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Catalan language
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| Catalan | |
|---|---|
| Valencian | |
| català valencià | |
| Pronunciation | [kətəˈla] ⓘ (N, C & B) / [kataˈla] ⓘ (NW & A) [valensiˈa] ⓘ (V) |
| Native to | |
| Region | Southern Europe |
| Speakers | L1: 4.1 million (2022)[1] L2: 5.1 million Total: 9.2 million |
Early forms | |
| Official status | |
Official language in | 1 state, 3 communities and 1 city
|
Recognised minority language in | 3 sub-regions or areas
|
| Regulated by | Institut d'Estudis Catalans (IEC) Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua (AVL) |
| Language codes | |
| ISO 639-1 | ca |
| ISO 639-2 | cat |
| ISO 639-3 | cat |
| Glottolog | stan1289 |
| Linguasphere | 51-AAA-e |
Catalan/Valencian is the native language and has official status Catalan/Valencian is the native language but with no official status Catalan/Valencian is not historically spoken but has official status | |
Standard Catalan is classified as Potentially Vulnerable by the UNESCO Atlas of the World's Languages in Danger.[2] | |
Catalan (català) is a Western Romance language. It is the official language of Andorra[3] and the official language of three autonomous communities in eastern Spain: Catalonia, the Balearic Islands and the Valencian Community, where it is called Valencian (valencià). It has semi-official status in the Italian municipality of Alghero,[4] and it is spoken in the Pyrénées-Orientales department of France and in two further areas in eastern Spain: the eastern strip of Aragon and the Carche area in the Region of Murcia. The Catalan-speaking territories are often called the Països Catalans or "Catalan Countries".[5]
The language evolved from Vulgar Latin in the Middle Ages around the eastern Pyrenees. It became the language of the Principality of Catalonia and the kingdoms of Valencia and Mallorca, being present throughout the Mediterranean as the main language of the Crown of Aragon.[6] It was replaced by Spanish as a language of government and literature in the 1700s, but nineteenth century Spain saw a Catalan literary revival,[7][6] culminating in the early 1900s. With the end of Franco dictatorship (1975) and its repressive measures against the language, Catalan entered a relatively successful process of re-normalization between the 1980s and the 2000s. However, during the 2010s, it experienced signs of decline in social use, diglossia and the re-growth of discrimination cases.[8]
Etymology and pronunciation
[edit]The word Catalan is derived from the territorial name of Catalonia, itself of disputed etymology. The main theory suggests that Catalunya (Latin: Gathia Launia) derives from the name Gothia or Gauthia ('Land of the Goths'), since the origins of the Catalan counts, lords and people were found in the March of Gothia, whence Gothland > Gothlandia > Gothalania > Catalonia theoretically derived.[9][10]
In English, the term referring to a person first appears in the mid 14th century as Catelaner, followed in the 15th century as Catellain (from Middle French). It is attested a language name since at least 1652. The word Catalan can be pronounced in English as /ˈkætələn, -æn/ KAT-ə-lən, -lan or /ˌkætəˈlæn/ KAT-ə-LAN.[11][12]
The endonym is pronounced [kətəˈla] in the Eastern Catalan dialects, and [kataˈla] in the Western dialects. In the Valencian Community and Carche, the term valencià [valensiˈa] is frequently used instead. Thus, the name "Valencian", although often employed for referring to the varieties specific to the Valencian Community and Carche, is also used by Valencians as a name for the language as a whole,[13] synonymous with "Catalan".[14][13] Both uses of the term have their respective entries in the dictionaries by the Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua (AVL)[note 1] and the Institut d'Estudis Catalans (IEC).[note 2] (See also status of Valencian below).
History
[edit]Middle Ages
[edit]By the 9th century, Catalan had evolved from Vulgar Latin on both sides of the eastern end of the Pyrenees, as well as the territories of the Roman province of Hispania Tarraconensis to the south.[6] From the 8th century onwards the Catalan counts extended their territory southwards and westwards at the expense of the Muslims, bringing their language with them.[6] This process was given definitive impetus with the separation of the County of Barcelona from the Carolingian Empire in 988.[6]
In the 11th century, documents written in macaronic Latin begin to show Catalan elements,[16] with texts written almost completely in Romance appearing by 1080.[16] Old Catalan shared many features with Gallo-Romance, diverging from Old Occitan between the 11th and 14th centuries.[17]
During the 11th and 12th centuries the Catalan rulers expanded southward to the Ebro river,[6] and in the 13th century they conquered the lands that would become the Kingdoms of Valencia and the Majorca.[6] The city of Alghero in Sardinia was repopulated with Catalan speakers in the 14th century. The language also reached Murcia, which became Spanish-speaking in the 15th century.[18]

In the Low Middle Ages, Catalan went through a golden age, reaching a peak of maturity and cultural richness.[6] Examples include the work of Majorcan polymath Ramon Llull (1232–1315), the Four Great Chronicles (13th–14th centuries), and the Valencian school of poetry culminating in Ausiàs March (1397–1459).[6] By the 15th century, the city of Valencia had become the sociocultural center of the Crown of Aragon, and Catalan was present all over the Mediterranean world.[6] During this period, the Royal Chancery propagated a highly standardized language.[6] Catalan was widely used as an official language in Sicily until the 15th century, and in Sardinia until the 17th.[18] During this period, the language was what Costa Carreras terms "one of the 'great languages' of medieval Europe".[6]
Martorell's novel of chivalry Tirant lo Blanc (1490) shows a transition from Medieval to Renaissance values, something that can also be seen in Metge's work.[6] The first book produced with movable type in the Iberian Peninsula was printed in Catalan.[19][6]
Early modern era
[edit]Spain
[edit]With the union of the crowns of Castille and Aragon in 1479, the Spanish kings ruled over different kingdoms, each with its own cultural, linguistic and political particularities, and they had to swear by the laws of each territory before the respective parliaments. But after the War of the Spanish Succession, Spain became an absolute monarchy under Philip V, which led to the assimilation of the Crown of Aragon by the Crown of Castile through the Nueva Planta decrees, as a first step in the creation of the Spanish nation-state; as in other contemporary European states, this meant the imposition of the political and cultural characteristics of the dominant groups.[20][21] Since the political unification of 1714, Spanish assimilation policies towards national minorities have been a constant.[22][23][24][25][26][neutrality is disputed]
The process of assimilation began with secret instructions to the corregidores of the Catalan territory: they "will take the utmost care to introduce the Castilian language, for which purpose he will give the most temperate and disguised measures so that the effect is achieved, without the care being noticed".[27] From there, actions in the service of assimilation, discreet or aggressive, were continued, and reached to the last detail, such as, in 1799, the Royal Certificate forbidding anyone to "represent, sing and dance pieces that were not in Spanish".[27] The use of Spanish gradually became more prestigious[18] and marked the start of the decline of Catalan.[6][7] Starting in the 16th century, Catalan literature came under the influence of Spanish, and the nobles, part of the urban and literary classes became bilingual.[18]
France
[edit]With the Treaty of the Pyrenees (1659), Spain ceded the northern part of the Principality of Catalonia to France, and soon thereafter the local Catalan varieties came under the influence of French, which in 1700 became the sole official language of the region.[3][28]
Shortly after the French Revolution (1789), the French First Republic prohibited official use of, and enacted discriminating policies against, the regional languages of France, such as Catalan, Alsatian, Breton, Occitan, Flemish, and Basque.
France: 19th to 20th century
[edit]After the French colony of Algeria was established in 1830, many Catalan-speaking settlers moved there. People from the Spanish province of Alicante settled around Oran, while those from French Catalonia and Menorca migrated to Algiers.
By 1911, there were around 100,000 speakers of Patuet,[29] as their speech was called.[30] After the Algerian declaration of independence in 1962, almost all the Pied-Noir Catalan speakers fled to Northern Catalonia[31] or Alicante.[32]
The French government only recognizes French as an official language. Nevertheless, on 10 December 2007, the then General Council of the Pyrénées-Orientales officially recognized Catalan as one of the départment's languages[33] and seeks to further promote it in public life and education.
Spain: 18th to 20th century
[edit]
In 1807, the Statistics Office of the French Ministry of the Interior asked the prefects for an official survey on the limits of the French language. The survey found that in Roussillon, almost only Catalan was spoken, and since Napoleon wanted to incorporate Catalonia into France, as happened in 1812, the consul in Barcelona was also asked. He declared that Catalan "is taught in schools, it is printed and spoken, not only among the lower class, but also among people of first quality, also in social gatherings, as in visits and congresses", indicating that it was spoken everywhere "with the exception of the royal courts". He also indicated that Catalan was spoken "in the Kingdom of Valencia, in the islands of Mallorca, Menorca, Ibiza, Sardinia, Corsica and much of Sicily, in the Vall d "Aran and Cerdaña".[34]
The defeat of the pro-Habsburg coalition in the War of the Spanish Succession (1714) initiated a series of laws which, among other centralizing measures, imposed the use of Spanish in legal documentation all over Spain. Because of this, use of the Catalan language declined into the 18th century.
However, the 19th century saw a Catalan literary revival (Renaixença), which has continued up to the present day.[3] This period starts with Aribau's Ode to the Homeland (1833); followed in the second half of the 19th century, and the early 20th by the work of Verdaguer (poetry), Oller (realist novel), and Guimerà (drama).[35] In the 19th century, the region of Carche, in the province of Murcia was repopulated with Valencian speakers.[36] Catalan spelling was standardized in 1913 and the language became official during the Second Spanish Republic (1931–1939). The Second Spanish Republic saw a brief period of tolerance, with most restrictions against Catalan lifted.[3] The Generalitat (the autonomous government of Catalonia, established during the Republic in 1931) made a normal use of Catalan in its administration and put efforts to promote it at the social level, including in schools and the University of Barcelona.
The Catalan language and culture were still vibrant during the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939), but were crushed at an unprecedented level throughout the subsequent decades due to Francoist dictatorship (1939–1975), which abolished the official status of Catalan and imposed the use of Spanish in schools and in public administration in all of Spain, while banning the use of Catalan in them.[37][7] Between 1939 and 1943 newspapers and book printing in Catalan almost disappeared.[38] Francisco Franco's desire for a homogeneous Spanish population resonated with some Catalans in favor of his regime, primarily members of the upper class, who began to reject the use of Catalan. Despite all of these hardships, Catalan continued to be used privately within households, and it was able to survive Franco's dictatorship. At the end of World War II, however, some of the harsh measures began to be lifted and, while Spanish language remained the sole promoted one, limited number of Catalan literature began to be tolerated. Several prominent Catalan authors resisted the suppression through literature.[39] Private initiative contests were created to reward works in Catalan, among them Joan Martorell prize (1947), Víctor Català prize (1953) Carles Riba award (1950), or the Honor Award of Catalan Letters (1969).[40] The first Catalan-language TV show was broadcast in 1964.[41] At the same time, oppression of the Catalan language and identity was carried out in schools, through governmental bodies, and in religious centers.[42]
In addition to the loss of prestige for Catalan and its prohibition in schools, migration during the 1950s into Catalonia from other parts of Spain also contributed to the diminished use of the language. These migrants were often unaware of the existence of Catalan, and thus felt no need to learn or use it. Catalonia was the economic powerhouse of Spain, so these migrations continued to occur from all corners of the country. Employment opportunities were reduced for those who were not bilingual.[43] Daily newspapers remained exclusively in Spanish until after Franco's death, when the first one in Catalan since the end of the Civil War, Avui, began to be published in 1976.[44]
Present day
[edit]Since the Spanish transition to democracy (1975–1982), Catalan has been institutionalized as an official language, language of education, and language of mass media; all of which have contributed to its increased prestige.[45] In Catalonia, there is an unparalleled large bilingual European non-state linguistic community.[45] The teaching of Catalan is mandatory in all schools,[3] but it is possible to use Spanish for studying in the public education system of Catalonia in two situations—if the teacher assigned to a class chooses to use Spanish, or during the learning process of one or more recently arrived immigrant students.[46] There is also some intergenerational shift towards Catalan.[3]
More recently, several Spanish political forces have tried to increase the use of Spanish in the Catalan educational system.[47] As a result, in May 2022 the Spanish Supreme Court urged the Catalan regional government to enforce a measure by which 25% of all lessons must be taught in Spanish.[48]
According to the Statistical Institute of Catalonia, in 2013 the Catalan language is the second most commonly used in Catalonia, after Spanish, as a native or self-defining language: 7% of the population self-identifies with both Catalan and Spanish equally, 36.4% with Catalan and 47.5% only Spanish.[49] In 2003 the same studies concluded no language preference for self-identification within the population above 15 years old: 5% self-identified with both languages, 44.3% with Catalan and 47.5% with Spanish.[50] To promote use of Catalan, the Generalitat de Catalunya (Catalonia's official Autonomous government) spends part of its annual budget on the promotion of the use of Catalan in Catalonia and in other territories, with entities such as Consorci per a la Normalització Lingüística [ca; es] (Consortium for Linguistic Normalization).[51][52]
In Andorra, Catalan has always been the sole official language.[3] Since the promulgation of the 1993 constitution, several policies favoring Catalan have been enforced, such as Catalan medium education.[3]
On the other hand, there are several language shift processes currently taking place. In the Northern Catalonia area of France, Catalan has followed the same trend as the other minority languages of France, with most of its native speakers being 60 or older (as of 2004).[3] Catalan is studied as a foreign language by 30% of the primary education students, and by 15% of the secondary.[3] The cultural association La Bressola promotes a network of community-run schools engaged in Catalan language immersion programs.
In Alicante province, Catalan is being replaced by Spanish and in Alghero by Italian.[45] There is also well ingrained diglossia in the Valencian Community, Ibiza, and to a lesser extent, in the rest of the Balearic islands.[3]
During the 20th century many Catalans emigrated or went into exile to Venezuela, Mexico, Cuba, Argentina, and other South American countries. They formed a large number of Catalan colonies that today continue to maintain the Catalan language.[53] They also founded many Catalan casals (associations).[54]
Classification and relationship with other Romance languages
[edit]
One classification of Catalan is given by Pèire Bèc:
However, the ascription of Catalan to the Occitano-Romance branch of Gallo-Romance languages is not shared by all linguists and philologists, particularly among Spanish ones, such as Ramón Menéndez Pidal.
Catalan bears varying degrees of similarity to the linguistic varieties subsumed under the cover term Occitan language (see also differences between Occitan and Catalan and Gallo-Romance languages). Thus, as it should be expected from closely related languages, Catalan today shares many traits with other Romance languages.
