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Palestinian refugees
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Palestinian refugees are citizens of Mandatory Palestine, and their descendants, who fled or were expelled from their country, village or house over the course of the 1948 Palestine war and during the 1967 Six-Day War. Most Palestinian refugees live in or near 68 Palestinian refugee camps across Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, and make up a large proportion of the Palestinian people. In 2019 more than 5.6 million Palestinian refugees were registered with the United Nations.[citation needed]
In 1949, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) defined Palestinian refugees to refer to the original "Palestine refugees" as well as their patrilineal descendants. However, UNRWA's assistance is limited to Palestine refugees residing in UNRWA's areas of operation in the Palestinian Territories, Lebanon, Jordan and Syria.[1][2]
As of 2019, more than 5.6 million Palestinians were registered with UNRWA as refugees,[3] of which more than 1.5 million live in UNRWA-run camps.[4] The term "Palestine refugee" does not include internally displaced Palestinians, who became Israeli citizens, or displaced Palestinian Jews. According to some estimates, as many as 1,050,000–1,380,000[5] people, who descend from displaced people of Mandatory Palestine are not registered under UNRWA or UNHCR mandates.
During the 1948 Palestine War, around 85% of the population or 700,000[fn 1] Palestinian Arabs, living in the area that became Israel fled or were expelled from their homes, to the West Bank, the Gaza Strip, and to the countries of Lebanon, Syria and Jordan.[6] They, and their descendants who are also entitled to registration, are assisted by UNWRA in 59 registered camps, ten of which were established in the aftermath of the Six-Day War in 1967 to cope with the new wave of displaced Palestinians.[7] They are also the world's oldest unsettled refugee population, having been under the ongoing governance of Arab states following the 1948 Arab–Israeli War, the refugee populations of the West Bank under Israeli governance since the Six-Day War and Palestinian administration since 1994, and the Gaza Strip administered by the Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas) since 2007.
Today, the largest number of refugees, over 2,000,000, live in Jordan, where by 2009 over 90% of UNWRA-registered Palestinian refugees had acquired full citizenship rights. This figure consists almost exclusively of West Bank–descended Palestinians;[a] however, as of December 2021, Palestinians with roots in the Gaza Strip are also still kept in legal limbo. In 2021, Jordanian politician Jawad Anani estimated that roughly 50% of Jordan's population had West Bank–Palestinian roots.[b][8][9][10][11] Another approximately 2,000,000 refugees live in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, under Israeli occupation and blockade. Approximately 500,000 refugees live in each of Syria and Lebanon respectively, albeit under very different circumstances. While Palestinian refugees in Syria maintained their stateless status, the Syrian government during Assad's rule afforded them the same economic and social rights enjoyed by Syrian citizens;[12] they were also drafted into the Armed Forces despite not being citizens.[13][14] Citizenship or legal residency in some host countries is denied, most notably for the Palestinian refugees in Lebanon, where the absorption of Palestinians would upset a delicate confessional balance. For the refugees themselves, these situations mean they have reduced rights: no right to vote, limited property rights and access to social services, among other things.
On 11 December 1948, the General Assembly of the United Nations (UNGA) adopted Resolution 194 which affirmed the Palestinians right to return to their homes.[15][16]
Definitions
[edit]UNRWA
[edit]
The United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) is an organ of the United Nations created exclusively for the purpose of aiding those displaced by the Arab–Israeli conflict, with an annual budget of approximately $600 million.[17] It defines a "Palestine refugee" as a person "whose normal place of residence was Mandatory Palestine between June 1946 and May 1948, who lost both their homes and means of livelihood as a result of the 1948 Arab–Israeli conflict".[18] The Six-Day War of 1967 generated a new wave of Palestinian refugees who could not be included in the original UNRWA definition. From 1991, the UN General Assembly has adopted an annual resolution allowing the 1967 refugees within the UNRWA mandate.[19] UNRWA aids all "those living in its area of operations who meet its working definition, who are registered with the Agency and who need assistance"[20] and those who first became refugees as a result of the Six-Day War, regardless whether they reside in areas designated as Palestine refugee camps or in other permanent communities.
A Palestine refugee camp is "a plot of land placed at the disposal of UNRWA by the host government to accommodate Palestine refugees and to set up facilities to cater to their needs".[21] About 1.4 million of registered Palestine refugees, approximately one-third, live in the 58 UNRWA-recognised refugee camps in Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, the Gaza Strip and the West Bank.[22] The UNRWA definition does not cover final status.[22][23]
Registered descendants of UNRWA Palestine refugees, like "Nansen passport" and "Certificate of Eligibility" holders (the documents issued to those displaced by World War II) or like UNHCR refugees,[24] inherit the same Palestine refugee status as their male parent. According to UNRWA, "The descendants of Palestine refugee males, including adopted children, are also eligible for registration."[25]
The UNHCR had counted 90,000 refugees by 2014.[26]
Palestinian definitions
[edit]Palestinians make several distinctions relating to Palestinian refugees. The 1948 refugees and their descendants are broadly defined as "refugees" (laji'un). The Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), especially those who have returned and form part of the PNA, but also Palestinian refugee camp residents in Lebanon, repudiate this term, since it implies being a passive victim, and prefer the autonym of 'returnees' (a'idun).[27] Those who left since 1967, and their descendants, are called nazihun or "displaced persons", though many may also descend from the 1948 group.[28]
Origin of the Palestine refugees
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Most Palestinian refugees have retained their refugee status and continue to reside in refugee camps, including within the State of Palestine in the West Bank and in the Gaza Strip. Their descendants form a sizable portion of the Palestinian diaspora.
Palestinian refugees from the 1948 Palestine War
[edit]During the 1948 Palestine War, some 700,000[6][fn 1] Palestinian Arabs or 85% of the Palestinian Arab population of territories that became Israel fled or were expelled from their homes.[6] Some 30,000[29] to 50,000[citation needed] were alive by 2012.
The causes and responsibilities of the exodus are a matter of controversy among historians and commentators of the conflict.[30] While historians agree on most of the events of the period, there remains disagreement as to whether the exodus was the result of a plan designed before or during the war or was an unintended consequence of the war.[31] According to historian Benny Morris, the expulsion was planned and encouraged by the Zionist leadership.[32]
According to Morris, between December 1947 and March 1948, around 100,000 Palestine Arabs fled. Among them were many from the higher and middle classes from the cities, who left voluntarily, expecting to return when the Arab states won the war and took control of the country.[33] When the Haganah and then the emerging Israeli army (Israel Defense Forces or IDF) went on the defensive, between April and July, a further 250,000 to 300,000 Palestinian Arabs left or were expelled, mainly from the towns of Haifa, Tiberias, Beit-Shean, Safed, Jaffa and Acre, which lost more than 90 percent of their Arab inhabitants.[34] Expulsions took place in many towns and villages, particularly along the Tel Aviv–Jerusalem road[35] and in Eastern Galilee.[36] About 50,000–70,000 inhabitants of Lydda and Ramle were expelled towards Ramallah by the IDF during Operation Danny,[37] and most others during operations of the IDF in its rear areas.[38] During Operation Dekel, the Arabs of Nazareth and South Galilee were allowed to remain in their homes.[39] Today they form the core of the Arab Israeli population. From October to November 1948, the IDF launched Operation Yoav to remove Egyptian forces from the Negev and Operation Hiram to remove the Arab Liberation Army from North Galilee during which at least nine events named massacres of Arabs were carried out by IDF soldiers.[40] These events generated an exodus of 200,000 to 220,000 Palestinian Arabs. Here, Arabs fled fearing atrocities or were expelled if they had not fled.[41] After the war, from 1948 to 1950, the IDF resettled around 30,000 to 40,000 Arabs from the borderlands of the new Israeli state.[42]
Palestinian refugees from Six-Day War
[edit]As a result of the Six-Day War, around 280,000 to 325,000 Palestinians fled or were expelled[43] from the territories conquered in the Six-Day War by Israel, including the demolished Palestinian villages of Imwas, Yalo, Bayt Nuba, Surit, Beit Awwa, Beit Mirsem, Shuyukh, Jiftlik, Agarith and Huseirat, and the "emptying" of the refugee camps of Aqabat Jabr and Ein as-Sultan.[44][45]
Palestinian exodus from Kuwait (Gulf War)
[edit]The Palestinian exodus from Kuwait took place during and after the Gulf War. During the Gulf War, more than 200,000 Palestinians voluntarily fled Kuwait during the Iraqi occupation of Kuwait due to harassment and intimidation by Iraqi security forces,[46] in addition to getting fired from work by Iraqi authority figures in Kuwait.[46] After the Gulf War, Kuwaiti authorities forcibly pressured nearly 200,000 Palestinians to leave Kuwait in 1991.[46] Kuwait's policy, which led to this exodus, was a response to alignment of Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) with the dictator Saddam Hussein, who had earlier invaded Kuwait.
