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Environmental movement
Environmental movement
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Levels of air pollution rose during the Industrial Revolution, sparking the first modern environmental laws to be passed in the mid-19th century.

The environmental movement (sometimes referred to as the ecology movement) is a social movement that aims to protect the natural world from harmful environmental practices in order to create sustainable living.[1] In its recognition of humanity as a participant in (not an enemy of) ecosystems, the movement is centered on ecology, health, as well as human rights.

The environmental movement is an international movement, represented by a range of environmental organizations, from enterprises to grassroots and varies from country to country. Due to its large membership, varying and strong beliefs, and occasionally speculative nature, the environmental movement is not always united in its goals. At its broadest, the movement includes private citizens, professionals, religious devotees, politicians, scientists, nonprofit organizations, and individual advocates like former Wisconsin Senator Gaylord Nelson and Rachel Carson in the 20th century.

Since the 1970s, public awareness, environmental sciences, ecology, and technology have advanced to include modern focus points like ozone depletion, climate change, acid rain, mutation breeding, genetically modified crops and genetically modified livestock.

The climate movement can be regarded as a sub-type of the environmental movement.

Scope

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Before flue-gas desulfurization was installed, the air-polluting emissions from this power plant in New Mexico contained excessive amounts of sulfur dioxide.

The environmental movement contains a number of subcommunities, that have developed with different approaches and philosophies in different parts of the world. Notably, the early environmental movement experienced a deep tension between the philosophies of conservation and broader environmental protection.[2] In recent decades the rise to prominence of environmental justice, indigenous rights and key environmental crises like the climate crises, has led to the development of other environmentalist identities.

Focus points

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The environmental movement is broad in scope and can include any topic related to the environment, conservation, and biology, as well as the preservation of landscapes, flora, and fauna for a variety of purposes and uses. Examples include:

Genetically modified plants and animals

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Genetically modified plants and animals are said by some environmentalists to be inherently bad because they are unnatural. Others point out the possible benefits of GM crops such as water conservation through corn modified to be less "thirsty" and decreased pesticide use through insect-resistant crops. They also point out that some genetically modified livestock have accelerated growth which means there are shorter production cycles which again results in a more efficient use of feed.[5]

Besides genetically modified crops and livestock, synthetic biology is also on the rise and environmentalists argue that these also contain risks, if these organisms were ever to end up in nature. This, as unlike with genetically modified organisms, synthetic biology even uses base pairs that do not exist in nature.[6]

Anti-nuclear movement

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The anti-nuclear movement opposes the use of various nuclear technologies. The initial anti-nuclear objective was nuclear disarmament and later the focus began to shift to other issues, mainly opposition to the use of nuclear power. There have been many large anti-nuclear demonstrations and protests. The pro-nuclear movement consists of people, including former opponents of nuclear energy, who calculate that the threat to humanity from climate change is far worse than any risk associated with nuclear energy.

By the mid-1970s anti-nuclear activism had moved beyond local protests and politics to gain a wider appeal and influence. Although it lacked a single coordinating organization the anti-nuclear movement's efforts gained a great deal of attention, especially in the United Kingdom and United States.[7] In the aftermath of the Three Mile Island accident in 1979, many mass demonstrations took place. The largest one was held in New York City in September 1979 and involved 200,000 people.[8][9][10]

Examples of environmental protests

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"March Against Monsanto", Vancouver, Canada, 25 May 2013

Tree sitting is a form of activism in which the protester sits in a tree in an attempt to stop the removal of a tree or to impede the demolition of an area with the longest and most famous tree-sitter being Julia Butterfly Hill, who spent 738 days in a California Redwood, saving a three-acre tract of forest.[11] Also notable is the Yellow Finch tree sit, which was a 932-day blockade of the Mountain Valley Pipeline from 2018 to 2021.[12][13]

Sit-ins can be used to encourage social change, such as the Greensboro sit-ins, a series of protests in 1960 to stop racial segregation, but can also be used in ecoactivism, as in the Dakota Access Pipeline Protest.[14]

Notable environmental protests and campaigns include:

History

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The origins of the environmental movement in Europe and North America lay in Smoke abatement programs in response to increasing levels of smoke pollution in the atmosphere during the Industrial Revolution. The emergence of great factories and the concomitant immense growth in coal consumption gave rise to an unprecedented level of air pollution in industrial centers; after 1900 the large volume of industrial chemical discharges added to the growing load of untreated human waste.[17]

Criticisms

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Conservative critics of the movement characterize it as radical and misguided. Especially critics of the United States Endangered Species Act, which has come under scrutiny lately,[when?] and the Clean Air Act, which they said conflict with private property rights, corporate profits and the nation's overall economic growth. Critics also challenge the scientific evidence for global warming. They argue that the environmental movement has diverted attention from more pressing issues.[18] Western environmental activists have also been criticized for performative activism, eco-colonialism, and enacting white savior tropes, especially celebrities who promote conservation in developing countries.[19][20]

When residents living near proposed developments organize opposition they are sometimes called "NIMBYS", short for "not in my back yard".[21]

By country

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Asia

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Bangladesh

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Mithun Roy Chowdhury, President, Save Nature & Wildlife (SNW), Bangladesh, insisted that the people of Bangladesh raise their voice against Tipaimukh Dam, being constructed by the Government of India. He said the Tipaimukh Dam project will be another "death trap for Bangladesh like the Farakka Barrage," which would lead to an environmental disaster for 50 million people in the Meghna River basin. He said that this project will start desertification in Bangladesh.[22][23][24][25]

Bangladesh was ranked the most polluted country in the world due to defective automobiles, particularly diesel-powered vehicles, and hazardous gases from industry. The air is a hazard to Bangladesh's human health, ecology, and economic progress.[26]

China

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China's environmental movement is becoming stronger, with the establishment of environmental non-governmental organizations (NGOs) that are advocating policy changes and placing environmental causes on the national agenda. These activists have the tendency to spontaneously join with local citizens, specialists, as well as other actors to work on specific environmental concerns. Grassroots mobilization and protests have also become more common, frequently focusing on localized concerns such as pollution, forest depletion, or biodiversity conservation. Such campaigns may not necessarily attract extensive national media coverage, but collectively they promote environmental awareness and promote sustainability in China.[27] Environmental protests in China are increasingly expanding their scope of concerns, calling for broader participation "in the name of the public."[28]

The Chinese have realized the ability of riots and protests to have success and had led to an increase in disputes in China by 30% since 2005 to more than 50,000 events. Protests cover topics such as environmental issues, land loss, income, and political issues. They have also grown in size from about 10 people or fewer in the mid-1990s to 52 people per incident in 2004. China has more relaxed environmental laws than other countries in Asia, so many polluting factories have relocated to China, causing pollution in China.

