, aiming to reflect pronunciation while preserving historical forms, as codified in the Normes de Castelló signed on January 30, 1932, by Valencian philologists in Castelló de la Plana. These norms, which adapt Pompeu Fabra's 1913 Catalan orthographic rules to Valencian phonology and lexicon, form the basis of modern standardization enforced by the Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua (AVL), established in 1998 as the official regulatory body. Key rules include spelling /ʃ/ as x (e.g., "peix" for fish) or j in loans, /tʃ/ as tx (e.g., "txarop"), and maintaining vowel purity without nasalization markers. Punctuation aligns with European standards, using guillemets « » for quotes and the interpunct for clarity in compounds or l·l. While the AVL norms ensure compatibility with broader for , they incorporate Valencian-specific preferences, such as accentuation patterns reflecting apital (central-southern) dialects and avoidance of overly centralizing reforms. An alternative set, the Normes del 79 proposed by the Real Acadèmia de Cultura Valenciana in 1979, favors more conservative spellings to emphasize distinction from central Catalan varieties but lacks official status. The AVL's Diccionari normatiu valencià, published in 2006, serves as the authoritative reference for spelling disputes.

Historical Reforms and Current Norms

Early efforts to standardize Valencian orthography in the modern era built on medieval traditions but faced fragmentation until the 20th century. In January 1932, Valencian writers and scholars convened in Castelló de la Plana to approve the Normes de Castelló, a set of orthographic rules adapting Pompeu Fabra's guidelines from the Institut d'Estudis Catalans (published progressively from 1913 onward) to Valencian phonology and usage. These norms introduced consistent spelling for diphthongs, vowel reductions, and consonant clusters, such as using ll for the palatal lateral and ny for the palatal nasal, while aligning etymological and phonetic principles to facilitate unity across Catalan-speaking territories. During the Franco regime (1939–1975), official suppression of regional languages led to divergent proposals, including the Real Acadèmia de Cultura Valenciana's (RACV) re-elaboration of 1914 orthographic bases, which emphasized archaic spellings and Castilian influences to differentiate from Catalan norms. Post-1978 , the 1983 Statute of Autonomy recognized Valencian, paving the way for institutional standardization. The Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua (AVL), established by Valencian Law 4/1998 on June 11, 1998, serves as the official body regulating Valencian, explicitly basing its orthography on the Normes de Castelló. The AVL's 2005 resolution on linguistic criteria reaffirmed these foundations, incorporating minor adaptations for Valencian dialectal features like apitxat forms while maintaining broad compatibility with Institut d'Estudis Catalans standards. In 2006, the AVL issued the Diccionari normatiu valencià, providing comprehensive orthographic, lexical, and grammatical guidance, including rules for accents, hyphenation, and integration. Current norms mandate the Latin alphabet with accents for stress (e.g., casa vs. càrrec), ç for voiced s before voiced consonants, and unstressed e for schwa-like reductions prevalent in Valencian speech. The AVL promotes these in , media, and administration, with ongoing updates via resolutions to address digital usage and terminological evolution, ensuring phonetic transparency without rigid etymologism. Despite debates over alignment with pan-Catalan reforms, AVL maintains Valencian-specific precedents, such as retaining v and b distinctions in certain contexts.

Internal Varieties and Dialectology

Northern, Southern, and Apitxat Variants

The Valencian language exhibits three primary subdialectal variants: Northern Valencian, Apitxat, and Southern Valencian, corresponding to distinct geographic areas within the Valencian Community. Northern Valencian is spoken primarily in the northern provinces, including Castelló and parts of the Maestrat and Ports regions, showing transitional traits with northwestern Catalan dialects such as Tortosí. Apitxat, a central variant centered around the Horta and Camp de Túria comarques near Valencia city, is marked by its colloquial features and extends from Almenara southward to Antella. Southern Valencian predominates in Alicante province, encompassing sub-varieties like the Alicantí, and is noted for retaining certain archaic elements with less Spanish influence compared to central areas. Phonologically, all variants share (harmonia vocàlica), where unstressed vowels assimilate to stressed ones, though intensity varies; it is most systematic in Southern Valencian, affecting disyllabic words progressively. Northern Valencian features devoicing of final consonants and reduced pronunciation of endings, such as eliding final /r/ (e.g., cantar pronounced without final r), aligning it closer to bordering Catalan varieties. The Apitxat variant is distinguished by affrication and devoicing of : voiced fricatives like /ʒ/ in menjar become affricates or voiceless /tʃ/ (mentxar), and /z/ in casa yields /s/ (cassa), alongside betacism where /v/ and /b/ merge. Southern Valencian emphasizes open mid-vowels (/ɛ/, /ɔ/) as low as /a/ in many contexts and shows robust in unstressed positions, contributing to its perceptual distinctiveness; acoustic studies confirm its back mid-vowels are more open than in northern areas. These variants form a , with Apitxat serving as a transitional zone exhibiting hybrid traits from both northern and southern innovations, influencing local efforts. Lexical and morphological differences, such as preferences in forms or borrowings, further delineate them, though remains high across the spectrum.

