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Salmon roe (left) and sturgeon roe (caviar) (right)
Swedish toast Skagen topped with cold-smoked salmon roe, on bread

Roe, (/r/ ROH) or hard roe, is the fully ripe internal egg masses in the ovaries, or the released external egg masses, of fish and certain marine animals such as shrimp, scallop, sea urchins and squid. As a seafood, roe is used both as a cooked ingredient in many dishes, and as a raw ingredient for delicacies such as caviar.

The roe of marine animals, such as the roe of lumpsucker, hake, mullet, salmon, Atlantic bonito, mackerel, squid, and cuttlefish are especially rich sources of omega-3 fatty acids,[1] but omega-3s are present in all fish roe. Also, a significant amount of vitamin B12 is among the nutrients present in fish roes.[2]

Roe from a sturgeon, or sometimes other fish such as flathead grey mullet, is the raw base product from which caviar is made.

The term soft roe or white roe denotes fish milt, not fish eggs.

By country

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Africa

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South Africa

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People in KwaZulu-Natal consume fish roe in the form of slightly sour curry or battered and deep fried.

Americas

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Brazil

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In southern Brazil, in particular in the litoral parts of the state of Santa Catarina (from Azorean colonization), mullet roesacks are consumed deep-fried or pan-seared by the locals.

Canada

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Roe is extracted from sturgeon, salmon, sea urchins, etc.[a] Herring roe sacs are also extracted mainly for export to Japan (as kazunoko q.v.).[3][4] But spawned herring roe was also traditional foodstuff for indigenous people of British Columbia.[5]

The collection and consumption of herring roe is actually a long-standing native practice for the Indigenous people of the (Northern and Middle[5]) Pacific coast. Traditional methods involves harvesting the naturally occurring "spawn-on-kelp" (Haida: k'aaw[6] or eggs laid on purposefully submerged hemlock[5] branches. Nowadays "spawn on kelp" is commercially produced, mostly bound for Japan.[b][4] (See Pacific herring#Roe fishery for further information)

Roe from the cisco is harvested from the Great Lakes, primarily for overseas markets.

In the province of New Brunswick, roe (caviare) of the Atlantic sturgeon is harvested from the Saint John river.[citation needed] Whereas in coastal British Columbia, Fraser River white sturgeon are sustainably farmed to produce caviar.[7]

Chile

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In Chile, sea urchin roe is a traditional food known as an "erizo de mar". Chile is one of many countries that exports sea urchins to Japan in order to fulfill Japanese demand.

Dominican Republic

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In Dominican Republic, dried and smoked herring roe ("huevas de arenque") is eaten. Unlike in some countries, it's generally cooked before consumption.

Peru

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In Peru, roe is served in many seafood restaurants sauteed, breaded and pan fried, and sometimes accompanied by a side of fresh onion salad. It is called Huevera Frita. Cojinova (Seriolella violacea) yields the best roe for this dish. Despite the fact that many people like it, it is hardly considered a delicacy. Upscale restaurants are not expected to offer it, but street vendors and smaller restaurants will make their first daily sales of it before they run out. Cojinova itself (considered a medium quality fish) is caught for its fish meal, not for its roe, which is considered a chance product. Sea urchin roe is considered a delicacy and it is used (at customer request) to add strength to ceviche.

United States

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Photograph of men harvesting and fertilizing salmon eggs from a female at a hatchery in Alaska by John Nathan Cobb (early 20th century)

In the United States, several kinds of roe are produced: salmon from the Pacific coast, shad and herring species such as the American shad and alewife, mullet, paddlefish, American bowfin, and some species of sturgeon. Shad, pike, and other roe sometimes are pan-fried with bacon. Spot prawn roe (hard to find) is also a delicacy from the North Pacific. Flounder roe, pan-fried and served with grits is popular on the Southeastern coast.

Herring roe harvested in Alaska are mostly shipped to Japan[3](cf. kazunoko under #Japan). The indigenous people (Tlingit) of the Sitka Sound had traditionally collected and eaten herring roe.[8][9] (cf. also #Canada)

Asia

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Cambodia

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In Cambodia roe (Khmer: ពងត្រី, pông trei) are fermented and usually eaten with steamed eggs, omelettes and other hen or duck egg dishes.[10]

China

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In many regions in China, crab and urchin roes are eaten as a delicacy. Crab roe are often used as topping in dishes such as "crab roe tofu" (蟹粉豆腐). Nanxiang Steamed Bun Restaurant serves "crab roe xiaolongbao" as their special. Shrimp roes are also eaten in certain places, especially around the downstream of Yangtze River, such as Wuhu, as toppings for noodle soup.[citation needed]

India, Pakistan and Bangladesh

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Fried roe dish with vegetables

Among the populace of eastern India, roe that has been deeply roasted over an open fire is a delicacy. In this region, the roe of rohu is also considered a delicacy and is eaten fried or as a stuffing within a fried pointed gourd to make potoler dolma.

Roe from the ilish fish is considered a delicacy in Bangladesh. The roe is usually deep-fried, although other preparations such as mashed roe where the roe crushed along with oil, onion and pepper, or curry of roe can also be found.

All along the Konkan coast and Northern Kerala, the roe of sardines, black mackerel and several other fish is considered a delicacy. The roe can be eaten fried (after being coated with red chilli paste) and also as a thick curry (gashi). In Goa and Malvan, roe is first steamed or poached, then coated with salt and chilli powder and then shallow fried or roasted on a tawa (flat pan). In the state of Kerala, roe is deep fried in coconut oil, and is considered a delicacy. A common method of quick preparation is to wrap the roe in wet banana leaves and cook it over charcoal embers.

In Odisha and West Bengal, roe of several fresh-water fish, including hilsa, are eaten, the roe being cooked separately or along with the fish, the latter method being preferred for all but large fishes. Roe, either light or deep-fried are also eaten as snacks or appetizers before a major meal.