Relationship with other Romance languages
[edit]Some include Catalan in Occitan, as the linguistic distance between this language and some Occitan dialects (such as the Gascon dialect) is similar to the distance among different Occitan dialects. Catalan was considered a dialect of Occitan until the end of the 19th century[55] and still today remains its closest relative.[56]
Catalan shares many traits with the other neighboring Romance languages (Occitan, French, Italian, Sardinian as well as Spanish and Portuguese among others).[36] However, despite being spoken mostly on the Iberian Peninsula, Catalan has marked differences with the Iberian Romance group (Spanish and Portuguese) in terms of pronunciation, grammar, and especially vocabulary; it shows instead its closest affinity with languages native to France and northern Italy, particularly Occitan[57][58][59] and to a lesser extent Gallo-Romance (Franco-Provençal, French, Gallo-Italian).[60][61][62][63][57][58][59]
According to Ethnologue, the lexical similarity between Catalan and other Romance languages is: 87% with Italian; 85% with Portuguese and Spanish; 76% with Ladin and Romansh; 75% with Sardinian; and 73% with Romanian.[1]
| Gloss | Catalan | Occitan | (Campidanese) Sardinian |
Italian | French | Spanish | Portuguese | Romanian |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| cousin | cosí | cosin | fradili | cugino | cousin | primo | primo, coirmão | văr |
| brother | germà | fraire | fradi | fratello | frère | hermano | irmão | frate |
| nephew | nebot | nebot | nebodi | nipote | neveu | sobrino | sobrinho | nepot |
| summer | estiu | estiu | istadi | estate | été | verano, estío[64] | verão, estio[64] | vară |
| evening | vespre | ser, vèspre | seru | sera | soir | tarde, noche[65] | tarde, serão[65] | seară |
| morning | matí | matin | mangianu | mattina | matin | mañana | manhã, matina | dimineață |
| frying pan | paella | padena | paella | padella | poêle | sartén | frigideira, fritadeira | tigaie |
| bed | llit | lièch (or lèit) | letu | letto | lit | cama, lecho | cama, leito | pat |
| bird | ocell, au | aucèl | pilloni | uccello | oiseau | ave, pájaro | ave, pássaro | pasăre |
| dog | gos, ca | gos, canh | cani | cane | chien | perro, can | cão, cachorro | câine |
| plum | pruna | pruna | pruna | prugna | prune | ciruela | ameixa | prună |
| butter | mantega | bodre | burru (or butiru) |
burro | beurre | mantequilla (or manteca) |
manteiga | unt |
| piece | tros | tròç, petaç | arrogu | pezzo | morceau, pièce | pedazo, trozo[66] | pedaço, bocado | bucată |
| gray | gris | gris | canu | grigio | gris | gris, pardo[67] | cinzento, gris | gri,[68] sur, cenușiu |
| hot | calent | caud | callenti | caldo | chaud | caliente | quente | cald |
| too much | massa | tròp | tropu | troppo | trop | demasiado | demais, demasiado | prea |
| to want | voler | vòler | bolli(ri) | volere | vouloir | querer | querer | a vrea |
| to take | prendre | prendre (or prene) |
pigai | prendere | prendre | tomar, prender | apanhar, levar | a lua |
| to pray | pregar, resar, orar | pregar | pregai | pregare | prier | orar, rezar | orar, rezar, pregar | a se ruga |
| to ask | demanar / preguntar | demandar | dimandai, preguntai | domandare | demander | pedir, preguntar | pedir, perguntar | a cere, a întreba |
| to search | cercar / buscar | cercar | circai | cercare | chercher | buscar | procurar, buscar | a căuta |
| to arrive | arribar | arribar | arribai | arrivare | arriver | llegar, arribar | chegar | a ajunge |
| to speak | parlar | parlar | chistionnai, fueddai | parlare | parler | hablar, parlar | falar, parlar | a vorbi |
| to eat | menjar | manjar | pappai | mangiare | manger | comer (manyar in lunfardo; papear in slang) |
comer, manjar (papar in slang) |
a mânca |
During much of its history, and especially during the Francoist dictatorship (1939–1975), the Catalan language was ridiculed as a mere dialect of Spanish.[58][59] This view, based on political and ideological considerations, has no linguistic validity.[58][59] Spanish and Catalan have important differences in their sound systems, lexicon, and grammatical features, placing the language in features closer to Occitan (and French).[58][59]
There is evidence that, at least from the 2nd century AD, the vocabulary and phonology of Roman Tarraconensis was different from the rest of Roman Hispania.[57] Differentiation arose generally because Spanish, Asturian, and Galician-Portuguese share certain peripheral archaisms (Spanish hervir, Asturian and Portuguese ferver vs. Catalan bullir, Occitan bolir "to boil") and innovatory regionalisms (Spanish novillo, Asturian nuviellu vs. Catalan torell, Occitan taurèl "bullock"), while Catalan has a shared history with the Western Romance innovative core, especially Occitan.[69][57]
| Latin | Catalan | Spanish |
|---|---|---|
| accostare | acostar "to bring closer" | acostar "to put to bed" |
| levare | llevar "to remove; wake up" |
llevar "to take" |
| trahere | traure "to remove" | traer "to bring" |
| circare | cercar "to search" | cercar "to fence" |
| collocare | colgar "to bury" | colgar "to hang" |
| mulier | muller "wife" | mujer "woman or wife" |
Like all Romance languages, Catalan has a handful of native words which are unique to it, or rare elsewhere. These include:
- verbs: cōnfīgere 'to fasten; transfix' > confegir 'to compose, write up', congemināre > conjuminar 'to combine, conjugate', de-ex-somnitare > deixondar/-ir 'to wake; awaken', dēnsāre 'to thicken; crowd together' > desar 'to save, keep', īgnōrāre > enyorar 'to miss, yearn, pine for', indāgāre 'to investigate, track' > Old Catalan enagar 'to incite, induce', odiāre > Old Catalan ujar 'to exhaust, fatigue', pācificāre > apaivagar 'to appease, mollify', repudiāre > rebutjar 'to reject, refuse';
- nouns: brīsa > brisa 'pomace', buda > boga 'reedmace', catarrhu > cadarn 'catarrh', congesta > congesta 'snowdrift', dēlīrium > deler 'ardor, passion', fretu > freu 'brake', lābem > (a)llau 'avalanche', ōra > vora 'edge, border', pistrīce 'sawfish' > pestriu > pestiu 'thresher shark, smooth hound; ray', prūna 'live coal' > espurna 'spark', tardātiōnem > tardaó > tardor 'autumn'.[70][clarification needed]
The Gothic superstrate produced different outcomes in Spanish and Catalan. For example, Catalan fang "mud" and rostir "to roast", of Germanic origin, contrast with Spanish lodo and asar, of Latin origin; whereas Catalan filosa "spinning wheel" and templa "temple", of Latin origin, contrast with Spanish rueca and sien, of Germanic origin.[57]
The same happens with Arabic loanwords. Thus, Catalan alfàbia "large earthenware jar" and rajola "tile", of Arabic origin, contrast with Spanish tinaja and teja, of Latin origin; whereas Catalan oli "oil" and oliva "olive", of Latin origin, contrast with Spanish aceite and aceituna.[57] However, the Arabic element is generally much more prevalent in Spanish.[57]
Situated between two large linguistic blocks (Iberian Romance and Gallo-Romance), Catalan has many unique lexical choices, such as enyorar "to miss somebody", apaivagar "to calm somebody down", and rebutjar "reject".[57]
Geographic distribution
[edit]Catalan-speaking territories
[edit]Traditionally Catalan-speaking territories are sometimes called the Països Catalans (Catalan Countries), a denomination based on cultural affinity and common heritage, that has also had a subsequent political interpretation but no official status. Various interpretations of the term may include some or all of these regions.
| State | Territory | Catalan name | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| Andorra | Andorra | A sovereign state where Catalan is the national and the sole official language. The Andorrans speak a Western Catalan variety.[b] | |
| France | Northern Catalonia | Catalunya Nord | Roughly corresponding to the département of Pyrénées-Orientales, with the exception of the traditionally Occitan-speaking comarca of Fenouillèdes.[36] |
| Spain | Catalonia | Catalunya | In the Aran Valley (northwest corner of Catalonia), in addition to Occitan, which is the local language, Catalan, Spanish and French are also spoken.[36] |
| Valencian Community (a.k.a. Valencian Country) |
Comunitat Valenciana (País Valencià) |
Excepting some regions in the west and south which have been Aragonese/Spanish-speaking since at least the 18th century.[36] The Western Catalan variety spoken there is known as "Valencian". | |
| La Franja | La Franja | A part of the Autonomous Community of Aragon, specifically a strip bordering Western Catalonia. It comprises the comarques of Ribagorça, Llitera, Baix Cinca, and Matarranya. | |
| Balearic Islands | Illes Balears | Comprising the islands of Mallorca, Menorca, Ibiza and Formentera. | |
| Carche | El Carxe | A small area of the Autonomous Community of Murcia, settled in the 19th century.[36] | |
| Italy | Alghero | L'Alguer | A city in the Province of Sassari, on the island of Sardinia, where the Algherese dialect is spoken. |
Number of speakers
[edit]The number of people known to be fluent in Catalan varies depending on the sources used. A 2004 study did not count the total number of speakers, but estimated a total of 9–9.5 million by matching the percentage of speakers to the population of each area where Catalan is spoken.[71] The web site of the Generalitat de Catalunya estimated that as of 2004 there were 9,118,882 speakers of Catalan.[72] These figures only reflect potential speakers; today it is the native language of only 35.6% of the Catalan population.[73] According to Ethnologue, Catalan had 4.1 million native speakers and 5.1 million second-language speakers in 2021.[1]

According to a 2011 study the total number of Catalan speakers was over 9.8 million, with 5.9 million residing in Catalonia. More than half of them spoke Catalan as a second language, with native speakers being about 4.4 million of those (more than 2.8 in Catalonia).[74] Very few Catalan monoglots exist; virtually all of the Catalan speakers in Spain are bilingual speakers of Catalan and Spanish, with 99.7% of Catalan speakers in Catalonia able to speak Spanish and 99.9% able to understand it.[75]
In Roussillon, only a minority of French Catalans speak Catalan nowadays, with French being the majority language for the inhabitants after a continued process of language shift. According to a 2019 survey by the Catalan government, 31.5% of the inhabitants of Catalonia predominantly spoke Catalan at home whereas 52.7% spoke Spanish, 2.8% both Catalan and Spanish and 10.8% other languages.[76]
Spanish was the most spoken language in Barcelona (according to the linguistic census held by the Government of Catalonia in 2013) and it is understood almost universally. According to 2013 census, Catalan was also very commonly spoken in the city of 1,501,262: it was understood by 95% of the population, while 72.3% over the age of two could speak it (1,137,816), 79% could read it (1,246.555), and 53% could write it (835,080).[77] The share of Barcelona residents who could speak it (72.3%)[78] was lower than that of the overall Catalan population, of whom 81.2% over the age of 15 spoke the language. Knowledge of Catalan has increased significantly in recent decades thanks to a language immersion educational system. An important social characteristic of the Catalan language is that all the areas where it is spoken are bilingual in practice: together with French in Roussillon, with Italian in Alghero, with Spanish and French in Andorra, and with Spanish in the rest of the territories.
| Territory | State | Understand 1[79] | Can speak 2[79] |
|---|---|---|---|
| Catalonia | Spain | 6,502,880 | 5,698,400 |
| Valencian Community | Spain | 3,448,780 | 2,407,951 |
| Balearic Islands | Spain | 852,780 | 706,065 |
| Roussillon | France | 203,121 | 125,621 |
| Andorra | Andorra | 75,407 | 61,975 |
| La Franja (Aragon) | Spain | 47,250 | 45,000 |
| Alghero (Sardinia) | Italy | 20,000 | 17,625 |
| Carche (Murcia) | Spain | ~600 | 600[80] |
| Total Catalan-speaking territories | 11,150,218 | 9,062,637 | |
| Rest of World | No data | 350,000 | |
| Total | 11,150,218 | 9,412,637 | |
- 1.^ The number of people who understand Catalan includes those who can speak it.
- 2.^ Figures relate to all self-declared capable speakers, not just native speakers.
Level of knowledge
[edit]| Area | Speak | Understand | Read | Write |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Catalonia[81] | 81.2 | 94.4 | 85.5 | 65.3 |
| Valencian Community | 57.5 | 78.1 | 54.9 | 32.5 |
| Balearic Islands | 74.6 | 93.1 | 79.6 | 46.9 |
| Roussillon | 37.1 | 65.3 | 31.4 | 10.6 |
| Andorra | 78.9 | 96.0 | 89.7 | 61.1 |
| Franja Oriental of Aragón | 88.8 | 98.5 | 72.9 | 30.3 |
| Alghero | 67.6 | 89.9 | 50.9 | 28.4 |
(% of the population 15 years old and older).
Social use
[edit]| Area | At home | Outside home |
|---|---|---|
| Catalonia | 45 | 51 |
| Valencian Community | 37 | 32 |
| Balearic Islands | 44 | 41 |
| Roussillon | 1 | 1 |
| Andorra | 38 | 51 |
| Franja Oriental of Aragón | 70 | 61 |
| Alghero | 8 | 4 |
(% of the population 15 years old and older).
Native language
[edit]To calculate the absolute number the figures have been proportioned to the whole population regardless of the age, rounded to the nearest 500.
| Area | People | Percentage | Year | Source |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Catalonia | 3,101,500 | 40.6% | 2021 | [83] |
| Valencian Community | 1,271,000 | 25.4% | 2021 | [83] |
| Balearic Islands | 401,500 | 33.2% | 2021 | [83] |
| Aragon | 29,500 | 2.5% | 2021 | [83] |
| Rest of Spain | 80,500 | 0.3% | 2021 | [83] |
| Andorra | 35,000 | 44.1% | 2022 | [84] |
| Roussillon | 60,000 | 12.7% | 2015 | [85] |
| Alghero | 10,500 | 24.1% | 2015 | [86] |
| TOTAL | 4,989,500 |
Phonology
[edit]Catalan phonology varies by dialect. Notable features include:[87]
- Marked contrast of the vowel pairs /ɛ, e/ and /ɔ, o/, as in other Western Romance languages, other than Spanish.[87]
- Lack of diphthongization of Latin short ĕ, ŏ, as in Galician and Portuguese, but unlike French, Spanish, or Italian.[87]
- Abundance of diphthongs containing /w/, as in Galician and Portuguese.[87]
In contrast to other Romance languages, Catalan has many monosyllabic words, and these may end in a wide variety of consonants, including some consonant clusters.[87] Additionally, Catalan has final obstruent devoicing, which gives rise to an abundance of such couplets as amic ("male friend") vs. amiga ("female friend").[87]
Central Catalan pronunciation is considered to be standard for the language.[88] The descriptions below are mostly representative of this variety.[89] For the differences in pronunciation between the different dialects, see the section on pronunciation of dialects in this article.
Vowels
[edit]
Catalan has inherited the typical vowel system of Vulgar Latin, with seven stressed phonemes: /a, ɛ, e, i, ɔ, o, u/, a common feature in Western Romance, with the exception of Spanish.[87] Balearic also has instances of stressed /ə/.[91] Dialects differ in the different degrees of vowel reduction,[92] and the incidence of the pair /ɛ, e/.[93]
In Central Catalan, unstressed vowels reduce to three: /a, e, ɛ/ > [ə]; /o, ɔ, u/ > [u]; /i/ remains distinct.[94] The other dialects have different vowel reduction processes (see the section pronunciation of dialects in this article).
| Front vowels | Back vowels | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Word pair |
gel ("ice") gelat ("ice cream") |
pedra ("stone") pedrera ("quarry") |
banya ("he bathes") banyem/banyem ("we bathe") |
cosa ("thing") coseta ("little thing") |
tot ("everything") total ("total") |
| IPA transcription |
[ˈʒɛl] [ʒəˈlat] |
[ˈpeðɾə] [pəˈðɾeɾə] |
[ˈbaɲə] [bəˈɲɛm] |
[ˈkɔzə] [kuˈzɛtə] |
[ˈtot] [tuˈtal] |
Consonants
[edit]| Labial | Alveolar / Dental |
Palatal | Velar | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Nasal | m | n | ɲ | (ŋ) | |
| Plosive | voiceless | p | t | k | |
| voiced | b | d | ɡ | ||
| Affricate | voiceless | ts | tʃ | ||
| voiced | dz | dʒ | |||
| Fricative | voiceless | f | s | ʃ | |
| voiced | (v) | z | (ʒ) | ||
| Approximant | central | j | w | ||
| lateral | l | ʎ | |||
| Tap | ɾ | ||||
| Trill | r | ||||
The consonant system of Catalan is rather conservative.
- /l/ has a velarized allophone in syllable coda position in most dialects.[97] However, /l/ is velarized irrespective of position in Eastern dialects such as Majorcan[98] and standard Eastern Catalan.
- /v/ occurs in Balearic,[99] Algherese, standard Valencian and some areas in southern Catalonia.[100] It has merged with /b/ elsewhere.[101]
- The velar nasal /ŋ/ is an allophone of /n/ before /g/ or /k/. However, it has become phonemic in Central dialects that delete the final element of word-final consonant clusters, resulting in minimal pairs such as fan [ˈfan] (“they do”) and fang [ˈfaŋ] (“mud”, pronounced [ˈfaŋk] in other dialects).
- In Valencian, the fricative [ʒ] (and [jʒ]) appears only as a voiced allophone of /ʃ/ (and /jʃ/) before vowels and voiced consonants; e.g. peix al forn [ˈpejʒ al ˈfoɾn] ('oven fish'). The /ʒ/ phoneme in other Catalan dialects is pronounced /dʒ/ in standard Valencian.
- Voiced obstruents undergo final-obstruent devoicing: /b/ > [p], /d/ > [t], /ɡ/ > [k].[102]
- Voiced stops become lenited to approximants in syllable onsets, after continuants: /b/ > [β], /d/ > [ð], /ɡ/ > [ɣ].[103] Exceptions include /d/ after lateral consonants, and /b/ after /f/. In coda position, these sounds are realized as stops,[104] except in some Valencian dialects where they are lenited.[105]
- There is some confusion in the literature about the precise phonetic characteristics of /ʃ/, /ʒ/, /tʃ/, /dʒ/. Some sources[99] describe them as "postalveolar". Others[106][107] as "back alveolo-palatal", implying that the characters ⟨ɕ ʑ tɕ dʑ⟩ would be more accurate. However, in all literature only the characters for palato-alveolar affricates and fricatives are used, even when the same sources use ⟨ɕ ʑ⟩ for other languages such as Polish and Chinese.[108][109][107]
- The distribution of the two rhotics /r/ and /ɾ/ closely parallels that of Spanish. Between vowels, the two contrast, but they are otherwise in complementary distribution: in the onset of the first syllable in a word, [r] appears unless preceded by a consonant. Dialects vary in regards to rhotics in the coda with Western Catalan generally featuring [ɾ] and Central Catalan dialects featuring a weakly trilled [r] unless it precedes a vowel-initial word in the same prosodic unit, in which case [ɾ] appears.[110]
- In careful speech, /n/, /m/, /l/ may be geminated. Geminated /ʎ/ may also occur.[99] Some analyze intervocalic [r] as the result of gemination of a single rhotic phoneme.[111] This is similar to the common analysis of Spanish and Portuguese rhotics.[112]
Phonological evolution
[edit]
Catalan shares features with neighboring Romance languages (Occitan, Italian, Sardinian, French, Spanish).[36]
- Marked contrast of the vowel pairs /ɛ/ ~ /e/ and /ɔ/ ~ /o/, as in other Western Romance languages, except Spanish and Sardinian.[113]
- Lenition of voiced stops [b] → [β], [d] → [ð], [ɡ] → [ɣ] as in Galician and Spanish.[113]
- Lack of diphthongization of Latin short ĕ, ŏ, as in Galician, Sardinian and Portuguese, and unlike French, Spanish and Italian.[113]
- Abundance of diphthongs containing /w/, as in Galician and Portuguese.[113]
- Abundance of /ʎ/ and /ɲ/ occurring at the end of words, as for instance moll ("wet") and any ("year"), unlike Spanish,[114] Portuguese or Italian.
In contrast with other Romance languages, Catalan has many monosyllabic words; and those ending in a wide variety of consonants and some consonant clusters.[113] Also, Catalan has final obstruent devoicing, thus featuring many couplets like amic ('male friend') vs. amiga ('female friend').[113]
Sociolinguistics
[edit]Catalan sociolinguistics studies the situation of Catalan in the world and the different varieties that this language presents. It is a subdiscipline of Catalan philology and other affine studies and has as an objective to analyze the relation between the Catalan language, the speakers and the close reality (including the one of other languages in contact).