Standardization vs. Dialectal Diversity

The Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua (AVL), founded in 1998 and enshrined in the 2006 Statute of Autonomy of the , functions as the official regulator of Valencian standards, producing reference works such as the 2006 Gramàtica normativa valenciana and the 2016 Diccionari normatiu valencià containing over 93,000 entries. These norms draw from historical precedents like the 1932 Normes de Castelló, which established orthographic consistency with other Romance varieties while permitting Valencian-specific syntactic, lexical, and accentual features to accommodate regional usage. Valencian dialects, however, display substantial internal variation that complicates uniform codification. Northern dialects feature phonological traits akin to central Catalan, including systematic unstressed ; the central apitxat variety exhibits pronounced and metaphonic processes, such as raising of mid s before high ones; southern dialects incorporate more Castilian lexical borrowings and maintain fuller realizations in unstressed positions. The AVL pursues a pluricentric model, integrating elements from multiple subdialects into its standards and protecting local toponyms and traditions per its 2005 resolution, which affirms Valencian's position as a distinct variant within a shared linguistic system. This approach contrasts with autochthonous proposals, such as those from the Real Acadèmia de Cultura Valenciana, which advocate excluding non-Valencian influences to preserve purity, citing surveys where a majority of perceive Valencian as separate from Catalan. Tensions arise as promotes convergence for institutional domains like and media, potentially marginalizing peripheral s, while spoken diversity endures in rural contexts. Sociolinguistic data indicate dialect leveling among urban youth toward AVL norms, driven by educational policies, yet empirical across variants remains high, underscoring 's role in enhancing cohesion without fully supplanting variational speech patterns.

Literature, Media, and Cultural Role

Medieval and Renaissance Literary Tradition

The marked the of Valencian literature, a period of exceptional productivity coinciding with the Kingdom of Valencia's economic prosperity and Mediterranean expansion under the Crown of . Authors produced poetry, chivalric romances, and religious prose in the Valencian , blending medieval courtly traditions with proto- introspection and realism. This output elevated the language's literary prestige, with manuscripts and early prints circulating widely, though printing's introduction around 1470 amplified dissemination only later. Key works emphasized personal experience, moral philosophy, and historical realism over idealized fantasy, distinguishing Valencian contributions from contemporaneous Castilian or Occitan traditions. Ausiàs March (c. 1397–1459), a Valencian from a noble family with poetic lineage, stands as the era's preeminent poet, composing approximately 128 poems that explore erotic love, mortality, and ethical dilemmas through innovative first-person narration. Departing from conventions, March's verses employ rational analysis and psychological depth, as in his Cants d'amor and Cants de mort, influencing subsequent Iberian poets. His works, initially manuscript-based, achieved printed editions by 1535, underscoring their enduring impact. In prose, Joanot Martorell's (begun circa 1460, completed and published 1490 in with Martí Joan de ), a 500,000-word chivalric epic, chronicles the knight Tirant's campaigns against Ottoman forces and in the Byzantine court, incorporating realistic military tactics, sexual explicitness, and social critique absent in escapist Arthurian tales. Martorell, born 1410 or 1414 in to minor nobility, drew from personal knighthood experiences and Mediterranean , earning praise from as a pinnacle of the genre for its . Bridging medieval piety and , Joan Roís de Corella (1433–1491) authored allegorical poems, translations of classical texts, and religious tracts like Tragèdia de Caldesa, which fused March's moralism with Platonic influences. Similarly, Isabel de Villena's Vita Christi (written 1460s, printed 1497), a meditative biography of Christ from a female perspective, represents early feminist-inflected devotion by a Poor Clare . Jaume Roig's Espill de les dones (1460), a satirical verse-mirror for women, critiques roles through autobiographical . These texts, often patronized by Valencian courts, preserved the language's vitality amid Castilian ascendancy.