All along the Indus River and Specially South Pakistan Sindh, the roe of Palla (fish), and several other fish is considered a delicacy. The roe can be eaten fried (after being coated with red chilli paste) and also as a thick curry (Salan/Curry). coated with salt and chilli powder and then shallow fried or roasted on a tawa (flat pan).

Indonesia

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Pepes telur ikan is a dish of steamed or fried spiced roe wrapped in banana leaf.[11] In Makassar, It is made from flying fish roe or locals called ikan tuing-tuing. Also in Gresik, the pepes is made from Java barb roe or locals called ikan bader.

In Kendal, telur ikan mimi has become a Ramadan dish.[12] It is made from horseshoe crab roe with grated coconut.

Iran

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In the Caspian provinces of Gilan and Mazandaran, several types of roe are used. Called ashpal or ashbal, roe is consumed grilled, cured, salted, or mixed with other ingredients. If salted or cured, it is consumed as a condiment. If used fresh, it is usually grilled, steamed, or mixed with eggs and fried to form a custard-like dish called "Ashpal Kuku".

Besides the much sought-after caviar, roe from kutum (also known as Caspian white fish or Rutilus frisii kutum), Caspian roach (called "kuli" in Gileki), bream (called "kulmeh" in Gileki), and Caspian salmon are highly prized. Roe from carp is less common and barbel roe is also occasionally used.

Israel

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Several sections of the Israeli cuisine include roe. In Modern Hebrew, roe is commonly referred to by its Russian name "ikra" (איקרה). When necessary, the color is also mentioned: white or pink, as appropriate. Israeli "white ikra" is commonly made of carp or herring eggs, while "red ikra" is made of flathead mullet eggs or, in rarer cases, salmon eggs. The term "caviar" is separate, and denotes only sturgeon eggs.

Ikra is served as a starter dish, to be eaten with pita or similar breads, particularly in Arab restaurants. It can also be purchased in stores, in standard-sized plastic packages. In home cooking it is similarly served as a starter dish.

In Judaism, roe from kosher fish—fish with fins and scales—is considered kosher. Like fish in general, it is considered pareve. However, roe is considered kosher only if the fish from which it is harvested is kosher as well. Caviar from sturgeon is therefore not considered kosher from an Orthodox Jewish perspective, as that fish is not understood to have scales under Orthodox interpretations of Jewish law.

For most observant Orthodox Jewish consumers who keep kosher, roe or caviar must be processed under kosher supervision as well. The only exception to this rule is red roe, thanks to a widely accepted responsa by the Bais Yosef.[13]

Japan

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Sushi topped with salmon roe
Ikuradon, a bowl of rice topped with salmon roe
Uncooked noodle made from shrimp roe

Various roe types are used in Japanese cuisine, including the following which are used raw in sushi:

  • Ebiko - Shrimp roe.[14]
  • Ikura (イクラ) - Salmon roe. Large reddish-orange individual spheres. It is a loan word from the Russian, "икра" (roe, in this context caviar)
    • Sujiko (すじこ/筋子) - Salmon roe sac whole pieces. Sujiko is darker (red to dark-red), also sweeter in taste.
  • Kazunoko (数の子/鯑) - herring roe sac, yellow or pinkish, having a firm, rubbery texture and appearance, now usually brined. (Main article: kazunoko).
    • 子持ち昆布 (komochi kombu; "spawn on kelp") - herring eggs heavily laid on seaweed, mostly imported from Canada[15][c] (cf. k'aaw above)
  • Karasumi (カラスミ/鱲子) - dried mullet roe, a specialty of Nagasaki. Along with sea urchin and konowata (cf. kuchiko below) it is considered one of the big three chinmi of Japan.
  • Kuchiko [ja] or konoko - sea cucumber roe. Often dried.[16]
  • Masago (真砂子)- Capelin roe, similar to Tobiko, but smaller.
  • Tarako (たらこ/鱈子) - Salted Alaska pollock roe, sometimes grilled.
    • Mentaiko (明太子) - Alaska pollock roe sac, cured and spiced with red pepper. Mentaiko is usually pink to dark red.
  • Tobiko (飛び子) - Flying fish roe, very crunchy, reddish orange in color.
Sea urchin roe
  • Uni (うに/雲丹) - Sea urchin roe, used in sushi, also preserved uni (packed in jars). Orange to pale yellow. The ichigoni [ja] soup is a northern specialty (also available canned).[17]

Korea

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In Korean, the roe found inside the belly of a fish is called "goni" (鯤鮞).[18]

All kinds of fish roe are widely eaten in Korean cuisine, including the popular sea urchin, salmon, herring, flying fish, cod, among others. Myeongran jeot (명란젓) refers to the jeotgal (salted fermented seafood) made with pollock roe seasoned with chili pepper powders. It is commonly consumed as banchan, small dish accompanied with cooked rice or ingredient for altang (알탕), a kind of jjigae (Korean stew).

Albap is a bibimbap made with roe.

Lebanon

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Sea urchin roe, or toutia توتية as it is known locally, is eaten directly from the sea urchin shell fresh using a small spoon. Some people add a twist of lemon juice to the roe and eat it in Lebanese flat bread.

Malaysia

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Particularly in Sarawak, Malaysia, Toli Shad fish roe is a popular delicacy among locals and tourists. The roe is usually found in the street market in Sarawak's capital city of Kuching. The roe can be sold for up to US$19 per 100 grams and is considered expensive among locals, but the price can reach up to US$30 in other states of Malaysia.

The roe is usually salted before sale but fresh roe is also available. The salted roe is usually pan fried or steamed and eaten with steamed rice. The fish itself is also usually salted and served along with the roe.

