South African English
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| South African English | |
|---|---|
| Region | South Africa |
| Ethnicity | South Africans |
Early forms | |
| Latin (English alphabet) Unified English Braille | |
| Official status | |
Official language in | South Africa |
| Regulated by | English Academy of Southern Africa |
| Language codes | |
| ISO 639-3 | – |
| Glottolog | sout3331 |
| IETF | en-ZA |
| Part of a series on the |
| Culture of South Africa |
|---|
| People |
| Cuisine |
| Religion |
| Art |
| Sport |


| Part of a series on the |
| English language |
|---|
| Features |
| Societal aspects |
| Dialects (full list) |
South African English (SAfE, SAfEn, SAE, en-ZA)[a] is the set of English language dialects native to South Africans.
History
[edit]British settlers first arrived in the South African region in 1795, when they established a military holding operation at the Cape Colony. The goal of this first endeavour was to gain control of a key Cape sea route, not to establish a permanent settler colony.[1] Full control of the colony was wrested from the Batavian Republic following the Battle of Blaauwberg in 1806. The first major influx of English speakers arrived in 1820. About 5,000 British settlers, mostly rural or working class, settled in the Eastern Cape.[1] Though the British were a minority colonist group (the Dutch had been in the region since 1652 when traders from the Dutch East India Company developed an outpost), the Cape Colony governor, Lord Charles Somerset, declared English an official language in 1822.[1] To spread the influence of English in the colony, officials began to recruit British schoolmasters and Scottish clergy to occupy positions in the education and church systems.[1] Another group of English speakers arrived from Britain in the 1840s and 1850s, along with the Natal settlers. These individuals were largely "standard speakers" like retired military personnel and aristocrats.[1] A third wave of English settlers arrived between 1875 and 1904, and brought with them a diverse variety of English dialects. These last two waves did not have as large an influence on South African English (SAE), for "the seeds of development were already sown in 1820".[1] However, the Natal wave brought nostalgia for British customs and helped to define the idea of a "standard" variety that resembled Southern British English.[1]
When the Union of South Africa was formed in 1910, English and Dutch were the official state languages, although Afrikaans effectively replaced Dutch in 1925.[2] After 1994, these two languages along with nine other Southern Bantu languages achieved equal official status.[2]
SAE is an extraterritorial (ET) variety of English, or a language variety that has been transported outside its mainland home. More specifically, SAE is a Southern hemisphere ET originating from later English colonisation in the 18th and 19th centuries (Zimbabwean, Australian, and New Zealand English are also Southern hemisphere ET varieties).[1] SAE resembles British English more closely than it does American English due to the close ties that South African colonies maintained with the mainland in the 19th and 20th centuries. However, the influence of American pop culture around the world made American English more familiar in South Africa, with some American lexical items becoming alternatives to comparable British terms.[1]
White South African English
[edit]Several white South African English varieties have emerged, accompanied by varying levels of perceived social prestige. Roger Lass describes white South African English as a system of three sub-varieties spoken primarily by White South Africans, called "The Great Trichotomy" (a term first used to categorise Australian English varieties and subsequently applied to South African English).[1] In this classification, the "Cultivated" variety closely approximates England's standard Received Pronunciation and is associated with the upper class; the "General" variety is a social indicator of the middle class and is the common tongue; and the "Broad" variety is most associated with the working class, low socioeconomic status, and little education.[1] These three sub-varieties, Cultivated, General, and Broad, have also sometimes been called "Conservative SAE", "Respectable SAE", and "Extreme SAE", respectively.[1] Broad White SAE closely approximates the second-language variety of (Afrikaans-speaking) Afrikaners called Afrikaans English. This variety has been stigmatised by middle- and upper-class SAE speakers (primarily those of British origin) and is considered a vernacular form of SAE.[1]
Phonology
[edit]Vowels
[edit]- Allophonic variation in the KIT vowel (from Wells' 1982 lexical sets). In some contexts, such as after /h/, the KIT vowel is pronounced [ɪ]; before tautosyllabic /l/ it is pronounced [ɤ]; and in other contexts it is pronounced [ə].[3] This feature is not present in Conservative SAE, and may have resulted from a vocalic chain shift in White SAE.[1]
- Pronunciation of the FLEECE vowel with the long monophthongal [iː]. In contrast, other Southern Hemisphere Englishes like Australian English and New Zealand English have diphthongised FLEECE ([ɪi ~ əi]).[3]
- Back PALM, with lip rounding in the broader dialects ([ɑː] or [ɒː]). This differs from Australian English and New Zealand English, which have central [aː] instead.[3]
- The trap-bath split, as in New Zealand English and partially also Australian English.[1]
- LOT is short, open, weakly rounded, and centralised, around [ɒ̽].[1]
- FOOT is short, half-closed back and centralised, around [ʊ].[1]
- NURSE tends to resemble the Received Pronunciation non-rhotic [ɜː] among Conservative SAE speakers, while the vowel is front, half-close, centralised [øː] in other varieties.[1]
Consonants
[edit]- In Conservative and Respectable SAE, /h/ is the voiceless glottal fricative [h]. In Extreme SAE, /h/ has a more breathy-voiced pronunciation, [ɦ], likely as a result of a Dutch/Afrikaans substrate. /h/ is sometimes deleted in Extreme SAE where it is preserved in Conservative and Respectable SAE. For instance, when it occurs initially in stressed syllables in words like "house", it is deleted in Extreme SAE.[1]
- Conservative SAE is completely non-rhotic like Received Pronunciation, while Respectable SAE has sporadic moments of rhoticity. These rhotic moments generally occur in /r/-final words. More frequent rhoticity is a marker of Extreme SAE.[1]
- Unaspirated voiceless plosives (like /p/, /t/, and /k/) in stressed word-initial environments.[3]
- Yod-assimilation: tune and dune tend to be realised as [t͡ʃʉːn] and [d͡ʒʉːn], instead of the Received Pronunciation [tjuːn] and [djuːn].[3]
Black South African English
[edit]Black South African English, or BSAE, is spoken by individuals whose first language is an indigenous African tongue.[4] BSAE is considered a "new" English because it has emerged through the education system among second-language speakers in places where English is not the majority language.[4] At least two sociolinguistic variants have been definitively studied on a post-creole continuum for the second-language Black South African English spoken by most Black South Africans: a high-end, prestigious "acrolect" and a more middle-ranging, mainstream "mesolect". The "basilect" variety is less similar to the colonial language (natively-spoken English), while the "mesolect" is somewhat more so.[1] Historically, BSAE has been considered a "non-standard" variety of English, inappropriate for formal contexts and influenced by indigenous African languages.[4]