Prior to the Gulf War, Palestinians numbered 400,000 out of Kuwait's population of 2.2 million.[47] The Palestinians who fled Kuwait were Jordanian citizens.[48] In 2013, there were 280,000 Jordanian citizens of Palestinian origin in Kuwait.[49] In 2012, 80,000 Palestinians (without Jordanian citizenship) lived in Kuwait.[50] In total, there are 360,000 Palestinians in Kuwait as of 2012–2013.
Palestinian refugees as part of the Syrian refugee crisis
[edit]Many Palestinians in Syria were displaced as a result of the Syrian Civil War starting in 2011. By October 2013, 235,000 Palestinians had been displaced within Syria itself and 60,000 (alongside 2.2 million Syrians) had fled the country.[51] By March 2019, the UHCR estimated that 120,000 Palestine refugees had fled Syria since 2011, primarily to Lebanon and Jordan, but also Turkey and further afield.[52]
There were reports that Jordan and Lebanon had turned away Palestinian refugees attempting to flee the humanitarian crises in Syria.[53] By 2013, Jordan had absorbed 126,000 Syrian refugees but Palestinians fleeing Syria were placed in a separate refugee camp under stricter conditions and banned from entering Jordanian cities.[54]
Palestinian refugees from Syria also sought asylum in Europe, especially Sweden, which had offered asylum to any Syrian refugees that managed to reach its territory, albeit with some conditions. Many did so by finding their way to Egypt and making the journey by sea. In October 2013, the PFLP-GC claimed that some 23,000 Palestinian refugees from the Yarmouk Camp alone had immigrated to Sweden.[55]
Palestinian refugees during the 2023 Israel–Gaza war
[edit]
As of January 2024, more than 85% of Palestinians in Gaza, approximately 1.9 million people, were internally displaced during the Gaza war.[56] Some wounded Palestinians from Gaza were allowed to leave for Egypt.[57] As of 2025, there are over 100,000 Gazan refugees living in Egypt.[58]
Refugee statistics
[edit]
The number of Palestine refugees varies depending on the source. For 1948–49 refugees, for example, the Israeli government suggests a number as low as 520,000 as opposed to 850,000 by their Palestinian counterparts.[citation needed] As of January 2015, UNRWA cites 5,149,742 registered refugees in total, of whom 1,603,018 are registered in camps.[59]
| District | Number of depopulated villages | Number of refugees in 1948 | Number of refugees in 2000 | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Beersheba | 88 | 90,507 | 590,231 | |||
| Beisan | 31 | 19,602 | 127,832 | |||
| Jenin | 6 | 4,005 | 26,118 | |||
| Haifa | 59 | 121,196 | 790,365 | |||
| Hebron | 16 | 22,991 | 149,933 | |||
| Ramle | 64 | 97,405 | 635,215 | |||
| Safad | 78 | 52,248 | 340,729 | |||
| Tiberias | 26 | 28,872 | 188,285 | |||
| Tulkarm | 18 | 11,032 | 71,944 | |||
| Acre | 30 | 47,038 | 306,753 | |||
| Gaza | 46 | 79,947 | 521,360 | |||
| Jerusalem | 39 | 97,950 | 638,769 | |||
| Nazareth | 5 | 8,746 | 57,036 | |||
| Jaffa | 25 | 123,227 | 803,610 | |||
| Total | 531 | 804,766 | 5,248,185 | |||
| Demography of Palestine[60] | ||||||
The number of UNRWA registered Palestine refugees by country or territory in January 2015 were as follows:[59]
| 2,117,361 | |
| 1,276,929 | |
| 774,167 | |
| 528,616 | |
| 452,669 | |
| Total | 5,149,742 |
Gaza Strip
[edit]
As of January 2015, the Gaza Strip has 8 UNRWA refugee camps with 560,964 Palestinian refugees, and 1,276,929 registered refugees in total,[59] out of a population of 1,816,379.[citation needed]
West Bank
[edit]As of January 2015, the West Bank has 19 UNRWA refugee camps with 228,560 Palestinian refugees, and 774,167 registered refugees in total,[59] out of a population of 2,345,107.[citation needed]
Jordan
[edit]"More than 2 million registered Palestine refugees live in Jordan. Most Palestine refugees in Jordan, but not all, have full citizenship",[61] following Jordan's annexation and occupation of the West Bank. The percentage of Palestinian refugees living in refugee camps to those who settled outside the camps is the lowest of all UNRWA fields of operations. Palestine refugees are allowed access to public services and healthcare, as a result, refugee camps are becoming more like poor city suburbs than refugee camps. Most Palestine refugees moved out of the camps to other parts of the country and the number of people registered in refugee camps as of January 2015 is 385,418, who live in ten refugee camps.[59] This caused UNRWA to reduce the budget allocated to Palestine refugee camps in Jordan. Former UNRWA chief-attorney James G. Lindsay wrote in 2009: "In Jordan, where 2 million Palestinian refugees live, all but 167,000 have citizenship, and are fully eligible for government services including education and health care." Lindsay suggests that eliminating services to refugees whose needs are subsidized by Jordan "would reduce the refugee list by 40%".[62][9]
Palestinians who moved from the West Bank (whether refugees or not) to Jordan, are issued yellow-ID cards to distinguish them from the Palestinians of the "official 10 refugee camps" in Jordan. From 1988 to 2012, thousands of those yellow-ID card Palestinians had their Jordanian citizenship revoked. Human Rights Watch estimated that about 2,700 Palestinians were stripped of Jordanian nationality between 2004 and 2008.[63] In 2012, the Jordanian government promised to stop revoking the citizenship of some Palestinians, and restored citizenship to 4,500 Palestinians who had previously lost it.[64]
Lebanon
[edit]

100,000 Palestinians fled to Lebanon because of the 1948 Arab–Israeli War and were not allowed to return.[65] As of January 2015, there were 452,669 registered refugees in Lebanon.[59]
In a 2007 study, Amnesty International denounced the "appalling social and economic condition" of Palestinians in Lebanon.[65] Until 2005, Palestinians were forbidden to work in over 70 jobs because they do not have Lebanese citizenship, but this was later reduced to around 20 as of 2007 after liberalization laws.[65] In 2010, Palestinians were granted the same rights to work as other foreigners in the country.[66]
Lebanon gave citizenship to about 50,000 Christian Palestinian refugees during the 1950s and 1960s. In the mid-1990s, about 60,000 Shiite Muslim refugees were granted citizenship. This caused a protest from Maronite authorities, leading to citizenship being given to all Christian refugees who were not already citizens.[67]
In the 2010s, many Palestinian refugees in Lebanon began immigrating to Europe, both legally and illegally, as part of the European migrant crisis, due to a deterioration in living conditions there as part of the Syrian civil war. In December 2015, sources told Al Jazeera that thousands of Palestinians were fleeing to Europe by way of Turkey, with about 4,000 having fled the Ain al-Hilweh camp alone in recent months. Many were reaching Germany, with others going to Russia, Sweden, Belgium, and Norway.[68] A census completed in January 2018 found that only around 175,000 Palestinian refugees were living in Lebanon, as opposed to previous UNRWA figures which put the number at between 400,000 and 500,000, as well as other estimates that placed the number between 260,000 and 280,000.[69][70]
According to writer and researcher Mudar Zahran, a Jordanian of Palestinian heritage, the media chose to deliberately ignore the conditions of the Palestinians living in Lebanese refugee camps, and that the "tendency to blame Israel for everything" has provided Arab leaders with an excuse to deliberately ignore the human rights of the Palestinian in their countries.[71]
Syria
[edit]Syria had 528,616 registered Palestinian refugees in January 2015. There were 9 UNRWA refugee camps with 178,666 official Palestinian refugees.[59]
As a result of the Syrian civil war, large numbers of Palestinian refugees fled Syria to Europe as part of the European migrant crisis, and to other Arab countries. In September 2015, a Palestinian official said that only 200,000 Palestinian refugees were left in Syria, with 100,000 Palestinian refugees from Syria in Europe and the remainder in other Arab countries.[72]
Saudi Arabia
[edit]An estimated 240,000 Palestinians are living in Saudi Arabia.
Iraq
[edit]There were 34,000 Palestinian refugees living in Iraq prior to the Iraq War. In the aftermath of the war, the majority fled to neighboring Jordan and Syria, or were killed.[citation needed] Thousands lived as internally displaced persons within Iraq or were stranded in camps along Iraq's borders with Jordan and Syria, as no country in the region would accept them, and lived in temporary camps along the no man's land in the border zones.