Oceania

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New Zealand

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The Māori people and other New Zealanders eat sea urchin roe, called "kina".[19] Kina is sold in fish shops, supermarkets, and alongside the road. Most commercial kina is imported from the Chatham Islands.

Europe

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All around the Mediterranean, bottarga is an esteemed specialty made of the cured roe pouch of flathead mullet, tuna, or swordfish; it is called bottarga (Italian), poutargue or boutargue (French), botarga (Spanish), batarekh (Arabic) or avgotaraho (Greek αυγοτάραχο).

Denmark

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The most commonly eaten roe in Denmark is cod roe, usually sold canned with added water, starch, oil, salt, and tomato puree and then boiled and preserved. It is served sliced, either as is or slightly roasted in a pan, on top of rye bread, sometimes topped with remoulade and/or lemon. An everyday food item on many Danish lunch tables. Lumpfish (stenbider) roe is another roe used in Danish cuisine. It is considered somewhat of a luxury item and is primarily used as a condiment on top of halved or sliced hard-boiled eggs, on top of mounds of shrimp, or in combination with other fish or seafood.

France

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Sea urchin roe (oursin in French) is eaten directly from the sea and in restaurants, where it is served both by itself and in seafood platters, usually spooned from the shell of the animal. Crab, shrimp and prawn roe still attached to those animals is also considered a delicacy.

Finland

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Common whitefish and especially vendace from the fresh water lakes in Finland are renowned for the excellent delicate taste of the roe. Roe is served as topping of toast or on blini with onion and smetana.

Greece

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Taramasalata, salad made with taramá
Carp roe sold in jars

Taramá is salted and cured carp or cod roe used to make taramosaláta, a Greek meze consisting of taramá mixed with lemon juice, bread crumbs, onions, and olive oil; it is eaten as a dip.

Avgotaraho (αυγοτάραχο) or botargo is the prepared roe of the flathead mullet.

Italy

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Bottarga is a popular ingredient in the south of Italy. It consists of the salted and dried roe pouch of the Atlantic bluefin tuna; it can also be prepared with the dried roe pouch of the flathead mullet. It is used minced for dressing pasta or sliced with olive oil and lemon on bread. On the islands of Sardinia and Sicily, fresh sea urchin roe is widely consumed, both as is and as a pasta sauce. Its consumption is limited to certain months of the year to preserve the sea urchin.

Norway

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Norwegian caviar is most commonly made from cod, but caviar made from lumpsucker or capelin roe is also available. During winter season, when skrei, winter cod is available, roe is cooked in its sack and served with cod liver and poached cod. This traditional dish is particularly popular in coastal Norway and is called mølje. In some areas it is also common to fry the roe from freshly caught fish, to be eaten on bread or with potatoes and flatbread.

Portugal

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Codfish roe and sardine roe are sold in olive oil. The fresh roe of hake (pescada) is also consumed (a popular way of eating it is boiled with vegetables, and simply seasoned with olive oil and a dash of vinegar). In the South of Portugal, the "ouriço do mar" (sea urchin) is highly appreciated. In the Sines area (Alentejo), a layer of dried pine needles is placed on the ground and, on top of it, a layer of sea urchins. This layer is topped with a second layer of dried pine needles. The pile is set on fire. The roe is removed from the cooked sea urchins and eaten. Sea urchin is not consumed in May, June, July, and August.

Romania

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Romanian roe salad decorated with black olives

Fish roe is very popular in Romania as a starter (like salată de icre) or sometimes served for breakfast on toasted bread. The most common roe is that of the European carp; pike, herring, cod are also popular. Fried soft roe is also a popular dish. Sturgeon roe is a delicacy normally served at functions.

Russia and ex-USSR countries

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Open sandwich (butterbrot) with pollock roe

In Russian, all types of fish roe are called ikra (икра), and there is no linguistic distinction between the English words "roe" and "caviar". Also, Russians tend[according to whom?] to translate any "ikra" as "caviar", thus creating the impression[according to whom?] of availability of sturgeon roe.

Sturgeon roe, called chyornaya ikra (чёрная икра, "black caviar") is most prized. It is followed in prestige by salmon roe called krasnaya ikra (красная икра, "red caviar"), which is less expensive, but still considered a delicacy. Both types of roe are usually served lightly salted on buttered wheat bread, or as an accompaniment for blini, or used as an ingredient in various haute cuisine and festive dishes. The butter on bread may soften the taste of large pellets of black or red roe this way, by making it more dull, and the bread should be soft and fresh rather than soggy, crisp or bun-like dense.

More common roes, such as cod, Alaska pollock, and herring ones are everyday dishes, combining richness in protein with low price. Salted cod or pollock roe on buttered bread is common breakfast fare and herring roe is often eaten smoked or fried. The roe of freshwater fish is also popular but the commercial availability is lower. Soft roe of various fishes is also widely consumed, mostly fried, and is a popular cantina-style dish.

  • For those "everyday" roes, the buttered bread makes sense, since the canned roe is more salty than caviar sturgeon roe.
  • Capelin roe mixed with cream is sold in convenience stores of Russia as a more gentle-tasting variant of aforementioned canned roe spreads.

Roe found in dried vobla fish is considered delicious by some; though dried vobla roe is not produced separately as a stand-alone dish, roe-carrying vobla is prized.

Spain

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Cod and hake roe is commonly consumed throughout Spain in many different forms: sautéed, grilled, fried, marinated, pickled, boiled, with mayonnaise, or in salad. Tuna and ling dry brined roe is traditional in Andalusia and the Mediterranean coasts since antiquity. In all of the Spanish coastal regions, sea urchin roe is considered a delicacy and consumed raw. Roe from the Mediterranean grey mullet, Mugil cephalus, is a sustainable roe resembling sturgeon roe that is marketed from Spain to countries around the world.[20]

Sweden

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Smörgåskaviar as a condiment on a cottage cheese sandwich

Smoked and salted cod roe paste known as smörgåskaviar, typically sold in tubes, is commonly served as a sandwich topping in Sweden.