Preferential subjects of study
[edit]- Dialects of Catalan
- Variations of Catalan by class, gender, profession, age and level of studies
- Process of linguistic normalization
- Relations between Catalan and Spanish or French
- Perception on the language of Catalan speakers and non-speakers
- Presence of Catalan in several fields: tagging, public function, media, professional sectors
Dialects
[edit]Overview
[edit]
The dialects of the Catalan language feature a relative uniformity, especially when compared to other Romance languages;[63] both in terms of vocabulary, semantics, syntax, morphology, and phonology.[118] Mutual intelligibility between dialects is very high,[36][119][88] estimates ranging from 90% to 95%.[1] The only exception is the isolated idiosyncratic Algherese dialect.[63]
Catalan is split in two major dialectal blocks: Eastern and Western.[88][118] The main difference lies in the treatment of unstressed a and e; which have merged to /ə/ in Eastern dialects, but which remain distinct as /a/ and /e/ in Western dialects.[63][88] There are a few other differences in pronunciation, verbal morphology, and vocabulary.[36]
Western Catalan comprises the two dialects of North-Western Catalan and Valencian; the Eastern block comprises four dialects: Central Catalan, Balearic, Roussillonese, and Algherese.[88] Each dialect can be further subdivided in several subdialects. The terms "Catalan" and "Valencian" (respectively used in Catalonia and the Valencian Community) refer to two varieties of the same language.[120] There are two institutions regulating the two standard varieties, the Institute of Catalan Studies in Catalonia and the Valencian Academy of the Language in the Valencian Community.
Central Catalan is considered the standard pronunciation of the language and has the largest number of speakers.[88] It is spoken in the densely populated regions of the Barcelona province, the eastern half of the province of Tarragona, and most of the province of Girona.[88]
Catalan has an inflectional grammar. Nouns have two genders (masculine, feminine), and two numbers (singular, plural). Pronouns additionally can have a neuter gender, and some are also inflected for case and politeness, and can be combined in very complex ways. Verbs are split in several paradigms and are inflected for person, number, tense, aspect, mood, and gender. In terms of pronunciation, Catalan has many words ending in a wide variety of consonants and some consonant clusters, in contrast with many other Romance languages.[87]
| Block | Western Catalan | Eastern Catalan | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Variety | North-Western | Valencian | Central | Balearic | Northern (Roussillonese) | Alguerese (Algherese) |
| Area | Spain, Andorra | Spain | France | Italy | ||
| Andorra, provinces of Lleida, western half of Tarragona, La Franja (Aragon) | Valencian Community, Carche (Murcia) | Provinces of Barcelona, eastern half of Tarragona, most of Girona | Balearic Islands | Roussillon (Northern Catalonia) | City of Alghero in Sardinia | |
Pronunciation
[edit]Vowels
[edit]Catalan has inherited the typical vowel system of Vulgar Latin, with seven stressed phonemes: /a, ɛ, e, i, ɔ, o, u/, a common feature in Western Romance, except Spanish.[87] Balearic has also instances of stressed /ə/.[91] Dialects differ in the different degrees of vowel reduction,[92] and the incidence of the pair /ɛ e/.[93]
In Eastern Catalan (except Majorcan), unstressed vowels reduce to three: /a, e, ɛ/ > [ə]; /o, ɔ, u/ > [u]; /i/ remains distinct.[94] There are a few instances of unreduced [e], [o] in some words.[94] Algherese has lowered [ə] to [a].
In Majorcan, unstressed vowels reduce to four: /a, e, ɛ/ follow the Eastern Catalan reduction pattern; however /o, ɔ/ reduce to [o], with /u/ remaining distinct, as in Western Catalan.[122]
In Western Catalan, unstressed vowels reduce to five: /e, ɛ/ > [e]; /o, ɔ/ > [o]; /a, u, i/ remain distinct.[123][124] This reduction pattern, inherited from Proto-Romance, is also found in Italian and Portuguese.[123] Some Western dialects present further reduction or vowel harmony in some cases.[123][125]
Central, Western, and Balearic differ in the lexical incidence of stressed /e/ and /ɛ/.[93] Usually, words with /ɛ/ in Central Catalan correspond to /ə/ in Balearic and /e/ in Western Catalan.[93] Words with /e/ in Balearic almost always have /e/ in Central and Western Catalan as well.[vague][93] As a result, Central Catalan has a much higher incidence of /ɛ/.[93]
| |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Word pairs: the first with stressed root, the second with unstressed root |
Western | Eastern | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Majorcan | Central | Northern | |||
| Front vowels |
gel ("ice") gelat ("ice cream") |
[ˈdʒɛl] [dʒeˈlat] |
[ˈʒɛl] [ʒəˈlat] |
[ˈʒel] [ʒəˈlat] | |
| pera ("pear") perera ("pear tree") |
[ˈpeɾa] [peˈɾeɾa] |
[ˈpəɾə] [pəˈɾeɾə] |
[ˈpɛɾə] [pəˈɾeɾə] |
[ˈpeɾə] [pəˈɾeɾə] | |
| pedra ("stone") pedrera ("quarry") |
[ˈpeðɾa] [peˈðɾeɾa] |
[ˈpeðɾə] [pəˈðɾeɾə] | |||
| banya ("he bathes") banyem/banyam ("we bathe") |
[ˈbaɲa] [baˈɲem] |
[ˈbaɲə] [bəˈɲam] |
[ˈbaɲə] [bəˈɲɛm] |
[ˈbaɲə] [bəˈɲem] | |
| Back vowels |
cosa ("thing") coseta ("little thing") |
[ˈkɔza] [koˈzeta] |
[ˈkɔzə] [koˈzətə] |
[ˈkɔzə] [kuˈzɛtə] |
[ˈkozə] [kuˈzetə] |
| tot ("everything") total ("total") |
[ˈtot] [toˈtal] |
[ˈtot] [tuˈtal] |
[ˈtut] [tuˈtal] | ||
Consonants
[edit]Catalan dialects are characterized by final-obstruent devoicing, lenition and voicing assimilation. Additionally, many dialects contrast two rhotics (/r, ɾ/) and two laterals (/l, ʎ/).
Most Catalan dialects are also renowned by the usage of dark l (i.e. velarization of /l/ → [ɫ]), which is especially noticeable in syllable final position, in comparison to neighbouring languages, such as Spanish, Italian and French (that lack this pronunciation).
There is dialectal variation in regard to:
- The pronunciation and distribution of sibilants (with different results according to voicing and affrication vs. deaffrication).
- While, arguably there are seven to eight sibilants in Standard Catalan and Standard Valencian, dialects like Central Valencian and Ribagorçan only have three or four.
- The usage of the voiced labiodental fricative phoneme /v/.
- The pronunciation or not of yod (/j/) in the digraph ⟨ix⟩.
- The elision and pronunciation of final rhotics (either /ɾ/ or /r/).
- The delateralization of the palatal lateral approximant (/ʎ/).
- The alternation of lenition vs. fortition (such as /b/ in poble 'village, people' → [β] vs. [b] vs. [bː] vs. [p] vs. [pː]).
Morphology
[edit]Western Catalan: In verbs, the ending for 1st-person present indicative is -e in verbs of the 1st conjugation and -∅ in verbs of the 2nd and 3rd conjugations in most of the Valencian Community, or -o in all verb conjugations in the Northern Valencian Community and Western Catalonia.
E.g. parle, tem, sent (Valencian); parlo, temo, sento (North-Western Catalan).
Eastern Catalan: In verbs, the ending for 1st-person present indicative is -o, -i, or -∅ in all conjugations.
E.g. parlo (Central), parl (Balearic), and parli (Northern), all meaning ('I speak').
| Conjugation | Eastern Catalan | Western Catalan | Gloss | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Central | Northern | Balearic | Valencian | North-Western | ||||
| 1st | parlo | parli | parl | parle | parlo | 'I speak' | ||
| 2nd | temo | temi | tem | tem | temo | 'I fear' | ||
| 3rd | pure | sento | senti | sent | sent | sento | 'I feel', 'I hear' | |
| inchoative | poleixo | poleixi | poleix or polesc | polisc or polesc | pol(e)ixo | 'I polish' | ||
Western Catalan: In verbs, the inchoative endings are -isc/-esc, -ix, -ixen, -isca/-esca.
Eastern Catalan: In verbs, the inchoative endings are -eixo, -eix, -eixen, -eixi.
Western Catalan: In nouns and adjectives, maintenance of /n/ of medieval plurals in proparoxytone words.
E.g. hòmens 'men', jóvens 'youth'.
Eastern Catalan: In nouns and adjectives, loss of /n/ of medieval plurals in proparoxytone words.
E.g. homes 'men', joves 'youth' (Ibicencan, however, follows the model of Western Catalan in this case[127]).
Vocabulary
[edit]Despite its relative lexical unity, the two dialectal blocks of Catalan (Eastern and Western) show some differences in word choices.[57] Any lexical divergence within any of the two groups can be explained as an archaism. Also, usually Central Catalan acts as an innovative element.[57]
| Gloss | "mirror" | "boy" | "broom" | "navel" | "to exit" |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Eastern Catalan | mirall | noi | escombra | llombrígol | sortir |
| Western Catalan | espill | xiquet | granera | melic | eixir |
Standards
[edit]| Catalan (IEC) | Valencian (AVL) | gloss |
|---|---|---|
| anglès | anglés | English |
| conèixer | conéixer | to know |
| treure | traure | take out |
| néixer | nàixer | to be born |
| càntir | cànter | pitcher |
| rodó | redó | round |
| meva | meua | my, mine |
| ametlla | ametla | almond |
| estrella | estrela | star |
| cop | colp | hit |
| llagosta | llangosta | lobster |
| homes | hòmens | men |
| servei | servici | service |
Standard Catalan, virtually accepted by all speakers,[45] is mostly based on Eastern Catalan,[88][128] which is the most widely used dialect. Nevertheless, the standards of the Valencian Community and the Balearics admit alternative forms, mostly traditional ones, which are not current in eastern Catalonia.[128]
The most notable difference between both standards is some tonic ⟨e⟩ accentuation, for instance: francès, anglès (IEC) – francés, anglés (AVL). Nevertheless, AVL's standard keeps the grave accent ⟨è⟩, while pronouncing it as /e/ rather than /ɛ/, in some words such as: què ('what'), or València. Other divergences include the use of ⟨tl⟩ (AVL) in some words instead of ⟨tll⟩ like in ametla/ametlla ('almond'), espatla/espatlla ('back'), the use of elided demonstratives (este 'this', eixe 'that') in the same level as reinforced ones (aquest, aqueix) or the use of many verbal forms common in Valencian, and some of these common in the rest of Western Catalan too, such as subjunctive mood or inchoative conjugation in -ix- at the same level as -eix- or the priority use of -e morpheme in 1st person singular in present indicative (-ar verbs): jo compre instead of jo compro ('I buy').
In the Balearic Islands, IEC's standard is used but adapted for the Balearic dialect by the University of the Balearic Islands's philological section. In this way, for instance, IEC says it is correct writing cantam as much as cantem ('we sing'), but the university says that the priority form in the Balearic Islands must be cantam in all fields. Another feature of the Balearic standard is the non-ending in the 1st person singular present indicative: jo compr ('I buy'), jo tem ('I fear'), jo dorm ('I sleep').
In Alghero, the IEC has adapted its standard to the Algherese dialect. In this standard one can find, among other features: the definite article lo instead of el, special possessive pronouns and determinants la mia ('mine'), lo sou/la sua ('his/her'), lo tou/la tua ('yours'), and so on, the use of -v- /v/ in the imperfect tense in all conjugations: cantava, creixiva, llegiva; the use of many archaic words, usual words in Algherese: manco instead of menys ('less'), calqui u instead of algú ('someone'), qual/quala instead of quin/quina ('which'), and so on; and the adaptation of weak pronouns. In 1999, Catalan (Algherese dialect) was among the twelve minority languages officially recognized as Italy's "historical linguistic minorities" by the Italian State under Law No. 482/1999.[129]
In 2011,[130] the Aragonese government passed a decree approving the statutes of a new language regulator of Catalan in La Franja (the so-called Catalan-speaking areas of Aragon) as originally provided for by Law 10/2009.[131] The new entity, designated as Institut Aragonès del Català, shall allow a facultative education in Catalan and a standardization of the Catalan language in La Franja.
Status of Valencian
[edit]
Valencian is classified as a Western dialect, along with the North-Western varieties spoken in Western Catalonia (provinces of Lleida and the western half of Tarragona).[88][121] Central Catalan has 90% to 95% inherent intelligibility for speakers of Valencian.[1]
Linguists, including Valencian scholars, deal with Catalan and Valencian as the same language. The official regulating body of the language of the Valencian Community, the Valencian Academy of Language (Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua, AVL) declares the linguistic unity between Valencian and Catalan varieties.[13]
[T]he historical patrimonial language of the Valencian people, from a philological standpoint, is the same shared by the autonomous communities of Catalonia and Balearic islands, and Principality of Andorra. Additionally, it is the patrimonial historical language of other territories of the ancient Crown of Aragon [...] The different varieties of these territories constitute a language, that is, a "linguistic system" [...] From this group of varieties, Valencian has the same hierarchy and dignity as any other dialectal modality of that linguistic system [...]
The AVL, created by the Valencian parliament, is in charge of dictating the official rules governing the use of Valencian, and its standard is based on the Norms of Castelló (Normes de Castelló). Currently, everyone who writes in Valencian uses this standard, except the Royal Academy of Valencian Culture (Real Acadèmia de Cultura Valenciana, RACV), which uses an independent standard for Valencian.
Despite the position of the official organizations, an opinion poll carried out between 2001 and 2004[133] showed that the majority of the Valencian people consider Valencian different from Catalan. This position is promoted by people who do not use Valencian regularly.[45][134] Furthermore, the data indicates that younger generations educated in Valencian are much less likely to hold these views. A minority of Valencian scholars active in fields other than linguistics defends the position of the Royal Academy of Valencian Culture (Real Acadèmia de Cultura Valenciana, RACV), which uses for Valencian a standard independent from Catalan.[135]
This clash of opinions has sparked much controversy. For example, during the drafting of the European Constitution in 2004, the Spanish government supplied the EU with translations of the text into Basque, Galician, Catalan, and Valencian, but the latter two were identical.[136]
Vocabulary
[edit]Word choices
[edit]Despite its relative lexical unity, the two dialectal blocks of Catalan (Eastern and Western) show some differences in word choices.[57] Any lexical divergence within any of the two groups can be explained as an archaism. Also, usually Central Catalan acts as an innovative element.[57]
Literary Catalan allows the use of words from different dialects, except those of very restricted use.[57] However, from the 19th century onwards, there has been a tendency towards favoring words of Northern dialects to the detriment of others.[57]
Latin and Greek loanwords
[edit]Like other languages, Catalan has a large list of loanwords from Greek and Latin. This process started very early, and one can find such examples in Ramon Llull's work.[57] In the 14th and 15th centuries Catalan had a far greater number of Greco-Latin loanwords than other Romance languages, as is attested for example in Roís de Corella's writings.[57] The incorporation of learned, or "bookish" words from its own ancestor language, Latin, into Catalan is arguably another form of lexical borrowing through the influence of written language and the liturgical language of the Church. Throughout the Middle Ages and into the early modern period, most literate Catalan speakers were also literate in Latin; and thus they easily adopted Latin words into their writing—and eventually speech—in Catalan.