20th-Century Revival and Key Authors

The use of Valencian in literature and public life declined sharply under Francisco Franco's dictatorship (1939–1975), which imposed bans on regional languages in education, media, and official contexts, relegating it to private and clandestine spheres. Efforts to revive it gained momentum in the 1950s and 1960s through cultural associations, literary prizes like the revived Jocs Florals (Flower Games), and underground publishing, despite censorship. This groundwork laid the foundation for a post-dictatorship surge after Franco's death in 1975, culminating in the 1978 Spanish Constitution and the Valencian Statute of Autonomy in 1982, which co-officialized Valencian alongside Spanish and enabled its integration into schools and media. Joan Fuster (1922–1992), a prolific essayist and critic, played a pivotal role in the revival with his 1962 essay Nosaltres, els valencians, which analyzed Valencia's historical and cultural trajectory, critiquing its assimilation into Castilian dominance and advocating for linguistic and regional self-assertion. Published amid censorship, the work—reprinted multiple times and debated for its emphasis on shared Catalan linguistic roots—stimulated intellectual discourse, boosted Valencian publishing, and influenced nationalist movements by framing language as central to identity. Fuster's broader oeuvre, including poetry and literary criticism in Valencian, helped normalize its use among intellectuals during the transition to democracy. Vicent Andrés Estellés (1924–1993), a journalist-turned-poet, renewed modern Valencian verse through raw, everyday themes of love, memory, and resistance, drawing from classical forms while innovating with colloquial dialect. His collections, such as La nit (1974) and Mural del País Valencià (1972), composed clandestinely under and widely published post-1975, elevated spoken Valencian rhythms and lexicon, making poetry accessible and defiant. Estellés' work, often set to music and translated, bridged generational gaps and solidified Valencian's literary prestige, with over 20 volumes contributing to the post-Franco boom in native-language production. Other figures like Enric Valor advanced prose revival with novels emphasizing rural Valencian life, but Fuster and Estellés remain emblematic for their enduring impact on cultural confidence and output, which expanded from dozens of titles pre-1975 to hundreds annually by the 1980s. This literary resurgence, supported by new publishers and academies, correlated with rising competence levels, though usage lagged due to sociolinguistic inertia.

Contemporary Media Usage and Production

À Punt, the public audiovisual corporation of the , commenced broadcasting in June 2018 as a successor entity following the 2013 liquidation of the debt-burdened Radiotelevisió Valenciana (RTVV), which had accrued over €1.4 billion in liabilities amid allegations of political and mismanagement under prior administrations. Primarily operating in Valencian, À Punt produces and airs a range of television content including daily news bulletins, sports programming such as live coverage of the Mitja Marató de València on October 26, 2025, entertainment shows like La Plaça, and cultural documentaries, with all principal output in the language to promote its normalization. Its radio arm similarly broadcasts in Valencian, featuring talk shows like Hui en la Ràdio and music segments, though overall listenership remains constrained by competition from dominant Spanish-language national networks. Print media production in Valencian persists at a modest scale, supported by regional grants under programs designating funding for outlets operating wholly or partially in the language, such as supplements in established dailies or standalone weeklies focused on local , , and analysis. However, full immersion in print is rare, with most major titles like Levante-EMV and Las Provincias prioritizing Spanish due to broader market appeal in a where surveys indicate approximately 50% active speaker competence but preferential consumption of Castilian-dominant content. Digital and online production has expanded post-À Punt's launch, incorporating web streaming, on-demand video (alacarta), and extensions of broadcast content, yet Catalan-language digital outlets in the Valencian Country command low audience shares relative to Spanish counterparts, often below 10% in comparable metrics. This disparity aligns with broader patterns of in bilingual regions, where empirical data show television and radio viewership favoring majority-language sources despite production incentives, reflecting speaker preferences shaped by demographic majorities and historical rather than institutional promotion alone. Recent internal debates at À Punt over balancing Valencian primacy with Spanish subtitles or underscore ongoing tensions in sustaining production viability without alienating non-speakers.