Lightly salted roe of the vendace is called löjrom in Swedish. It is naturally orange in colour. The most sought-after type is Kalix löjrom from Kalix in the northern Baltic sea. Most löjrom consumed in Sweden is, however, imported frozen from North America.

Stenbitsrom, the roe of lumpfish, is naturally gray, but is coloured black (to emulate black caviar) or reddish orange (to emulate löjrom). The azo dyes used may have negative health impacts, especially for children, and the colour additives also tend to bleed into other foods served with it.[21][22] Azo dyes were typically not legal in Sweden, but were allowed in stenbitsrom as children were considered unlikely to consume significant amounts of it.[22]

There is also a trend to use more laxrom (salmon roe), which is a natural orange colour, with a large diameter.

United Kingdom

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Though not popular, herring roe is sold within many British supermarkets. Battered cod roe can also be bought from many fish and chip shops. Various tinned roes are on sale in supermarkets e.g. soft cod roes, pressed cod roes and herring roes.

See also

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Explanatory notes

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References

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Roe v. Wade, commonly known as Roe, was a landmark decision by the issued on January 22, 1973, that established a constitutional right to in the U.S. based on the right to privacy under the of the Fourteenth Amendment, significantly influencing global discussions on reproductive rights. In a 7–2 ruling, the Court held that the Constitution protects a pregnant woman's right to choose an abortion without excessive restriction. The case arose from a challenge by "Jane Roe," the of , an unmarried pregnant woman in denied an abortion under state laws criminalizing the procedure except to save the mother's life. The decision introduced a trimester framework for abortion regulation: states could not interfere during the first trimester; in the second trimester, regulations were allowed if related to ; and in the third trimester, after (around 24–28 weeks), states could prohibit except to preserve the woman's or . This invalidated numerous state laws and shaped reproductive rights jurisprudence for nearly 50 years. However, on June 24, 2022, the overturned Roe in Dobbs v. , ruling that the does not confer a right to and devolving authority to the states. The decision resulted in a patchwork of state laws, with some enacting near-total bans and others safeguarding access. In the November 2024 elections, voters in seven states approved constitutional amendments protecting , while similar measures failed in three others.

Overview

Definition and Terminology

In the context of reproductive rights, "Roe" refers to the landmark 1973 United States case , which established a constitutional right to for women in the United States. The decision held that the of the Fourteenth Amendment protects a , which encompasses a woman's decision whether or not to terminate her . This right was later overturned in 2022 by the in Dobbs v. , eliminating federal protection and allowing states to regulate independently. The pseudonym "Roe" in the case derives from "Jane Roe," the anonymous designation assigned to the plaintiff, , to protect her identity during the litigation; such pseudonyms are commonly used in legal proceedings involving sensitive personal matters. Key terminology from the Roe decision includes the "trimester framework," which divided into three stages to balance a woman's privacy rights with potential state interests in and fetal life: the first trimester allowed nearly absolute choice without state interference, the second permitted regulations focused on health, and the third enabled broader restrictions post-viability except to preserve the woman's life or health. "Viability" is defined medically as the stage at which a has a reasonable chance of survival outside the womb with or without medical support, typically around 24 weeks of gestation, though this threshold can vary based on advancements in neonatal care. Abortions are distinguished legally and medically into categories such as elective, therapeutic, and criminal. An elective abortion, also termed induced or non-therapeutic, is performed for personal or social reasons unrelated to immediate threats. In contrast, a therapeutic abortion is conducted out of medical necessity to protect the pregnant person's life or health, such as in cases of severe fetal anomalies or maternal conditions like . A criminal abortion refers to any termination performed unlawfully under applicable statutes, often carrying legal penalties for providers and patients.

Historical Context

Abortion practices date back to ancient civilizations, where they were often integrated into medical and social frameworks without widespread legal prohibitions. In , medical texts such as the from around 1550 BCE document methods for inducing s using herbal remedies, reflecting a pragmatic approach to reproductive health amid high maternal mortality rates. Similarly, in , while the —dating to the BCE—explicitly prohibited physicians from administering abortifacients to women, this stance contrasted with broader cultural acceptance of such practices among non-physicians, as evidenced by surviving medical writings that describe abortive techniques. In , was generally legal and not viewed as since the was not considered a person under law; it was permitted under certain social and economic conditions, such as to control family size or preserve a woman's health, with Roman legal texts like the Digest of Justinian outlining penalties only for abortions that harmed the father's potential heirs without consent. During the medieval and early modern periods in , the exerted significant influence on attitudes toward , shifting it toward criminalization based on theological concepts of fetal . Church doctrine, drawing from Aristotelian and biblical interpretations, distinguished between pre- and post-"quickening" stages, where —typically detected as fetal movement between 16 and 20 weeks of —marked the entry of the into the , rendering abortion after this point akin to . Prior to quickening, abortions were often deemed sinful but not criminally punishable under , allowing for some tolerance in cases of maternal necessity; this framework persisted into early modern , where secular courts rarely prosecuted pre-quickening procedures. The Church's evolving prohibitions, reinforced by figures like in the 13th century, gradually tightened restrictions, laying the groundwork for stricter secular regulations. The 19th and early 20th centuries saw waves of criminalization across the and , driven by medical professionalization, moral campaigns, and concerns over population demographics. In the U.S., starting in the 1820s, states began enacting laws restricting abortion, culminating in near-total bans by the 1880s through efforts led by physicians like Horatio Storer, who argued for and aimed to elevate the medical profession's authority over midwives. European nations followed suit, with countries like Britain passing the Offences Against the Person Act of 1861 to criminalize abortion at all stages, influenced by similar religious and nationalist sentiments that viewed it as a threat to social order. A notable exception occurred in the , which in 1920 became the first modern state to decriminalize abortion through a decree aimed at protecting amid post-revolutionary upheaval and high rates of unsafe procedures, framing it as a measure rather than a moral failing. Post-World War II, global shifts toward movements intersected with lingering debates, catalyzing reforms in the and . Advocacy for reproductive gained traction as part of broader feminist efforts to address inequalities, with organizations highlighting the dangers of illegal abortions and linking access to bodily . influences, though discredited after , subtly persisted in discussions of and selective reproduction, particularly in Western contexts where reforms were sometimes justified by reducing "unwanted" births among marginalized groups. In the U.S., this era was marked by pivotal legal precedents, including the 1965 decision in Griswold v. Connecticut, which struck down a state ban on contraception for married couples by recognizing a to in marital relations, setting the stage for expanded reproductive protections.