Water pollution, water scarcity, soil pollution, soil degradation, and desertification are issues currently in discussion in China. The groundwater table of the North China Plain is dropping by 1.5 m (5 ft) per year. This groundwater table occurs in the region of China that produces 40% of the country's grain.[29][30] The Center for Legal Assistance to Pollution Victims works to confront legal issues associated with environmental justice by hearing court cases that expose the narratives of victims of environmental pollution.[31][page needed] As China continues domestic economic reforms and integration into global markets, there emerge new linkages between China's domestic environmental degradation and global ecological crisis.[32]

Comparing the experience of China, South Korea, Japan and Taiwan reveals that the impact of environmental activism is heavily modified by domestic political context, particularly the level of integration of mass-based protests and policy advocacy NGOs. Hinted by the history of neighboring Japan and South Korea, the possible convergence of NGOs and anti-pollution protests will have significant implications for Chinese environmental politics in the coming years.[33]

India

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Environmental and public health is an ongoing struggle within India. The first seed of an environmental movement in India was the foundation in 1964 of Dasholi Gram Swarajya Sangh, a labour cooperative started by Chandi Prasad Bhatt. It was inaugurated by Sucheta Kriplani and founded on land donated by Shyma Devi. This initiative was eventually followed up with the Chipko movement starting in 1974.[34][35]

The most severe single event underpinning the movement was the Bhopal gas leakage on 3 December 1984.[36] 40 tons of methyl isocyanate was released, immediately killing 2,259 people and ultimately affecting 700,000 citizens.

India has a national campaign against Coca-Cola and Pepsi Cola plants due to their practices of drawing groundwater and contaminating fields with sludge. The movement is characterized by local struggles against intensive aquaculture farms. The most influential part of the environmental movement in India is the anti-dam movement. Dam creation has been thought of as a way for India to catch up with the West by connecting to the power grid with giant dams, coal or oil-powered plants, or nuclear plants. Jhola Aandolan a mass movement is conducting as fighting against polyethylene carry bags uses and promoting cloth/jute/paper carry bags to protect the environment and nature. Activists in the Indian environmental movement consider global warming, sea levels rising, and glaciers retreating decreasing the amount of water flowing into streams to be the biggest challenges for them to face in the early twenty-first century.[29] Eco Revolution movement has been started by Eco Needs Foundation[37] in 2008 from Aurangabad Maharashtra that seeks the participation of children, youth, researchers, spiritual and political leaders to organise awareness programmes and conferences. Child activists against air pollution in India and greenhouse gas emissions by India include Licypriya Kangujam. From the mid to late 2010s a coalition of urban and Indigenous communities came together to protect Aarey, a forest located in the suburbs of Mumbai.[38] Farming and indigenous communities have also opposed pollution and clearing caused by mining in states such as Goa, Odisha, and Chhattisgarh.[39]

Middle East

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Share of agricultural land which is irrigated (2021)

Environmental activism in the Arab world, including Middle East and North Africa (MENA), mobilizes around issues such as industrial pollution, and insistence that the government provides irrigation.[40] The League of Arab States has one specialized sub-committee, of 12 standing specialized subcommittees in the Foreign Affairs Ministerial Committees, which deals with Environmental Issues. Countries in the League of Arab States have demonstrated an interest in environmental issues, on paper some environmental activists have doubts about the level of commitment to environmental issues; being a part of the world community may have obliged these countries to portray concern for the environment. The initial level of environmental awareness may be the creation of a ministry of the environment. The year of establishment of a ministry is also indicative of the level of engagement. Saudi Arabia was the first to establish environmental law in 1992 followed by Egypt in 1994. Somalia is the only country without environmental law. In 2010 the Environmental Performance Index listed Algeria as the top Arab country at 42 of 163; Morocco was at 52 and Syria at 56. The Environmental Performance Index measures the ability of a country to actively manage and protect its environment and the health of its citizens. A weighted index is created by giving 50% weight for environmental health objective (health) and 50% for ecosystem vitality (ecosystem); values range from 0–100. No Arab countries were in the top quartile, and 7 countries were in the lowest quartile.[41]

South Korea and Taiwan

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South Korea and Taiwan experienced similar growth in industrialization from 1965 to 1990 with few environmental controls.[42] South Korea's Han River and Nakdong River were so polluted by unchecked dumping of industrial waste that they were close to being classified as biologically dead. Taiwan's formula for balanced growth was to prevent industrial concentration and encourage manufacturers to set up in the countryside. This led to 20% of the farmland being polluted by industrial waste and 30% of the rice grown on the island was contaminated with heavy metals. Both countries had spontaneous environmental movements drawing participants from different classes. Their demands were linked with issues of employment, occupational health, and agricultural crisis. They were also quite militant; the people learned that protesting can bring results. The polluting factories were forced to make immediate improvements to the conditions or pay compensation to victims. Some were even forced to shut down or move locations. The people were able to force the government to come out with new restrictive rules on toxins, industrial waste, and air pollution. All of these new regulations caused the migration of those polluting industries from Taiwan and South Korea to China and other countries in Southeast Asia with more relaxed environmental laws.

Conservation movements in India and Burma during Colonial times

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The modern conservation movement was manifested in the forests of India, with the practical application of scientific conservation principles. The conservation ethic that began to evolve included three core principles: human activity damaged the environment, there was a civic duty to maintain the environment for future generations, and scientific, empirically based methods should be applied to ensure this duty was carried out. James Ranald Martin was prominent in promoting this ideology, publishing many medico-topographical reports that demonstrated the scale of damage wrought through large-scale deforestation and desiccation, and lobbying extensively for the institutionalization of forest conservation activities in British India through the establishment of Forest Departments.[43]

The Madras Board of Revenue started local conservation efforts in 1842, headed by Alexander Gibson, a professional botanist who systematically adopted a forest conservation programme based on scientific principles. This was the first case of state management of forests in the world.[44] Eventually, the government under Governor-General Lord Dalhousie introduced the first permanent and large-scale forest conservation programme in the world in 1855, a model that soon spread to other colonies, as well as the United States. In 1860, the Department banned the use of shifting cultivation.[45] Hugh Cleghorn's 1861 manual, The forests and gardens of South India, became the definitive work on the subject and was widely used by forest assistants in the subcontinent.[46][47]

Dietrich Brandis joined the British service in 1856 as superintendent of the teak forests of Pegu division in eastern Burma. During that time Burma's teak forests were controlled by militant Karen tribals. He introduced the "taungya" system,[48] in which Karen villagers provided labour for clearing, planting, and weeding teak plantations. Also, he formulated new forest legislation and helped establish research and training institutions. Brandis as well as founded the Imperial Forestry School at Dehradun.[49][50]