Politico-Linguistic Controversies

Blaverism and Assertions of Linguistic Independence

Blaverism emerged in the late in the as a regionalist and Spanish nationalist response to the resurgence of Catalanist cultural movements during Spain's following Francisco Franco's death in 1975. Proponents, drawing on symbols like the blue-and-white ("blaver") variant of the Valencian flag, emphasized a distinct Valencian identity rooted in the historical , established after the in 1238, and rejected integration into a broader "Catalan Countries" framework. This ideology gained traction amid tensions, including violent clashes known as the "Battle of Valencia" after the 1979 regional elections, where Blaverist groups protested perceived Catalan linguistic imposition in and media. Central to Blaverism were assertions of Valencian as a linguistically independent , separate from Catalan, based on claims of autonomous evolution, unique phonological traits (such as more systems in southern varieties), lexical divergences (e.g., Valencian pluja versus central Catalan pluja but with regional synonyms like aigua in contexts), and a distinct literary exemplified by the Valencian authors like Joan Roís de Corella and Ausiàs March in the . Advocates argued that Valencian derived primarily from Mozarabic substrates and Aragonese influences during the medieval repopulation, rather than direct Catalan colonization, positioning it as a Romance with its own standards predating modern standardization efforts. These claims often invoked historical foral rights and the 1931 Valencian Statute of Autonomy, which recognized valencià without reference to Catalan, to support demands for separate normative bodies and resistance to pan-Catalan orthographic norms promoted by institutions like the Institut d'Estudis Catalans. Empirical linguistic analysis, however, reveals Valencian as a dialectal continuum within the Catalan language family, with mutual intelligibility exceeding 90% and shared core grammar, syntax, and lexicon tracing to a common medieval Eastern Iberian Romance ancestor, as evidenced by isogloss mappings and comparative philology. Scholarly consensus attributes differences to regional variation rather than deep divergence, akin to dialectal distinctions within other Romance languages like Italian or Occitan varieties; for instance, phonological shifts like the Valencian maintenance of Latin /e/ as [ɛ] in stressed positions occur gradually across borders without sharp boundaries. Blaverist assertions persist politically, influencing parties such as Unió Valenciana (founded 1982), which garnered up to 14% of votes in the 1990s by framing linguistic unity as cultural erasure, though they waned after the party's dissolution in 2019. Public opinion in the has historically favored viewing Valencian as distinct, with surveys indicating 40-50% identifying it as a separate rather than a Catalan , a sentiment reinforced by decades of Blaverist mobilization and skepticism toward Catalan nationalist narratives often amplified in academic circles aligned with left-leaning pan-regionalism. This divide reflects causal realities of under Francoist suppression of regional s (1939-1975), where post-dictatorship revival pitted localist defenses against externally driven unification, yet lacks substantiation in , where no peer-reviewed criteria for autonomy—such as ISO standards or classification—separate Valencian from Catalan. The Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua, established by in , has navigated this by endorsing Valencian-specific norms within a recognized linguistic unity, mitigating but not resolving ongoing debates over and media usage.