International Frameworks

United Nations and Human Rights

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), adopted in 1948, establishes foundational principles that underpin bodily autonomy, including the , , and (Article 3), freedom from or cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment (Article 5), and protection against arbitrary interference with privacy (Article 12). These provisions have been interpreted by bodies to support women's reproductive autonomy, emphasizing that restrictions on personal decision-making in health matters, such as access to reproductive services, can undermine these core rights. For instance, UN reports highlight that , derived from UDHR protections, requires states to respect individuals' control over their own bodies, particularly in contexts of reproductive health where denial of autonomy may lead to violations of dignity and equality. The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), adopted in 1979, frames access as integral to by addressing how discriminatory laws and practices disproportionately affect and autonomy. The CEDAW Committee, in its General Recommendation No. 24 (1999) on women and health, urges states to prioritize prevention of unwanted pregnancies through and to ensure non-discriminatory access to reproductive health services, including safe where not prohibited by law, as restrictions often perpetuate gender-based violence and inequality. The Committee views such barriers as violations of Articles 12 () and 16 ( and family rights) of CEDAW, arguing that they reinforce stereotypes and limit women's equal participation in society. For example, in concluding observations on state reports, the Committee has repeatedly called for the removal of punitive measures against women seeking services to advance substantive . Under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR, 1966) and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR, 1966), the UN Human Rights Committee has interpreted strict bans as potentially amounting to torture or other cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment, particularly when they endanger life or . In the landmark case of K.L. v. (2005, CCPR/C/85/D/1153/2003), the Committee found that Peru's denial of a therapeutic to a 17-year-old girl whose pregnancy posed a grave risk to her life and violated Article 7 of the ICCPR, as it inflicted severe physical and mental without justification. This decision underscores the Committees' view that states must balance fetal interests with under Articles 6 (), 7, and 17 () of the ICCPR, and Article 12 () of the ICESCR, ensuring that reproductive restrictions do not impose disproportionate burdens. Subsequent interpretations have reinforced that such denials can also breach non-discrimination principles under both covenants. The Platform for Action, adopted in 1995 at the Fourth World Conference on Women, explicitly calls for expanded access to safe services where legally permitted, recognizing unsafe abortions as a leading cause of maternal mortality that disproportionately impacts vulnerable women. In paragraph 96 of the health section, it states that "in no case should be promoted as a method of ," but emphasizes the need to reduce the prevalence of unsafe procedures through comprehensive reproductive , , and legal reforms to protect women's lives and rights. This platform integrates access into broader commitments to and health, urging governments to address the determinants of unsafe abortions, such as and lack of services, as a and priority. UN resolutions on reducing maternal mortality further link these efforts to reproductive rights, with the Human Rights Council adopting multiple texts that frame preventable maternal deaths—often resulting from restricted access—as violations requiring urgent state action. For example, Resolution 11/8 (2009) and subsequent updates, such as Resolution 18/2 (2011) and Resolution 21/6 (2012), reaffirm that states must eliminate barriers to reproductive health services, including safe , to fulfill obligations under and reduce mortality rates. These resolutions, building on the Beijing Platform, call for accountability mechanisms and technical guidance to ensure women's access to quality care, tying maternal improvements directly to the realization of to life, , and non-discrimination. The 2025 update to the technical guidance (A/HRC/60/43) continues this emphasis, providing states with human rights-based strategies to address intersecting factors like stigma and legal restrictions.

World Health Organization Guidelines

The (WHO) defines an as a procedure for terminating a performed by individuals lacking the necessary skills or in an environment that does not conform to minimal medical, legal, or ethical standards. Globally, approximately 73 million induced s occur annually, with 45% classified as unsafe based on data from 2010–2014, though this proportion remains a significant concern in recent assessments. These unsafe procedures contribute to substantial morbidity, with an estimated 7 million women treated yearly for related complications in developing regions, and account for approximately 8% of all maternal deaths worldwide, according to a review from 2009–2020. In its Abortion Care Guideline (2022), which updates earlier technical and policy guidance from 2003 and 2012, WHO emphasizes that abortion is an essential health service and provides evidence-based recommendations to ensure safety and accessibility. For first-trimester abortions (up to 12–14 weeks ), the guidelines recommend provision through medical methods, such as self-managed abortion using quality-assured medications like and , which can be administered at home or in settings with telemedicine support, performed by trained health workers or appropriately supported individuals. For second-trimester procedures (beyond 12 weeks), WHO advises protocols involving or medical induction, stressing the need for skilled providers in appropriately equipped facilities to minimize risks, and recommends against rigid gestational limits that could delay care and exacerbate health outcomes. WHO advocates for the full integration of care into essential services within universal coverage frameworks, ensuring it is affordable, timely, and available without . This includes a strong emphasis on to protect workers from legal penalties for providing or assisting with abortions, thereby safeguarding their ability to deliver care without fear of prosecution or mandatory reporting. Post-abortion care standards, as outlined by WHO, require comprehensive management of complications—such as incomplete abortion, hemorrhage, or —regardless of the pregnancy's or the method used, with services including emergency treatment, counseling, contraception, and follow-up to prevent future unintended pregnancies. These standards prioritize respectful, to reduce stigma and ensure equitable access, treating post-abortion complications as a critical component of services.