Africa

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South Africa

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In 2022, a court in South Africa has confirmed the constitutional right of the country's citizens to an environment that is not harmful to their health, which includes the right to clean air. The case is referred to "Deadly Air" case. The area includes one of South Africa's largest cities, Ekurhuleni, and a large portion of the Mpumalanga province.[51]

Americas

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Latin America

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After the International Environmental Conference in Stockholm in 1972 Latin American officials returned with a high hope of growth and protection of the fairly untouched natural resources. Governments spent millions of dollars, and created departments and pollution standards. However, the outcomes have not always been what officials had initially hoped. Activists blame this on growing urban populations and industrial growth. Many Latin American countries have had a large inflow of immigrants that are living in substandard housing. Enforcement of the pollution standards is lax and penalties are minimal; in Venezuela, the largest penalty for violating an environmental law is 50,000 bolivar fine ($3,400) and three days in jail. In the 1970s or 1980s, many Latin American countries were transitioning from military dictatorships to democratic governments.[52]

Brazil
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In 1992, Brazil came under scrutiny with the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development in Rio de Janeiro. Brazil has a history of little environmental awareness. It has the highest biodiversity in the world and also the highest amount of habitat destruction. One-third of the world's forests lie in Brazil. It is home to the largest river, The Amazon, and the largest rainforest, the Amazon Rainforest. People have raised funds to create state parks and increase the consciousness of people who have destroyed forests and polluted waterways. From 1973 to the 1990s, and then in the 2000s, indigenous communities and rubber tappers also carried out blockades that protected much rainforest.[53] It is home to several organizations that have fronted the environmental movement. The Blue Wave Foundation was created in 1989 and has partnered with advertising companies to promote national education campaigns to keep Brazil's beaches clean. Funatura was created in 1986 and is a wildlife sanctuary program. Pro-Natura International is a private environmental organization created in 1986.[54]

From the late 2000s onwards community resistance saw the formerly pro-mining southeastern state of Minas Gerais cancel a number of projects that threatened to destroy forests. In northern Brazil’s Pará state the Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (Landless Workers Movement) and others campaigned and took part in occupations and blockades against the environmentally harmful Carajás iron ore mine.[55]

United States

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Original title page of Walden by Henry David Thoreau

The movement in the United States began in the late 19th century, out of concerns for protecting the natural resources of the West, with individuals such as John Muir and Henry David Thoreau making key philosophical contributions. Thoreau was interested in peoples' relationship with nature and studied this by living close to nature in a simple life. He published his experiences in the 1854 book Walden, which argues that people should become intimately close with nature. Muir came to believe in nature's inherent right, especially after spending time hiking in Yosemite Valley and studying both the ecology and geology. He successfully lobbied congress to form Yosemite National Park and went on to set up the Sierra Club in 1892.[56] The conservationist principles as well as the belief in an inherent right of nature became the bedrock of modern environmentalism.

Beginning in the conservation movement at the beginning of the 20th century, the contemporary environmental movement's roots can be traced back to Rachel Carson's 1962 book Silent Spring, Murray Bookchin's 1962 book Our Synthetic Environment, and Paul R. Ehrlich's 1968 The Population Bomb. American environmentalists have campaigned against nuclear weapons and nuclear power in the 1960s and 1970s, acid rain in the 1980s, ozone depletion and deforestation in the 1990s, and most recently climate change and global warming.[53] Individuals such as Hope Sawyer Buyukmihci and Dorothy Richardson have attempted to change attitudes towards individual species of animal experiencing habitat loss and over-exploitation.

The United States passed many pieces of environmental legislation in the 1970s, such as the Clean Water Act,[57] the Clean Air Act, the Endangered Species Act, and the National Environmental Policy Act. These remain as the foundations for current environmental standards.

In the 1990s, the anti-environmental 'Wise Use' movement emerged in the United States.[58]

Europe

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The EU's environmental policy was formally founded by a European Council declaration and the first five-year environment programme was adopted.[59] The polluter pays principle was well established in environmental economics before it was included in the Single European Act.[60] Following the 1973 oil crisis the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) passed groundbreaking laws on energy efficiency.[61]

Germany

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During the 1930s the Nazis had elements that were supportive of animal rights, zoos and wildlife,[62] and took several measures to ensure their protection.[63] In 1933 the government created a stringent animal-protection law and in 1934, Das Reichsjagdgesetz (The Reich Hunting Law) was enacted which limited hunting.[64][65] Several Nazis were environmentalists (notably Rudolf Hess), and species protection and animal welfare were significant issues in the regime.[63] In 1935, the regime enacted the "Reich Nature Protection Act" (Reichsnaturschutzgesetz). The concept of the Dauerwald (best translated as the "perpetual forest") which included concepts such as forest management and protection was promoted and efforts were also made to curb air pollution.[66]

Spain

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During the Spanish Revolution in 1936, anarchist-controlled territories undertook several environmental reforms, which were possibly the largest in the world at the time. Daniel Guerin notes that anarchist territories would diversify crops, extend irrigation, initiate reforestation, start tree nurseries and help to establish naturist communities.[67] Once there was a link discovered between air pollution and tuberculosis, the CNT shut down several metal factories.[68]

United Kingdom

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The late 19th century saw the formation of the first wildlife conservation societies. The zoologist Alfred Newton published a series of investigations into the Desirability of establishing a 'Close-time' for the preservation of indigenous animals between 1872 and 1903. His advocacy for legislation to protect animals from hunting during the mating season led to the formation of the Plumage League (later the Royal Society for the Protection of Birds) in 1889.[69] The society acted as a protest group campaigning against the use of great crested grebe and kittiwake skins and feathers in fur clothing.[70][better source needed] The Society campaigned for greater protection for the indigenous birds of the island.[71] The Society attracted growing support from the suburban middle-classes,[72] and influenced the passage of the Sea Birds Preservation Act in 1869 as the first nature protection law in the world.[73][74] It also attracted support from many other influential figures, such as the ornithologist Professor Alfred Newton. By 1900, public support for the organisation had grown, and it had over 25,000 members. The garden city movement incorporated many environmental concerns into its urban planning manifesto; the Socialist League and The Clarion movement also began to advocate measures of nature conservation.[75]

For most of the century from 1850 to 1950, however, the primary environmental cause was the mitigation of air pollution. The Coal Smoke Abatement Society was formed in 1898 making it one of the oldest environmental NGOs. It was founded by artist Sir William Blake Richmond, frustrated with the pall cast by coal smoke. Although there were earlier pieces of legislation, the Public Health Act 1875 required all furnaces and fireplaces to consume their own smoke.