Word formation
[edit]The process of morphological derivation in Catalan follows the same principles as the other Romance languages,[137] where inflection is common. Many times, several affixes are appended to a preexisting lexeme, and some sound alternations can occur, for example elèctric [əˈlɛktrik] ("electrical") vs. electricitat [ələktrisiˈtat]. Prefixes are usually appended to verbs, as in preveure ("foresee").[137]
There is greater regularity in the process of word-compounding, where one can find compounded words formed much like those in English.[137]
| Type | Example | Gloss |
|---|---|---|
| two nouns, the second assimilated to the first | paper moneda | "banknote paper" |
| noun delimited by an adjective | estat major | "military staff" |
| noun delimited by another noun and a preposition | màquina d'escriure | "typewriter" |
| verb radical with a nominal object | paracaigudes | "parachute" |
| noun delimited by an adjective, with adjectival value | pit-roig | "robin" (bird) |
Writing system
[edit]

| Main forms | A a |
B b |
C c |
D d |
E e |
F f |
G g |
H h |
I i |
J j |
K k |
L l |
M m |
N n |
O o |
P p |
Q q |
R r |
S s |
T t |
U u |
V v |
W w |
X x |
Y y |
Z z | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Modified forms | À à |
Ç ç |
É é |
È è |
Í í |
Ï ï |
ĿL ŀl |
Ó ó |
Ò ò |
Ú ú |
Ü ü |
|||||||||||||||||||
Catalan uses the Latin script, with some added symbols and digraphs.[138] The Catalan orthography is systematic and largely phonologically based.[138] Standardization of Catalan was among the topics discussed during the First International Congress of the Catalan Language, held in Barcelona October 1906. Subsequently, the Philological Section of the Institut d'Estudis Catalans (IEC, founded in 1911) published the Normes ortogràfiques in 1913 under the direction of Antoni Maria Alcover and Pompeu Fabra. In 1932, Valencian writers and intellectuals gathered in Castelló de la Plana to make a formal adoption of the so-called Normes de Castelló, a set of guidelines following Pompeu Fabra's Catalan language norms.[139]
| Pronunciation | Usage | Examples[140] | |
|---|---|---|---|
| ç | /s/ | before a, o and u; or final position | feliç ("happy") |
| gu | /ɡ/ (phonetically [ɡ ~ ɣ]) | before i and e | guerra ("war") |
| /ɡw/ | elsewhere | guant ("glove") | |
| ig | /t͡ʃ/ | in final position | raig ("ray") |
| ix | /ʃ/ ([jʃ] in most Western dialects) | medially and finally | caixa ("box") |
| ll | /ʎ/ | in any position | lloc ("place") |
| ŀl | /lː/ (normatively, but usually /l/) | between vowels | noveŀla ("novel") |
| ny | /ɲ/ | in any position | Catalunya ("Catalonia") |
| qu | /k/ | before i and e | qui ("who") |
| /kw/ | before other vowels | quatre ("four") | |
| rr | /r/ | between vowels intervocalic r is pronounced /ɾ/ |
carrer ("street") mira ("he or she looks") |
| sc | /s/ | between vowels, before i and e | ascens ("rise") |
| ss | between vowels intervocalic s is pronounced /z/ |
grossa ("big, feminine") casa ("house") | |
| tg | /d͡ʒ/ | before i and e | fetge ("liver") |
| tj | elsewhere | mitjó ("sock") | |
| ts | /t͡s/ | in any position | potser ("maybe") |
| tx | /t͡ʃ/ | in any position | despatx ("office") |
| tz | /d͡z/ | mainly word medially | dotze ("twelve") |
| Pronunciation | Usage | Examples | |
| ch | /k/ | in final position | Llach ("Llach") |
| kh | /x/ | in any position | sikh ("sikh") |
| th | /θ/ | in any position /t/ in native words |
theta ("theta") tothom ("everybody") |
| Notes | Examples[140] | |
|---|---|---|
| c | /s/ before i and e corresponds to ç in other contexts |
feliç ("happy, masculine singular") vs. felices ("happy, feminine plural") caço ("I hunt") vs. caces ("you hunt") |
| g | /ʒ/ before e and i corresponds to j in other positions |
envejar ("to envy") vs. envegen ("they envy") |
| final g before i and final ig before other vowels are pronounced [tʃ] corresponds to j~g or tj~tg in other positions |
desig ("wish") vs. desitjar ("to wish") vs. desitgem ("we wish"), exception: càstig ("punishment"), pronounced with /k/ boig ("mad, masculine") vs. boja ("mad, feminine") vs. boges ("mad, feminine plural") | |
| gu | /ɡ/ before e and i corresponds to g in other positions |
botiga ("shop") vs. botigues ("shops") |
| gü | /ɡw/ before e and i corresponds to gu in other positions |
llengua ("language") vs. llengües ("languages") |
| qu | /k/ before e and i corresponds to c in other positions |
vaca ("cow") vs. vaques ("cows") |
| qü | /kw/ before e and i corresponds to qu in other positions |
obliqua ("oblique, feminine") vs. obliqües ("oblique, feminine plural") |
| x | /ʃ/ (also [tʃ] dialectally) initially and in onsets after a consonant; [ʃ] after i /ks/ between vowels and syllable final (except after i in most cases) /ɡz/ between vowels and syllable final before voiced consonants |
xinxa ("bedbug"), guix ("chalk") taxi ("taxi"), fixar ("to fix"), extra ("extra") exacte ("exact"), exdirector ("ex-director") |
Grammar
[edit]The grammar of Catalan is similar to other Romance languages. Features include:[141]
- Use of definite and indefinite articles.[141]
- Nouns, adjectives, pronouns, and articles are inflected for gender (masculine and feminine), and number (singular and plural). There is no case inflexion, except in pronouns.[141]
- Verbs are highly inflected for person, number, tense, aspect, and mood (including a subjunctive).[141]
- There are no modal auxiliaries.[141]
- Word order is freer than in English.[141]
Gender and number inflection
[edit]
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In gender inflection, the most notable feature is (compared to Portuguese, Spanish or Italian), the loss of the typical masculine suffix -o. Thus, the alternance of -o/-a, has been replaced by ø/-a.[87] There are only a few exceptions, such as minso/minsa ("scarce").[87] Many not completely predictable morphological alternations may occur, such as:[87]
- Affrication: boig/boja ("insane") vs. lleig/lletja ("ugly")
- Loss of n: pla/plana ("flat") vs. segon/segona ("second")
- Final obstruent devoicing: sentit/sentida ("felt") vs. dit/dita ("said")
Catalan has few suppletive couplets, like Italian and Spanish, and unlike French. Thus, Catalan has noi/noia ("boy"/"girl") and gall/gallina ("cock"/"hen"), whereas French has garçon/fille and coq/poule.[87]
There is a tendency to abandon traditionally gender-invariable adjectives in favor of marked ones, something prevalent in Occitan and French. Thus, one can find bullent/bullenta ("boiling") in contrast with traditional bullent/bullent.[87]
As in the other Western Romance languages, the main plural expression is the suffix -s, which may create morphological alternations similar to the ones found in gender inflection, albeit more rarely.[87] The most important one is the addition of -o- before certain consonant groups, a phonetic phenomenon that does not affect feminine forms: el pols/els polsos ("the pulse"/"the pulses") vs. la pols/les pols ("the dust"/"the dusts").[142]
Determiners
[edit]
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The inflection of determinatives is complex, specially because of the high number of elisions, but is similar to the neighboring languages.[137] Catalan has more contractions of preposition + article than Spanish, such as dels ("of + the [plural]"), but not as many as Italian (which has sul, col, nel, etc.).[137]
Central Catalan has abandoned almost completely unstressed possessives (mon, etc.) in favor of constructions of article + stressed forms (el meu, etc.), a feature shared with Italian.[137]
Personal pronouns
[edit]| singular | plural | ||
|---|---|---|---|
| 1st person | jo, mi | nosaltres | |
| 2nd person | informal | tu | vosaltres |
| formal | vostè | vostès | |
| respectful | (vós)[145] | ||
| 3rd person | masculine | ell | ells |
| feminine | ella | elles | |
The morphology of Catalan personal pronouns is complex, especially in unstressed forms, which are numerous (13 distinct forms, compared to 11 in Spanish or 9 in Italian).[137] Features include the gender-neutral ho and the great degree of freedom when combining different unstressed pronouns (65 combinations).[137]
Catalan pronouns exhibit T–V distinction, like all other Romance languages (and most European languages, but not Modern English). This feature implies the use of a different set of second person pronouns for formality.
This flexibility allows Catalan to use extraposition extensively, much more than French or Spanish. Thus, Catalan can have m'hi recomanaren ("they recommended me to him"), whereas in French one must say ils m'ont recommandé à lui, and Spanish me recomendaron a él.[137] This allows the placement of almost any nominal term as a sentence topic, without having to use so often the passive voice (as in French or English), or identifying the direct object with a preposition (as in Spanish).[137]
Verbs
[edit]| Non-finite | Form | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Infinitive | portar | |||||
| Gerund | portant | |||||
| Past participle | portat (portat, portada, portats, portades) | |||||
| Indicative | jo | tu | ell / ella [vostè] |
nosaltres | vosaltres [vós] |
ells / elles [vostès] |
| Present | porto | portes | porta | portem | porteu | porten |
| Imperfect | portava | portaves | portava | portàvem | portàveu | portaven |
| Preterite (archaic) | portí | portares | portà | portàrem | portàreu | portaren |
| Future | portaré | portaràs | portarà | portarem | portareu | portaran |
| Conditional | portaria | portaries | portaria | portaríem | portaríeu | portarien |
| Subjunctive | jo | tu | ell / ella [vostè] |
nosaltres | vosaltres [vós] |
ells / elles [vostès] |
| Present | porti | portis | porti | portem | porteu | portin |
| Imperfect | portés | portéssis | portés | portéssim | portéssiu | portessin |
| Imperative | jo | tu | ell / ella [vostè] |
nosaltres | vosaltres [vós] |
ells / elles [vostès] |
| — | — | porta | porti | portem | porteu | portin |
Like all the Romance languages, Catalan verbal inflection is more complex than the nominal. Suffixation is omnipresent, whereas morphological alternations play a secondary role.[137] Vowel alternances are active, as well as infixation and suppletion. However, these are not as productive as in Spanish, and are mostly restricted to irregular verbs.[137]
The Catalan verbal system is basically common to all Western Romance, except that most dialects have replaced the synthetic indicative perfect with a periphrastic form of anar ("to go") + infinitive.[137]
Catalan verbs are traditionally divided into three conjugations, with vowel themes -a-, -e-, -i-, the last two being split into two subtypes. However, this division is mostly theoretical.[137] Only the first conjugation is nowadays productive (with about 3500 common verbs), whereas the third (the subtype of servir, with about 700 common verbs) is semiproductive. The verbs of the second conjugation are fewer than 100, and it is not possible to create new ones, except by compounding.[137]
Syntax
[edit]The grammar of Catalan follows the general pattern of Western Romance languages. The primary word order is subject–verb–object.[147] However, word order is very flexible. Commonly, verb-subject constructions are used to achieve a semantic effect. The sentence "The train has arrived" could be translated as Ha arribat el tren or El tren ha arribat. Both sentences mean "the train has arrived", but the former puts a focus on the train, while the latter puts a focus on the arrival. This subtle distinction is described as "what you might say while waiting in the station" versus "what you might say on the train".[148]
Catalan names
[edit]In Spain, every person officially has two surnames, one of which is the father's first surname and the other is the mother's first surname.[149] The law contemplates the possibility of joining both surnames with the Catalan conjunction i ("and").[149][150]
Sample text
[edit]Selected text[151] from Manuel de Pedrolo's 1970 novel Un amor fora ciutat ("A love affair outside the city").
| Original | Word-for-word translation[151] | Free translation |
|---|---|---|
| Tenia prop de divuit anys quan vaig conèixer | I was having close to eighteen years, when I go [past auxiliary] know (=I met) | I was about eighteen years old when I met |
| en Raül, a l'estació de Manresa. | the Raül, at the station of (=in) Manresa. | Raül, at Manresa railway station. |
| El meu pare havia mort, inesperadament i encara jove, | The my father had died, unexpectedly and still young, | My father had died, unexpectedly and still young, |
| un parell d'anys abans, i d'aquells temps | a couple of years before, and of those times | a couple of years before; and from that time |
| conservo un record de punyent solitud. | I keep a memory of acute loneliness | I still harbor memories of great loneliness. |
| Les meves relacions amb la mare | The my relations with the mother | My relationship with my mother |
| no havien pas millorat, tot el contrari, | not had at all improved, all the contrary, | had not improved; quite the contrary, |
| potser fins i tot empitjoraven | perhaps even they were worsening | and arguably it was getting even worse |
| a mesura que em feia gran. | at step that (=in proportion as) myself I was making big (=I was growing up). | as I grew up. |
| No existia, no existí mai entre nosaltres, | Not it was existing, not it existed never between us, | There did not exist, at no point had there ever existed between us |
| una comunitat d'interessos, d'afeccions. | a community of interests, of affections. | shared interests or affection. |
| Cal creure que cercava... una persona | It is necessary to believe that I was seeking... a person | I guess I was seeking... a person |
| en qui centrar la meva vida afectiva. | in whom to center the my life affective. | in whom I could center my emotional life. |
See also
[edit]- Organizations
- Institut d'Estudis Catalans (Catalan Studies Institute)
- Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua (Valencian Academy of the Language)
- Òmnium Cultural
- Plataforma per la Llengua
- Scholars
- Other
Notes
[edit]- ^ The Valencian Normative Dictionary of the Valencian Academy of the Language states that Valencian is a "Romance language spoken in the Valencian Community, as well as in Catalonia, the Balearic Islands, the French department of the Pyrénées-Orientales, the Principality of Andorra, the eastern flank of Aragon and the Sardinian town of Alghero (unique in Italy), where it receives the name of 'Catalan'".
- ^ The Catalan Language Dictionary of the Institut d'Estudis Catalans states in the sixth definition of "Valencian" that, in the Valencian Community, it is equivalent to Catalan language.
- ^ Catalan is also classified as an Iberian Romance language.
- ^ Although in business and daily life other languages are common, and due to immigration Catalan mother-tongue speakers are only 35.7% of the population. See Languages of Andorra.
References
[edit]- ^ a b c d e Catalan at Ethnologue (25th ed., 2022)
- ^ "World Atlas of Languages: Standard Catalan". en.wal.unesco.org. Archived from the original on 4 December 2023. Retrieved 4 December 2023.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k Wheeler 2010, p. 191.
- ^ Minder, Raphael (21 November 2016). "Italy's Last Bastion of Catalan Language Struggles to Keep It Alive". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 1 January 2022. Retrieved 21 January 2017.
- ^ "els Països Catalans". enciclopèdia.cat (in Catalan). Archived from the original on 15 August 2023. Retrieved 15 August 2023.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o Costa Carreras & Yates 2009, pp. 6–7.
- ^ a b c Wheeler 2010, pp. 190–191.
- ^ Cebrián, Joan (15 July 2022). "El català, el quart motiu de discriminació a Barcelona". Ara.cat. Retrieved 29 May 2024.
- ^ García Venero 2006.
- ^ Burke 1900, p. 154.
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- ^ Lledó 2011, pp. 334–337.
- ^ Veny 1997, pp. 9–18.
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- ^ Costa Carreras & Yates 2009, pp. 10–11.
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- ^ CORNELLÀ-DETRELL, JORDI (2011). Literature as a Response to Cultural and Political Repression in Franco's Catalonia. Boydell & Brewer. ISBN 978-1-85566-201-8. JSTOR 10.7722/j.cttn346z.
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- ^ Rendon, Sílvio (2007). "The Catalan premium: language and employment in Catalonia". Journal of Population Economics. 20 (3): 669–686. doi:10.1007/s00148-005-0048-5. hdl:10016/291. ISSN 0933-1433. JSTOR 20730773. S2CID 29009762. Archived from the original on 4 December 2021. Retrieved 4 December 2021.
- ^ Katrin Voltmer (2006). Mass Media and Political Communication in New Democracies. Psychology Press. p. 19. ISBN 978-0-415-33779-3. Archived from the original on 5 February 2023. Retrieved 18 September 2023.
- ^ a b c d e Wheeler 2003, p. 207.
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- ^ a b Jud 1925.
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- ^ a b Portuguese and Spanish have estiagem and estiaje, respectively, for drought, dry season or low water levels.
- ^ a b Portuguese and Spanish have véspera and víspera, respectively, for eve, or the day before.
- ^ Spanish also has trozo, and it is actually a borrowing from Catalan tros. Colón 1993, p 39. Portuguese has troço, but aside from also being a loanword, it has a very different meaning: "thing", "gadget", "tool", "paraphernalia".
- ^ Modern Spanish also has gris, but it is a modern borrowing from Occitan. The original word was pardo, which stands for "reddish, yellow-orange, medium-dark and of moderate to weak saturation. It also can mean ochre, pale ochre, dark ohre, brownish, tan, greyish, grey, desaturated, dirty, dark, or opaque." Gallego, Rosa; Sanz, Juan Carlos (2001). Diccionario Akal del color (in Spanish). Akal. ISBN 978-84-460-1083-8.
- ^ A 20th century introduction from French.
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- ^ Geli, Carles (8 July 2019). "El uso del catalán crece: lo entiende el 94,4% y lo habla el 81,2%". El País (in Spanish). ISSN 1134-6582. Archived from the original on 8 July 2019. Retrieved 8 July 2019.
- ^ Departament d'Estadística. Ajuntament de Barcelona (2011). "Coneixement del català: Evolució de les característiques de la població de Barcelona (Knowledge of Catalan in Barcelona)". Ajuntament de Barcelona (in Catalan). Archived from the original on 31 December 2015. Retrieved 13 November 2015.
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- ^ "L'estudi de coneixements i usos lingüístics indica que el català és la llengua de referència de la població en coneixement i ús". 10 November 2022. Archived from the original on 10 November 2022. Retrieved 14 March 2025.
{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link) - ^ "Enquesta d'usos lingüístics a la Catalunya del Nord" (PDF). 2015.
- ^ "Els usos lingüístics a l'Alguer" (PDF). gencat.cat (in Catalan). 2015. Retrieved 14 March 2025.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o Enciclopèdia Catalana, p. 630.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k Feldhausen 2010, p. 5.
- ^ Wheeler 2005 takes the same approach
- ^ Carbonell & Llisterri 1999, p. 62.
- ^ a b Wheeler 2005, pp. 37, 53–54.
- ^ a b Wheeler 2005, p. 37.
- ^ a b c d e f g Wheeler 2005, p. 38.
- ^ a b c Wheeler 2005, p. 54.
- ^ a b Wheeler 2005, pp. 53–55.
- ^ Carbonell & Llisterri 1999, pp. 61–65.
- ^ Recasens & Espinosa 2005, p. 20.
- ^ Recasens & Espinosa 2005, p. 3.
- ^ a b c Carbonell & Llisterri 1992, p. 53.
- ^ Veny 2007, p. 51.
- ^ Wheeler 2005, p. 13.
- ^ Lloret 2004, p. 278.
- ^ Wheeler 2005, p. 10.
- ^ Hualde, José (1992). Catalan. Routledge. p. 368. ISBN 978-0-415-05498-0.
- ^ Recasens & Espinosa 2005, p. 1.
- ^ Recasens, Fontdevila & Pallarès 1995, p. 288.
- ^ a b Recasens & Espinosa 2007, p. 145.