According to the Central Statistical Services, as of 1994[update] about seven million black people spoke English in South Africa.[4] BSAE originated in the South African school system when the 1953 Bantu Education Act mandated the use of native African languages in the classroom. When this law was established, most of the native English-speaking teachers were removed from schools. This limited the exposure that black students received to standard varieties of English. As a result, the English spoken in black schools developed distinctive patterns of pronunciation and syntax, leading to the formation of BSAE.[4] Some of these characteristic features can be linked to the mother tongues of the early BSAE speakers. The policy of mother tongue promotion in schools ultimately failed, and in 1979, the Department of Bantu Education allowed schools to choose their own language of instruction. English was largely the language of choice because it was viewed as a key tool of social and economic advancement.[4] BSAE has contrasting pronunciation and organisation of vowels and consonants compared to the ones in standard English. For instance, "it lacks the tense/lax contrast and central vowels in the mesolectal variety."[5]
Classification
[edit]The difference between Black and White South Africans is based on their ethnic backgrounds, with them, as BSAE, being originally the first indigenous people that made a ''new'' English South Africa and developing speaking their tongue version of English and deciding not to speak South Africa's native language of English, which is mostly exclusive for them due to it not being the majority language. In SAE it is primarily used for publicising the differences between British and other forms of tongue speaking for native speakers in various communities of South Africa.[6]
The local native language of Black South African "new" English would lean more on the syllable side and would lean less on stress timing; due to this, the speech of the language would be affected by the length of vowel deduction in "new" English.[7]
Phonology
[edit]BSAE emerged from the influence of local native languages on the British English variety often taught in South African schools. After dispersing BSAE has been seen as three distinct subvarieties: the basilect, mesolect, and acrolect. Not much has yet been studied on the subvarieties of BSAE, and the distinctions between them are not yet fully defined. However, there are some notable pronunciation differences in the mesolect and acrolect.[5]
The vowels in BSAE can be realised as five key phonemes: /i/, pronounced in words like "FLEECE" or KIT, /u/ in "FOOT" or "GOOSE", /ɛ/ in "TRAP", "DRESS", or "NURSE", /ɔ/ in LOT or FORCE, and /a/ as in CAR. /i/ may occasionally be pronounced [ɪ] in the acrolectal variety, though there is no consistent change among speakers. One difference in the acrolect in comparison to the mesolect is that it often uses [ʌ] in place of [a].[5]
In addition, many vowels that are normally diphthongs in most varieties are monophthongs in BSAE. For example, "FACE" in General White SAE is typically pronounced as /feɪs/, but in BSAE is typically pronounced /fɛs/.[5]
Grammar
[edit]Black South African English analysis has not been researched or utilised enough due to its contrasting methods to Southern British norms.[5] BSAE has contrasting pronunciation and organisation of vowels and consonants compared to the ones in more commonly used languages such as other varieties of English.[8] Due to English being an official language of South Africa, dialects that have contrary methods in language and pronunciation to English become isolated from the speech in that area. For instance, "it lacks the tense/lax contrast and central vowels in the mesolectal variety."[5]
In Black South African English, the length of vowels is changeable, and vowel length can be understood as stress placement, with some deviation from Standard English. An example of this is in the word "sevénty", which has primary stress on the penultimate, rather than the initial, syllable.[5]
Additionally, BSAE differs from other forms of dialect by "having shorter tone/information units and having lower pitch and decrease intensity as the sentence concludes."[5]
Certain words such as "maybe" are used as conditional words that imply the result of something if a thing or event were to happen. Another distinctive trait of BSAE is the use of the word "that" as a complementiser. BSAE also has a high frequency of the retention of question word order, 0.86 per 1000 words.[8]
Other findings show that the Cultural Linguistic explorations of World Englishes have been evaluating BSAE based on its cognitive sociolinguistic principles. It is a language that is still being studied due to its strong cultural and traditional ties to its mother tongues.[9]
History
[edit]Historically, BSAE has been considered a "non-standard" variety of English, perceived as inappropriate for formal contexts, and influenced by indigenous African languages.
BSAE, or Black South African English, has its roots in European colonialism of the African continent in the 19th century. As a result of English being pushed by the colonisers of the region, the British, English became widespread in the South African region after it became necessary for indigenous African communities to use for success under the British.[10] Much like in other colonies of the British, English became a necessity for advancement and economic security in the colony for indigenous Africans.[10]
According to the Central Statistical Services, as of 1994, about seven million black people spoke English in South Africa. BSAE originated in the South African school system when the 1953 Bantu Education Act mandated the use of native African languages in the classroom. When this law was established, most of the native English-speaking teachers were removed from schools. This limited the exposure that black students received to standard varieties of English. As a result, the English spoken in black schools developed distinctive patterns of pronunciation and syntax, leading to the formation of BSAE. Some of these characteristic features can be linked to the mother tongues of the early BSAE speakers. The policy of mother tongue promotion in schools ultimately failed, and in 1979, the Department of Bantu Education allowed schools to choose their own language of instruction. English was largely the language of choice because it was viewed as a key tool of social and economic advancement.
Geography
[edit]South Africa occupies the southern area of Africa, its coastline stretching more than 2,850 kilometers (1,770 miles) from the desert border within Namibia on the Atlantic (western) coast southwards around the tip of Africa and then northeast to the border with Mozambique on the Indian Ocean. The low-lying coastal zone is narrow for much of that distance, soon giving way to a mountainous escarpment (Great Escarpment) that separates the coast from the high inland plateau. In some places, notably the province of KwaZulu-Natal in the east, a greater distance separates the coast from the escarpment. Although much of the country is classified as semi-arid, it has considerable variation in climate as well as topography. The total land area is 1,220,813 km2 (471,359 sq mi). It has the 23rd largest Exclusive Economic Zone of 1,535,538 km2 (592,875 sq mi).