John Ruskin, an influential thinker who articulated the Romantic ideal of environmental protection and conservation

Systematic and general efforts on behalf of the environment only began in the late 19th century; it grew out of the amenity movement in Britain in the 1870s, which was a reaction to industrialization, the growth of cities, and worsening air and water pollution. Starting with the formation of the Commons Preservation Society in 1865, the movement championed rural preservation against the encroachments of industrialisation. Robert Hunter, solicitor for the society, worked with Hardwicke Rawnsley, Octavia Hill, and John Ruskin to lead a successful campaign to prevent the construction of railways to carry slate from the quarries, which would have ruined the unspoilt valleys of Newlands and Ennerdale. This success led to the formation of the Lake District Defence Society (later to become The Friends of the Lake District).[76][77]

In 1893 Hill, Hunter and Rawnsley agreed to set up a national body to coordinate environmental conservation efforts across the country; the "National Trust for Places of Historic Interest or Natural Beauty" was formally inaugurated in 1894.[78] The organisation obtained secure footing through the 1907 National Trust Bill, which gave the trust the status of a statutory corporation.[79] and the bill was passed in August 1907.[80]

Early interest in the environment was a feature of the Romantic movement in the early 19th century. The poet William Wordsworth had travelled extensively in England's Lake District and wrote that it is a "sort of national property in which every man has a right and interest who has an eye to perceive and a heart to enjoy".[81][82]

An early "Back-to-Nature" movement, which anticipated the romantic ideal of modern environmentalism, was advocated by intellectuals such as John Ruskin, William Morris, George Bernard Shaw and Edward Carpenter, who were all against consumerism, pollution and other activities that were harmful to the natural world.[83] The movement was a reaction to the urban conditions of the industrial towns, where sanitation was awful, pollution levels intolerable and housing terribly cramped.[84] Idealists championed the rural life as a mythical utopia and advocated a return to it. John Ruskin argued that people should return to a "small piece of English ground, beautiful, peaceful, and fruitful. We will have no steam engines upon it ... we will have plenty of flowers and vegetables ... we will have some music and poetry; the children will learn to dance to it and sing it."[85] Ruskin moved out of London and together with his friends started to think about the post-industrial society. The predictions Ruskin made for the post-coal utopia coincided with forecasting published by the economist William Stanley Jevons.[86] Practical ventures in the establishment of small cooperative farms were even attempted and old rural traditions, without the "taint of manufacture or the canker of artificiality", were enthusiastically revived, including the Morris dance and the maypole.[87]

The Coal Smoke Abatement Society (now Environmental Protection UK) was formed in 1898 making it one of the oldest environmental NGOs. It was founded by artist Sir William Blake Richmond, frustrated with the pall cast by coal smoke. Although there were earlier pieces of legislation, the Public Health Act 1875 required all furnaces and fireplaces to consume their own smoke. It also provided for sanctions against factories that emitted large amounts of black smoke. This law's provisions were extended in 1926 with the Smoke Abatement Act to include other emissions, such as soot, ash, and gritty particles, and to empower local authorities to impose their own regulations.

It was only under the impetus of the Great Smog of 1952 in London, which almost brought the city to a standstill and may have caused upward of 6,000 deaths, that the Clean Air Act 1956 was passed and airborne pollution in the city was first tackled. Financial incentives were offered to householders to replace open coal fires with alternatives (such as installing gas fires) or those who preferred, to burn coke instead (a byproduct of town gas production) which produces minimal smoke. 'Smoke control areas' were introduced in some towns and cities where only smokeless fuels could be burnt and power stations were relocated away from cities. The act formed an important impetus to modern environmentalism and caused a rethinking of the dangers of environmental degradation to people's quality of life.[88]

Oceania

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Australia

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A climate change rally in Melbourne on 5 July 2008

Beginning as a conservation movement, the environmental movement in Australia was the first in the world to become a political movement. Australia is home to United Tasmania Group, the world's first green party.[89][90]

The environmental movement is represented by a wide range of groups sometimes called non-governmental organizations (NGOs). These exist on local, national, and international scales. Environmental NGOs vary widely in political views and in the amount they seek to influence environmental policy in Australia and elsewhere. The environmental movement today consists of both large national groups and also many smaller local groups with local concerns.[91] There are also 5,000 Landcare groups in the six states and two mainland territories. Other environmental issues within the scope of the movement include forest protection, climate change and opposition to nuclear activities.[92][93]

In Australia, the movement has seen a growth in popularity through prominent Australian environmentalists such as Bob Brown, Peter Garrett, Steve Irwin, Tim Flannery, and David Fleay.

New Zealand

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Part of a protest march held in 2003 voicing opposition to genetic engineering, making its way up Queen St, a main thoroughfare of Auckland
The environmental movement in New Zealand started in the 1950s, a period of rapid social change. Since then multiple high-profile national campaigns have contested various environmental issues including forest protection, transport decarbonisation, and coal mining.[94][95][96] The environmental movement eventually spawned the Values Party, which was the first political party with a strong focus on environmental issues to contest national elections. The Values Party eventually morphed into the Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand.

See also

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References

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
The environmental movement comprises a broad coalition of , scientific inquiry, and policy initiatives dedicated to preserving ecosystems, reducing , and managing natural resources sustainably amid human expansion. Emerging in the amid industrialization's visible tolls—such as urban smog and —it coalesced into a mass phenomenon during the , propelled by empirical documentation of chemical contaminants' harms, culminating in milestones like the inaugural in 1970, which mobilized 20 million Americans. Key achievements include legislative triumphs that demonstrably curbed : the U.S. Clean Air Act of 1970 and its amendments precipitated sharp declines in criteria air pollutants, with particulate matter concentrations falling over 70% by the 2010s despite ; similarly, the of 1987 phased out chlorofluorocarbons, enabling stratospheric recovery as verified by observations. These successes stemmed from causal links established via rigorous monitoring and targeted interventions, often overriding initial industry resistance through public pressure and data-driven litigation. The movement also fostered global frameworks, such as the establishment of the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency in 1970, which enforced standards yielding measurable improvements in water quality under the Clean Water Act. Yet the movement has faced controversies rooted in overreliance on alarmist forecasts that empirical trends contradicted, eroding trust among skeptics of centralized interventions. Prominent examples include Paul Ehrlich's 1968 prognostications of mass famines engulfing hundreds of millions by the 1980s due to —averted by agricultural innovations like the —and assorted 1970s claims of imminent or resource exhaustion, none of which materialized as population and prosperity rose. Such predictive shortfalls, documented across decades, highlight tensions between precautionary advocacy and adaptive human ingenuity, while critiques extend to opposition against low-emission nuclear energy and , potentially prolonging dependence despite their safety records and yield benefits.