- ^ Recasens 1993. Here Recasens labels these Catalan sounds as "laminoalveolars palatalitzades".
- ^ Recasens & Pallarès 2001. Here the authors label these Catalan sounds as "laminal postalveolar".
- ^ Padgett 2009, p. 432.
- ^ Wheeler 1979.
- ^ See Bonet, Eulàlia; Mascaró, Joan (1997). "On the Representation of Contrasting Rhotics". In Martínez-Gil, Fernando; Morales-Front, Alfonso (eds.). Issues in the Phonology and Morphology of the Major Iberian Languages. Georgetown University Press. ISBN 978-0-87840-647-0. for more information.
- ^ a b c d e f Ferrater Soler 1977, p. 630.
- ^ Hall 2001, p. 19.
- ^ Feldhausen 2010, p. 6.
- ^ Wheeler 2005, p. 2.
- ^ Costa Carreras & Yates 2009, p. 4.
- ^ a b Enciclopèdia Catalana, pp. 634–635.
- ^ Costa Carreras & Yates 2009, p. 5.
- ^ Dictamen de l'Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua sobre els principis i criteris per a la defensa de la denominació i l'entitat del valencià [Resolution of the Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua concerning the principles and criteria for protecting the name and identity of Valencian] (PDF) (in Valencian), Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua, 2005, archived from the original (PDF) on 23 September 2015
- ^ a b Wheeler 2005, pp. 2–3.
- ^ Wheeler 2005, pp. 53–54.
- ^ a b c Wheeler 2005, p. 53.
- ^ Carbonell & Llisterri 1999, pp. 54–55.
- ^ Recasens 1996, pp. 75–76, 128–129.
- ^ Melchor & Branchadell 2002, p. 71.
- ^ Moll, Francesc de B. (1968). Gramática catalana; referida especialment a les Illes Balears. Palma de Mallorca: Editorial Moll. ISBN 84-273-0044-1. OCLC 2108762.
- ^ a b Wheeler 2003, p. 170.
- ^ Law No. 482 of 15 December 1999. "Rules on the protection of historical linguistic minorities". Article 2. Gazzetta Ufficiale n. 297. 20 December 1999
- ^ Decreto 89/2011, de 5 de abril, del Gobierno de Aragón, por el que se aprueban los Estatutos de la Academia Aragonesa del Catalán. BOA núm. 77, de 18 de abril de 2011 Archived 12 April 2018 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ Ley 10/2009, de 22 de diciembre, de uso, protección y promoción de las lenguas propias de Aragón BOE núm. 30, de 4 de febrero de 2010. Archived 12 April 2018 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ Original full text of Dictamen 1: D'acord amb les aportacions més solvents de la romanística acumulades des del segle XIX fins a l'actualitat (estudis de gramàtica històrica, de dialectologia, de sintaxi, de lexicografia…), la llengua pròpia i històrica dels valencians, des del punt de vista de la filologia, és també la que compartixen les comunitats autònomes de Catalunya i de les Illes Balears i el Principat d'Andorra. Així mateix és la llengua històrica i pròpia d'altres territoris de l'antiga Corona d'Aragó (la franja oriental aragonesa, la ciutat sarda de l'Alguer i el departament francés dels Pirineus Orientals). Els diferents parlars de tots estos territoris constituïxen una llengua, és a dir, un mateix «sistema lingüístic», segons la terminologia del primer estructuralisme (annex 1) represa en el Dictamen del Consell Valencià de Cultura, que figura com a preàmbul de la Llei de Creació de l'AVL. Dins d'eixe conjunt de parlars, el valencià té la mateixa jerarquia i dignitat que qualsevol altra modalitat territorial del sistema lingüístic, i presenta unes característiques pròpies que l'AVL preservarà i potenciarà d'acord amb la tradició lexicogràfica i literària pròpia, la realitat lingüística valenciana i la normativització consolidada a partir de les Normes de Castelló.
- ^ "Casi el 65% de los valencianos opina que su lengua es distinta al catalán, según una encuesta del CIS" [Almost 65% of Valencians believe that their language is different from Catalan, according to a CIS survey]. La Vanguardia (in Spanish). Europa Press. 9 December 2004. Archived from the original on 27 July 2020. Retrieved 8 March 2020.
- ^ Joan i Marí, Bernat (26 November 2020). "Llengua catalana: unitat i fragmentació". Diari de Girona (in Catalan). Retrieved 11 July 2025.
La majoria dels valencianoparlants consideren que el valencià i el català són la mateixa llengua. No així, per cert, els no valencianoparlants (incloent-hi els «coents», és a dir els valencians que parlen només espanyol.
[Most speakers of Valencian Catalan consider Valencian and Catalan to be the same language. Not so, it's true, when it comes to non-speakers of Valencian (including what are called «coents», that is, Valencians who only speak Spanish.] - ^ "Llistat dels Acadèmics de número" [List of RACV academics]. Real Acadèmia de Cultura Valenciana (in Valencian). Archived from the original on 14 December 2016.
- ^ Isabel i Vilar, Ferran (30 October 2004). "Traducció única de la Constitució europea" [Unique translation of the European Constitution]. I-Zefir (in Valencian). Archived from the original on 9 June 2011. Retrieved 29 April 2009.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p Enciclopèdia Catalana, p. 631.
- ^ a b Wheeler 2005, p. 6.
- ^ Carreras, Joan Costa, ed. (2009). The Architect of Modern Catalan: Selected writings. Translated by Yates, Alan. John Benjamins Publishing. ISBN 978-9027289247.
- ^ a b c d Wheeler 2005, p. 7.
- ^ a b c d e f Swan 2001, pp. 97–98.
- ^ Enciclopèdia Catalana, pp. 630–631.
- ^ Fabra 1926, pp. 29–30.
- ^ Fabra 1926, p. 42.
- ^ Archaic in most dialects.
- ^ Fabra 1926, pp. 70–71.
- ^ "Catalan". World Atlas of Language Structures (WALS) Online. Archived from the original on 12 December 2019. Retrieved 14 March 2020.
- ^ Wheeler, Yates & Dols 1999.
- ^ a b Wheeler 2005, p. 8.
- ^ article 19.1 of Law 1/1998 stipulates that "the citizens of Catalonia have the right to use the proper regulation of their Catalan names and surnames and to introduce the conjunction between surnames"
- ^ a b Swan 2001, p. 112.
Works cited
[edit]- Dictamen sobre els principis i criteris per a la defensa de la denominació i l'entitat del valencià (in Catalan), Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua, 9 February 2005, archived from the original on 5 March 2009, retrieved 21 September 2013
- Bonet, Eulàlia; Mascaró, Joan (1997). "On the Representation of Contrasting Rhotics". In Martínez-Gil, Fernando; Morales-Front, Alfonso (eds.). Issues in the Phonology and Morphology of the Major Iberian Languages. Georgetown University Press. ISBN 978-0-87840-647-0.
- Britton, A. Scott (2011). Catalan Dictionary & Phrasebook. New York: Hippocrene Books. ISBN 978-0-7818-1258-0.
- Bruguera, Jordi (2008). "Historia interna del catalán: léxico, formación de palabras y fraseología". In Ernst, Gerhard (ed.). Romanische Sprachgeschichte. Vol. 3. Berlin, New York: Walter de Gruyter. pp. 3045–3055.
- Burke, Ulrik Ralph (1900). A History of Spain from the Earliest Times to the Death of Ferdinand the Catholic. Longmans, Green, and Co. p. 154.
- Carbonell, Joan F.; Llisterri, Joaquim (1992). "Catalan". Journal of the International Phonetic Association. 22 (1–2): 53. doi:10.1017/S0025100300004618. S2CID 249411809.
- Carbonell, Joan F.; Llisterri, Joaquim (1999). "Catalan". Handbook of the International Phonetic Association: A Guide to the usage of the International Phonetic Alphabet. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 61–65. ISBN 0-521-63751-1.
- Collins English Dictionary. HarperCollins Publishers. 1991. ISBN 0-00-433286-5.
- Colón, Germà (1993). El lèxic català dins la Romània. Biblioteca Lingüística Catalana. Valencia: Universitat de València. ISBN 84-370-1327-5.
- Costa Carreras, Joan; Yates, Alan (2009). The Architect of Modern Catalan: Selected Writings/Pompeu Fabra (1868–1948). Instutut d'Estudis Catalans & Universitat Pompeu Fabra & Jonh Benjamins B.V. pp. 6–7. ISBN 978-90-272-3264-9.
- Fabra, Pompeu (1926). Gramàtica Catalana (in Catalan) (4th ed.). Barcelona: Institut d'Estudis Catalans. Archived from the original on 27 April 2024. Retrieved 5 November 2020.
- Feldhausen, Ingo (2010). Sentential Form and Prosodic Structure of Catalan. John Benjamins B.V. ISBN 978-90-272-5551-8. Archived from the original on 27 April 2024. Retrieved 5 November 2020.
- Ferrater; et al. (1973). "Català". Enciclopèdia Catalana Volum 4 (in Catalan) (1977, corrected ed.). Barcelona: Enciclopèdia Catalana. pp. 628–639. ISBN 84-85-194-04-7.
- Ferrater Soler, Gabriel; et al. (1977) [1973], "Català", Gran Enciclopèdia Catalana [Great Catalan Encyclopaedia] (in Catalan), vol. 4 (corrected ed.), Barcelona, pp. 628–639, ISBN 84-85-194-04-7
{{citation}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) - Gallego, Rosa; Sanz, Juan Carlos (2001). Diccionario Akal del color (in Spanish). Akal. ISBN 978-84-460-1083-8.
- García Venero, Maximiano (7 July 2006). Historia del nacionalismo catalán: 2a edición. Ed. Nacional. Archived from the original on 25 April 2024. Retrieved 25 April 2010.
- Gove, Philip Babcock, ed. (1993). Webster's Third New International Dictionary. Merriam-Webster, Inc. ISBN 3-8290-5292-8.
- Grau Mateu, Josep (2015). "El català, llengua de govern: la política lingüística de la Mancomunitat de Catalunya (1914–1924)". Revista de Llengua I Dret. Revista de llengua i dret, 64: 86–101. Archived from the original on 9 June 2019. Retrieved 9 June 2019.
- Guinot, Enric (1999). Els fundadors del Regne de València: replobament, antroponímia i llengua a la València medieval. Valencia: Tres i Quatre. ISBN 8475025919.
- Hall, Jacqueline (2001), Convivència in Catalonia: Languages Living Together, Barcelona: Fundació Jaume Bofill
- Hualde, José (1992). Catalan. Routledge. p. 368. ISBN 978-0-415-05498-0.
- Jud, Jakob (1925). Problèmes de géographie linguistique romane (in French). Paris: Revue de Linguistique Romane. pp. 181–182.
- Koryakov, Yuri (2001). Atlas of Romance languages. Moscow.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) - Lledó, Miquel Àngel (2011). "26. The Independent Standardization of Valencia: From Official Use to Underground Resistance". Handbook of Language and Ethnic Identity : The Success-Failure Continuum in Language and Ethnic Identity Efforts (Volume 2). New York: Oxford University Press. pp. 336–348. ISBN 978-0-19-539245-6. Archived from the original on 27 April 2024. Retrieved 5 November 2020.
- Lloret, Maria-Rosa (2004). "The Phonological Role of Paradigms: The Case of Insular Catalan". In Auger, Julie; Clements, J. Clancy; Vance, Barbara (eds.). Contemporary Approaches to Romance Linguistics: Selected Papers from the 33rd Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages. Philadelphia: John Benjamins. p. 278.
- Marfany, Marta (2002). Els menorquins d'Algèria (in Catalan). Barcelona: Abadia de Montserrat. ISBN 84-8415-366-5.
- Melchor, Vicent de; Branchadell, Albert (2002). El catalán: una lengua de Europa para compartir (in Spanish). Bellaterra: Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. p. 71. ISBN 84-490-2299-1. Archived from the original on 27 April 2024. Retrieved 5 November 2020.
- Moll, Francesc de B. (2006) [1958]. Gramàtica Històrica Catalana (in Catalan) (Catalan ed.). Universitat de València. p. 47. ISBN 978-84-370-6412-3.
- Moran, Josep (1994). Treballs de lingüística històrica catalana (in Catalan). Barcelona: Publicacions de l'Abadia de Monsterrat. pp. 55–93. ISBN 84-7826-568-6. Archived from the original on 27 April 2024. Retrieved 5 November 2020.
- Moran, Josep (2004). Estudis d'història de la llengua catalana (in Catalan). Barcelona: Publicacions de l'Abadia de Montserrat. pp. 37–38. ISBN 84-8415-672-9. Archived from the original on 25 April 2024. Retrieved 5 November 2020.
- Padgett, Jaye (December 2009). "Systemic Contrast and Catalan Rhotics". The Linguistic Review. 26 (4): 431–. doi:10.1515/tlir.2009.016. S2CID 15197551. Archived from the original on 27 July 2020. Retrieved 17 March 2020.
- Recasens, Daniel (1993). "Fonètica i Fonologia". Enciclopèdia Catalana.
- Recasens, Daniel; Fontdevila, Jordi; Pallarès, Maria Dolors (1995). "Velarization Degree and Coarticulatory Resistance for /l/ in Catalan and German". Journal of Phonetics. 23 (1): 288. doi:10.1016/S0095-4470(95)80031-X.
- Recasens, Daniel (1996). Fonètica descriptiva del català: assaig de caracterització de la pronúncia del vocalisme i el consonantisme català al segle XX (2nd ed.). Barcelona: Institut d'Estudis Catalans. pp. 75–76, 128–129. ISBN 9788472833128.
- Recasens, Daniel; Pallarès, Maria Dolors (2001). De la fonètica a la fonologia: les consonants i assimilacions consonàntiques del català. Barcelona: Editorial Ariel. ISBN 978-84-344-2884-3.
- Recasens, Daniel; Espinosa, Aina (2005). "Articulatory, positional and coarticulatory characteristics for clear /l/ and dark /l/: evidence from two Catalan dialects". Journal of the International Phonetic Association. 35 (1): 1, 20. doi:10.1017/S0025100305001878. S2CID 14140079.
- Recasens, Daniel; Espinosa, Aina (2007). "An Electropalatographic and Acoustic Study of Affricates and Fricatives in Two Catalan Dialects". Journal of the International Phonetic Association. 37 (2): 145. doi:10.1017/S0025100306002829. S2CID 14275190.
- Riquer, Martí de (1964). "Vol.1". Història de la Literatura Catalana (in Catalan). Barcelona: Ariel.
- Russell-Gebbett, Paul, ed. (1965). Mediaeval Catalan Linguistic Texts. Dolphin Book Co. Ltd., Oxford. Archived from the original on 27 April 2024. Retrieved 5 November 2020.
- Schlösser, Rainer (2005). Die romanischen Sprachen. Munich: C.H. Beck.
- Swan, Michael (2001). Learner English: A Teacher's Guide to Interference and Other Problems, Volume 1. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-77939-5.
- Thomas, Earl W. (1962). "The Resurgence of Catalan". Hispania. 45 (1): 43–48. doi:10.2307/337523. JSTOR 337523.
- Wheeler, Max W. (1979). Phonology of Catalan. Oxford: Blackwell. ISBN 978-0-631-11621-9.
- Wheeler, Max; Yates, Alan; Dols, Nicolau (1999). Catalan: A Comprehensive Grammar. London: Routledge.
- Wheeler, Max (2003). "5. Catalan". The Romance Languages. London: Routledge. pp. 170–208. ISBN 0-415-16417-6.
- Wheeler, Max (2005). The Phonology of Catalan. Oxford: Oxford University Press. p. 54. ISBN 978-0-19-925814-7.
- Wheeler, Max (2006). Encyclopedia of Language and Linguistics.
- Wheeler, Max (2010). "Catalan". Concise Encyclopedia of Languages of the World. Oxford: Elsevier. pp. 188–192. ISBN 978-0-08-087774-7. Archived from the original on 24 March 2023. Retrieved 5 November 2020.
- Veny, Joan (1997). "greuges de Guitard isarn, Senyor de Caboet (1080–1095)". Homenatge a Arthur Terry. Barcelona: Publicacions de l'Abadia de Montserrat. pp. 9–18. ISBN 84-7826-894-4. Archived from the original on 25 April 2024. Retrieved 5 November 2020.
- Veny, Joan (2007). Petit Atles lingüístic del domini català. Vol. 1 & 2. Barcelona: Institut d'Estudis Catalans. p. 51. ISBN 978-84-7283-942-7.