The South African Central Plateau only contains two major rivers: The Limpopo and The Orange (with its tributary, the Vaal). These rivers mainly flow across the central places in the east and west off the coast until they reach the Atlantic Ocean through the Namibian border.
Indian South African English
[edit]Indian South African English (ISAE) is a sub-variety that developed among the descendants of Indian immigrants to South Africa.[1] The Apartheid policy, in effect from 1948 to 1991, prevented Indian children from publicly interacting with people of English heritage. This separation caused an Indian variety to develop independently from white South African English, though with phonological and lexical features still fitting under the South African English umbrella.[1] Indian South African English includes a "basilect", "mesolect", and "acrolect".[1] These terms describe varieties of a given language on a spectrum of similarity to the colonial version of that language: the "acrolect" being the most similar.[1] Today, basilect speakers are generally older non-native speakers with little education; acrolect speakers closely resemble colonial native English speakers, with a few phonetic/syntactic exceptions; and mesolect speakers fall somewhere in-between.[1] A significant factor in the development of ISAE is the linguistic background of the early immigrants. While often referred to locally as "Hindustani," the primary North Indian language brought by indentured labourers (predominantly from Bihar and Uttar Pradesh via Calcutta between 1860 and 1911) was identified by linguist Rajend Mesthrie as South African Bhojpuri (SABh), a koiné formed from Bhojpuri and Awadhi languages.[11] As this language declined throughout the 20th century and speakers shifted to English, SABh likely served as a substrate, influencing the phonology, lexicon, and syntax of the emerging Indian South African English variety, alongside influences from other Indian languages like Tamil, Telugu, and Gujarati spoken by other immigrant groups[11] In recent decades, the dialect has come much closer to the standard language through the model taught in schools. The result is a variety of English which mixes features of Indian, South African, Standard British, creole, and foreign language learning Englishes in a unique and fascinating way.[12]
ISAE resembles Indian English in some respects, possibly because the varieties contain speakers with shared mother tongues or because early English teachers were brought to South Africa from India, or both.[1] Four prominent education-related lexical features shared by ISAE and Indian English are: tuition(s), which means "extra lessons outside school that one pays for" (i.e. "tutoring" in other varieties of English); further studies, which means "higher education"; alphabets, which means "the alphabet, letters of the alphabet"; and by-heart, which means "to learn off by heart"; these items show the influence of Indian English teachers in South Africa.[1] Phonologically, ISAE also shares several similarities with Indian English, though certain common features are decreasing in the South African variety. For instance, consonant retroflexion in phonemes like /ḍ/ and strong aspiration in consonant production (common in North Indian English) are present in both varieties, but declining in ISAE. Syllable-timed rhythm, instead of stress-timed rhythm, is still a prominent feature in both varieties, especially in more colloquial sub-varieties.[1]
Coloured South African English
[edit]About 20% of all coloured people in South Africa speak English as a home language. They are primarily concentrated in the provinces of KwaZulu-Natal and northeastern parts of the Eastern Cape in the former Transkei with some transplants being found in Johannesburg.[13]
Many people from these regions migrated to Durban and Pietermaritzburg, where the most Anglophone coloureds can be found.[14]
Anglophone coloureds with European heritage have ancestry mostly from the British Isles, which, along with originating in regions with very few Afrikaans speaking people, contributed to English being the main language of the coloured people in the region.[14]
The accent of Anglophone coloured people is influenced by their multiracial background, being descended from Europeans (British, German, and Afrikaners), blacks (Zulu and Xhosa), Indians (both Dravidian and Indo-Aryan) as well as other mixed people like St. Helenians, Mauritian Creoles and some Griquas. This has influenced the accent to be one of the most distinctive in Southern Africa.
Cape Flats English
[edit]A particular variety or sub-spectrum of South African English is Cape Flats English, originally and best associated with inner-city Cape Coloured speakers.[15]
Lexicon
[edit]History of SAE dictionaries
[edit]In 1913, Charles Pettman created the first South African English dictionary, entitled Africanderisms. This work sought to identify Afrikaans terms that were emerging in the English language in South Africa.[16] In 1924, the Oxford University Press published its first version of a South African English dictionary, The South African Pocket Oxford Dictionary. Subsequent editions of this dictionary have tried to take a "broad editorial approach" in including vocabulary terms native to South Africa, though the extent of this inclusion has been contested.[16] Rhodes University (South Africa) and Oxford University (Great Britain) worked together to produce the 1978 Dictionary of South African English, which adopted a more conservative approach in its inclusion of terms. This dictionary did include, for the first time, what the dictionary writers deemed "the jargon of townships", or vocabulary terms found in Black journalism and literary circles.[16] Dictionaries specialising in scientific jargon, such as the common names of South African plants, also emerged in the twentieth century. However, these works still often relied on Latin terminology and European pronunciation systems.[16] As of 1992[update], Rajend Mesthrie had produced the only available dictionary of South African Indian English.[16]
Vocabulary
[edit]Unique SAE terms include:
SAE includes lexical items borrowed from other South African languages. The following list provides a sample of some of these terms:
- braai (barbecue) from Afrikaans[3]
- impimpi (police informant)[4]
- indaba (conference; meeting) from Zulu[3]
- kwela-kwela (taxi or police pick-up van)[4]
- madumbies (a type of edible root) found in Natal
- mama (term of address for a senior woman)[4]
- mbaqanga (type of music)[4]
- morabaraba (board game)[4]
- sgebengu (criminal) found in IsiXhosa and IsiZulu speaking areas[4]
- skebereshe (a loose woman) found in Gauteng
- y'all (the contraction of "you all") for second person plural pronouns in ISAE[3]
- aweh (a greeting or in agreement)
- skollie (an ill-mannered person or someone suspected of engaging in antisocial, possibly criminal, behaviour).[19]
British lexical items
[edit]SAE also contains several lexical items that demonstrate the British influence on this variety:
- arse, bum (ass)[1]
- chemist (drugstore)[1]
- dinner-jacket (tuxedo)[1]
- dustbin (garbage can)[1]
- petrol (gasoline)[1]
- silencer (muffler)[1]
- flat (apartment)
Expressions
[edit]A range of SAE expressions have been borrowed from other South African languages, or are uniquely used in this variety of English. Some common expressions include:
- The borrowed Afrikaans interjection ag, meaning "oh!", as in, "Ag, go away man"! (Equivalent to German "ach"). SAE uses a number of discourse markers from Afrikaans in colloquial speech.[3]
- The expression to come with, common especially among Afrikaans people, as in "are they coming with?"[20] This is influenced by the Afrikaans phrase hulle kom saam, literally "they come together", with saam being misinterpreted as with.[15]: 951 In Afrikaans, saamkom is a separable verb, similar to meekomen in Dutch and mitkommen in German, which is translated into English as "to come along".[21] "Come with?" is also encountered in areas of the Upper Midwest of the United States, which had a large number of Scandinavian, Dutch and German immigrants, who, when speaking English, translated equivalent phrases directly from their own languages.[22]
- The use of the "strong obligative modal" must as a synonym for the polite should/shall. "Must" has "much less social impact" in SAE than in other varieties.[3]
- Now-now, as in "I'll do it now-now". Likely borrowed from the Afrikaans nou-nou, this expression describes a time later than that referenced in the phrase "I'll do it now".[3]
- Crayfish, used instead of lobster, likely comes from the Afrikaans “kreef”.[23]
- Kiff, as in "this ice cream is kiff." Used to express approval or joy from something, or to describe something that is in fashion.[24]
- A large amount of slang comes from British origin, such as "naff" (boring, dull or plain), or "China" (mate, friend) from cockney rhyming slang.