Scope and Definitions

Core Objectives and Principles

The environmental movement's core objectives center on mitigating human-induced degradation of ecosystems, including pollution control, preservation, and resource conservation to maintain and ecological services essential for human health and economic stability. These goals emerged prominently in the post-World War II era, driven by empirical observations of industrial pollution's health effects, such as smog episodes in (1952, causing over 4,000 deaths) and the U.S. (e.g., , 1948, with 20 deaths and thousands ill), prompting calls for regulatory interventions to prevent acute and chronic environmental harms. conservation forms a key objective, aiming to counteract species extinction rates estimated at 1,000 times the background rate due to loss and , as documented in global assessments. Foundational principles guiding the movement include , defined in the 1987 Brundtland Report as "development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs," emphasizing balanced economic growth with environmental limits. The , articulated in Principle 15 of the 1992 Rio Declaration, states that "where there are threats of serious or irreversible damage, lack of full scientific certainty shall not be used as a reason for postponing cost-effective measures to prevent ," prioritizing anticipatory action amid uncertainty, though its application has varied across jurisdictions. The , endorsed by the in 1972 and Rio Principle 16, requires that the costs of pollution prevention, control, and remediation be borne by the generator, internalizing externalities to incentivize . Additional principles from the 1972 Stockholm Declaration, which outlined 26 tenets, stress the human right to an environment supporting and (Principle 1), the integration of environmental safeguards into development planning (Principle 11), and rational resource management to satisfy present needs without endangering future supplies (Principle 2). underpins these, positing a to preserve planetary systems for descendants, as reinforced in Brundtland's focus on equity within and between generations. Pollution prevention, over mere mitigation, is prioritized, reflecting causal understanding that upstream interventions yield greater efficiency than end-of-pipe treatments, as evidenced in early U.S. Clean Air Act provisions () targeting emissions sources. These principles, while broadly adopted in , have faced scrutiny for potential overreach in regulatory stringency, yet they form the doctrinal basis for movement advocacy.

Evolving Focus Areas

The environmental movement's early priorities centered on resource conservation and wilderness protection during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Advocates sought to safeguard forests, wildlife, and scenic areas from commercial exploitation, exemplified by the establishment of in 1872 as the world's first national park and the founding of the in 1892 to promote preservation. This phase emphasized utilitarian arguments for sustained timber and game yields alongside aesthetic and recreational values, influencing policies like the U.S. of 1906, which enabled designations. Post-World War II industrialization redirected focus toward visible pollution crises. Incidents such as the 1948 smog event, which caused 20 deaths and hospitalized over 7,000 due to sulfur dioxide and particulates, underscored acute health risks from factory emissions. Rachel Carson's 1962 publication documented of and other pesticides, shifting attention to chemical contaminants in ecosystems and food chains. These concerns spurred initial regulations, including the U.S. Clean Air Act of 1963, marking a transition from preservation to abatement of human-induced degradation. The 1970s institutionalized pollution control amid widespread mobilization, with the first on April 22, 1970, drawing 20 million participants and prompting the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency's formation that December. Subsequent Clean Air Act amendments targeted criteria pollutants like and lead, yielding measurable declines: national average concentrations of fine particulate matter (PM2.5) fell 37% and 22% from 1990 to 2015, correlating with reduced respiratory illnesses and premature deaths estimated at tens of thousands annually avoided. Globally, attention expanded to transboundary issues, including from burning, mitigated in and through emission caps, and stratospheric , addressed by the 1987 Montreal Protocol's phaseout of chlorofluorocarbons, which halted and began reversing Antarctic ozone hole expansion by the 2010s. From the 1990s onward, priorities broadened to biodiversity erosion and sustainable resource use, alongside emerging emphasis on anthropogenic climate change. The 1992 Conference on Environment and Development in Rio de Janeiro produced frameworks for biological diversity and climate conventions, while the 1997 committed industrialized nations to greenhouse gas reductions averaging 5% below 1990 levels by 2012. Climate overtook other issues by the 2000s, galvanized by assessments linking fossil fuel combustion to observed warming, culminating in the 2015 Paris Agreement's aim to limit temperature rise to well below 2°C. However, global CO2 emissions from climbed from approximately 15 gigatons in 1970 to 37 gigatons in 2023, driven primarily by economic expansion in , with China's output surpassing the U.S. and EU combined by 2006; this persistence despite advocacy highlights challenges in enforcing international commitments amid developing-world growth imperatives. Contemporary focuses integrate renewables deployment, ocean plastics, and , yet climate mitigation dominates, with campaigns targeting fossil fuel infrastructure. Empirical gains in localized metrics contrast with aggregate emission trajectories, fueling critiques that regulatory zeal in developed regions has induced "leakage" via offshored to lax jurisdictions, while underemphasizing nuclear energy and measures that could complement decarbonization without uniform poverty risks.

Historical Development

Early Conservation Roots

The early emerged in the amid rapid industrialization, westward expansion, and resource exploitation in the United States, fostering utilitarian approaches to sustain fisheries, wildlife, forests, soil, and water for long-term human benefit. Colonial agrarian traditions viewed nature primarily as a resource base, evolving into organized efforts to counteract depletion, such as the U.S. Navy's authorization in 1817 to establish forest reserves for shipbuilding hardwoods. By mid-century, thinkers like advanced philosophical foundations, publishing Walden in 1854 to advocate in nature and decry human alienation from the wild, influencing subsequent advocates to prioritize wilderness preservation over mere exploitation. Thoreau's detailed observations in , provided empirical baselines for later ecological studies, underscoring causal links between habitat alteration and species decline. Intellectual and activist momentum built through organizations and landmark protections. In 1872, Yellowstone became the world's first , set aside to conserve geothermal features and wildlife from commercial encroachment, signaling a shift toward federal stewardship of scenic and ecological values. , arriving in in 1868, documented Sierra Nevada ecosystems through writings and advocacy, contributing to the 1890 establishment of Yosemite and Sequoia National Parks via campaigns against logging and grazing. co-founded the in 1892 to promote forest preservation and exploration, emphasizing the intrinsic worth of unaltered landscapes amid pressures from timber interests. These efforts reflected first-hand observations of deforestation's downstream effects, such as and risks, prioritizing evidence-based limits on extraction. By the late 19th century, hunting and forestry reformers formalized conservation ethics. co-founded the in 1887 to advocate ethical sport hunting and habitat protection, countering market-driven overhunting that had decimated herds from tens of millions in the early 1800s to fewer than 1,000 by 1889. , appointed forester in the 1890s, advanced of forests for sustained yield, expanding reserves under early federal initiatives. These roots laid groundwork for progressive-era policies, distinguishing conservation—wise use—from pure preservation, though tensions between utilitarian and aesthetic priorities persisted, as seen in debates over Valley's damming despite Muir's opposition. Empirical data from surveys, like those revealing widespread timber fraud and watershed degradation, drove these pragmatic responses rather than abstract ideology.