Pan-Catalan Integration vs. Regional Distinctiveness

The debate over pan-Catalan integration centers on the linguistic classification of Valencian as a dialectal variety within the Catalan language, advocated by institutions like the Institut d'Estudis Catalans (IEC), which has standardized Catalan norms since 1913 and extended them to Valencian with minor adaptations for regional phonology and lexicon. The IEC's approach promotes unity across Catalan-speaking territories, including Valencia, by emphasizing shared grammatical structures, medieval literary continuity from the 13th century, and high mutual intelligibility exceeding 90% between Valencian and central Catalan varieties. This integration is supported by empirical linguistic analysis, which identifies Valencian differences—such as apitxat vowel reductions or specific lexical items like fallar for "to speak"—as sub-dialectal variations insufficient to warrant separate language status under criteria like ISO 639 standards or glottochronology. In contrast, advocates for regional distinctiveness, often aligned with Blaverist ideologies emerging in the , assert Valencian's based on historical claims of pre-Catalan Romance substrates and unique evolutionary paths post-1238 conquest, rejecting IEC norms as externally imposed. This position gained traction amid Franco-era suppression (1939–1975), fostering anti-Catalanist sentiment that politicized language, with surveys from 2014 indicating over 50% of viewing it as distinct from Catalan despite linguistic overlap. Proponents cite phonological divergences, such as maintenance of Latin /f/ in words like fill versus Catalan shifts, and a enriched by Aragonese influences, arguing these constitute a separate llengua valenciana rather than dialectal divergence. However, such claims lack consensus in peer-reviewed , where and shared Ausbau standards prevail over Abstand differences. The Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua (AVL), established by Valencian Parliament in 1998 to mediate, adopts a pluricentric model: it endorses IEC grammatical frameworks but prioritizes Valencian orthographic and lexical preferences, as in its 2005 ruling equating valencià and català as co-referential for the same historical language while safeguarding regional traits like transitional diphthongs. This compromise reflects causal pressures from identity politics, where integration risks perceived cultural dilution amid Catalan nationalist Països Catalans rhetoric, versus distinctiveness tied to Valencian autonomy statutes since 1982. Empirical usage data from 2020s media and education shows hybrid adherence, with AVL norms applied in official contexts yielding 25-30% Valencian proficiency rates, underscoring that while linguistic unity holds, sociopolitical fragmentation persists without eroding core compatibility.

Empirical Linguistic Evidence and Consensus

The Valencian variety shares core phonological, morphological, syntactic, and lexical features with other Eastern , deriving from a common medieval koine originating in the 13th-14th centuries across the territories. For instance, both exhibit the shift of Latin initial *f- to /v/ (e.g., *filium > *fill > fill 'son'), maintenance of voiced intervocalic stops from Latin (e.g., *caput > 'head'), and a seven-vowel system in stressed positions, distinguishing them from neighboring Ibero-Romance languages like Spanish. Syntactically, Valencian employs the same periphrastic tenses (e.g., anar + for future/perfective), clitic doubling patterns, and subordinate clause structures as central Catalan, with near-identical verb conjugation paradigms across persons and tenses. Dialectal variations within Valencian, however, mark it as the southernmost extent of the Catalan , with empirical distinctions from central (Barcelona-area) Catalan including reduced in unstressed syllables—Valencian often preserves full vowels (e.g., /a, e, o/ remain distinct) versus central Catalan's frequent schwa (/ə/) merger—and apitxat aspiration or deletion of word-final consonants (e.g., /s/ > or Ø in "cas" 'case'). Lexically, Valencian retains archaic Romance terms and Aragonisms (e.g., arròs 'rice' from Arabic via Catalan, but with regional synonyms like blat 'wheat' differing in frequency from central gra), alongside minor Castilian loans due to prolonged bilingualism, yet lexical overlap exceeds 90% with standard Catalan per comparative dictionaries. Intonation contours also diverge, with Valencian showing lower pitch and elongated vowels compared to the higher, shorter vowels of central varieties, as quantified in dialectal prosody studies. These features reflect gradual geographic divergence rather than rupture, evidenced by rates above 95% in comprehension tests across varieties. Linguistic consensus, based on structuralist and generative analyses since the , classifies Valencian as a dialectal variety within the , not a distinct , due to shared isoglosses, historical attestation in unified medieval texts (e.g., Llibre dels feyts by Jaume I, ca. 1244-1276), and failure to meet autonomy criteria like significant grammatical divergence or low . International standards reflect this, assigning the unified code "ca" to Catalan-Valencian-Balear, while bodies like the Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua affirmed in their 2005 normative report that "Valencian is the same as Catalan," prioritizing empirical unity over sociopolitical nomenclature despite regional resistance. Claims of independence often stem from non-linguistic ideologies (e.g., blaverism post-1975), but peer-reviewed dismisses them for lacking causal evidence of separate evolution, attributing variations to substrate influences and contact rather than foundational splits.

References

  1. https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Resolution_concerning_principles_and_criteria_for_protecting_the_name_and_identity_of_Valencian
  2. https://www.[academia.edu](/page/Academia.edu)/3604727/Intonational_phonology_of_Catalan_and_its_dialectal_varieties
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