Demographics
[edit]The South African National Census of 2011 found a total of 4,892,623 speakers of English as a first language,[25]: 23 making up 9.6% of the national population.[25]: 25 The provinces with significant English-speaking populations were the Western Cape (20.2% of the provincial population), Gauteng (13.3%) and KwaZulu-Natal (13.2%).[25]: 25
English was found to be spoken across all of South Africa's ethnic groups. A breakdown of English speakers according to the conventional racial classifications used by Statistics South Africa is described in the following table:
| Population group | First-language English speakers[25]: 26 | % of population group[25]: 27 | % of total English-speakers |
|---|---|---|---|
| Black African | 1,167,913 | 2.9 | 23.9 |
| Coloured | 945,847 | 20.8 | 19.3 |
| Indian or Asian | 1,094,317 | 86.1 | 22.4 |
| White | 1,603,575 | 35.9 | 32.8 |
| Other | 80,971 | 29.5 | 1.7 |
| Total | 4,892,623 | 9.6 | 100.0 |
Examples of South African accents
[edit]The examples of South African accents in the list below were obtained from George Mason University:
All four of the speakers in this list have English as their first language.
See also
[edit]References
[edit]Notes
[edit]- ^
en-ZAAfrikaans: Suid Afrikaans Engels is the language code for South African English, as defined by ISO standards (see ISO 639-1 and ISO 3166-1 alpha-2) and Internet standards (see IETF language tag).
Citations
[edit]- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ad ae af ag ah ai Mesthrie, Rajend, ed. (2002). Language in South Africa. Cambridge: University Press. ISBN 9780521791052. OCLC 56218975.
- ^ a b Mesthrie, R. (2006). "South Africa: Language Situation". Encyclopedia of Language & Linguistics. pp. 539–542. doi:10.1016/b0-08-044854-2/01664-3. ISBN 9780080448541.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k Bekker, Ian (1 January 2012). "The story of South African English: A brief linguistic overview". International Journal of Language, Translation and Intercultural Communication. 1: 139–150. doi:10.12681/ijltic.16. ISSN 2241-7214 – via eJournals.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l De Klerk, Vivian; Gough, David (2002). Language in South Africa. pp. 356–378. doi:10.1017/cbo9780511486692.019. ISBN 9780511486692.
- ^ a b c d e f g h "Black South African English: phonology", Africa, South and Southeast Asia, De Gruyter Mouton, pp. 177–187, 18 March 2008, doi:10.1515/9783110208429.1.177, ISBN 9783110208429, retrieved 18 October 2022
- ^ Mesthrie, Rajend; Rajend, Mesthrie (17 October 2002). Language in South Africa. Cambridge University Press. p. 104. ISBN 978-0-521-79105-2.
- ^ Mesthrie, Rajend; Rajend, Mesthrie (17 October 2002). Language in South Africa. Cambridge University Press. p. 361. ISBN 978-0-521-79105-2.
- ^ a b Makalela, Leketi (2013). "Black South African English on the Radio". World Englishes. 32 (1): 93–107. doi:10.1111/weng.12007.
- ^ Peters, Arne (2021). Cultural Linguistics and World Englishes. Springer Nature. p. 356. ISBN 978-981-15-4695-2.
- ^ a b De Klerk, Vivian (November 1999). "Black South African English: Where to from here?". World Englishes. 18 (3): 311–324. doi:10.1111/1467-971x.00146. ISSN 0883-2919.
- ^ a b Mesthrie, Rajend (1985). A History of the Bhojpuri (or "Hindi") Language in South Africa. University of Cape Town.
- ^ Crystal, David (1995). The Cambridge Encyclopedia of the English Language. Cambridge: University Press. p. 356. ISBN 0521401798.
- ^ Alexander, Mary (10 June 2019). "What languages do black, coloured, Indian and white South Africans speak?". South Africa Gateway. Archived from the original on 16 July 2022. Retrieved 18 July 2022.
- ^ a b Fynn, Lorraine Margaret (1991). The "Coloured" Community of Durban: A Study of Changing Perceptions of Identity (M.A. Thesis). Durban: University of Natal. hdl:10413/6802.
- ^ a b Kortmann, Bernd; Schneider, Edgar W., eds. (2004). A Handbook of Varieties of English. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. ISBN 978-3-11-017532-5.
- ^ a b c d e Taylor, Tim (1994). "Review of A Lexicon of South African Indian English". Anthropological Linguistics. 36 (4): 521–524. JSTOR 30028394.
- ^ a b "The Real Reason South Africans Call Traffic Lights "Robots" - Biltong St Marcus". www.biltongstmarcus.co.uk. 3 January 2024. Retrieved 12 November 2025.
- ^ a b Rensburg, Marzanne Janse van (5 June 2024). "Four South African words that would confuse foreigners". SA People. Retrieved 12 November 2025.