External links
[edit]Institutions
- Consorci per a la Normalització Lingüística
- Institut d'Estudis Catalans (IEC)
- Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua (AVL)
About the Catalan/Valencian language
- Gramàtica de la Llengua Catalana (Catalan grammar), from the Institut d'Estudis Catalans
- Gramàtica Normativa Valenciana (Valencian grammar). Archived 1 November 2020 at the Wayback Machine, from the Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua
- Apunts de llengua, learning program by À Punt
- llengua.gencat.cat, by the Government of Catalonia
- verbs.cat (Catalan verb conjugations with online trainers)
- LEXDIALGRAM (online portal of 19th-century dialectal lexicographical and grammatical works of Catalan hosted by the University of Barcelona)
Monolingual dictionaries
- DIEC2, from the Institut d'Estudis Catalans
- Diccionari Normatiu Valencià (DNV), from the Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua
- Gran Diccionari de la Llengua Catalana. Archived 18 May 2016 at the Portuguese Web Archive, from Enciclopèdia Catalana
- Diccionari Català-Valencià-Balear d'Alcover i Moll. Archived 26 August 2004 at the Wayback Machine, from the Institut d'Estudis Catalans
- Diccionari Invers de la Llengua Catalana (Dictionary of Catalan words spelled backward)
- trobat.com (online Valencian dictionary)
Bilingual and multilingual dictionaries
- Diccionari de la Llengua Catalana Multilingüe. Archived 31 May 2014 at the Wayback Machine (Catalan ↔ English, French, German and Spanish), from Enciclopèdia Catalana
Automated translation systems
- Traductor automated, online translations of text and web pages (Catalan ↔ English, French and Spanish), from gencat.cat by the Government of Catalonia
Learning resources
- Catalan Swadesh list of basic vocabulary words, from Wiktionary's Swadesh-list appendix
Catalan-language online encyclopedia
Catalan language
View on GrokipediaHistory
Origins and Medieval Expansion
The Catalan language emerged from Vulgar Latin spoken in the northeastern Iberian Peninsula, particularly in the Pyrenean counties that formed the basis of medieval Catalonia, during the 8th and 9th centuries following the Muslim conquest of Hispania.[6][7] It developed as a distinct Romance variety within a dialect continuum linking it to Occitan to the north and other Ibero-Romance languages to the south, with phonological and lexical features diverging by the 9th century, as evidenced by toponyms and anthroponyms in Latin charters showing early Romance innovations like vowel reductions and consonant shifts absent in classical Latin.[8] The first written attestations appear in the 11th century as isolated glosses and phrases in predominantly Latin documents from ecclesiastical and administrative contexts, reflecting spoken usage in regions like the counties of Barcelona and Urgell.[6][9] The earliest substantial vernacular texts date to the late 12th century, including fragments of the Forum Iudicum (a Catalan translation of Visigothic law) and the Homilies d'Organyà, a collection of sermons discovered in the parish of Organyà, which represent the initial literary efforts in the language and demonstrate its viability for religious prose.[10][7] These works, preserved in paleographic evidence from Catalan scriptoria, indicate that while Latin dominated formal writing, vernacular Catalan gained traction in local legal and homiletic uses by around 1150–1200, though it lacked the prestige of Latin for scholarly purposes until later.[6] Medieval expansion accelerated with the political consolidation of the County of Barcelona under the House of Barcelona and its union with the Kingdom of Aragon via the 1137 marriage of Ramon Berenguer IV to Petronila, forming the Crown of Aragon.[11] This enabled conquests that disseminated Catalan: James I seized the Balearic Islands in 1229, introducing the language as an administrative medium there, and completed the conquest of Valencia by 1238, where it supplanted or coexisted with Mozarabic and Arabic in official documents.[11][8] Literary output flourished in the 13th century, with Ramon Llull (c. 1232–1316) producing philosophical and narrative works like Blanquerna entirely in Catalan, elevating its status for intellectual expression and laying groundwork for a more unified orthographic tradition amid regional variations.[12][13] By the 14th century, chronicles and legal codes in Catalan from the expanded realms underscored its role in governance and historiography, though prestige remained secondary to Latin in elite ecclesiastical circles.[6]Early Modern Divergences in Spain and France
The Treaty of the Pyrenees, signed on November 7, 1659, between France and Spain, ceded Roussillon (Rosselló) and the northern Cerdanya to French control, creating a political border that fragmented Catalan-speaking territories and initiated divergent linguistic trajectories.[7] In the French-controlled north, Louis XIV's administration pursued assimilation through edicts restricting Catalan in public administration, judiciary proceedings, and education, favoring French as the language of state unity.[14] These measures, enforced amid resistance from local Catalan institutions, led to a rapid erosion of Catalan's institutional role, with records showing its exclusion from official documents by the late 17th century.[6] In southern territories under Spanish Habsburg rule through the 17th century, Catalan retained greater vitality in local governance, trade documentation, and printing, though Castilian gained prestige among intellectuals following the 16th-century dynastic union of Castile and Aragon.[7] Barcelona emerged as a printing hub in the 16th century, producing works in Catalan that supported regional literature and commerce, but output declined in the 17th century as economic stagnation and cultural shifts toward Castilian reduced demand.[15] By the early 18th century, Bourbon centralism under Philip V intensified this trend; the Nueva Planta decrees of 1716 abolished Catalan legal institutions, mandating Castilian in administration and curtailing autonomous printing privileges.[7] Printing records illustrate the divergences: while 16th-century Catalan imprints numbered in the hundreds across the Crown of Aragon, reflecting trade-driven expansion, 17th- and 18th-century figures dropped sharply south of the border due to centralized fiscal controls and linguistic preferences, with only about 5% of Barcelona's book production in Catalan during the first half of the 18th century.[16] In France, analogous edicts suppressed Catalan publications entirely in official contexts, accelerating shift to French without comparable regional printing peaks. These border-induced policies, rather than inherent linguistic inferiority, causally explain the north's swifter assimilation versus the south's protracted but evident decline in codified output like early dictionaries and grammars, which remained sparse amid Castilian dominance.[9]Suppression under Centralizing Regimes
Following the War of the Spanish Succession, the Bourbon monarch Philip V issued the Nueva Planta decrees, with the one for Catalonia dated September 1716, which abolished the region's traditional institutions and fueros, mandating the use of Castilian Spanish as the sole language for administration, judiciary proceedings, and public documentation.[17] These measures centralized power under Madrid, prohibiting Catalan in official capacities to standardize legal and governance practices across the realm, thereby enhancing administrative efficiency amid the fragmented Habsburg legacy of multiple legal systems.[18] In parallel, across the Pyrenees in Roussillon (northern Catalonia), the French Revolution's radical phase from 1793 onward enforced linguistic uniformity through decrees requiring French exclusivity in public acts, education, and administration, viewing regional languages like Catalan as patois obstructing revolutionary unity and rational governance.[19] By 1794, Abbé Grégoire's influential report advocated eradicating non-French vernaculars to consolidate national identity, leading to prohibitions on Catalan in schools and official spheres, with enforcement intensifying under subsequent Napoleonic and Restoration policies aimed at preventing dialectical divisions from undermining state cohesion.[20] These centralizing efforts precipitated a marked contraction in Catalan literary output; post-1716, official bans confined publications to religious or private domains, resulting in a near cessation of secular printing in Catalan until the late 18th century, as state imprimaturs favored Castilian works.[7] In educational settings, 19th-century Spanish and French authorities barred Catalan instruction, with French primary schools fining pupils for vernacular use and Spanish curricula enforcing Castilian exclusivity to instill loyalty and operational uniformity.[21] Despite such strictures, private cultural associations in the 19th century initiated the Renaixença movement, fostering clandestine literary production through poetry contests and academies, though without alleviating formal prohibitions.[22]20th-Century Revival Efforts and Francoist Legacy
In the early 20th century, prior to the Spanish Civil War, Catalan revival efforts intensified through cultural and linguistic standardization initiatives. The Institut d'Estudis Catalans, founded in 1907, spearheaded the codification of Catalan grammar, orthography, and lexicon, collaborating with philologist Pompeu Fabra from 1913 onward to institutionalize norms that built on 19th-century Renaixença literary movements.[6] These endeavors culminated in the first comprehensive grammar published in 1913 and widespread adoption in publishing and education during the Second Spanish Republic (1931–1939), fostering a brief period of official recognition in Catalonia.[23] Francisco Franco's victory in 1939 ushered in a dictatorship that systematically suppressed Catalan to enforce national cohesion via Castilian Spanish as the sole official language. Public use of Catalan was banned in media, education, administration, and signage, with decrees like the 1940 Press Law and subsequent regulations subjecting all publications to prior censorship; Catalan texts faced routine rejection or excision, as evidenced by archival records of the regime's censorship boards targeting over 90% of submitted regional-language materials for alteration or prohibition.[22] [24] Schools enforced Spanish-only instruction, fining or punishing students and teachers for Catalan usage, which causally accelerated a generational shift: by the 1960s, urban Catalan families increasingly defaulted to Spanish for intergenerational transmission due to economic migration and social pressures, reducing active Catalan proficiency among youth.[21] [25] Despite repression, underground networks sustained Catalan through clandestine literature and exile publications; between 1939 and 1975, approximately 650 books and 180 periodicals in Catalan appeared abroad, often smuggled back via cultural associations like the Centre Català del PEN Club.[26] Domestic resistance involved private manuscripts, oral traditions, and limited tolerated outlets like folk songs or religious texts, preserving linguistic vitality but entrenching diglossia where Catalan survived primarily in domestic spheres.[23] The Francoist legacy thus reversed pre-war linguistic diversity gains, embedding Spanish dominance in public domains and complicating full revival, as post-dictatorship data would reveal persistent urban preferences for Spanish in formal contexts.[27]Post-1975 Developments and Recent Trends
Following the adoption of the Spanish Constitution in 1978, which recognized Catalan as a co-official language alongside Spanish in Catalonia, the regional government implemented policies to promote its use in public administration, media, and education.[28] This framework enabled the 1983 Linguistic Normalization Law, establishing Catalan as the primary vehicle for official communications and cultural institutions.[29] In education, the immersion model introduced in the early 1980s positioned Catalan as the main language of instruction in primary and secondary schools, aiming to foster bilingual proficiency among students regardless of their home language.[30] By the late 1980s, this approach had expanded to cover over 90% of public schools, contributing to widespread comprehension but sparking debates over its intensity for Spanish-dominant newcomers.[31] Recent surveys reveal mixed outcomes from these post-democratization efforts. The 2023 Enquesta d'Usos Lingüístics de la Població (EULP), conducted by Catalonia's statistical institute, reported an absolute increase of 267,600 Catalan speakers aged 15 and over between 2018 and 2023, reaching approximately 5.45 million proficient individuals amid population growth driven by immigration.[2] However, the percentage of habitual Catalan users declined to 32.6% from 36.1% in 2018, attributed primarily to the influx of non-Catalan-speaking immigrants who constitute a growing share of the population and often default to Spanish in daily interactions.[32] [2] Critics argue that mandatory immersion and normalization policies have alienated some immigrant groups, with data indicating that nearly half of residents now have Spanish as their first language and limited incentives for non-natives to prioritize Catalan proficiency.[33] Efforts to elevate Catalan's international status faced setbacks in 2025. Spain's push to designate Catalan (along with Basque and Galician) as an official European Union language failed to achieve unanimity among the 27 member states, as reported in multiple EU discussions, stalling procedural language rights expansions.[34] [35] Despite these challenges, absolute speaker gains underscore resilience in core communities, though sustained promotion requires addressing demographic shifts without eroding voluntary adoption.[36]Linguistic Classification
Position within Romance Languages
Catalan descends from Vulgar Latin varieties spoken in northeastern Iberia, evolving as a distinct member of the Western Romance languages within the Italo-Western branch. It is most commonly grouped in the Occitano-Romance subgroup alongside Occitan, reflecting shared genetic heritage rather than mere areal contact. This classification is supported by morphosyntactic analyses identifying up to 21 common traits, such as specific preterit formations, which align Catalan more closely with Occitan than with Ibero-Romance languages like Spanish or Portuguese.[37] Evidence from the Algherese dialect of Catalan, isolated in Sardinia since the 14th century and thus minimally influenced by later Iberian developments, reinforces this positioning by retaining archaic features diagnostic of an Occitan-like ancestry over Ibero-Romance innovations.[37] Key phonological developments further distinguish Catalan from core Ibero-Romance branches. Unlike Spanish and Galician-Portuguese, which largely preserve Latin unstressed vowels as /e/ or /o/, Catalan exhibits systematic reduction to a mid-central schwa /ə/, a trait shared with Occitan and indicative of transitional Gallo-Romance influences. This vowel reduction, combined with retention of initial /f-/ (as in *filium > fill 'son') versus Portuguese loss to /h/, underscores Catalan's divergence from the Galician-Portuguese continuum while highlighting shared innovations with Occitan, such as apocope of final unstressed vowels. Lexical overlap with Spanish is substantial due to prolonged bilingual contact and borrowing, but Catalan's basic lexicon demonstrates greater affinity to Occitan, with core vocabulary diverging from French owing to the latter's extensive nasalization and palatalization shifts.[9][38] Linguistic consensus views Catalan as a unified language separate from Spanish, despite historical debates blurring its boundaries with Occitan in medieval texts, where it was sometimes subsumed under a broader "langue d'oc" continuum. Political narratives in Spain have occasionally minimized these distinctions by emphasizing lexical parallels with Spanish, but empirical classification prioritizes genetic markers over contact-induced similarities, affirming Catalan's Occitano-Romance status.[39][37][40]Dialectal Variation and Standardization Debates
Catalan exhibits a dialect continuum characterized by gradual transitions across its speaking areas, with major isoglosses delineating two primary blocks: Eastern and Western. The Eastern block encompasses Central Catalan spoken around Barcelona, Balearic varieties on the islands, and Rossellonese in northern Catalonia (Roussillon, France), along with the Alguerese variant in Sardinia; these share features such as the reduction of unstressed vowels to schwa. The Western block includes Northwestern Catalan in the Lleida area and Valencian along the eastern coast, distinguished by preserving more vowel contrasts in unstressed positions and other phonological traits. [41] [42] Standardization efforts began in the early 20th century under Pompeu Fabra, who formulated the Normes ortogràfiques in 1913 on behalf of the Institut d'Estudis Catalans, establishing a unified orthographic and grammatical norm primarily based on Central Eastern Catalan for literary and educational use. These norms aimed to codify spelling, morphology, and syntax while accommodating dialectal diversity through flexible rules, such as optional forms for regional variants. Subsequent refinements, including the 1932 Diccionari general de la llengua catalana, reinforced this standard, promoting convergence despite the continuum's inherent variability. [43] [44] Debates over standardization persist, particularly regarding the extent to which the Fabra norms, rooted in Eastern features, adequately represent Western varieties like Valencian, where phonological and lexical differences—such as distinct interrogative forms or vocabulary choices—prompt calls for greater inclusion. Empirical assessments indicate high mutual intelligibility across dialects, with speakers typically understanding variants from other blocks without formal training, supported by shared core lexicon and syntax exceeding 85% overlap in basic vocabulary. However, cultural and regional identities fuel resistance to a singular standard, leading to parallel normative bodies in Valencia that endorse variants while aligning on essentials, reflecting tensions between linguistic unity and local preservation. [41] [45]Geographic and Demographic Profile
Primary Speaking Regions
The primary regions where Catalan is spoken are concentrated in northeastern Spain, the microstate of Andorra, southern France, and a small enclave in Italy. In Spain, Catalan holds co-official status alongside Spanish in the autonomous communities of Catalonia, the Valencian Community (where it is termed Valencian), and the Balearic Islands. In Catalonia, over 93% of the population understands the language, with approximately 80% able to speak it, reflecting widespread proficiency driven by educational policies emphasizing immersion since the late 1970s.[32] However, habitual use remains lower at around 33%, influenced by demographic shifts including immigration and the prevalence of Spanish in urban areas.[46] In the Valencian Community, Catalan (as Valencian) is co-official, but political shifts following the 2023 regional elections under a right-wing coalition have led to reforms reducing mandatory immersion in schools, allowing parental choice for Spanish as the primary instructional language in certain areas and capping Valencian usage at 25% in some curricula.[47][48] These changes, implemented from the 2023-2024 school year onward, aim to balance bilingualism but have sparked debates over diminishing Catalan density in education, particularly in districts with lower historical usage. The Balearic Islands maintain co-official status with similar immersion models, though enforcement varies by island, contributing to high comprehension rates comparable to Catalonia.[49] Andorra recognizes Catalan as its sole official language under the 1993 Constitution, with near-universal proficiency among native Andorrans, serving as the language of government, education, and public life.[4] In France's Northern Catalonia (Pyrénées-Orientales department), Catalan lacks official recognition and faces assimilation pressures, with only about 35% of residents speaking it actively and 61% understanding, marking a decline from historical norms due to French monolingual policies.[50] A distinct variety persists in Alghero, Sardinia, Italy, where Catalan was introduced in the 14th century and retains protected minority status, though spoken as a primary language by roughly 25% of the city's 43,000 inhabitants amid dominance by Italian and Sardinian.[51] Diaspora communities, such as those in Argentina formed through 19th- and 20th-century emigration, maintain cultural associations but exhibit low native speaker density, with Catalan largely supplanted by Spanish in daily use.[52]Speaker Statistics and Usage Trends