Mid-20th Century Catalysts

The rapid industrialization following World War II amplified pollution levels, bringing acute environmental health crises to public attention in the late 1940s and 1950s. In October 1948, a temperature inversion trapped emissions from zinc and steel plants over Donora, Pennsylvania, resulting in 20 deaths and illnesses affecting about 5,920 residents out of a population of 14,000, primarily from respiratory distress caused by sulfur dioxide and other pollutants. This event, the worst air pollution disaster in U.S. history at the time, prompted early federal investigations into industrial emissions and influenced the development of air quality monitoring, though immediate regulatory changes were limited due to industry opposition. Similarly, the Great Smog of December 1952 in , caused by coal-burning emissions under stagnant weather conditions, led to an estimated 4,000 immediate deaths and up to 12,000 excess mortality through February 1953 from acute and chronic effects of particulate matter and . The episode, which reduced visibility to mere yards and overwhelmed hospitals, directly catalyzed the UK's Clean Air Act of 1956, which restricted coal use in urban areas and established smokeless zones, marking a shift toward proactive controls based on epidemiological evidence. In the United States, growing concerns over chemical contaminants culminated in Rachel Carson's 1962 book , which documented the widespread ecological damage from persistent pesticides like , including in food chains leading to bird population declines and potential human health risks. Drawing on scientific studies and case examples, Carson's work faced criticism from the for allegedly exaggerating threats but spurred public outrage, congressional hearings, and the eventual U.S. ban on for agricultural use in 1972, while launching broader scrutiny of synthetic chemicals. These air and chemical pollution incidents in the mid-20th century shifted perceptions from localized nuisances to systemic threats, laying groundwork for the institutional environmental advocacy of the 1970s by demonstrating causal links between industrial activities and widespread harm through empirical observation and data.

Post-1970 Institutionalization

The institutionalization of the environmental movement after 1970 marked a transition from to formalized governmental and international structures, driven by public concern over and resource depletion evidenced by events like the 1969 fire and widespread smog episodes. In the United States, this culminated in the establishment of the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) on December 2, 1970, via President Richard Nixon's Reorganization Plan No. 3, which consolidated federal functions for air and , regulation, solid , and radiation control previously scattered across departments like Interior, , and Health, Education, and Welfare. The EPA's creation centralized enforcement authority, enabling the agency to issue regulations under statutes like the Clean Air Act of 1970, which set and mobile source emission limits, with initial implementation accelerating post-1970 through state-level plans by 1972. Key legislative expansions followed, embedding environmental review into federal processes via the (NEPA) of 1970, which required environmental impact statements for major actions, thereby institutionalizing scientific assessment in policy-making and influencing over 2 million such statements by the 2020s. The Clean Water Act of 1972 established the National Pollutant Discharge Elimination System, prohibiting unpermitted discharges into navigable waters and funding with $18 billion in federal grants from 1972 to 1985, though compliance costs for industry reached billions annually and effectiveness varied due to enforcement challenges. The created mechanisms for listing and protecting species, designating critical habitats, and prohibiting takings, with the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service assuming primary implementation, leading to listings of over 1,600 species by 2023 but sparking debates over economic trade-offs in . Internationally, the Conference on the Human Environment in in June 1972, attended by 113 nations, produced 26 principles on and spurred the formation of the (UNEP) later that year as a coordinating body headquartered in , tasked with monitoring global environmental trends and facilitating data-sharing without direct regulatory power. This conference institutionalized multilateral dialogue, influencing subsequent treaties like the 1979 Convention on Migratory Species and regional seas agreements, though UNEP's budget constraints—peaking at around $300 million annually by the 2010s—limited its scope to advisory roles amid varying national commitments. By the 1980s, over 100 countries had established dedicated environment ministries or agencies, reflecting diffusion of U.S.-style models, with non-governmental organizations like the World Wildlife Fund expanding advocacy into policy influence through litigation and lobbying, amassing memberships exceeding 5 million globally by 1990. These structures professionalized the movement, shifting focus toward and technocratic solutions, yet empirical assessments reveal mixed outcomes: U.S. air quality improved markedly with lead emissions dropping 98% from 1980 to 2020 under EPA oversight, but gains stalled in some areas due to , and institutional rigidity has been critiqued for inflating compliance costs—estimated at $300 billion yearly for U.S. firms by the —without proportional benefits in all sectors. Sources from government agencies like the EPA emphasize regulatory successes, while economic analyses highlight opportunity costs, underscoring the need for causal evaluation beyond advocacy narratives prevalent in academic and media accounts.

Ideologies and Strategies

Mainstream Regulatory Approaches

Mainstream regulatory approaches within the environmental movement prioritize government-mandated command-and-control mechanisms, including emission standards, permitting requirements, and enforcement by specialized agencies, to mitigate and . These strategies emerged prominently in the late , relying on statutory limits rather than voluntary measures or market incentives, with the aim of achieving measurable improvements through centralized authority. In the United States, the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), established on December 2, 1970, under President , serves as the primary enforcer of federal environmental statutes. The Clean Air Act of 1970 formed the foundational framework, authorizing the EPA to set (NAAQS) for criteria pollutants such as , particulate matter, and nitrogen oxides, while requiring states to develop implementation plans with stricter controls in non-attainment areas. Subsequent legislation, including the Clean Water Act of 1972, imposed effluent limitations on point sources and established water quality standards, leading to documented reductions in industrial discharges. The further exemplified this approach by mandating federal protection for and s, often through habitat designation and restrictions on development. Internationally, mainstream regulatory efforts include binding treaties like the 1987 on Substances that Deplete the , which phased out production and consumption of chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs) and other ozone-depleting substances through scheduled reductions and trade restrictions, achieving near-universal ratification by 197 countries. In contrast, the 2015 adopts a pledge-and-review structure, where nations submit Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) for greenhouse gas reductions, but lacks enforceable penalties, resulting in limited progress as global emissions continue to rise despite commitments. Empirical evidence indicates these regulations have driven declines; for instance, U.S. concentrations of six major air pollutants dropped by an average of 78% between 1970 and 2020, coinciding with . However, compliance imposes economic costs, estimated at diverting resources from productive activities, though aggregate impacts on national GDP remain modest rather than severe. Critiques highlight inefficiencies, such as regulatory rigidity favoring incumbents via permitting barriers and overlooking incentives, alongside potential overreach in areas like controls under the Clean , where endangerment findings enabled expansive authority post-2009. Despite successes in targeted pollutants, broader challenges persist due to gaps and the influence of politically motivated in standard-setting.