- ^ Baloyi, Tshuxeko (16 April 2023). "South African slang word of the day: Skollie". The South African. Retrieved 24 November 2025.
- ^ Mesthrie, Rajend, ed. (2008). Africa, South and Southeast Asia. Mouton de Gruyter. p. 475. ISBN 9783110196382.
- ^ Anon. (2012). Pharos tweetalinge skoolwoordeboek = Pharos bilingual school dictionary. Cape Town: Pharos. p. 251. ISBN 978-1-86890-128-9.
- ^ What's with 'come with'?, Chicago Tribune, 8 December 2010. Archived 21 November 2014 at the Wayback Machine.
- ^ "Meet the West Coast rock lobster!". Two Oceans Aquarium. 4 December 2023. Retrieved 12 November 2025.
- ^ Baloyi, Tshuxeko (6 March 2023). "South African slang word of the day: Kiff". The South African. Retrieved 12 November 2025.
- ^ a b c d e Census 2011: Census in brief (PDF). Pretoria: Statistics South Africa. 2012. ISBN 9780621413885. Archived (PDF) from the original on 13 May 2015.
Sources
[edit]- Finn, Peter (2008). "Cape Flats English: Phonology*". In Mesthrie, Rajend (ed.). Africa, South and Southeast Asia. Kortmann, Bernd; Schneider, Edgar W.: Varieties of English. Vol. 4 of. de Gruyter. ISBN 9783110208429.
- Lass, Roger (2002), "South African English", in Mesthrie, Rajend (ed.), Language in South Africa, Cambridge University Press, pp. 363–386, doi:10.1017/CBO9780511486920.015, ISBN 9780521791052
Further reading
[edit]- Branford, William (1994), "9: English in South Africa", in Burchfield, Robert (ed.), The Cambridge History of the English Language, vol. 5: English in Britain and Overseas: Origins and Development, Cambridge University Press, pp. 430–496, ISBN 0-521-26478-2
- De Klerk, Vivian, ed. (1996), Focus on South Africa, John Benjamins Publishing, ISBN 90-272-4873-7
- Khoklova, Irina (5 December 2015). "Lingua Franca English of South Africa". Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences. 214: 983–991. doi:10.1016/j.sbspro.2015.11.689 – via Science Direct.
- Lanham, Len W. (1979), The Standard in South African English and Its Social History, Heidelberg: Julius Groos Verlag, ISBN 3-87276-210-9
External links
[edit]South African English
View on GrokipediaHistorical Development
Colonial Foundations (1652–1806)
The Cape Colony was founded on 6 April 1652 by Jan van Riebeeck under the auspices of the Dutch East India Company (VOC), establishing a refreshment station for ships en route to Asia; Dutch served as the dominant language of governance, trade, and daily interaction among European settlers, slaves, and indigenous Khoisan peoples, with no significant English presence during the initial 143 years of VOC rule.[4] This period saw the emergence of a Dutch-based creole that would evolve into Afrikaans, influenced by Malay, Portuguese, and local substrates, but English remained absent from the colony's linguistic landscape until geopolitical shifts in Europe prompted British intervention.[5] English was introduced to the Cape with the British occupation on 16 September 1795, when a naval expedition under Admiral Sir George Keith Elphinstone and General Sir James Henry Craig captured the territory from the VOC amid the French Revolutionary Wars, primarily to secure the sea route to India against French threats.[6] The arriving force of approximately 7,000 troops and officials brought English as the language of military command and provisional administration, though Dutch continued in most civil and commercial contexts due to the entrenched burgher population of around 15,000 Europeans.[7] Linguistic contact was minimal, confined to interactions between British personnel and Dutch-speaking residents, with no substantive settler influx or cultural embedding of English at this stage. The first occupation ended in 1803 under the Treaty of Amiens, restoring the Cape to Batavian Republic control (a French client state), which reinstated Dutch administrative primacy and curtailed English usage to transient diplomatic and trade exchanges.[6] Britain reacquired the territory on 8 January 1806 after defeating Batavian-Dutch forces at the Battle of Blaauwberg, with roughly 6,000 British troops securing permanent sovereignty via the 1814 Anglo-Dutch Treaty.[6] English gained a foothold in judicial proceedings and higher administration—such as in British courts where it served as the medium—foreshadowing its expansion, yet the period's English speakers numbered only in the hundreds, mostly officials and soldiers, exerting negligible influence on local vernaculars or demographics before the 1820 settler arrivals.[8][1] This ephemeral military-administrative overlay laid no distinct foundations for South African English varieties, which required later mass immigration for dialectal divergence.British Expansion and Consolidation (1806–1910)
In 1806, British forces retook the Cape Colony from the Batavian Republic (a Dutch client state) at the Battle of Bloubergstrand during the Napoleonic Wars, establishing permanent British control over the territory.[9] The 1814 Treaty of Vienna formalized this cession, with Britain paying £6 million to the Netherlands, transitioning the Cape into a crown colony under a civilian governor in Cape Town.[9] English was introduced primarily through British administrators, soldiers, and missionaries, though Dutch remained the dominant language among the existing European settler population and in local administration initially.[1] The pivotal development for South African English occurred with the arrival of the 1820 Settlers, approximately 4,000 to 5,000 working-class emigrants from southeastern England (including London) who disembarked at Algoa Bay in the Eastern Cape to form a buffer against Xhosa incursions.[5] [10] These settlers, lacking the prestige accents of the upper classes, laid the foundation for a distinct variety of English through their rural and urban speech patterns, with their children developing the first nativized South African accent by the mid-19th century.[11] In the 1820s, increased appointment of British officials elevated English as the language of governance, replacing Dutch in courts and official records, which fueled resentment among Dutch-speakers and contributed to the Great Trek (1835–1840s), during which Boers migrated inland to establish independent republics like the Orange Free State (1854) and Transvaal (1852) where Dutch prevailed.[9] British expansion continued with the annexation of Natal as a colony in 1843, followed by settler schemes in 1848–1851 that reinforced English-speaking communities.[1] The discovery of diamonds near Kimberley in 1867 and gold on the Witwatersrand in 1886 drew thousands of English-speaking prospectors and workers from Britain, Australia, and the United States, urbanizing areas like Johannesburg and embedding English in commerce and mining industries.[7] These influxes diversified the English-speaking population but preserved the 1820 Settlers' phonological base in "broad" varieties, while administrative English trended toward conservative British norms.[5] The Second Anglo-Boer War (1899–1902) consolidated British dominance, with victory over the Boer republics incorporating their territories under imperial rule and accelerating English's role as a lingua franca in unified administration.[9] By 1910, the formation of the Union of South Africa granted equal official status to English and Dutch, reflecting English's entrenchment as the language of power amid ongoing bilingual tensions, though it had already influenced vocabulary through contact with Dutch and indigenous languages.[7]20th-Century Divergence and Standardization (1910–1994)