By Region

Africa

In Africa, abortion laws exhibit significant regional trends characterized by high restrictiveness, with the majority of countries permitting the procedure only to save the woman's life or protect her physical and . As of recent assessments, approximately 92% of women of reproductive age in reside in nations with highly or moderately restrictive laws that prohibit on broader grounds, such as socioeconomic reasons or personal choice. Several countries, including , , , , and , allow on request up to certain gestational limits, reflecting a gradual shift toward more liberal frameworks in select jurisdictions. These legal patterns are deeply rooted in colonial legacies, where European penal codes imposed during the imperial era criminalized across the continent. British common law, French civil law, and Portuguese codes, among others, established prohibitions that treated as a criminal offense, often punishable by , and these frameworks were largely retained post-independence in the mid-20th century. Subsequent reforms in some nations have expanded exceptions, influenced by evolving norms, though many countries continue to adhere to these outdated colonial-era restrictions without substantial . A pivotal regional instrument addressing these issues is the African Union's , adopted in 2003, which advances reproductive rights through Article 14. This provision obligates state parties to guarantee women's rights and to authorize safe abortion in cases of , , , risks to the mother's life or health, or fetal impairment. Ratified by 46 African states as of 2025, with the becoming the 46th state to ratify in July 2025, the protocol represents a progressive counterpoint to restrictive national laws, promoting access to safe services and influencing advocacy for reforms, though implementation remains uneven due to domestic legal barriers. Unsafe abortions persist at alarmingly high rates amid these constraints, with an estimated 29 abortions per 1,000 women aged 15–44 occurring annually across , the vast majority of which are unsafe and contribute to elevated maternal mortality—such as the 442 deaths per 100,000 live births in as reported by the (as of 2023). In specifically, around 6.2 million unsafe abortions take place each year, underscoring the scale of the crisis. Key challenges exacerbating this include pervasive social and religious stigma that discourages women from seeking care, insufficient trained providers and facilities in rural areas, and ongoing conflicts that disrupt healthcare and increase complication severity in fragile settings.

Americas

In the , abortion was broadly criminalized across the Americas through penal codes influenced by colonial legacies and emerging , with most Latin American countries enacting total prohibitions by the late 1800s, often allowing exceptions only to save the woman's life. This wave of criminalization mirrored trends in the United States, where laws shifted from tolerating pre-quickening abortions to outright bans by the 1880s, driven by physicians' campaigns against unsafe practices. In the , reforms began to emerge, particularly influenced by the 1973 U.S. Supreme Court decision in , which established abortion as a and inspired rights-based advocacy in , prompting limited decriminalizations in countries like (1930s for health risks) and influencing broader hemispheric discussions on reproductive autonomy. However, progress was uneven, with many nations retaining restrictive frameworks until the late 20th and early 21st centuries. The current landscape of abortion laws in the Americas reflects a stark spectrum, ranging from total bans to on-request access. , , and maintain absolute prohibitions, criminalizing in all circumstances with penalties up to 30 years , even when the woman's life is at risk. In contrast, provides on request without gestational limits imposed by , though access varies by . Uruguay legalized on request up to 12 weeks in 2012, and followed in 2020 through the "" movement—a feminist campaign symbolized by green handkerchiefs that mobilized mass protests and led to up to 14 weeks, marking a pivotal shift in regional norms. This progressive wave has extended to (up to 24 weeks since 2022) and parts of , contrasting sharply with persistent restrictions elsewhere. The has played a crucial role in advancing reproductive rights through landmark rulings. In Artavia Murillo et al. v. (2012), the Court struck down 's ban on in vitro fertilization as a violation of the , affirming the right to procreate and equality for infertile individuals while rejecting embryo personhood, which broadened protections for reproductive technologies and indirectly bolstered arguments against overly restrictive policies on assisted reproduction and . The decision compelled to legalize IVF and integrate it into services, setting a for state obligations to facilitate reproductive health without . In the United States, the 2022 Dobbs v. decision overturned , eliminating federal protections and enabling state-level restrictions; as of 2025, 12 states enforce near-total bans with limited exceptions, while 21 states protect access up to (around 24 weeks). This fragmentation has ripple effects across the hemisphere, potentially emboldening conservative movements in . High adolescent pregnancy rates in have been a key driver of recent reforms, underscoring the crisis of unsafe abortions and limited access. The region reports the second-highest adolescent globally at 52 births per 1,000 girls aged 15-19, with rates declining from 69.9 per 1,000 in 2014 to 50.3 in , yet still fueling advocacy for to reduce maternal mortality and inequality. These trends, particularly acute among indigenous and low-income , have amplified calls for comprehensive sexual education and rights-based policies, as seen in the Green Wave's emphasis on preventing coerced pregnancies.