Radical and Ecocentric Variants

Radical variants of the environmental movement emphasize and confrontational tactics to challenge perceived systemic threats to ecosystems, often diverging from mainstream by endorsing and, in some cases, . These approaches draw from ecocentric philosophies that ascribe intrinsic value to non-human life and ecosystems, independent of human utility, contrasting with anthropocentric views that prioritize human welfare. Norwegian philosopher formalized "deep ecology" in 1972 as a framework advocating this shift, arguing for a profound identification with nature that could necessitate reduced human populations and lifestyles to preserve . 's eight-point platform, co-developed with George Sessions in 1984, includes principles like the well-being of human and non-human life having equal value and rejecting policies favoring short-term human interests over . Ecocentrism underpins these variants by positing ecosystems as the primary moral unit, where human activities must align with natural limits rather than expand technological or economic dominance. This perspective influenced thinkers like , whose 1949 "" extended ethical consideration to soils, waters, plants, and animals, though radical adherents radicalized it into calls for dismantling . Organizations such as Earth First!, founded in 1980 by Dave Foreman, Mike Roselle, and others during a trip in Mexico's , adopted "No Compromise in Defense of Mother Earth" as a motto, employing tactics like tree-sitting, road blockades, and "monkeywrenching"—non-lethal sabotage inspired by Edward Abbey's 1975 novel . Early actions included spiking trees with nails in 1984 to deter in California's national forests, aiming to halt timber harvests without injuring workers, though the practice drew condemnation for endangering operators when blades shattered. The (ELF), emerging in 1992 as an offshoot leaderless resistance model from Earth First!, escalated tactics to arson and property destruction, claiming responsibility for over 600 crimes between 1995 and 2001, including a $12 million damage fire at a Vail Resort ski expansion in 1998 to protest habitat loss. These groups justified ecotage as defensive measures against irreversible ecological harm, with Foreman arguing in his 1985 manual Ecodefense that could equalize power imbalances against corporations. However, empirical assessments indicate limited long-term conservation gains; for instance, while protests delayed projects like Oregon's Warner Creek timber sales in the 1990s, broader forest protections stemmed more from legal reforms under the Endangered Species Act than radical interventions. Critics, including some ecologists, contend that ecocentric absolutism overlooks human dependencies on resources and has fostered internal schisms, such as Earth First!'s 1990 split over non-violence commitments amid FBI infiltrations under Operation , which led to convictions for ELF arsons totaling over $45 million in damages by 2006. Other ecocentric strands include , advocating localized, self-sufficient communities attuned to ecoregions, and primitivist critiques of civilization as inherently destructive, as articulated by in works decrying agriculture's role in since 10,000 BCE. These variants have influenced global actions, such as the 1980s road protests against infrastructure expansion, but face scrutiny for romanticizing pre-industrial states that empirically supported smaller populations through subsistence limits, not scalable to modern billions without technological trade-offs. Despite ideological appeal, radical ecocentrism's causal impact on policy remains marginal compared to regulatory frameworks, with data showing U.S. rates declining from 1.2% annually in the 1980s to under 0.1% by 2020 primarily via market and legal incentives rather than .

Market-Oriented Alternatives

Market-oriented alternatives to traditional regulatory approaches in environmentalism emphasize the allocation of well-defined property rights, voluntary exchanges, and incentive structures to internalize externalities and promote stewardship without centralized mandates. Proponents, including economists associated with , argue that ambiguous or absent property rights contribute to resource degradation, as seen in Garrett Hardin's 1968 "," where open-access commons lead to due to diffused costs and benefits. By contrast, secure rights encourage owners to invest in long-term , supported by cross-country showing stronger property rights protections correlate with lower levels and improved , as measured by metrics like concentrations and access to clean water. A prominent application involves through individual transferable quotas (ITQs), which assign exclusive that can be traded, transforming open-access into de facto property systems. Implemented in Iceland's since 1991, ITQs ended the "race to fish" —where vessels overcapitalized and harvested inefficiently—resulting in stabilized stocks, reduced fleet capacity by over 30%, and higher ex-vessel prices through orderly landings. Similar outcomes occurred in New Zealand's ITQ system starting in 1986, where previously depleted like hoki recovered, with levels increasing by up to 50% in some cases, demonstrating how tradable align individual incentives with aggregate conservation goals more effectively than effort controls or seasonal bans. However, critics note potential drawbacks, such as quota concentration among larger operators, which can exacerbate without addressing broader dynamics. Emissions trading schemes, such as programs, represent another by establishing a fixed and allowing firms to trade allowances, achieving reductions at lower abatement costs than uniform command-and-control standards. The U.S. Program, enacted under the 1990 Clean Air Act Amendments, capped emissions from power plants and reduced them by 56% from 1990 to 2010—exceeding targets—at an average compliance cost of $30 per ton, far below pre-program estimates of $500–$1,000 per ton. Comparative analyses confirm cap-and-trade's superiority in cost-effectiveness, as it enables low-cost emitters to overcomply and sell surplus permits, fostering absent in rigid regulations; for instance, Phase I of the program saw unexpected gains from fuel-switching and adoption. Water markets provide analogous benefits, as in Australia's Murray-Darling Basin, where permanent and temporary water entitlements traded since the have facilitated reallocation from low-value agriculture to higher-value uses during droughts, conserving resources without coercive reallocations. Voluntary private initiatives, including conservation easements and eco-labeling, further illustrate market-driven protection. In the U.S., easement programs—where landowners voluntarily retire development rights in exchange for tax benefits or payments—have preserved over 40 million acres by 2020, often outperforming public land acquisitions in cost per acre due to localized knowledge and incentives. These approaches, advanced by organizations like the Property and Environment Research Center (PERC) since its founding in , prioritize empirical demonstration over ideological mandates, though their scalability depends on enforceable liability rules to deter pollution onto adjacent properties. Overall, such alternatives have empirically reduced environmental harms in targeted sectors while minimizing economic distortions, contrasting with regulatory failures attributed to and .