In Catalonia, the 2023 Enquesta d'Usos Lingüístics de la Població (EULP) reported that 93.4% of individuals aged 15 and over understand Catalan, while 80.4% can speak it, reflecting sustained high proficiency levels driven by educational immersion policies implemented since the late 1970s.[33] However, habitual use—the language spoken most frequently at home or in daily interactions—stands at 32.6% for the same demographic, a decline of 3.5 percentage points from 36.1% in 2018, amid population growth of 398,500 people and rising immigration from non-Catalan-speaking regions.[2] [32] This gap between competence and regular application underscores limitations in policy efficacy, as promotional efforts have boosted understanding among youth (with net gains of 267,600 active speakers aged 15+ since 2018) but failed to translate into broader societal adoption, particularly among the 22.5% foreign-born population where only 8.6% use Catalan regularly.[36] [53] Worldwide estimates place total proficiency—encompassing understanding and speaking—at approximately 9 to 10 million individuals across Catalan-speaking territories including Catalonia, Valencia, the Balearic Islands, Andorra, and diaspora communities, though habitual speakers number closer to 4 to 5 million due to bilingualism with Spanish or French.[54] [55] Trends indicate modest growth in youth acquisition through schooling, yet overall usage erodes under demographic pressures and inconsistent enforcement; for instance, the InformeCAT 2025 highlights that while 82.4% of Catalonia residents view Catalan proficiency as crucial for career advancement, actual workplace integration remains low, with surveys showing persistent preference for Spanish in professional settings.[53] In Valencia, promotion policies have yielded mixed results, with successes in raising competence among younger cohorts but facing significant backlash since the 2023 regional government shift to PP-Vox coalitions, which reduced mandatory Valencian (Catalan variant) instruction quotas from 25% to optional models and proposed excluding non-local authors from curricula, prompting parental referendums and legal challenges favoring continued immersion.[56] [57] These reversals critique the fragility of top-down standardization, as habitual use lags proficiency, exacerbated by political resistance framing immersion as ideological imposition rather than linguistic preservation.[58] Despite gains in speaker numbers amid population influxes, the persistent decline in habitual domains signals that educational mandates alone insufficiently counterbalance migration-driven bilingual shifts and socioeconomic incentives favoring dominant languages.[59]Phonological Features
Vowel Inventory and Allophony
The vowel phonemes of Catalan in stressed positions comprise seven distinct qualities: the low vowel /a/, the mid vowels /e/ and /ɛ/ in front position, the close front /i/, the mid back /o/ and /ɔ/, and the close back /u/. These contrasts are maintained in stressed syllables across major dialects, as evidenced by minimal pairs such as set /sɛt/ ("set") versus set /set/ ("seven"), and boca /ˈbokə/ ("mouth") versus boça /ˈbɔsə/ ("he/she gropes").[60][61] In Eastern Catalan varieties, including Central Catalan, the mid vowels exhibit height distinctions, with /e/ realized as close-mid and /ɛ/ as open-mid [ɛ], while /o/ and /ɔ/ follow analogous back height contrasts.[62] Unstressed vowels in Eastern dialects undergo systemic reduction, where non-high vowels typically neutralize to the mid central schwa /ə/, serving as an allophone of the full vowels /a, e, ɛ, o, ɔ/ in pretonic or posttonic positions. High vowels /i/ and /u/ generally preserve their quality in unstressed contexts, though they may centralize slightly as [ɪ] or [ʊ] in rapid speech. This reduction pattern is phonologically conditioned by stress, as illustrated in corpus-derived examples from spoken Central Catalan, such as casa [ˈkazə] ("house"), where the unstressed /a/ reduces to [ə], contrasting with its full realization in càsa under stress assignment.[63][64] Western dialects, like Valencian, exhibit less reduction, merging /e, ɛ/ to and /o, ɔ/ to in unstressed syllables without schwa, preserving a fuller vocalic contrast.[65] Dialectal variation affects allophonic realizations, particularly in the Balearic group, where mid vowels often display more open articulations; for instance, /e/ may approach [ɛ]-like openness in Majorcan Catalan, and stressed /ə/ occurs phonemically in some contexts, expanding the inventory to eight vowels. Acoustic studies of Balearic speech corpora confirm these tendencies, with formant values showing lower F1 for open variants compared to Central Catalan equivalents.[61][66] Such allophonic openness contributes to perceptual distinctions in island varieties, though standardization efforts in orthography do not reflect these phonetic details explicitly.Consonant System and Phonotactics
The consonant phonemes of Catalan include voiceless stops /p, t, k/, voiced stops /b, d, g/, voiceless fricatives /f, s, ʃ/, voiced fricatives /z, ʒ/, affricates /tʃ, dʒ/, nasals /m, n, ɲ/, alveolar lateral /l/, palatal lateral /ʎ/, rhotic trill /r/, and alveolar flap /ɾ/.[67][68] The voiced stops /b, d, g/ surface as approximant or fricative allophones [β, ð, ɣ] between vowels or after certain sonorants, a process known as lenition that applies productively across dialects.[69][68] Unlike Castilian Spanish, which features the voiceless dental fricative /θ/, Catalan lacks this phoneme entirely, with dental fricatives limited to the voiced [ð] allophone of /d/.[67][70] The palatal nasal /ɲ/, realized as [ɲ] in words like vinya "vineyard," contrasts with alveolar /n/ and functions as a full phoneme derived from Latin clusters such as /nj/ or geminate /nn/.[68] Dialectal variation affects some fricatives: /z/ merges with /s/ in central Valencian and northern Aragon dialects, while /ʒ/ merges with /dʒ/ in Valencian and southern Catalan varieties; /v/ persists as distinct from /b/ only in Alguerès, Balearic, and select Valencian dialects.[68]| Place/Manner | Bilabial | Labiodental | Dental/Alveolar | Postalveolar | Palatal | Velar |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Stops (voiceless) | p | t | k | |||
| Stops (voiced) | b | d | g | |||
| Fricatives (voiceless) | f | s | ʃ | |||
| Fricatives (voiced) | z | ʒ | ||||
| Affricates | tʃ, dʒ | |||||
| Nasals | m | n | ɲ | |||
| Laterals | l | ʎ | ||||
| Rhotics | ɾ, r |
Evolutionary Phonological Shifts
Catalan evolved from Vulgar Latin spoken in northeastern Iberia, undergoing phonological changes that distinguish it from neighboring Romance varieties. Key shifts occurred in the pre-literary period (roughly 5th–9th centuries), with evidence emerging in early medieval texts from the 9th–10th centuries. These include systematic palatalizations triggered by yod (/j/), lenition of intervocalic stops, and vowel reductions without the diphthongization seen in Castilian Spanish.[72][73] Unlike Spanish, where stressed mid vowels diphthongized (e.g., Latin *terra > Spanish *tierra with /je/), Catalan preserved monophthongs for tonic /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ (e.g., *terra > Catalan *terra /ˈtɛrə/). This avoidance aligns with early Occitan patterns but diverged post-10th century as Catalan developed insular traits under Iberian influences. Diphthongization was limited to contexts before yod, such as *speculum > *espill /esˈpiʎ/ 'mirror', with subsequent reduction of [je] to . Apocope of unstressed final vowels was near-complete (e.g., *virtutem > *virtut /virˈtut/ 'virtue'), converting paroxytones to oxytones in pre-literary stages.[72] Palatalizations followed Romance-wide patterns but with Catalan-specific outcomes. The first palatalization affected /ktj/, /tj/ > /ts/ > /s/ or null (e.g., *attitiare > *atisar /aˈtiza/ 'to poke'). The second produced /ʎ/ from /klj/, /plj/, /li/ (e.g., *cilia > *cella /ˈsɛʎə/ 'eyebrow'). The third yielded /ʒ/ or /tʃ/ from /dj/, /gj/ (e.g., *diurnu > *jorn /ʒɔrn/ 'day'). Notably, initial /l-/ palatalized to /ʎ-/ by the 9th century (e.g., *luna > *lluna /ˈʎunə/ 'moon'), a feature shared with some western dialects but absent in core Occitan, marking early divergence.[72][74] Lenition weakened intervocalic voiced stops, with /b/ > /v/ (e.g., *nebula > *neula /ˈnɛvələ/ 'mist'; *febile > *frèvol /ˈfɾɛβo/ 'frail'), evident in pre-Old Catalan stages alongside pan-Romance syncope. Word-final devoicing affected stops (e.g., *lupum > *llop /ʎɔp/ 'wolf'). These processes stabilized by the 10th–11th centuries, differentiating Catalan from Occitan's variable lenition and Spanish's broader fricative developments post-12th century. Syncope targeted unstressed post-tonic schwas, restructuring syllables (e.g., *gatto > *gat /gat/ 'cat').[73][72]Orthography and Writing
Historical Development of the Script
The earliest surviving written records in Catalan date from the 12th century, consisting of legal charters and religious sermons composed in the Latin script adapted for the vernacular. These include fragments of the Liber iudiciorum popularis (mid-12th century) and the Homilies d'Organyà, a collection of sermons likely compiled around 1200, marking the onset of continuous textual production in the language.[7][12] Manuscripts from this period reflect the regional evolution from Carolingian minuscule influences, prevalent in northeastern Iberia due to Frankish ties, toward more angular forms suited to parchment copying.[75] During the medieval era, Catalan texts were primarily rendered in Gothic script variants, including textualis for formal works and cursiva for administrative documents, achieving notable orthographic uniformity relative to contemporaneous Romance vernaculars. This script, characterized by its angular strokes and abbreviations, facilitated the proliferation of prose and poetry under the Crown of Aragon, with examples like the Greuges de Guitard Isarn (1111–1200) demonstrating early legal usage. The system's consistency stemmed from shared scribal practices across Catalonia, Valencia, and the Balearics, though regional phonetic divergences began influencing spelling, such as digraphs for palatal sounds.[75][9] The advent of printing in the late 15th century transformed Catalan script dissemination, with the first book in the language—Les trobes en llaors de la Verge Maria by Auzias March—published in Barcelona in 1474 using movable type. This incunabulum, printed in a Gothic typeface mirroring manuscript aesthetics, initiated a boom in printed materials, including religious, legal, and literary works, totaling over 100 Catalan incunabula by 1500. Renaissance developments shifted toward humanist roman types, enhancing legibility and aligning with broader European typographic reforms, though Gothic fonts persisted in early prints for continuity with manuscript traditions.[6][76][77]Modern Standardization and Reforms
The standardization of Catalan orthography in the modern era has largely adhered to the principles established by Pompeu Fabra through the Institut d'Estudis Catalans (IEC), emphasizing etymological consistency over strict phonetic representation to ensure uniformity across dialects. Fabra's Normes ortogràfiques (1913) and Diccionari ortogràfic (1917) introduced a system that retained digraphs likeGrammatical Structure
Inflectional Morphology: Nouns, Adjectives, and Determiners
Catalan nouns inflect for two grammatical genders—masculine and feminine—and two numbers—singular and plural, with no case distinctions. Gender is inherent to the noun and often correlates with endings: feminine nouns typically end in unstressed -a (e.g., casa 'house'), while masculine nouns frequently end in a consonant, -e, or other vowels (e.g., gat 'cat'). For living beings, gender aligns semantically with biological sex, but for inanimates, it is largely arbitrary.[84][8] Plural formation generally involves appending -s to nouns ending in a vowel other than -a or to consonant-final forms, and -es to those ending in -a; examples include gat becoming gats and casa becoming cases. Nouns ending in sibilants (s, x, z, ç) undergo stem changes, such as nas 'nose' to nassos. Some nouns remain invariable or use suppletive plurals, but these are exceptions to the dominant suffixation pattern.[8][85] Adjectives agree obligatorily with the modified noun in gender and number, typically inflecting via vowel alternation or suffix addition. Masculine singular forms often serve as the base (e.g., ending in -e or consonant), with feminine singular marked by -a (e.g., negre 'black' masculine to negra feminine), and plurals formed analogously with -s or -es (e.g., negres, negres). Certain adjectives, particularly invariable color terms derived from nouns (e.g., taronja 'orange'), do not change for gender. In mixed-gender groups, masculine plural agreement prevails.[84][86] Determiners, encompassing definite and indefinite articles, demonstratives, and possessives, inflect for gender and number to concord with the noun. Definite articles are as follows:| Singular | Plural | |
|---|---|---|
| Masculine | el | els |
| Feminine | la | les |
Verbal Conjugation and Tense-Aspect Systems
Catalan verbs conjugate for person (first, second, third), number (singular, plural), mood (indicative, subjunctive, imperative), and tense, with aspect marked through synthetic forms or periphrastic constructions involving auxiliaries and non-finite verb forms such as the infinitive, gerund, or past participle.[88] The language distinguishes three main conjugation classes for regular verbs, determined by the infinitive ending: first conjugation (-ar verbs, comprising about 78% of verbs, e.g., parlar "to speak"), second conjugation (-er or -re verbs, e.g., aprendre "to learn," creure "to believe"), and third conjugation (-ir verbs, e.g., dormir "to sleep").[88] [89] Irregular verbs, including high-frequency ones like ser "to be," anar "to go," and tenir "to have," deviate from these patterns and often require memorization of principal parts: infinitive, first-person singular present indicative, third-person singular preterite indicative, and past participle.[90] In the indicative mood, synthetic tenses include the present (e.g., parlo "I speak"), imperfect (parlava "I was speaking"), simple preterite (parlà "I spoke," used for distant or narrative past), future (parlaré "I will speak"), and conditional (parlaria "I would speak").[91] The synthetic future and conditional are formed by attaching endings directly to the infinitive (-aré/-eré/-iré for future; -aria for conditional), a retention from Latin that persists in modern standard Catalan unlike in some other Romance languages where such forms have diminished.[92] Perfective aspects are expressed via compound tenses using the auxiliary haver "to have" plus the past participle (e.g., he parlat "I have spoken" for present perfect), analogous to Spanish but with distinct morphological innovations in haver's conjugation.[93] Catalan employs a greater reliance on periphrastic constructions than Spanish for encoding tense and aspect, particularly in spoken varieties, yielding nuanced distinctions in viewpoint and temporal proximity. The periphrastic preterite (pretèrit perifràstic), formed with a form of anar "to go" plus infinitive (e.g., vaig parlar "I went to speak," denoting recent or experiential past), serves as the default simple past in everyday use, while the synthetic preterite is reserved for remote or literary contexts—a reversal of Spanish's preference for synthetic preterite dominance.[94] [95] Other common periphrases include the imminent future (anar a + infinitive, e.g., vaig a parlar "I'm going to speak"), progressive aspect (estar + gerund, e.g., estic parlant "I am speaking"), and inceptive actions (començar/posar-se a + infinitive, e.g., començo a parlar "I start to speak").[92] These constructions enhance aspectual precision, with the anar-based past originating from medieval narrative uses emphasizing surprising or completive events before grammaticalizing into a general perfective marker around the 15th-16th centuries.[96] Subjunctive tenses mirror indicative patterns but with vowel shifts (e.g., presenti: parli; imperfect: parlés), used for hypotheticals, wishes, and subordinate clauses, often compounding with auxiliaries for perfect aspects (e.g., hagi parlat "that I have spoken").[90]| Tense/Aspect | Synthetic Example (parlar) | Periphrastic Example | Usage Note |
|---|---|---|---|
| Simple Preterite | parlà (he/she spoke) | va parlar (he/she spoke) | Synthetic for remote past; periphrastic for recent/experiential.[94] |
| Future | parlarà (he/she will speak) | va a parlar (he/she is going to speak) | Synthetic formal/planned; periphrastic imminent/intentional.[92] |
| Progressive | — | està parlant (he/she is speaking) | Expresses ongoing action, absent in pure synthetic form.[88] |
| Perfect | ha parlat (he/she has spoken) | — | Compound for completed actions relative to present.[93] |
Syntactic Patterns and Word Order
Catalan syntax is characterized by a canonical subject-verb-object (SVO) word order, a pattern retained from Vulgar Latin and shared with most Western Romance languages such as Spanish and French.[97] This order predominates in declarative clauses, though variations like subject-object-verb (SOV) or object-verb-subject (OVS) occur for information-structural purposes, such as topicalization or focus marking, without altering core argument roles.[97] As a pro-drop language, Catalan permits null subjects in finite clauses when the subject is recoverable from context or verbal agreement morphology, a feature inherited from Latin and common in Ibero-Romance and Italo-Romance varieties.[98] Overt subjects are obligatory only for emphasis, contrast, or when pragmatic factors demand specificity, reflecting the language's null-subject parameter settings.[99] Clitic pronouns in Catalan exhibit climbing behavior, particularly in restructuring constructions involving infinitival complements or causatives, where they attach to the higher matrix verb rather than the embedded one (e.g., Vaig-li voler donar el llibre 'I wanted to give him the book').[100] This phenomenon correlates with the language's null-subject properties and monoclausal-like structures in certain predicates, distinguishing Catalan from non-climbing Romance languages like French while aligning it with Italian and Spanish.[101] Yes-no questions typically retain declarative SVO order, relying on rising or falling intonation contours for interrogative illocution rather than auxiliary inversion or wh-movement to clause periphery.[102] For instance, information-seeking questions often feature a high rising accent (L+H* H% boundary), while confirmation-seeking variants may use a low rising or falling pattern, with regional dialects like Majorcan Catalan showing nuanced contrasts in pitch accents to encode speaker certainty.[103] These patterns underscore intonational cues' primary role in question formation, supplemented by particles like que in echo or rhetorical interrogatives, which carry falling contours. Syntactic patterns in Catalan reflect core Romance inheritance, with potential substrate influences from pre-Roman Iberian languages minimal compared to phonological domains; proximity to Occitan has reinforced shared traits like flexible adjunct placement, but base SVO and pro-drop align more closely with Gallo-Iberian evolution.[104]Lexical Composition
Core Romance Inheritance and Substrata
Catalan descends from the Vulgar Latin varieties spoken in northeastern Iberia, particularly north of the Ebro River and around the eastern Pyrenees, where Roman colonization introduced Latin from the 3rd century BCE onward. This evolution occurred amid the fragmentation of Latin into regional Romance forms following the Western Roman Empire's decline in the 5th century CE, with Catalan's distinct features emerging by the 8th to 10th centuries in the counties of Roussillon, Empúries, and Urgell. The language's core grammatical framework, including a two-gender system for nouns and adjectives, synthetic verb conjugations with tenses derived from Latin auxiliaries, and case remnants in pronouns, directly inherits from Latin structures shared across Western Romance languages.[8] [105] Lexically, the bulk of Catalan's fundamental vocabulary—encompassing everyday terms for family, body parts, numbers, and natural phenomena—traces to Latin roots, often paralleling those in neighboring Ibero-Romance languages like Spanish and Portuguese, such as *pater > pare/padre/pai or *aqua > aigua/agua/água. However, Catalan exhibits unique retentions from Latin phonology, notably the affricate /ts/ preserved from palatalized clusters like /tj/ or /kj/, as in Latin *platia > plaça or *cattus > gat (though simplified in some dialects), a trait more aligned with Occitano-Romance than the fricative developments in Castilian Spanish.[9] [68] These preservations stem from conservative Vulgar Latin speech patterns in the Pyrenean frontier, less influenced by early Mozarabic admixtures prevalent in southern Iberia.[8] Pre-Roman substrata from indigenous languages of northeastern Iberia, including non-Indo-European Iberian dialects and possibly Basque-related forms, subtly shaped Catalan's formative Vulgar Latin through phonetic adaptations and lexical incorporations. These substrates, spoken prior to Roman arrival circa 218 BCE, are credited with influencing consonant lenition patterns and certain place names or rustic terms resistant to Latin replacement, though paleolinguistic evidence is indirect and relies on comparative reconstruction. Proto-Celtic elements from earlier Indo-European settlers may also contribute to shared archaic vocabulary with other Atlantic Romance varieties, underscoring Catalan's position at the interface of Mediterranean and Pyrenean linguistic ecologies.[106] [105][9]Borrowings, Neologisms, and Regional Divergences