Following the formation of the Union of South Africa in 1910, English retained official status alongside Dutch (replaced by Afrikaans in 1925), facilitating its entrenchment in administration, higher education, and urban commerce among the English-speaking white population. English-medium schools and universities, such as the University of Cape Town (founded 1918) and the University of the Witwatersrand (1922), promoted a standardized variety approximating Received Pronunciation but increasingly incorporating local traits through consistent exposure among educated speakers. The South African Broadcasting Corporation, established in 1927 with English-language radio services from the early 1930s, further disseminated this emerging standard via news, literature readings, and public discourse, countering isolation from metropolitan British English.[1][5] Linguistic divergence accelerated in the interwar period due to pervasive bilingualism with Afrikaans among white English-speakers, yielding substrate effects such as phonological shifts—including centralized KIT vowels (/ɪ/ approximating /ə/) and raised DRESS (/e/ to /ɪ/)—and lexical borrowings like bakkie (pickup truck) and stoep (veranda). Contact with indigenous Bantu languages in urbanizing areas influenced syntax and prosody in emerging second-language varieties, particularly among black South Africans via mission schools from the early 1900s, where English served as the medium for basic literacy. By mid-century, white South African English had stratified into cultivated (RP-like), general, and broad (Afrikaans-influenced) accents, reflecting class and regional differences, while isolation from Britain—exacerbated by the 1939–1945 war—solidified these innovations as normative rather than deviant.[1][5] Under apartheid from 1948 to 1994, racial segregation policies fragmented standardization efforts by enforcing separate education systems, preventing convergence across ethnic groups and entrenching distinct varieties: white English remained dominant in professional domains, while black South African English proliferated as a lingua franca in townships, shaped by Bantu phonological transfer (e.g., syllable-timed rhythm) and limited first-language input. Government mandates for Afrikaans-medium instruction in black schools from 1953 provoked the 1976 Soweto uprising, where students protested linguistic imposition, ultimately elevating English's prestige as a neutral medium of resistance and opportunity, accelerating its adoption among the black majority. Despite Afrikaans prioritization in state institutions, English's utility in international trade and anti-apartheid movements preserved its standardized form among elites, though overall uniformity was undermined by sociolinguistic divides.[1][12]Post-Apartheid Shifts and Recent Influences (1994–Present)
Following the end of apartheid in 1994, South Africa's Constitution elevated English alongside Afrikaans and nine indigenous African languages to official status, establishing a multilingual framework intended to promote equity.[1] However, English rapidly consolidated its position as the de facto lingua franca in government, business, media, and higher education, driven by its perceived neutrality compared to Afrikaans—historically associated with apartheid enforcement—and the practical demands of national integration.[13] This shift reflected pragmatic choices amid linguistic diversity, where English proficiency facilitated economic participation and administrative efficiency, though it marginalized mother-tongue instruction in non-English communities.[14] The Language in Education Policy of 1997 permitted additive multilingualism, advocating mother-tongue instruction in early grades (1–3) with English introduction thereafter, yet implementation favored English-medium schooling from grade 4 onward in many public institutions, exacerbating access barriers for non-native speakers.[14] By the 2011 Census, English was the first language for 9.6% of the population (approximately 4.89 million speakers), predominantly among white (37.0% first-language rate) and Indian/Asian (20.2%) groups, but usage extended far beyond, with surveys indicating 31% proficiency as a second language and widespread adoption in urban professional contexts.[15] [16] Post-1994 data show accelerating language shift toward English among black South Africans, particularly youth, with General Household Surveys from 2017–2018 revealing English as the primary non-home language in 40–50% of interactions outside the household, fueled by urbanization and media exposure.[14] [16] This era witnessed the maturation of Black South African English (BSAE) as a distinct variety, emerging from urban townships where English interfaced with Nguni and Sotho languages, incorporating substrate influences like phonetic shifts (e.g., raised vowels) and syntactic patterns such as habitual "do" constructions.[14] By 1994, an estimated 7 million black South Africans already spoke English to varying degrees, a base that expanded through democratic access to English-medium resources, though proficiency gaps persisted due to uneven educational quality.[17] Recent influences include digital media and global English, amplifying code-switching and lexical borrowings (e.g., "taxi" for minibus or "braai" integrations), while parliamentary and broadcast shifts toward English reduced Afrikaans dominance, with English comprising over 80% of National Assembly proceedings by the 2010s.[2] Challenges persist, including declining mother-tongue proficiency among younger generations and debates over English's hegemonic role, which some linguists argue entrenches socioeconomic divides despite policy rhetoric of multilingualism.[18] As of 2021 estimates, English home usage remained below 10%, yet its instrumental value sustains shifts, with private sector and international migration reinforcing standardized forms over localized variants.[19] These dynamics underscore English's evolution from colonial import to pivotal tool in post-apartheid nation-building, albeit with causal tensions between inclusivity goals and practical dominance.[14]Varieties
White South African English