Asia

Abortion laws across exhibit significant diversity, shaped by historical population control measures, religious doctrines, and efforts toward modernization. In several countries, access is broad and available on request. For instance, has permitted abortion on request since the 1950s as part of national initiatives aimed at controlling . Similarly, allows abortions up to 22 weeks of pregnancy without restrictions on grounds, provided free by the state healthcare system. In Central Asian former Soviet states such as and , liberal policies persist from the Soviet era, permitting abortions on request up to 12 weeks and for broader indications thereafter. In contrast, restrictive regimes prevail elsewhere; prohibits abortion except in cases of rape or when the mother's life is endangered, while the maintains a near-total ban, allowing it solely to save the woman's life. Significant legal reforms have expanded access in key nations amid evolving social and health priorities. India's Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act of 1971 initially legalized up to 20 weeks for reasons including health risks, fetal abnormalities, and contraceptive failure, marking a shift from colonial-era prohibitions. The 2021 amendment further broadened this by extending the limit to 24 weeks for vulnerable categories like survivors of and adolescents, and allowing opinions from one or two providers depending on gestation. achieved a landmark change in with the of , ending a 66-year ban that had criminalized the procedure since 1953 and restricted it to narrow exceptions. Religious influences profoundly affect policy variations, often balancing traditional interpretations with public health needs. In Muslim-majority and , Islamic permits to preserve the woman's physical or , as well as in cases of or fetal impairment, though procedures remain regulated under penal codes with gestational limits around 120 days. In Hindu-majority , despite scriptural views historically deeming sinful, the 2002 legalization act liberalized access up to 12 weeks on request and up to 18 weeks for or , driven by to reduce maternal mortality. Persistent challenges include sex-selective practices and safety concerns, exacerbated by uneven enforcement and cultural factors. In and , widespread son preference has led to skewed sex ratios at birth, prompting bans on prenatal sex determination—India's through the 1994 Pre-Conception and Pre-Natal Diagnostic Techniques Act and China's via regulations prohibiting non-medical fetal sex disclosure. faces particularly high rates of unsafe abortions, with an estimated 8-10 million procedures annually, many clandestine due to legal ambiguities or access barriers, contributing to substantial maternal morbidity. These issues have drawn international scrutiny, including critiques of coercive population policies in contexts like China's former one-child framework.

Europe

Europe has witnessed significant liberalization of abortion laws over the past several decades, with most countries now permitting on request during the first trimester, typically up to 12-14 weeks of . This trend aligns with standards promoted by the , which emphasize access to safe and legal as essential for and , while allowing member states flexibility in implementation. Landmark legislation, such as France's 1975 Veil Law, legalized up to 10 weeks (extended to 14 weeks in 2001) on request, marking a pivotal shift toward across the continent. Similarly, the United Kingdom's 1967 Abortion Act permitted terminations up to 28 weeks (later reduced to 24 weeks) on broad grounds including risk to physical or , effectively enabling access in early without strict request-based limits. Despite this broad liberalization, significant variations persist among European countries. In 2018, repealed the Eighth Amendment of its constitution via , with 66.4% of voters approving the change, allowing on request up to 12 weeks and on broader grounds thereafter. Conversely, tightened restrictions in 2020 when its Constitutional Tribunal ruled that abortions for fetal defects were unconstitutional, resulting in a near-total ban except in cases of , , or imminent threat to the woman's life or health. maintains the strictest regime in the , permitting abortion only to save the woman's life, following a 2023 legislative amendment that introduced this narrow exception but retained criminal penalties for other cases. The (ECtHR) has played a crucial role in shaping access through key rulings. In A, B and C v. Ireland (2010), the Court found that 's failure to provide effective access to lawful for a woman with a fatal fetal anomaly violated her rights under Article 8 of the , prompting legislative reforms. Similarly, in P. and S. v. (2012), the ECtHR ruled that breached Articles 3, 8, and 14 by obstructing a 14-year-old victim's timely access to a legal , highlighting state obligations to ensure unhindered provision of permitted procedures. European Union influences, while non-binding on individual member states, promote harmonization through the of Fundamental Rights, which protects , , and healthcare access under Articles 1, 3, 7, and 35. In 2024, the adopted a resolution urging the inclusion of as a fundamental right in the , underscoring efforts to address disparities in access across the bloc. Following the fall of in 1989, many Eastern European countries retained or expanded liberal policies inherited from the Soviet era, such as on-request access in the first trimester, reflecting a broader transition toward women's reproductive . However, this was not uniform, with introducing severe restrictions in the that have since intensified, contrasting with progressive reforms in countries like the and , where early-term abortions remain available on request.

Oceania

In Oceania, abortion laws reflect a legacy of British colonial influence, with progressive reforms in larger nations like and contrasting with more restrictive frameworks in many Pacific island states. These laws have evolved through efforts, often driven by medical and advocacy, aligning with broader trends toward liberalization. New Zealand's abortion framework originated with the Contraception, Sterilisation, and Act 1977, which permitted abortions on request up to 20 weeks of after by two doctors that continuation would endanger the woman's or . The decriminalized entirely, removing it from the Crimes Act and treating it as a service, allowing unrestricted access up to 20 weeks without mandatory consultations. After 20 weeks, abortions require consultation and clinical appropriateness based on the woman's , , and . In , abortion regulation occurs at the state and territory level, with full decriminalization achieved across all jurisdictions by 2024. led reforms in 2018 by decriminalizing and permitting it on request up to 22 weeks, with later approvals needing two doctors' certification for substantial risk to the woman's health. followed in 2019, and completed the process in March 2024, removing abortion from criminal codes and aligning limits around 23 weeks in most areas, while federal territories like the Australian Capital Territory have allowed access since 2002 without gestational caps in practice. Pacific island nations exhibit varied and generally restrictive laws, shaped by colonial-era statutes. In , abortion is permitted on broader grounds, including to preserve the woman's physical or , risk to existing children, fetal impairment, or socioeconomic factors, making it one of the more permissive in the region. Conversely, limits abortions to cases where the procedure is necessary to save the woman's life, with penalties for other instances reflecting strict criminalization. Other islands, such as and the , allow only life-saving exceptions, contributing to regional disparities in access. Reforms in stem from British common law traditions, which historically criminalized under statutes like the UK's 1861 Offences Against the Person Act, imported during colonization. Recent changes, including 's 2020 act and Australia's state-level decriminalizations, were propelled by endorsements from medical bodies like Australian and New Zealand College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists, emphasizing evidence-based over punitive measures. Despite legal advancements, access remains challenged by geographic remoteness in rural and remote areas, where women often travel long distances—sometimes hundreds of kilometers—to reach providers, exacerbating delays and costs. Indigenous populations, particularly Aboriginal and Islander women in and Māori in , face compounded disparities due to cultural stigma, limited local services, and socioeconomic barriers, with higher rates underscoring the need for targeted equity measures.