Other countries
[edit]India agreed to take in 165 refugees, with the first group arriving in March 2006. Generally, they were unable to find work in India as they spoke only Arabic though some found employment with UNHCR's non-governmental partners. All of them were provided with free access to public hospitals. Of the 165 refugees, 137 of them later found clearance for resettlement in Sweden.[73] In November 2006, 54 were granted asylum in Canada, and in 2007, some 200 were accepted for resettlement in Sweden and Iceland, and Brazil agreed to take 100.[74][75]
In 2009, significant numbers of these refugees were allowed to resettle abroad. More than 1,000 were accepted by various countries in Europe and South America, and an additional 1,350 were cleared for resettlement in the United States.[76][77] Another 68 were allowed to resettle in Australia.[78] However, the majority of Palestine refugees strongly oppose resettlement and much rather want to return to their homes in the region of Palestine.[79]
Positions
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On 11 December 1948 the United Nations General Assembly discussed Bernadotte's report and passed a resolution: "that refugees wishing to return to their homes and live at peace with their neighbour should be permitted to do so at the earliest practicable date."[80] This General Assembly article 11 of Resolution 194 has been annually re-affirmed.[15][81]
Israeli views
[edit]The Jewish Agency promised to the UN before 1948 that Palestinian Arabs would become full citizens of the State of Israel,[82] and the Israeli declaration of independence invited the Arab inhabitants of Israel to "full and equal citizenship".[83] In practice, Israel does not grant citizenship to the refugees, as it does to those Arabs who continue to reside in its borders. The 1947 Partition Plan determined citizenship based on residency, such that Arabs and Jews residing in Palestine but not in Jerusalem would obtain citizenship in the state in which they are resident. Professor of Law at Boston University Susan Akram, Omar Barghouti and Ilan Pappé have argued that Palestinian refugees from the envisioned Jewish State were entitled to normal Israeli citizenship based on laws of state succession.[84][85]
Following the Six-Day War in 1967, Israel gained control over a substantial number of refugee camps in the territories it captured from Egypt and Jordan. The Israeli government attempted to resettle them permanently by initiating a subsidized "build-your-own home" program. Israel provided land for refugees who chose to participate; the Palestinians bought building materials on credit and built their own houses, usually with friends. Israel provided the new neighborhoods with necessary services, such as schools and sewers.[86] The United Nations General Assembly passed Resolutions 31/15 and 34/52, which condemned the program as a violation of the refugees' "inalienable right of return", and called upon Israel to stop the program.[87] Thousands of refugees were resettled into various neighborhoods, but the program was suspended due to pressure from the PLO.[86]
Arab states
[edit]Most Palestinian refugees live either in the West Bank or Gaza Strip, or the three original "host countries" of Jordan, Lebanon and Syria who unwillingly accepted the first wave of refugees in 1948; these refugees are supported by UNRWA. The small number of refugees who settled in Egypt or Iraq were supported directly by those countries' governments. Over the last seven decades, a number of refugees have migrated to other Arab states, particularly the Arab states of the Gulf, primarily as economic migrants.[88]
Arab states' view of Palestinian refugees has varied over time. Arab governments have often supported the refugees in the name of Arab unity, or because they viewed the Palestinians as an important source of skilled human capital to support their economic development. However, Arab governments have also frequently "despised" the Palestinian refugees – either viewing them as a threat to demographic balance (as in Lebanon), or because of the "political message of freedom and emancipation that their ‘Palestinian-ness’ carried", or else because in some countries' history Palestinians have been "somewhat associated with strife and unrest".[89]
Palestinian refugees have taken citizenship in other Arab states, most notably in Jordan. However, the conferring of citizenship is a sensitive topic, as "it is often perceived as allowing Israel to evade its responsibility towards the refugees".[90] On 17 October 2023 during the Gaza war, Jordan's king Abdullah warned against pushing refugees into Egypt or Jordan, adding that the humanitarian situation must to be dealt with inside Gaza and the West Bank: "That is a red line, because I think that is the plan by certain of the usual suspects to try and create de facto issues on the ground. No refugees in Jordan, no refugees in Egypt."[91]
Tashbih Sayyed, a fellow of the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, criticized Arab nations of violating human rights and making the children and grandchildren of Palestinian refugees second class citizens in Lebanon, Syria, or the Gulf States, and said that the UNRWA Palestine refugees "cling to the illusion that defeating the Jews will restore their dignity".[92]
Palestinian views
[edit]Most Palestine refugees claim a Palestinian right of return. In lack of an own country, their claim is based on Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), which declares that "Everyone has the right to leave any country including his own, and to return to his country", although it has been argued that the term only applies to citizens or nationals of that country. Although all Arab League members at the time (1948) – Egypt, Iraq, Lebanon, Saudi Arabia, Syria, and Yemen – voted against the resolution,[93] they also cite the article 11 of United Nations General Assembly Resolution 194, which "Resolves that the refugees wishing to return to their homes and live at peace with their neighbors should be permitted to do so at the earliest practicable date, and that compensation should be paid for the property of those choosing not to return [...]."[81] However it is currently a matter of dispute whether Resolution 194 referred only to the estimated 50,000 remaining Palestine refugees from the 1948 Palestine War, or additionally to their UNRWA-registered 4,950,000 descendants. The Palestinian National Authority supports this claim, and has been prepared to negotiate its implementation at the various peace talks. Both Fatah and Hamas hold a strong position for a claimed right of return, with Fatah being prepared to give ground on the issue while Hamas is not.[94]
However, a report in Lebanon's Daily Star newspaper in which Abdullah Muhammad Ibrahim Abdullah, the Palestinian ambassador to Lebanon and the chairman of the Palestinian Legislative Council's Political and Parliamentary Affairs committees,[95] said the proposed future Palestinian state would not be issuing Palestinian passports to UNRWA Palestine refugees – even refugees living in the West Bank and Gaza.
An independent poll by Khalil Shikaki was conducted in 2003 with 4,500 Palestinian refugee families of Gaza, West Bank, Jordan and Lebanon. It showed that the majority (54%) would accept a financial compensation and a place to live in West Bank or Gaza in place of returning to the exact place in modern-day Israel where they or their ancestors lived (this possibility of settlement is contemplated in the Resolution 194). Only 10% said they would live in Israel if given the option. The other third said they would prefer to live in other countries, or rejected the terms described.[96] However, the poll has been criticized as "methodologically problematic" and "rigged".[97] In 2003, nearly a hundred refugee organizations and NGOs in Lebanon denounced Shikaki's survey, as no local organization was aware of its implementation in Lebanon.[98]
In a 2 January 2005 opinion poll conducted by the Palestinian Association for Human Rights involving Palestinian refugees in Lebanon:[99]
- 96% refused to give up their right of return
- 3% answered contrary
- 1% did not answer
The Oslo Accords
[edit]Upon signing the Oslo Accords in 1993, Israel, the EU and the US recognized PLO as the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. In return, Yasser Arafat recognized the State of Israel and renounced terrorism. At the time, the accords were celebrated as a historic breakthrough. In accordance with these agreements, the Palestinian refugees began to be governed by an autonomous Palestinian Authority, and the parties agreed to negotiate the permanent status of the refugees, as early as 1996. However, events have halted the phasing process and made the likelihood of a future sovereign Palestinian state uncertain.[100] In another development, a rift developed between Fatah in the West-Bank and Hamas in Gaza after Hamas won the 2006 elections. Among other differences, Fatah officially recognizes the Oslo Accords with Israel, whereas Hamas does not.
United States
[edit]As of May 2012, the United States Senate Appropriations Committee approved a definition of a Palestine refugee to include only those original Palestine refugees who were actually displaced between June 1946 and May 1948, resulting in an estimated number of 30,000.[101]
See also
[edit]References
[edit]Notes
[edit]- ^ The West Bank was formerly administered by Jordan, who gave citizenship to its residents.
- ^ Anani called this a "crude estimate", as the Jordanian government has not made direct statistics on this matter.
- ^ a b The exact number of refugees is disputed. See List of estimates of the Palestinian Refugee flight of 1948 for details.
Citations
[edit]- ^ Susan Akram (2011). International law and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Taylor & Francis. pp. 19–20, 38. ISBN 978-0415573221.
The term 'refugees' applies to all persons, Arabs, Jews and others who have been displaced from their homes in Palestine. This would include Arabs in Israel who have been shifted from their normal places of residence. It would also include Jews who had their homes in Arab Palestine, such as the inhabitants of the Jewish quarter of the Old City. It would not include Arabs who lost their lands but not their houses, such as the inhabitants of Tulkarm
- ^ "Consolidated Eligibility and Registration Instructions" (PDF). UNRWA.