White South African English (WSAfE) constitutes the first-language varieties of English primarily spoken by white South Africans of British descent, with origins tracing to the settlement of approximately 5,000 British immigrants in the eastern Cape between 1820 and 1821, who introduced southeastern English dialects that diverged locally due to isolation and contact with Dutch and later Afrikaans speakers. This variety developed amid British colonial expansion post-1806, but its core formation occurred through endogenous evolution rather than direct importation of metropolitan norms, resulting in a distinct accent system by the early 20th century.[20] Sociolinguistically, WSAfE displays internal stratification into three main subtypes: Cultivated (associated with upper-class speakers and approximating Received Pronunciation in vowel quality), General (middle-class norm with moderate local features), and Broad (working-class form exhibiting stronger Afrikaans substrate influence, such as raised vowels and melodic intonation patterns).[20] These distinctions arose from class-based access to British education models in the 19th and early 20th centuries, with Cultivated forms persisting among elite anglophone families until the mid-20th century, while Broad variants reflect greater bilingualism with Afrikaans among lower socioeconomic groups. Phonologically, WSAfE features crisp consonant articulation without prevalent glottalization (e.g., full /t/ and /d/ realization in words like "butter"), yod-coalescence in educated speech (e.g., /tʃuːn/ for "tune"), and vowel shifts including a centralized KIT vowel (/ɪ/ approximating [i] or [ə]) and back/open PALM vowel (/aː/).[21][1] In Broad WSAfE, the PRICE diphthong often realizes as [əɪ] or [ʌɪ] with an open back onset, contrasting with the closer [aɪ] in Cultivated forms; these patterns stem from 19th-century settler dialects adapting to the Highveld's linguistic ecology, including Afrikaans prosody. Grammatical features remain close to standard English, with minor substrate effects like generalized past tense forms in informal Broad speech (e.g., "I done it"), though syntax shows limited divergence beyond pragmatic calques from Afrikaans, such as topic-fronting in narratives.[11] Lexically, WSAfE incorporates Afrikaans borrowings for local flora, fauna, and social concepts (e.g., "braai" for barbecue, "bakkie" for pickup truck), alongside retained Britishisms like "robot" for traffic light, reflecting colonial-era administrative English blended with frontier adaptations; vocabulary avoids heavy Bantu substrate influence seen in other South African varieties.[20] As of the 2011 census, WSAfE speakers numbered approximately 1.6 million, comprising 35.9% of South Africa's white population (then about 4.6 million), concentrated in urban centers like Johannesburg, Cape Town, and Durban; this proportion has likely declined amid post-1994 emigration and Afrikaans-English bilingual shifts among younger whites.[22][17]Indian South African English
Indian South African English (ISAE), also known as South African Indian English, is a distinct first-language variety of English spoken primarily by the approximately 1.3 million people of Indian descent in South Africa, who constitute about 2.5% of the national population and are concentrated in KwaZulu-Natal, particularly around Durban.[22] This variety originated with the arrival of roughly 152,000 Indian indentured laborers between 1860 and 1911, mainly from southern India (Tamil and Telugu speakers) and northern India (Bhojpuri-Hindi speakers), recruited for Natal's sugar plantations, supplemented by a smaller number of passenger Indians (traders).[23] Initially acquired as a second language under imperfect conditions amid multilingualism and without a shared Indian lingua franca, English shifted to primary-language status by the 1960s, driven by English-medium education, internal community needs for intergroup communication, and apartheid-era residential segregation that isolated Indian speakers from white English models, fostering independent nativization.[23] By the 2001 census, 93.8% of South African Indians reported English as their home language, rising to 86.1% (1,094,317 speakers) among the Indian/Asian group in 2011 data.[23][22] Phonologically, ISAE exhibits a syllable-timed rhythm, faster in informal registers, distinguishing it from stress-timed varieties like British English, alongside raised short front vowels such as /æ/ to [e] (e.g., "cat" as [ket]) and centralized /ɪ/, aligning with broader South African English patterns but with substrate influences from Dravidian and Indic languages.[24] Dental articulations replace fricatives /θ/ and /ð/ (e.g., "thin" as [tɪn], "this" as [dɪs]), and older speakers may retroflex alveolar stops /t/ and /d/, a feature fading with socioeconomic mobility and education.[24] These traits reflect early L2 acquisition from diverse substrates, with h-dropping persisting in lower-register speech but declining across generations.[24] Grammatically, ISAE displays a basilect-mesolect-acrolect continuum, with basilectal forms showing topic prominence, parataxis (e.g., juxtaposed clauses without conjunctions), object-verb word order in some contexts (e.g., "Customer you got"), and absence of subject-auxiliary inversion or do-support in questions (e.g., "Where you are?" or indirect "Do you know where’s Krish?").[24][23] Prenominal and internally-headed relative clauses occur without pronouns (e.g., pre-nominal descriptors), and acrolectal speech incorporates innovations like "y’all" for plural "you," borrowed possibly via American media or historical trade links.[24][23] These syntactic patterns stem from substrate transfer and nativization processes during the L1 shift, differing from both Indian English and white South African English.[23] The lexicon draws heavily from ancestral languages, featuring terms like "biryani" and "samoosa" for cuisine, kin-specific words varying by heritage (e.g., "periathe" from Tamil vs. "phua" from Bhojpuri for paternal aunt), and neologisms such as "oil-bath" for traditional hair treatments.[24] Sociolinguistically, ISAE enjoys covert prestige within Indian communities for solidarity but faces stigma from speakers themselves, particularly younger and educated ones who view it as "improper" or linked to lower status and approximate white norms for overt prestige; it garners positive attitudes from some black South Africans.[23] This ambivalence reflects historical inequalities and the variety's evolution from immigrant L2 to stable L1 amid segregation.[23]Coloured South African English