The Catalan lexicon derives approximately 80% of its vocabulary from Latin roots shared with other Romance languages, with the remaining roughly 20% comprising loanwords and derivations influenced by contact languages.[1] Spanish contributes the largest share among contemporary borrowings, accounting for about 32% of all loanwords and roughly 9% of the total registered lexical units, often through adaptation to Catalan phonological and morphological norms such as vowel reduction or suffixation.[107] French loans, reflecting proximity and historical trade, include terms like ascensor (elevator, from French ascenseur) and menú (menu), while earlier Arabic influences persist in agriculture-related words like alvocat (avocado).[9] Neologisms in Catalan are predominantly formed through affixation, leveraging productive Greco-Latin prefixes such as anti-, auto-, bio-, and tele- to coin technical and scientific terms, as seen in antivirus, autopista (highway), and teledu (distance education).[108] This method aligns with Romance patterns but emphasizes purism via calques over direct foreign adoption; for instance, ordinador (computer) replaces Spanish ordenador through derivation from ordinar (to order). Institutions like the Institut d'Estudis Catalans promote such formations to maintain lexical independence, with over 1,100 Spanish-derived neologisms documented in recent corpora, many adapted rather than borrowed wholesale.[109] Regional lexical divergences are most pronounced in the Valencian dialect, which features archaic retentions and substrate-influenced variants, such as eixir or surtir for 'to go out' (versus central Catalan sortir) and blau (blue) preferring Spanish-like azul in some subdialects.[110] These differences, comprising minor vocabulary swaps and semantic shifts rather than systemic divergence, underscore dialectal variation within a unified language; claims of "Valencian" terms signaling autonomy often stem from political rather than linguistic criteria, as mutual intelligibility exceeds 90% across varieties.[111] Such variants, like paella (regional dish name integrated standardly), reflect local evolution without fracturing core lexicon coherence.[112]Sociolinguistic Dynamics
Dialect Classification and Mutual Intelligibility
The dialects of Catalan are classified into two principal blocks—Western and Eastern—distinguished primarily by phonological features such as the treatment of unstressed vowels and consonant shifts.[8] The Western block encompasses the Northwestern Catalan (spoken in areas like La Franja and western Catalonia) and Valencian varieties, which generally preserve unstressed vowels without reduction to schwa.[113] In contrast, the Eastern block includes Central Catalan (the basis for standard forms), Northern Catalan (influenced by Occitan in Roussillon), Balearic (insular forms with distinct vowel harmony), and the Alguerese variety in Sardinia.[8] These divisions emerge from isoglosses mapped in linguistic atlases, including the Atles Lingüístic del Domini Català (ALDC), which documents lexical, phonological, and morphological variations across surveyed localities.[114] Within the Western block, Valencian dialects represent the continuum's western endpoint, exhibiting transitional traits toward neighboring Ibero-Romance languages like Aragonese, such as retention of Latin /f/ in certain positions and apico-alveolar fricatives in the apitxat subdialect.[113] Subdialectal distinctions in Valencian, including Northern, Apitxat, and Southern varieties, further highlight gradient changes along the Ebro River valley.[8] Eastern varieties, conversely, show greater internal cohesion due to shared innovations like vowel reduction, though Northern Catalan retains archaic features from medieval contact with Occitan.[113] Mutual intelligibility across Catalan dialects remains high, with speakers achieving over 90% comprehension in pairwise interactions, even between peripheral forms like Northern Catalan and Valencian, owing to shared core grammar and lexicon despite phonological divergences. This level exceeds that observed in some other Romance dialect continua, facilitated by a unified orthography and media exposure, though accents and lexical regionalisms can pose initial barriers without adaptation.[115] Empirical assessments from dialectometric studies, applying measures like Levenshtein distance to phonetic corpora, confirm low divergence rates overall, underscoring Catalan's coherence as a dialect cluster rather than discrete languages.[116]Language Contact and Shift Phenomena
Catalan has experienced extensive contact with Spanish (Castilian), resulting in bidirectional lexical borrowing, with Spanish contributing numerous loanwords to Catalan, particularly content words such as nouns and verbs in everyday and technical domains.[109][9] This pattern intensified post-Franco era due to media dominance and urbanization, where Spanish loans often adapt phonologically to Catalan norms but retain semantic cores, as seen in terms like txat (from Spanish chat) or parking integrated into neology.[109] While English surpasses Spanish as the primary source for recent neologisms in written Catalan, Spanish borrowings remain prevalent in spoken registers, reflecting asymmetrical prestige and frequency of exposure.[109] Language shift towards Spanish is evident in attrition data, with habitual Catalan use in Catalonia dropping to 32.6% of the population aged 14+ in 2023, a decline of 3.5 percentage points from 2018 and 14 points from two decades prior.[33][32] First-language Catalan speakers fell to under 30% by 2023, while Spanish as initial language rose to nearly 50%, signaling intergenerational erosion.[117] Among youth, Spanish interference manifests in code-switching and reduced Catalan confidence during peer interactions, with longitudinal studies showing adolescents shifting towards Spanish-dominant social communication unless interlocutors are native Catalan speakers.[118][119] This attrition correlates with cross-linguistic influence, where early bilinguals exhibit structural transfer in Catalan syntax, such as predicate selection patterns mirroring Spanish preferences.[120] Immigration has accelerated this shift, with foreign-born residents using Catalan regularly at only 8.6% versus 72.9% for Spanish in 2023 surveys, diluting overall proficiency amid demographic growth from Latin American, North African, and other inflows.[53][32] Native speakers of immigrant languages report near-zero Catalan use in some cohorts, exacerbating the trend as population increases outpace linguistic assimilation.[121] Despite comprehension remaining high at 93.4%, productive shift favors Spanish, underscoring contact-induced dominance without institutional reversal by 2025.[33]Education, Media, and Institutional Promotion
In Catalonia, the linguistic immersion model established in the 1980s designates Catalan as the primary vehicular language in public primary and secondary education, with Spanish introduced as a subject from early grades. This approach affects over 1.6 million students, fostering high competence rates where 81.5% of residents aged 15 and older can speak Catalan, though native speakers have declined to 34.3% by 2020 amid immigration.[122][123] Outcomes include broad societal support, with 76% of respondents endorsing the system in a 2022 survey, yet proficiency lags among non-native immigrants, who often prioritize Spanish or other languages due to familial and economic factors.[124] In the Valencian Community, where Valencian (a variety of Catalan) holds co-official status, immersion policies mandating minimum Catalan usage quotas have encountered resistance, exemplified by 2025 judicial rulings annulling decrees that prioritized Catalan as the working language and parental protests demanding greater instructional choice in Spanish.[125] Such coercion has fueled backlash, including a controversial 2025 referendum initiative by the regional government to gauge support for expanded Spanish instruction, highlighting tensions over perceived linguistic imposition despite data showing variable uptake among Spanish-dominant families.[126] Media promotion emphasizes Catalan through public outlets, with Televisió de Catalunya's TV3 channel securing the largest television audience share in the region via exclusive Catalan broadcasting. Radio consumption reflects similar patterns, as 70.4% of listeners in Catalonia tuned into Catalan-language stations in 2022, though overall media engagement remains uneven, with private Spanish-dominant platforms retaining significant overlap.[127][128] In Valencia, Catalan-medium media struggle with low audience shares relative to Spanish counterparts, underscoring limited voluntary adoption outside institutional mandates.[129] Institutional efforts, coordinated by bodies like the Generalitat's language policy directorate, have yielded gains such as a net increase of 117,000 frequent Catalan speakers between surveys, supported by subsidized courses and normalization campaigns.[2] These initiatives, however, face criticism for prioritizing state-driven metrics over organic usage, particularly among immigrants where engagement hovers below native levels, prompting debates on efficacy versus enforced compliance.[130]Political and Policy Dimensions
Historical Impositions and Bans
The Nueva Planta decrees, issued by Philip V between 1707 and 1716 following the War of the Spanish Succession, abolished the autonomous institutions of Catalonia, Valencia, and Aragon after their support for the Habsburg claimant Archduke Charles. In Catalonia specifically, the decree of 22 April 1716 reorganized the judiciary and administration under Castilian models, mandating the use of Castilian Spanish in all official proceedings, documentation, and public administration while prohibiting Catalan in these domains.[17][28] This linguistic imposition served centralization efforts to forge a unified Spanish state, replacing regional legal traditions and languages with Bourbon absolutism's standardized Castilian framework, though private and literary use of Catalan persisted informally. Enforcement involved replacing Catalan officials with Castilian-speaking appointees and conducting trials solely in Spanish, leading to a gradual erosion of Catalan's institutional prestige without eradicating its domestic vitality.[28] From the late 18th century through the Second Spanish Republic (1931–1939), Catalan experienced intermittent restrictions amid broader centralist policies, such as Ferdinand VII's 1814 decree reinstating absolutism and limiting regional languages in education, but enforcement remained inconsistent outside official spheres. The 19th-century Renaixença cultural movement revived Catalan literature and printing, yet administrative bans confined it to non-state contexts, constraining its role in formal education and governance.[131] These measures prioritized national cohesion over linguistic pluralism, fostering bilingualism where Catalan speakers adapted to Spanish for public advancement while maintaining monolingualism in rural areas. Under Francisco Franco's dictatorship from 1939 to 1975, suppression intensified post-Civil War, with decrees banning Catalan in schools, public administration, media, and signage to enforce Spanish as the empire's sole language.[22] Enforcement included police demands for "Hable el idioma del imperio" in streets and workplaces, closure of Catalan cultural institutions, and execution or exile of promoters like president Lluís Companys in 1940, alongside censorship of publications.[22] This policy accelerated language shift, with Catalan speakers in Catalonia dropping from about 90% in 1939 to 60% by 1975, driven by mandatory Spanish-only schooling—where even playground use risked punishment—and mass immigration of 1–2 million Spanish monolinguals from southern Spain in the 1950s–1960s, who associated Catalan with lower status.[27][22] Clandestine home transmission and cultural associations preserved core fluency among families, yet the bans' institutional exclusion limited empirical recovery potential, as generational transmission weakened without public reinforcement.[22]Co-Official Status and EU Recognition Efforts
In Spain, the 1978 Constitution established Spanish (Castilian) as the sole official state language while permitting co-official status for other languages in autonomous communities where they predominate, leading to Catalan being recognized as co-official alongside Spanish in Catalonia, the Valencian Community (where it is denoted as Valencian), and the Balearic Islands.[4] This framework, enacted through regional statutes of autonomy in the early 1980s, mandates bilingual administration, education, and signage in these territories, though implementation varies by local policy and political shifts.[132] In Andorra, Catalan holds exclusive official status under the 1993 Constitution, requiring its use in all public administration, legislation, and education without co-official partners.[4][133] In France, where Catalan speakers reside primarily in Pyrénées-Orientales, the language lacks national official recognition, as French is constitutionally the sole official tongue; however, a December 2024 administrative ruling permitted its use in local council meetings following initial French speeches, marking a limited allowance amid ongoing mayoral challenges to prior restrictions.[134] This development reflects incremental local accommodations rather than formal co-officiality, with proponents viewing it as pragmatic equity and critics as insufficient given assimilation pressures.[135] Efforts to secure EU-wide official recognition for Catalan, alongside Basque and Galician, have intensified since Spain's 2022 proposal under Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez, aiming to extend treaty language protections for administrative and parliamentary use; however, these faced repeated delays in 2025 due to opposition from at least seven member states over translation costs estimated at millions of euros annually and concerns about setting precedents for other regional languages.[136] On May 27, 2025, EU national representatives declined to endorse the bid, citing insufficient consensus, followed by a July 18 postponement amid veto threats, particularly from Germany.[137][138] By October 2025, Spain affirmed persistence despite the issue slipping from agendas, with bilateral talks initiated with Germany but no resolution achieved; advocates argue recognition affirms multilingual equity for 10 million speakers, while opponents contend it is functionally redundant given existing working language accommodations, such as ad-hoc Catalan use in Council meetings with advance notice since September 2024.[139][140][141]Controversies in Language Policy and Nationalism
The debate over the status of Valencian has centered on claims by linguistic secessionists that it constitutes a distinct language separate from Catalan, despite empirical evidence from phonology, morphology, and syntax demonstrating substantial unity, including shared Romance inheritance and mutual intelligibility exceeding 90% in core lexicon.[142][143] These secessionist assertions, often termed "blaverism," emerged in the 1970s amid Spain's democratic transition as a political strategy by right-wing groups to counter pan-Catalan nationalism and reinforce regional identity tied to Spanish heritage, rejecting the notion of "Països Catalans" as expansionist. Proponents argue that historical evolution from Mozarabic substrates and lexical divergences justify separation, but linguists maintain such differences align with dialectal variation rather than linguistic boundaries, with standardization efforts like the 1982 Normes del Puig affirming compatibility with broader Catalan norms.[111][81] In education policy, controversies intensified in 2025 when Valencia's PP-Vox coalition proposed excluding Catalan authors like Mercè Rodoreda and Maria Mercè Marçal from school curricula, framing it as preserving "Valencian identity" against perceived Catalan cultural imposition, while families and linguists decried it as eroding the shared linguistic base.[144] A controversial "referendum" on teaching models in Valencian schools prioritized Spanish-medium options, reducing immersion in Valencian/Catalan despite surveys showing 68% parental support for Catalan-medium instruction in relevant regions, highlighting causal tensions between local autonomy claims and evidence-based language maintenance.[56][145] Similarly, in Catalonia, the High Court annulled key provisions of a 2024 decree mandating Catalan as the primary vehicular language, mandating at least 25% Spanish instruction, which immersion advocates criticized as judicial overreach undermining social cohesion, though opponents cited it as correcting overreach that disadvantaged Spanish monolinguals.[125][146] Catalan nationalism's post-2017 instrumentalization of language policy has exacerbated societal divides, with independence rhetoric linking linguistic promotion to secession deepening polarization, as evidenced by a drop in support for independence from 48% in 2017 to 41% by 2022, correlating with heightened Spanish usage among non-separatists.[147][148] Right-leaning critics, including PP leaders, contend that aggressive Catalanization prioritizes ethnic division over Spain's shared Hispanic heritage, fostering resentment and accelerating language shift toward Spanish dominance, with data showing ideology-driven preferences: pro-independence users favoring Catalan while unionists opt for Spanish, thus causal realism reveals policy as a tool for nationalist mobilization rather than neutral preservation.[149][150] This has fragmented even pro-independence coalitions, as seen in 2022 splits over linguistic concessions in education, underscoring how post-referendum backlash prioritized political leverage over empirical sociolinguistic needs.[149][123]Cultural and Intellectual Contributions
Literary Tradition and Key Figures
The earliest surviving literary works in Catalan date to the late 12th century, exemplified by the Homilies d'Organyà, a collection of sermons translated from Latin that demonstrate the language's initial use in religious prose.[6]In the 15th century, Ausiàs March (1397–1459), a Valencian knight and poet, marked the zenith of medieval Catalan verse during the "Golden Century." His oeuvre comprises 93 cants d'amor (love songs) and 8 cants de mort (death songs or elegies), characterized by introspective psychological depth, philosophical inquiry into love's torments, and innovative metrical forms that broke from Provençal troubadour conventions.[151][152] Following a period of literary decline amid political centralization, the 19th-century Renaixença revived Catalan letters through Romantic nationalism and linguistic standardization. Initiated around 1833 with folkloric collections and culminating in the reinstatement of the Jocs Florals poetry contests in 1859, this movement innovated by blending medieval forms with contemporary themes like rural life and social critique, producing over 1,000 entries annually by the 1870s and fostering a modern prose tradition.[153][154] The 20th century saw prolific output in novels and essays despite Franco-era suppression from 1939 to 1975, which banned Catalan publications. Mercè Rodoreda (1908–1983) emerged as a pivotal novelist, with La plaça del Diamant (1962) depicting interwar Barcelona through stream-of-consciousness narrative and feminine perspective, selling over 100,000 copies in Catalan by 1970.[155][156] Josep Pla (1897–1981) chronicled Catalan landscapes in over 50 volumes of essays and narratives, emphasizing precise, unadorned prose drawn from personal observation.[157] Salvador Espriu (1913–1985) contributed poetic dramas like La pell de brau (1960), using mythic allegory to encode resistance under censorship.[158]
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