Persons who meet UNRWA's Palestine Refugee criteria These are persons whose normal place of residence was Palestine during the period 1 June 1946 to 15 May 1948, and who lost both home and means of livelihood as a result of the 1948 conflict. Palestine Refugees, and descendants of Palestine refugee males, including legally adopted children, are eligible to register for UNRWA services. The Agency accepts new applications from persons who wish to be registered as Palestine Refugees. Once they are registered with UNRWA, persons in this category are referred to as Registered Refugees or as Registered Palestine Refugees.
- ^ UNRWA: FAQ: As of 2019, over 5.6 million Palestine refugees were registered as such with the Agency
- ^ UNRWA: more than 1.5 million individuals, live in 58 recognized Palestine refugee camps in ...
- ^ BADIL 2015, p. 52.
- ^ a b c Morris 2001, pp. 252–258.
- ^ UNRWA: In the aftermath of the hostilities of June 1967 and the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, ten camps were established to accommodate a new wave of displaced persons, both refugees and non-refugees.
- ^ Davis, Hanna (18 December 2021). "Jordan: Palestinian refugees struggle amid UNRWA funding cuts". Al-Jazeera English.
- ^ a b James G. Lindsay (January 2009). "Fixing UNRWA" (PDF). Policy Focus (91). The Washington Institute for Near East Policy: 52 (see footnote 11). Archived from the original (PDF) on 31 July 2022. Retrieved 4 April 2020.
- ^ Brynen, Rex (2006). Perspectives on Palestinian repatriation. Palestinian Refugee Repatriation: Global Perspectives. Taylor & Francis. pp. 63–86 [66, 80]. ISBN 978-0415384971. Retrieved 4 April 2020.
- ^ Menachem Klein, 'The Palestinian refugees of 1948: models of allowed and denied return,' in Dumper, 2006 pp. 87–106, [93].
- ^ "Treatment and Rights in Arab Host States (Right to Return". Human Rights Watch Policy. Retrieved 23 December 2022.
Unlike Jordan, Syria has maintained the stateless status of its Palestinians but has afforded them the same economic and social rights enjoyed by Syrian citizens. According to a 1956 law, Palestinians are treated as if they are Syrians "in all matters pertaining to...the rights of employment, work, commerce, and national obligations". As a consequence, Palestinians in Syria do not suffer from massive unemployment or underemployment
- ^ "Profiles: Palestinian Refugees in SYRIA". BADIL Resource Center for Palestinian Residency and Refugee Rights. Archived from the original on 11 August 2014. Retrieved 26 July 2014.
- ^ Bolongaro, Kait (23 March 2016). "Palestinian Syrians: Twice refugees - Human Rights". Al Jazeera. Retrieved 18 June 2021.
- ^ a b A/RES/194 (III).
- ^ Dumper 2006, p. 2: the right of return of the Palestinian refugees to their homes was accepted and supported by the United Nations Resolution 194.
- ^ Goldberg 2012: Today, UNRWA's annual budget stands at approximately $600 million, ...
- ^ UNRWA.
- ^ Based on UNGA Resolution 46/46 C of 9 December 1991.
- ^ UNRWA: UNRWA services are available to all those living in its area of operations who meet this definition, who are registered with the Agency and who need assistance.
- ^ UNRWA: A Palestine refugee camp is defined as a plot of land placed at the disposal of UNRWA by the host government to accommodate Palestine refugees and set up facilities to cater to their needs.
- ^ a b "Who are Palestine refugees?". Palestine refugees. United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees. Retrieved 31 May 2012.
- ^ "UNRWA's Frequently Asked Questions under "Who is a Palestine refugee?"". United Nations. Retrieved 1 May 2012.
- ^ http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/pdfid/3ae6b3314.pdf "Thus, a holder of a so-called 'Nansen Passport' or a 'Certificate of Eligibility' issued by the International Refugee Organization must be considered a refugee under the 1951 Convention unless one of the cessation clauses has become applicable to his case or he is excluded from the application of the Convention by one of the exclusion clauses. This also applies to a surviving child of a statutory refugee."
- ^ "Palestine refugees". UNRWA.
- ^ "2014 Annex Tables". United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. Archived from the original on 16 December 2015.
- ^ Helena Lindholm Schulz, with Juliane Hammer, The Palestinian Diaspora: Formation of Identities and Politics of Homeland, Psychology Press reprint 2003 p. 130.
- ^ Chiller-Glaus 2007, p. 82: Those exiled during or since 1967 are with their offspring known as "displaced persons" (nazihun) – although a high proportion of them are 1948 refugees
- ^ Goldberg 2012: According to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency – the main body tasked with providing assistance to Palestinian refugees – there are more than 5 million refugees at present. However, the number of Palestinians alive who were personally displaced during Israel’s War of Independence is estimated to be around 30,000.
- ^ Shlaim, Avi, "The War of the Israeli Historians." Center for Arab Studies, 1 December 2003 (retrieved 17 February 2009) Archived 3 September 2006 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ Benny Morris, 1989, The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem, 1947–1949, Cambridge University Press; Benny Morris, 1991, 1948 and after; Israel and the Palestinians, Clarendon Press, Oxford; Walid Khalidi, 1992, All That Remains: The Palestinian Villages Occupied and Depopulated by Israel in 1948, Institute for Palestine Studies; Nur Masalha, 1992, Expulsion of the Palestinians: The Concept of "Transfer" in Zionist Political Thought, Institute for Palestine Studies; Efraim Karsh, 1997, Fabricating Israeli History: The "New Historians", Cass; Benny Morris, 2004, The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem Revisited, Cambridge University Press; Yoav Gelber, 2006, Palestine 1948: War, Escape and the Palestinian Refugee Problem, Oxford University Press; Ilan Pappé, 2006, The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine, OneWorld
- ^ Research Fellow Truman Institute Benny Morris; Benny Morris; Morris Benny (2004). The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem Revisited. Cambridge University Press. pp. 597–. ISBN 978-0-521-00967-6.
But no expulsion policy was ever enunciated and Ben-Gurion always refrained from issuing clear or written expulsion orders; he preferred that his generals 'understand' what he wanted. He probably wished to avoid going down in history as the 'great expeller' and he did not want his government to be blamed for a morally questionable policy.
- ^ Benny Morris (2003), pp. 138–139.
- ^ Benny Morris (2003), p. 262
- ^ Benny Morris (2003), pp. 233–240.
- ^ Benny Morris (2003), pp. 248–252.
- ^ Benny Morris (2003), pp. 423–436.
- ^ Benny Morris (2003), p. 438.
- ^ Benny Morris (2003), pp. 415–423.
- ^ Benny Morris, Righteous Victims, p. 245.
- ^ Benny Morris (2003), p. 492.
- ^ Benny Morris (2003), p. 538
- ^ Bowker 2003, p. 81.
- ^ Gerson, 1978, p. 162.
- ^ UN Doc A/8389 of 5 October 1971. Para 57. appearing in the Sunday Times (London) on 11 October 1970, where reference is made not only to the villages of Jalou, Beit Nuba, and Imwas, also referred to by the Special Committee in its first report, but in addition to villages like Surit, Beit Awwa, Beit Mirsem and El-Shuyoukh in the Hebron area and Jiflik, Agarith and Huseirat, in the Jordan Valley. The Special Committee has ascertained that all these villages have been completely destroyed Para 58. the village of Nebi Samwil was in fact destroyed by Israeli armed forces on 22 March 1971. "A/8389 of 5 October 1971". Archived from the original on 9 March 2012. Retrieved 14 August 2009.
{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link) - ^ a b c Shafeeq Ghabra (8 May 1991). "The PLO in Kuwait". Archived from the original on 7 March 2023. Retrieved 28 October 2013.
- ^ "Kuwait – Population". Countrystudies.us. Retrieved 10 February 2016.
- ^ Yann Le Troquer and Rozenn Hommery al-Oudat (Spring 1999). "From Kuwait to Jordan: The Palestinians' Third Exodus". Journal of Palestine Studies. 28 (3): 37–51. doi:10.2307/2538306. ISSN 0377-919X. JSTOR 2538306.
- ^ "Jordanians of Kuwait". Joshua Project. 2013.
- ^ Hatuqa, Dalia (15 April 2013). "Palestinians Reopen EmbassyIn Kuwait After Two Decades". Al-Monitor. Archived from the original on 22 May 2022. Retrieved 28 October 2013.
- ^ "RSS in Syria". UNRWA. 2013. Retrieved 8 November 2013.
- ^ "Palestine Refugees in Syria: A Tale of Devastation and Courage – UNRWA Commissioner-General Op Ed – Question of Palestine". Question of Palestine. 3 June 2019. Retrieved 19 August 2020.