Coloured South African English, also referred to as Cape Flats English in the Cape Town context, is the variety spoken predominantly by the Coloured community, a population of mixed European, African, Asian, and Khoisan ancestry comprising about 8.9% of South Africa's residents as of the 2011 census, with over 70% concentrated in the Western Cape. This variety developed from 19th-century exposure to English via missionary schools and urban interactions, often in bilingual settings with Afrikaans, which remains the dominant home language for roughly 76% of Coloured speakers, while English functions as a first language for a minority, particularly among higher socioeconomic groups.[11][22] Linguistically, Coloured South African English exhibits a strong Afrikaans substrate influence, manifesting in phonological traits akin to those in Afrikaans-influenced White varieties, such as centralized vowels in diphthongs (e.g., /əʊ/ in words like "no" and "show" with a weakened glide).[11] A distinctive prosodic feature is its intonation pattern, characterized by a sustained high pitch in terminal syllables for both assertions and questions, which differentiates it from standard English and Afrikaans models.[11] In coronal stops like /t/, speakers favor fronted (dental) realizations over alveolar ones, a pattern observed across cities including Cape Town, Johannesburg, Durban, Port Elizabeth, and Kimberley, likely tracing to 17th- and 18th-century Malay substrate effects mediated through Afrikaans rather than direct bilingualism.[25] This variety displays greater regional phonetic variation than White or Black South African English, reflecting ethnic and place-based dynamics.[25] Morphosyntactically, Coloured English shows heterogeneity tied to class, region, and education levels, with some features—such as certain syntactic structures—exhibiting limited Afrikaans transfer, contrary to expectations from bilingualism.[26] For instance, it aligns partially with broader South African English patterns but incorporates urban Cape-specific innovations, though lexical distinctives remain underdocumented beyond shared SAE terms. Sociolinguistically, it carries stigma in formal contexts due to associations with working-class Cape Flats neighborhoods, yet persists as a marker of ethnic identity amid ongoing language shift toward English post-apartheid.[27] Studies indicate implicit attitudes among young Coloured speakers favor historically White accents over Cape Flats varieties, underscoring prestige hierarchies.[27]Black South African English
Black South African English (BSAE) refers to the variety of English used by speakers of indigenous Bantu languages, such as Zulu, Xhosa, and Sotho, primarily as a second language in urban and educational contexts.[28] This variety emerged from contact with English during 19th-century missionary education in regions like the Eastern Cape and expanded through mid-20th-century urbanization and post-apartheid policies elevating English as a lingua franca in government, schools, and media.[29] Unlike white or Indian varieties, BSAE exhibits substrate influence from Bantu phonology and grammar, resulting in systematic deviations from standard British or American English that persist across proficient speakers.[30] Phonologically, BSAE is characterized by a reduced vowel inventory, where diphthongs like /eɪ/ in "face" are monophthongized to [e] or [ɛ], and phonemic distinctions in length (e.g., /ɪ/ vs. /iː/) are neutralized, leading to mergers such as /kit/ for both "kit" and "keet."[31] Consonants show transfer effects, including affrication of /t/ and /d/ before /ɪ/ (e.g., [tʃɪp] for "tip") and substitution of /f/ or /v/ for interdental fricatives (e.g., /fɪnk/ for "think").[32] These features stem from Bantu languages' simpler vowel harmony and lack of fricatives, with studies confirming their stability among educated speakers born after 1980, indicating nativization trends in urban youth.[33] Grammatically, BSAE displays a simplified tense-aspect system, often using present tense for future events (e.g., "I go tomorrow") and progressive for habitual actions (e.g., "She is working here for years"), reflecting Bantu aspectual focus over strict tense marking.[34] Common syntactic patterns include topicalization ("The book, I read it") and invariant question tags ("isn't it?" regardless of polarity), alongside "undeletions" like "He doesn't know, or does he?" which retain explicit contrast absent in L1 varieties.[35] Lexical innovations are minimal, but code-mixing with Bantu terms occurs in informal speech, such as "spaza" for informal shops, borrowed from township slang.[36] Sociolinguistically, BSAE serves as a marker of black identity and access to economic opportunities, with proficiency correlating to education levels; surveys from the 2010s estimate 10-15 million speakers, concentrated in Gauteng and Western Cape provinces.[37] While some linguists classify it as an emerging "new English" with internal norms due to generational stability, others view it as an L2 continuum influenced by limited exposure to L1 models during apartheid-era restrictions.[28][38] This debate underscores BSAE's role in South Africa's multilingual ecology, where it bridges Bantu home languages and dominant English domains without full assimilation to white norms.Linguistic Features
Phonology
South African English (SAE) is generally non-rhotic, with post-vocalic /r/ omitted unless linking a vowel-initial word follows, though some Broad varieties in the Cape Province retain rhoticity in suffixes like -er. Pre-vocalic and intervocalic /r/ is typically realized as an alveolar approximant [ɹ] or tap [ɾ], but trilled [r] appears in Afrikaans-influenced or Indian SAE varieties.[39][11] Consonants largely align with other southern hemisphere Englishes, featuring yod-coalescence where /tj/ and /dj/ become [tʃ] and [dʒ] (e.g., tune [tʃuːn], dune [dʒuːn]), a process near-universal in White SAE. Stops /p, t, k/ may be unaspirated in Cape or Afrikaans-influenced speech, reflecting substrate effects. The glottal fricative /h/ is retained in conservative varieties but weakened or dropped in broader ones; interdental fricatives /θ, ð/ persist in L1 varieties but are often substituted with /t, d/ or /f, v/ in Black SAE due to Nguni phonotactics. Voicing alternations occur word-finally in Black SAE, with devoicing of /b, d, g/ common.[11][40] The vowel system in White SAE, the L1 baseline, comprises 12 monophthongs subject to a chain shift: KIT centralizes ([ɪ̈] or [ə]), DRESS raises toward [e], and TRAP raises to [ɛ] in General and Broad sociolects, distinguishing SAE from Received Pronunciation. BATH, PALM, and START use a long /ɑː/, often centralized [ɑ̈ː], while THOUGHT /ɔː/ rounds and raises [oː] in broader speech. GOOSE fronts to [ʉː] or [yː], especially among younger females. Black SAE simplifies this to a 5-vowel periphery (/i, e, a, ɔ, u/) in mesolectal forms, merging tense-lax pairs (e.g., FLEECE/KIT both [i]; GOOSE/FOOT both [u]) and lacking central vowels like schwa, which shifts to [a]. Acrolectal Black SAE approximates White norms with emerging splits but retains overlaps, such as NURSE/DRESS ([e] ~ [ɜː]).[33]| Lexical set | White SAE (General/Broad) | Black SAE (Mesolectal) | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| KIT | [ɪ̈] or [ə] | [i] | Centralized in White; merged with FLEECE in Black.[33] |
| DRESS | [e] or [ɛ] | [ɛ] | Raised in White chain shift.[33] |
| TRAP | [ɛ] or [æ] | [a] | Raised in Broad White SAE.[33] |
| STRUT | [ä] or [ɐ] | N/A (merged to [a]) | Fronted/central in White.[33] |
| GOOSE | [ʉː] or [yː] | [u] | Fronted in White; merged with FOOT in Black.[33] |
| BATH | [ɑ̈ː] | [ɑ̈ː] to [ɔː] | Long low central/back.[33] |