Contemporary Issues

Access and Barriers

Access to safe abortion services remains uneven worldwide, hindered by conscientious objection provisions that permit healthcare providers to refuse care on moral or religious grounds. Approximately 87 jurisdictions globally have policies or laws allowing such refusals, often leading to delays, unavailability of services, and increased stigma for both providers and patients. These provisions can exacerbate barriers in regions where is legally permitted, as they may result in entire facilities or regions lacking providers willing to perform procedures, compelling women to seek care elsewhere or forgo it altogether. Stigma surrounding abortion manifests as discrimination against patients and harassment or violence toward providers, creating a chilling effect on service delivery. Abortion rights defenders and healthcare workers frequently face threats, including physical attacks, online abuse, and professional isolation, with reports documenting repression in multiple countries that discourages open provision of care. For patients, this stigma can involve judgmental attitudes from staff, fear of social repercussions, or denial of care, further entrenching emotional and practical obstacles. Such experiences contribute to a broader culture of silence, where providers report feeling unsupported amid threats of criminalization. Economic factors pose significant hurdles, even in countries with permissive laws, where out-of-pocket costs for procedures, medications, and follow-up care can be prohibitive. In liberal settings, abortion expenses may range from hundreds to over a thousand dollars, straining low-income households and often requiring payment in cash without reimbursement. Cross-border amplifies these burdens; for instance, women from , where access is severely restricted, frequently to , incurring average costs of around 962 euros for procedures, transportation, lodging, and lost wages, which can delay care beyond safe gestational limits. Innovations in digital and services have emerged as countermeasures, particularly following the , which accelerated the use of remote consultations for medication abortion using and . This approach has expanded access in underserved areas by allowing virtual prescribing and self-managed care, with studies showing high efficacy and safety comparable to in-clinic methods. Globally, post-pandemic adoption has grown in countries like the and , where hybrid models have reached remote communities, reducing the need for physical travel and lowering costs. These barriers disproportionately affect low-income, rural, and minority women, who face compounded socioeconomic challenges. Women in low- and middle-income countries experience higher rates of unintended pregnancies, with 66% ending in in middle-income settings compared to 40% in low-income ones, often due to limited contraceptive access and . Rural residents encounter geographic isolation, with longer travel distances and fewer facilities, leading to higher likelihoods of continuing unintended pregnancies. Ethnic minorities, particularly in diverse regions, suffer from intersecting discriminations, including biased healthcare interactions and economic marginalization, which restrict timely care and elevate risks of unsafe procedures. Globally, these disparities contribute to unsafe abortions accounting for 45% of all procedures, resulting in an estimated 7 million women treated annually for complications in developing countries. In a landmark decision on June 24, 2022, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization that the Constitution does not confer a right to abortion, effectively overturning Roe v. Wade and Planned Parenthood v. Casey, and returning regulatory authority to the states. This ruling led to immediate restrictions or bans in 14 states by mid-2023, with 12 states enforcing total bans as of November 2025 (down from 14 in mid-2023 due to legal challenges), including total prohibitions except to save the life of the pregnant person, with additional states enacting gestational limits. For example, Texas's pre-existing six-week ban under Senate Bill 8 was reinforced post-Dobbs, and its trigger law took effect on August 25, 2022, criminalizing most abortions with limited exceptions for life-threatening conditions. In response, 2024 saw voters in eight states—Arizona, California (reauthorization), Colorado, Maryland, Missouri, New York, Nevada, and Vermont—approve constitutional amendments protecting abortion rights, while measures failed in Florida, Nebraska, and South Dakota. In , became the first major country in the region to legalize on request up to 14 weeks of through Law 27.610, enacted on December 30, 2020, with no gestational limit in cases of or risk to life or . Mexico's advanced progressively: a September 7, 2021, ruling invalidated Coahuila's total ban and recognized as a human right, prompting several states to reform by 2023; this culminated in a September 6, 2023, nationwide decision declaring all state-level criminal penalties unconstitutional and requiring federal legislation to regulate access up to 12 weeks. European developments included San Marino's September 26, 2021, referendum, where 77.3% of voters approved legalization, allowing abortion on request up to 12 weeks, or later for health risks, fetal anomalies, or socioeconomic reasons, ending a total ban in place since 1865. In the Czech Republic, a 2023 amendment to the abortion law removed outdated requirements, such as mandatory counseling and spousal consent in some cases, while expanding access provisions and clarifying rules for non-residents, though the core gestational limit remains 12 weeks. In 2024, France became the first country to enshrine the right to abortion in its constitution. In , extended its 2021 decriminalization in September 2022 to permit abortions on request up to 20 weeks of , or beyond in cases of fetal anomalies, health risks, or socioeconomic hardship, marking a near-total liberalization from prior restrictive frameworks. African progress featured South Africa's May 2023 ruling in a case assisted by SECTION27, which affirmed a minor's right to and condemned the misuse of conscientious objection by providers, with ongoing 2024 litigation reinforcing access under the 1996 Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act. Implementations of the , which since 2003 has required states to authorize in cases of , , , or threats to health, have advanced recently in countries like the of Congo through 2024 legislative efforts to domesticate its provisions, though challenges persist in full enforcement across the continent. Globally, since 1994, more than 60 countries have reformed laws toward , including France's 2024 constitutional enshrinement of , with over 60 changes between 2000 and 2025 alone, according to the Center for Reproductive Rights.

References

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