- ^ "Jordan: Palestinians Escaping Syria Turned Away | Human Rights Watch". 7 August 2014. Retrieved 22 April 2024.
- ^ "Jordan turns away Palestinian refugees fleeing violence in Syria". The Times of Israel. 9 January 2013.
- ^ "PFLP-GC: Thousands from Yarmouk camp have fled to Sweden". Archived from the original on 18 December 2014.
- ^ "As Israel's Aerial Bombardments Intensify, 'There Is No Safe Place in Gaza', Humanitarian Affairs Chief Warns Security Council". United Nations. 12 January 2024.
- ^ "Foreign nationals and injured Palestinians allowed to flee Gaza for first time since Israel-Hamas war began". CNN. 1 November 2023.
- ^ Gazan Refugees in Egypt.
- ^ a b c d e f g "UNRWA in figures" (PDF). UNRWA.
- ^ Population in Palestine (March 2016)
- ^ "Where We Work". UNRWA. Retrieved 10 February 2016.
- ^ "Israel News - Online Israeli News Covering Israel & The Jewish World". jpost.com. 8 July 2012. Archived from the original on 8 July 2012.
- ^ Jordan: Stop Withdrawing Nationality from Palestinian-Origin Citizens - Human Rights Watch.
- ^ Jordan promises to stop revoking citizenship from Palestinians - Times of Israel
- ^ a b c "Lebanon Exiled and suffering: Palestinian refugees in Lebanon". Amnesty International. 2007. Archived from the original on 11 December 2013. Retrieved 8 November 2013.
- ^ "Lebanon Gives Palestinians New Work Rights". The New York Times. 18 August 2010.
- ^ Simon Haddad, The Origins of Popular Opposition to Palestinian Resettlement in Lebanon, International Migration Review, Volume 38 Number 2 (Summer 2004):470-492. Also Peteet [1].
- ^ Samaha, Nour (3 December 2015). "Why are Lebanon's Palestinians leaving for Europe?". www.aljazeera.com.
- ^ Rasbey, Samer (22 December 2017). "Palestinian refugees number 175,000". Business News. Archived from the original on 15 January 2018.
- ^ "Lebanon Census Finds Number of Palestinian Refugees Only a Third of Official UN Data". Haaretz. 25 December 2017.
- ^ Demonizing Israel is bad for the Palestinians, by Mudar Zarhan, 1 August 2010, Jerusalem Post
- ^ "100,000 Palestinians have fled Syria to Europe, official says". The Jerusalem Post - JPost.com. 6 September 2015.
- ^ United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. "UNHCR - Palestinians bid goodbye to India, hello Sweden". UNHCR.
- ^ "Sweden, Iceland absorbing Palestinian refugees - CNN.com". www.cnn.com.
- ^ "United Nations News Centre". UN News Service Section. 3 July 2007.
- ^ United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. "UNHCR - End of long ordeal for Palestinian refugees as desert camp closes". UNHCR.
- ^ Miriam Jordan (17 July 2009). "U.S. Agrees to Resettle Palestinians Displaced by Iraq War". WSJ.
- ^ "Palestinian-Iraqi refugees – the forgotten victims of Iraq war". 5 September 2016.
- ^ "page 68ff" (PDF). fmreview.org. Archived (PDF) from the original on 25 February 2017.
- ^ "Ods Home Page" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 8 January 2007. Retrieved 20 June 2007.
- ^ a b "United Nations General Assembly Resolution 194" (PDF). United Nations. 1948. Archived from the original (PDF) on 8 January 2007. Retrieved 20 November 2007.
- ^ Ilan Pappe, "The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine", p. 110
- ^ "Declaration of Establishment of State of Israel". GxMSDev.
- ^ "I Want This Poem to End: A Nakba Commemoration". thejerusalemfund.org. 17 May 2018.
- ^ "Palestinian refugees were excluded from entitlement to citizenship in the State of Israel under the 1952 Citizenship Law. They were "denationalized" and turned into stateless refugees in violation of the law of state succession Archived 25 March 2009 at the Wayback Machine.". "The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine", Ilan Pappé, p. 131
- ^ a b The Christian Science Monitor (26 May 1992). "Permanent Homes for Palestinian Refugees". The Christian Science Monitor. Archived from the original on 6 May 2021. Retrieved 24 April 2016.
- ^ United Nations (1992). Yearbook of the United Nations. Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. p. 285. ISBN 978-0-7923-1970-2.
- ^ Albanese & Takkenberg 2020, p. 183: "The vast majority of the Palestinians who became refugees in 1948, continues to live in the places where they initially took refuge: Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, as well as the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. Jordan, Lebanon, and Syria, known as the traditional ‘host countries’, had no choice but to accept the presence of the refugees, while the United Nations (UN) through the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) and the United Nations Conciliation Commission for Palestine (UNCCP) provided them assistance and attempted to negotiate a political solution. Smaller groups of refugees who had settled in Egypt and Iraq were assisted by local governments, rather than the UN. Difficult living conditions in the host countries prompted thousands of refugees to seek better opportunities not only in the Arabian Peninsula, but also in North Africa."
- ^ Albanese & Takkenberg 2020, p. 183-184: "Arab countries have generally supported Palestinians, including refugees, in the name of Arab brotherhood and solidarity, but at times also despised them, as a result of political factors and interests. For example, in Jordan former King Abdullah’s aspiration to modernize the East Bank of the Jordan River and re-establish ‘Greater Syria’ resulted in the annexation of the West Bank in 1950, and the extension of Jordanian citizenship to Palestinians under its control (refugees and non-refugee alike). In Lebanon, the Palestinian influx, dominated by Sunni Muslims, was perceived as a threat to the delicate balance between different religious confessions and the related political status quo. In Syria, the Palestinian refugees never constituted more than three per cent of the population and their presence was therefore far less sensitive than in Lebanon. In North Africa and the countries of the Arabian Peninsula, Palestinians were not recognized as refugees as they largely moved there as migrant workers seeking better opportunities, rather than international protection. Arab rulers generally welcomed them as a much needed work-force and also offered political support to their national cause, but subliminally despised the political message of freedom and emancipation that their ‘Palestinian-ness’ carried. With time, Palestinian refugees’ identity crystalized as a ‘nation-in-exile’, but it also became part of the national fabric of some of these countries, not only in Jordan and Lebanon, but also in Egypt, Iraq, and Kuwait. In the national history of some of those countries, Palestinians are somewhat associated with strife and unrest. This, coupled with lack of application of international human rights and refugee laws, as well as a high degree of politicization, has compounded their situation. While socio-economic differences exist across Palestinians in exile, and those who have thrived in host communities are all but rare, the large majority has come to constitute a ‘politically, socially, and economically disadvantaged group’ that has often experienced poverty, discrimination, and, not infrequently, persecution because of their nationality, including in countries where they were initially well received and either legally or de facto integrated. As a result, pending the quest for a political settlement, many have been forced to move from one country to another, often more than once, finding themselves going from one unstable situation to the next."
- ^ Albanese & Takkenberg 2020, p. 268: "While cases of Palestinians acquiring citizenship in Arab states are not rare – with Jordan standing out for conferring its citizenship to a large group of Palestinians en masse – they have been ad hoc and are not well documented. The subject remains sensitive, as it is often perceived as allowing Israel to evade its responsibility towards the refugees. In general, the treatment has ranged from favourable in certain countries and at given times in history (e.g. in Libya and the Arabian Peninsula until the 1990s and in Iraq until 2003), to discriminatory and often degrading in others (such as Lebanon and Egypt after the 1970s, as well as many states on multiple occasions since the 1990s). Such treatment has also reflected self-interest, since Palestinians were largely welcome as qualified work-force at the time it was needed. Political circumstances surrounding the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, as well as shifts in the relations between Arab states and the Palestinian leadership (PLO and PA) have often impacted Arab states’ approach to Palestinians. Vindictive policies, often aiming at targeting the PLO, have resulted in the punishment of hundreds of thousands and the ongoing displacement of many more. About 700,000 Palestinians, mostly children and grandchildren of the 1948 refugees, have been cumulatively displaced from Arab countries alone, from the 1970s onward. While the legacy of Palestinian militant resistance in a number of Arab countries cannot be ignored, as a whole, the Palestinian people – and the refugees in particular – have paid the brunt for the political deadlock."
- ^ Alkousaa, Riham (17 October 2023). "King Abdullah on Gaza: 'No refugees in Jordan, no refugees in Egypt'". Reuters. Archived from the original on 17 October 2023. Retrieved 17 October 2023.
- ^ Sayyed, Tashbih (18 June 2003). "Defeat Terrorism First". National Review. Archived from the original on 29 January 2013. Retrieved 17 June 2010.
- ^ "Yearbook of the United Nations 1948–49 (excerpts)". UNISPAL. 31 December 1949. Archived from the original on 21 July 2011. Retrieved 8 August 2009.
- ^ R. Brynen, 'Addressing the Palestinian Refugee Issue: A Brief Overview' (McGill University, background paper for the Refugee Coordination Forum, Berlin, April 2007), p. 15, available here (08/08/09)
- ^ "Interview: Refugees will not be citizens of new state". The Daily Star Newspaper – Lebanon.
- ^ The Palestinian 'Right of Return': Abbas Wades into the Morass, Time Magazine, 6 November 2012
- ^ "The 'Right of Return' Debate Revisited". www.washingtoninstitute.org. Retrieved 10 July 2020.
- ^ Exile and Return. Predicaments of Palestinians and Jews. University of Pennsylvania Press. 2008. p. 36. ISBN 978-0812220520.
- ^ "استطلاع للاجئين في مخيمات لبنان: الغالبية تعارض انتخابات تحت الاحتلال ولا تثق بقدرة "ابو مازن"". Saida City Net. 2 January 2005. Retrieved 9 December 2014.
- ^ "Text: 1993 Declaration of Principles". news.bbc.co.uk. 29 November 2001.
- ^ "According to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency – the main body tasked with providing assistance to Palestinian refugees – there are more than 5 million refugees at present. However, the number of Palestinians alive who were personally displaced during the 1948 Arab–Israeli War is estimated to be around 30,000."US Senate dramatically scales down definition of Palestinian 'refugees'
Sources
[edit]Books
[edit]- Albanese, Francesca P.; Takkenberg, Lex (2020). Palestinian Refugees in International Law. OUP Oxford. ISBN 978-0-19-108678-6.
- BADIL (2015). "Survey of Palestinian Refugees and Internally Displaced Persons 2013-2015".
- Esber, Rosemarie M. (2008) Under the Cover of War: the Zionist Expulsion of the Palestinians. Arabicus Books & Media ISBN 978-0-9815131-7-1
- Gelber, Yoav (2006). Palestine 1948. Sussex Academic Press. ISBN 1-84519-075-0.
- Gerson, Allan (1978). Israel, the West Bank and International Law. Routledge. ISBN 0-7146-3091-8
- Gunness, Chris (2011). "Exploding the myths: UNRWA, UNHCR and the Palestine refugees". Ma'an News Agency.
- McDowall, David (1989). Palestine and Israel: The Uprising and Beyond. I.B.Tauris. ISBN 1-85043-289-9.
- Morris, Benny (2003). The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem Revisited. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-00967-7
- Morris, Benny, 1948: A History of the First Arab-Israeli War, (2009) Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-15112-1
- Reiter, Yitzhak, National Minority, Regional Majority: Palestinian Arabs Versus Jews in Israel (Syracuse Studies on Peace and Conflict Resolution), (2009) Syracuse Univ Press (Sd). ISBN 978-0-8156-3230-6
- Pappe, Ilan (2006). The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine, London and New York: Oneworld, 2006. ISBN 1-85168-467-0
- Segev, Tom (2007) 1967 Israel, The War and the Year that Transformed the Middle East Little Brown ISBN 978-0-316-72478-4
- Seliktar, Ofira (2002). Divided We Stand: American Jews, Israel, and the Peace Process. Praeger/Greenwood. ISBN 0-275-97408-1
- Tovy, Jacob (2014). Israel and the Palestinian Refugee Issue: The Formulation of a Policy, 1948–1956. Routledge.
- UNDPI (2008). "The Question of Palestine and the United Nations" (PDF). DPI/2499.
- UNRWA; UNHCR (2007). "The United Nations and Palestinian Refugees" (PDF).
- Bowker, Robert (2003). Palestinian Refugees: Mythology, Identity, and the Search for Peace. Lynne Rienner Publishers. ISBN 978-1-58826-202-8.
- Rosemarie M. Esber (2008). Under the Cover of War: The Zionist Expulsion of the Palestinians. Arabicus Books & Media. ISBN 978-0-9815131-7-1.
- Dumper, Michael (2006). "Introduction". Palestinian Refugee Repatriation: Global Perspectives. Taylor & Francis. ISBN 978-0-415-38497-1.
- Chiller-Glaus, Michael (2007). Tackling the Intractable: Palestinian Refugees and the Search for Middle East Peace. Peter Lang. ISBN 978-3-03911-298-2.
- Morris, Benny (2001). Righteous Victims: A History of the Zionist–Arab conflict, 1881–2001 (1st Vintage Books ed.). New York: Vintage Books. pp. 252–258. ISBN 978-0-679-74475-7.
Other
[edit]- Goldberg, Ari Ben (25 May 2012). "US Senate dramatically scales down definition of Palestinian 'refugees'". The Times of Israel. Retrieved 11 November 2020.
- "Palestine refugees". UNRWA. Retrieved 11 November 2020.
- "Frequently asked questions". UNRWA. Retrieved 9 August 2020.
- "A/RES/194 (III) of 11 December 1948". unispal.un.org. UNISPAL.
- Velasco Muñoz, Rosa. "On Palestinian refugees in Lebanon" (PDF) (in Spanish). Retrieved 4 April 2025.
External links
[edit]Palestinian refugees
View on GrokipediaDefinitions and Legal Framework
UNRWA's Unique Mandate and Hereditary Status
The United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) was established by United Nations General Assembly Resolution 302 (IV) on December 8, 1949, to provide direct relief and works programs to Palestinian refugees displaced during the 1948 Arab-Israeli War. Its operational mandate, renewed periodically by the General Assembly, focuses on delivering essential services such as education, healthcare, and social assistance in five areas of operation: Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, the Gaza Strip, and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem. Unlike the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), which has a statutory mandate for international protection and pursuing durable solutions like voluntary repatriation, local integration, or third-country resettlement under the 1951 Refugee Convention, UNRWA's framework emphasizes ongoing humanitarian aid without authority to implement resettlement or comprehensive protection measures.[6] This distinction arises from UNRWA's administrative definition of a "Palestine refugee," which originally targeted approximately 750,000 individuals whose normal residence was in Mandatory Palestine between June 1, 1946, and May 15, 1948, and who lost both their homes and means of livelihood as a result of the 1948 conflict. A core element of UNRWA's unique approach is the hereditary transmission of refugee registration to descendants, which perpetuates eligibility for agency services across generations. Under UNRWA policy, the status extends patrilineally to children and grandchildren of registered male refugees, including legally adopted children, provided they are registered with the agency and reside in its areas of operation or meet specific criteria for those abroad.[7] This has resulted in the registered population expanding to over 5.9 million by 2023, far exceeding the original 1948 displaced figure, as each new generation born to registered refugees becomes eligible without requiring independent assessment of personal displacement or ongoing need. While UNRWA maintains that this practice aligns with the international principle of family unity and is not exclusive to Palestinians—citing UNHCR precedents for including dependents—critics, including reports to the UN General Assembly, highlight that it institutionalizes refugee status indefinitely, even for individuals who have acquired citizenship elsewhere or integrated into host societies, such as over 2 million Palestinians holding Jordanian passports.[8] In contrast, UNHCR typically ceases refugee status for subsequent generations once durable solutions are achieved or conditions change, preventing perpetual registration absent active persecution. This hereditary mechanism, codified in UNRWA's Consolidated Registration and Eligibility Report framework since the 1950s, requires family units to maintain registration through periodic reporting of vital events like births and marriages via platforms such as the eUNRWA system launched in 2023.[9] Registration does not confer formal refugee status under the 1951 Convention but grants access to UNRWA services, which function quasi-governmentally in host territories lacking full state sovereignty. This setup has drawn scrutiny for potentially discouraging naturalization or economic self-sufficiency, as eligibility ties benefits to maintained refugee identity, differing from UNHCR's emphasis on ending dependency through integration.[10] For instance, in Lebanon, where Palestinian refugees face legal barriers to citizenship, UNRWA's model sustains a distinct administrative category, while in Jordan, registered descendants retain dual status despite formal citizenship.[11] UNRWA defends the system as necessary given the unresolved political context, but analyses note it uniquely expands the refugee cohort over time without mechanisms for delisting settled populations, contributing to a registered figure that includes third- and fourth-generation individuals never personally displaced.[12][13]Comparison to Standard Refugee Definitions under UNHCR
The standard definition of a refugee under the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), as established by Article 1A(2) of the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, applies to any person who, "owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion, is outside the country of his nationality and is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country."[14][15] This definition requires an individualized assessment of persecution risk and mandates that refugees be located outside their country of origin or habitual residence.[16] Refugee status under UNHCR is not hereditary; it is not automatically transferred to descendants unless those descendants independently meet the criteria, such as facing a similar well-founded fear of persecution.[8] Furthermore, UNHCR's mandate emphasizes durable solutions, including voluntary repatriation when conditions allow, local integration in host countries, or resettlement in third countries, aiming to end refugee status once protection needs cease.[16] In contrast, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) defines Palestine refugees as "persons whose normal place of residence was Palestine during the period 1 June 1946 to 15 May 1948 and who lost both home and means of livelihood as a result of the 1948 conflict," extended to include descendants of such persons and those displaced in the 1967 Six-Day War.[3][6] This operational definition, established by UN General Assembly Resolution 302 (IV) in 1949 and codified in UNRWA's 1952 regulations, encompasses broader displacement due to war and loss of livelihood, rather than strictly persecution-based fear, and applies even to individuals residing within the West Bank or Gaza Strip—territories considered part of the area of origin—thus including what would otherwise qualify as internally displaced persons (IDPs) under UNHCR standards.[3][17] UNRWA's refugee status is explicitly hereditary, passing patrilineally (and, under family unity principles, to spouses and children regardless of gender in certain cases), resulting in automatic registration of descendants without requiring demonstration of ongoing persecution risk; this has expanded the registered population from approximately 750,000 in 1950 to over 5.9 million as of 2023.[6][8] These divergences stem from UNRWA's separate mandate under General Assembly Resolution 194 (III) of 1948, which excludes Palestinians from direct UNHCR oversight to avoid overlap, prioritizing humanitarian assistance and services (education, health, relief) over protection or resolution of status.[12][6] Unlike UNHCR, UNRWA lacks authority to pursue durable solutions such as mass resettlement or integration that would terminate refugee status, perpetuating the category across generations even in cases of citizenship acquisition in host states like Jordan, where over 2 million registered refugees hold full citizenship yet retain UNRWA eligibility.[6][12] This framework has been criticized for institutionalizing refugeehood indefinitely, contrasting with UNHCR's cessation clauses that end status upon significant changes in origin conditions or effective protection elsewhere, as applied to other protracted refugee situations like those from Afghanistan or Sudan.[16] If Palestinians were reclassified under UNHCR standards, many—particularly descendants born and raised in host countries or territories without individualized persecution fears—would not qualify as refugees, potentially reducing the caseload substantially.[12]Arab and Palestinian Conceptions of Refugeehood
In Arab and Palestinian discourse, refugeehood for Palestinians is conceptualized not as a temporary status resolved through integration or resettlement, but as a perpetual condition tied to an inalienable collective right of return to pre-1948 homes and properties within the territory of modern Israel, encompassing both original displacees and all subsequent descendants.[18] This view stems from interpretations of United Nations General Assembly Resolution 194 (1948), which called for refugees willing to live at peace with neighbors to be permitted return and compensation, a provision Palestinians and Arab states invoke to assert a demographic reclamation rather than individual humanitarian relief.[19] Palestinian organizations like the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and later the Palestinian Authority have maintained this hereditary framework, rejecting definitions that would limit status to first-generation individuals or those facing ongoing persecution, as it aligns with national narratives framing displacement as an unresolved injustice demanding reversal over assimilation elsewhere.[20] Arab host states have reinforced this conception through policies that preserve Palestinian distinctiveness, treating refugees as a transient Arab population awaiting repatriation rather than permanent residents deserving full civic incorporation. The League of Arab States' Casablanca Protocol (1965) exemplifies this by mandating equitable treatment in employment, welfare, and travel for Palestinians in member states, while explicitly prohibiting measures leading to assimilation or loss of national identity, thereby subordinating individual rights to the collective political goal of return.[21] This approach, articulated in Arab League resolutions since the 1950s, positions refugee camps as provisional holding areas to sustain pressure on Israel, with naturalization viewed as tantamount to endorsing the 1947 partition plan and forfeiting territorial claims.[22][23] Exceptions exist, such as Jordan's 1954 grant of citizenship to most Palestinians within its borders following the 1948-1949 armistice, yet even there, many retain UNRWA-registered refugee status and agitate for return, reflecting the enduring primacy of the non-integrative paradigm across Arab societies.[18] In Lebanon and Syria, legal barriers explicitly bar citizenship to avert demographic shifts or internal destabilization, framing Palestinians as tools in the broader Arab-Israeli conflict rather than beneficiaries of host-state sovereignty.[23] This conception has perpetuated generational dependency on international aid agencies like UNRWA, whose operational definition—mirroring the Arab-Palestinian emphasis on descent—expands the registered population to over 5.9 million as of 2023, far exceeding standard refugee metrics and embedding refugeehood as a heritable identity rather than a resolvable legal category.[24][3] Critics from policy analyses note that such policies, while politically expedient for Arab regimes, have confined Palestinians to marginalized enclaves, prioritizing symbolic irredentism over practical rehabilitation.[25]Historical Causes of Displacement
1948 Arab-Israeli War: Arab Rejectionism and Resulting Exodus
The United Nations General Assembly adopted Resolution 181 on November 29, 1947, proposing the partition of Mandatory Palestine into separate Jewish and Arab states, with Jerusalem under international administration. The Jewish Agency accepted the plan, despite its allocation of less than 56% of the land to the Jewish state amid a smaller Jewish population. In contrast, the Arab Higher Committee, representing Palestinian Arabs, rejected the resolution outright on December 1, 1947, denouncing it as unjust and a violation of Arab rights, while Arab states echoed this stance and threatened military intervention to prevent its implementation.[26] [27] This rejection precipitated immediate violence, initiating a civil war phase from December 1947, characterized by Arab attacks on Jewish communities and retaliatory actions, which eroded Palestinian Arab social structures and prompted early elite flight.[28] Following Israel's declaration of independence on May 14, 1948, armies from Egypt, Jordan, Syria, Iraq, and Lebanon invaded the former Mandate territory the next day, aiming to nullify the partition and establish Arab control.[27] Palestinian Arab forces, fragmented and lacking unified command under the Arab Higher Committee, collapsed amid these events, with irregulars retreating and abandoning positions, fostering widespread panic and displacement. The ensuing battles, including Israeli offensives like Operation Nachshon in April 1948 to lift the Jerusalem siege, resulted in the abandonment of hundreds of Arab villages as combatants and civilians fled advancing forces, often without direct expulsion but driven by fear of combat and societal breakdown.[29] Arab rejection of partition thus catalyzed a total war, inverting initial Arab advantages into decisive defeats by mid-1948, as invading armies proved uncoordinated and Palestinian leadership proved ineffective.[30] Contributing to the exodus, local Arab National Committees and the Higher Committee issued evacuation orders in several areas to remove non-combatants ahead of expected fighting or to clear paths for Arab armies, as documented in cases like Issawiya (evacuated March 30, 1948, on Higher Committee command) and other Jerusalem suburbs ordered emptied by April 22, 1948.[31] Historian Benny Morris, drawing on declassified Israeli archives and Arab sources, identifies such directives in dozens of localities, alongside irregular Arab broadcasts urging temporary flight with promises of swift return post-victory, though no singular centralized order existed.[32] These actions, combined with the flight of Palestinian elites and the retreat of Arab Liberation Army units, accelerated mass departures, particularly from mixed cities like Haifa and Jaffa, where over 95% of Arabs left by late April 1948 amid collapsing defenses.[33] By the war's armistice in 1949, approximately 700,000 to 750,000 Palestinian Arabs—roughly half of the pre-war Arab population in the Mandate—had become refugees, displaced primarily to Gaza, the West Bank, Jordan, Lebanon, and Syria.[34] This exodus stemmed causally from the Arabs' strategic choice of confrontation over negotiation, yielding military losses that dismantled Palestinian demographic presence in the emergent Jewish state, with refugees anticipating repatriation upon Arab triumph that never materialized.[35] Arab states' post-war refusal to integrate these populations, viewing them as a lever against Israel, perpetuated their refugee status, contrasting with Jewish refugees from Arab countries who were absorbed by Israel.[36]1967 Six-Day War and Additional Flight
The Six-Day War, fought from June 5 to June 10, 1967, stemmed from Arab military mobilizations and threats against Israel, including Egypt's closure of the Straits of Tiran and expulsion of UN peacekeepers, prompting Israel's preemptive airstrikes on Egyptian airfields.[37] Jordan joined the conflict on June 5 despite Israeli appeals for neutrality, shelling West Jerusalem and advancing from the West Bank, which Israel had not previously controlled.[37] [38] By June 7, Israeli forces had captured the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and Gaza Strip from Jordanian and Egyptian administration, respectively, ending the fighting after Syrian attacks from the Golan Heights.[37] The war triggered a secondary exodus of Palestinians, with estimates ranging from 200,000 to 325,000 individuals displaced from the West Bank and Gaza, joining the earlier 1948 refugee population.[39] [40] UNRWA later registered many as "1967 refugees," distinct from the 1948 cohort, with their descendants numbering around 950,000 by the early 2010s.[41] Most fled westward areas of the West Bank toward the Jordan River, crossing the Allenby Bridge (also known as King Hussein Bridge) to the East Bank of Jordan, while smaller numbers moved eastward within the West Bank or from Gaza toward Egypt before borders closed.[38] [42] Jordan absorbed the bulk, straining its resources amid the influx during active combat phases.[43] Displacement occurred amid intense urban fighting in places like Jenin, Nablus, and Jerusalem, driven by civilian panic rather than systematic Israeli expulsion policies.[38] Jordanian radio broadcasts explicitly urged residents to remain, countering flight impulses and indicating no coordinated Arab evacuation directives as in 1948.[38] Post-war, Israel offered return options to many who had fled temporarily, though several hundred thousand did not reclaim residency, contributing to long-term refugee status under UNRWA's framework.[40] This exodus exacerbated Jordan's demographic shifts, with Palestinians comprising a significant portion of its population, and highlighted the war's origins in Arab-initiated escalations rather than unprovoked Israeli aggression.[37] [43]Post-1967 Expulsions: Kuwait Gulf War, Syria Civil War, and Iraq
Following the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait on August 2, 1990, and the subsequent Gulf War coalition liberation of Kuwait by February 28, 1991, Kuwaiti authorities initiated a campaign of mass expulsions targeting Palestinian residents, whom they accused of collaborating with Saddam Hussein's regime due to the Palestine Liberation Organization's (PLO) public support for Iraq under Yasser Arafat.[44] [45] Between March and June 1991, methods including denial of residency renewals, arbitrary arrests, and deportation without due process forced out an estimated 200,000 to 400,000 Palestinians—comprising most of the pre-war population of 400,000–450,000—who had previously formed a significant expatriate workforce in Kuwait.[46] [44] Approximately 360,000 of those expelled initially transited to Jordan, with around 300,000 remaining there, exacerbating Jordan's refugee burden and contributing to economic strain without formal refugee status under UNHCR standards.[46] This episode marked the largest single forced displacement of Palestinians from an Arab host country, driven by Kuwaiti retribution rather than conflict directly involving Palestinians, and resulted in the revocation of residency rights for survivors, with only gradual normalization in relations by 2015.[45] [44] In Syria, the civil war erupting in March 2011 severely disrupted the approximately 500,000 Palestinian refugees, many residing in 10 official camps including Yarmouk near Damascus, leading to widespread secondary displacement rather than systematic state expulsions akin to Kuwait.[47] Yarmouk, originally sheltering over 160,000 Palestinians, endured a regime siege from July 2013 that induced starvation and disease, killing at least 200 civilians by barrel bombings and aid blockades, while rebel factions and later ISIS incursions from April 2015 displaced tens of thousands more through combat and forced evacuations.[48] [49] By 2021, around 160,000 residents had fled the camp entirely, with many relocating internally to other Syrian areas or externally to Lebanon and Europe, though Palestinian neutrality efforts collapsed as some factions aligned with rebels, drawing regime reprisals.[50] [51] UNRWA reported over 90% of Yarmouk's remaining population displaced by extremist takeovers in 2015, compounding pre-war precarity without citizenship and limiting legal flight options, thus framing this as a "new Nakba" of repeated exile amid crossfire rather than targeted ethnic cleansing.[48] [52] Post-2003 in Iraq, the U.S.-led invasion and fall of Saddam Hussein's regime on April 9, 2003, triggered backlash against an estimated 34,000 Palestinians who had enjoyed state privileges under Saddam—including subsidized housing and immunity from conscription—due to perceptions of their favoritism as symbols of Ba'athist loyalty.[53] [54] Evictions from government-provided apartments began within days, orchestrated by Shiite militias and mobs who seized properties, subjected families to arbitrary arrests, torture, and killings, displacing thousands by mid-2003 as UNHCR registered about 23,000 in Baghdad alone amid undercounting.[55] [53] By 2006, over 2,000 families had fled to border camps like al-Tanf in Syria and al-Hol in Iraq, enduring squalid conditions with minimal aid, as host states refused entry and resettlement lagged despite UNHCR efforts to relocate around 15,000 to third countries like Sweden and Canada by 2009.[54] [56] This wave stemmed from sectarian retribution and property grabs post-regime collapse, not war displacement per se, leaving survivors stateless and vulnerable without Saddam's protections.[55]2023-2025 Gaza-Israel Conflict: Internal Displacement vs. Refugee Status
The 2023-2025 Gaza-Israel conflict began with Hamas's October 7, 2023, attack on southern Israel, killing 1,139 people and taking 251 hostages, prompting Israel's declaration of war and military operations to eliminate Hamas's governance and military capabilities in Gaza.[57] The Israel Defense Forces (IDF) issued initial evacuation orders on October 13, 2023, directing over one million residents of northern Gaza to relocate southward ahead of ground incursions, framing these as protective measures against anticipated combat in Hamas-embedded urban areas.[58] Subsequent IDF operations expanded southward, issuing over 65 evacuation warnings by late 2023, designating approximately 80% of Gaza's territory as combat zones at various points.[59] Hamas authorities urged residents to ignore orders and remain in place, complicating civilian movements.[60] By mid-2024, the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) estimated 1.7 million internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Gaza, rising to 1.9 million—or 90% of the pre-war population of about 2.1 million—by late 2024, with many families displaced up to ten times amid repeated offensives and infrastructure destruction.[61] As of October 2025, following a ceasefire on October 13, 2025, displacement persisted at similar levels, with over 546,000 additional movements recorded since the truce and 82% of Gaza under militarized zones or displacement orders, driven by ongoing demolitions, aid restrictions, and security clearances.[62] [63] These figures, derived from Gaza's Hamas-controlled Ministry of Health and UN monitoring, reflect acute humanitarian strain but have faced scrutiny for potential overcounting of combatants as civilians and underreporting of Hamas's tactical use of populated areas, which exacerbated risks to non-combatants.[64] Under international law, including the 1951 Refugee Convention and UNHCR guidelines, the displacements qualify as internal, rendering affected Palestinians IDPs rather than refugees, as no international borders were crossed en masse.[65] IDPs remain within their territory of habitual residence—Gaza, administered by Hamas despite lacking full state sovereignty—and fall under host authority responsibilities, supplemented by international aid clusters like those coordinated by OCHA and UNRWA, which provided shelter and services to 70% of IDPs who were pre-existing registered refugees.[61] Refugee status requires flight across recognized borders, which was precluded by Egypt's closure of the Rafah crossing to prevent a permanent exodus akin to 1948, citing national security and demographic stability concerns; only limited medical and foreign passport evacuations occurred, totaling thousands rather than millions.[66] Israel's controlled border similarly restricted outflows, with evacuations primarily for dual nationals or critical cases, underscoring the conflict's containment within Gaza despite advocacy for broader refugee recognition by some NGOs.[67] This internal nature contrasts with historical Palestinian refugee waves, where border crossings to Arab states defined status under UNRWA's expansive mandate, which hereditarily registers Gaza's population as refugees regardless of displacement type.[3] Critics, including Israeli officials, argue that labeling conflict-induced movements as refugee crises perpetuates UNRWA's unique framework, potentially incentivizing non-integration and Hamas's strategy of embedding in civilian zones to amplify international pressure, while empirical data shows Israel's pre-strike warnings reduced potential casualties relative to urban warfare norms, though aid blockages and famine risks intensified IDP vulnerabilities.[60] By October 2025, reconstruction delays and site closures—73 in northern Gaza alone—left IDPs in precarious tent encampments, with over 390,000 post-ceasefire movements signaling unresolved return barriers tied to de-mining and governance vacuums.[68]Demographic Distribution and Conditions
Overall Registered Population and UNRWA Figures
As of June 2025, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) maintains registration records for 5.9 million Palestinian refugees eligible for its services across Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, the West Bank, and the Gaza Strip.[3][69] These registrations include persons whose normal residence was in Mandatory Palestine between June 1946 and May 1948 and who lost both home and means of livelihood as a result of the 1948 conflict, as well as all subsequent descendants registered with the agency.[3] The distribution of registered refugees by UNRWA field of operation reflects varying population concentrations, with Jordan hosting the largest share. The following table summarizes the latest available figures as of mid-2023, which have remained stable into 2025 absent major policy changes in registration practices:| Field of Operation | Registered Refugees |
|---|---|
| Jordan | 2,371,387 |
| West Bank and Gaza | 2,474,000 |
| Syria | 582,745 |
| Lebanon | 486,269 |
| Total | 5,914,401 |