Major Campaigns

Pollution Control Initiatives

Pollution control initiatives emerged as a cornerstone of the environmental movement in the mid-20th century, driven by visible crises such as urban , contaminated waterways, and health impacts from industrial emissions. A pivotal event was the fire on June 22, 1969, where an oil slick ignited due to accumulated pollutants from Cleveland's factories, symbolizing unchecked and spurring national calls for reform. This incident, covered extensively in media, contributed to the establishment of the (EPA) on December 2, 1970, consolidating federal efforts to monitor and mitigate . In the United States, the Clean Air Act Amendments of 1970 marked a federal commitment to enforceable national air quality standards, targeting criteria pollutants like sulfur dioxide, nitrogen oxides, and particulate matter. Implementation led to a 73% reduction in combined emissions of six major pollutants from 1970 to 2020, averting an estimated 230,000 premature deaths and millions of respiratory illnesses annually by 2020. The Clean Water Act of 1972 further advanced water pollution controls by regulating point-source discharges through permits under the National Pollutant Discharge Elimination System (NPDES), funding approximately $650 billion in wastewater treatment upgrades via 35,000 grants, and restoring navigability to many impaired rivers and lakes. These measures shifted responsibility from fragmented state efforts to coordinated federal oversight, yielding measurable improvements in ambient air and water quality metrics tracked by the EPA. Internationally, pollution control extended to atmospheric threats, exemplified by the , adopted on September 16, 1987, which mandated global phase-out of chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs) and other ozone-depleting substances. Compliance has reduced atmospheric chlorine levels by over 99% from peak concentrations, halting expansion and enabling recovery projected to reach 1980 levels by 2040 in most regions and 2066 over . The protocol's success stemmed from verifiable of ozone depletion's causal link to CFCs, coupled with enforceable timelines and transitions, demonstrating effective multilateral action without equivalent economic disruption. Additional domestic initiatives, such as the 1990 amendments to the Clean Air Act addressing through cap-and-trade for , reduced emissions by 92% from 1990 to 2019, mitigating ecological damage to forests and waterways. These campaigns emphasized regulatory over voluntary measures, prioritizing empirical monitoring of emissions and ambient concentrations to verify causal in pollution-related harms. While effective in curbing legacy pollutants from point sources, ongoing challenges include non-point agricultural runoff and fine particulate matter from diverse mobile sources, prompting adaptive amendments to original frameworks.

Biodiversity and Land Conservation

The environmental movement's campaigns for and land conservation have emphasized the establishment of protected areas and legal protections for to counteract and risks driven primarily by agricultural expansion, , and resource extraction. Organizations such as the World Wildlife Fund (WWF), founded in 1961, and the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN), established in 1948, have coordinated international efforts, including the development of the , which as of 2023 assesses over 150,000 species for , identifying approximately 45,000 as threatened with . These campaigns gained momentum post-1970 through advocacy for policy reforms, such as the WWF's initiatives to protect flagship species like the and , which mobilized public support and funding for habitat corridors and anti-poaching measures. A pivotal U.S. campaign culminated in the Endangered Species Act (ESA) of 1973, which mandates federal protection for listed species and critical habitats, prohibiting activities that harm them without permits; empirical data indicate it has averted extinction for 99% of the 1,600-plus species listed since enactment, including recoveries like the and populations, which rebounded from near-extinction levels in the mid-20th century due to combined regulatory enforcement and habitat restoration. Internationally, movements influenced the (CBD) in 1992, ratified by 196 parties, which set frameworks for national biodiversity strategies and has spurred campaigns like the Amazon Regional Protected Areas Program, protecting over 50 million hectares of rainforest since the early 2000s through partnerships between NGOs and governments. Land conservation campaigns have focused on designating terrestrial protected areas, which expanded globally to encompass 17.6% of land and inland waters by 2024, up from about 9% in 1990, largely through advocacy by IUCN and WWF for "30x30" targets under the 2022 aiming to conserve 30% of Earth's land by 2030. Effectiveness assessments of these efforts, drawing from over 600 site-level interventions reviewed between 1970 and 2019, demonstrate that protected areas and related actions like control have improved outcomes in 66% of cases, reducing risks through stabilization and population recoveries, though success varies by region and threat type, with tropical forests showing persistent pressures despite designations. Grassroots and NGO-led campaigns, such as those by the Center for Biological Diversity since the 1980s, have targeted specific threats like logging and via litigation under laws like the ESA, resulting in over 1,000 listings and habitat safeguards across millions of acres in the U.S., including the designation of 11.5 million acres as critical habitat for the in 1992 to combat loss. Despite these advances, empirical data highlight limitations, as global biodiversity indices report a 69% average decline in monitored vertebrate populations since 1970, attributed to insufficient enforcement and competing land uses, prompting calls within the movement for integrated approaches combining protection with to address root causes like yield gaps in food production.

Climate and Energy Debates

The environmental movement intensified its focus on in the late 1980s, following the establishment of the (IPCC) in 1988, which synthesized scientific assessments attributing recent warming primarily to human-induced , particularly CO2 from use. Advocacy groups like and campaigned for international treaties, such as the 1997 , emphasizing emission reductions to avert projected temperature rises of 2–4°C by 2100 under business-as-usual scenarios. These efforts framed as the core driver of environmental degradation, linking combustion emissions to , sea-level rise of approximately 20 cm since 1900, and ecosystem shifts. Empirical data indicate atmospheric CO2 concentrations increased from 339 ppm in 1980 to 423 ppm by June 2024, alongside a rise of about 0.8°C over the same period, with warming accelerating to 0.20°C per decade since 1982. Within the movement, debates center on causation and urgency: mainstream factions cite IPCC consensus on anthropogenic dominance, projecting risks like intensified hurricanes and declines, while skeptics, including some physicists and climatologists, highlight model discrepancies—such as overpredictions of tropospheric warming and the absence of a detectable CO2 signal in mid-20th-century cooling trends—as evidence of exaggerated alarmism that overlooks solar variability and urban heat effects. Energy policy debates pit rapid phase-outs of , and against alternatives, with movement leaders prioritizing renewables like and solar, which supplied 12% of global electricity in 2023 but require grid-scale storage to address , contributing to reliability challenges in high-penetration regions. Fossil fuels, providing 80% of in 2023, are criticized for emitting 37 billion metric tons of CO2 annually, yet their density enabled poverty reduction for 1.2 billion people since 1990 via affordable . Critics within and outside the movement argue that anti-fossil policies, such as Europe's carbon pricing, have inflated household energy costs by 50–100% without commensurate global emission cuts, as production shifts to unregulated nations like and . A persistent schism involves , which generates near-zero operational emissions and provided 10% of global electricity in 2023 with a exceeding 90% versus 25–35% for unsubsidized renewables. Many environmental organizations, including and , oppose expansion citing volumes (equivalent to a few Olympic pools globally per year), accident risks amplified by Chernobyl (1986) and Fukushima (2011), and proliferation ties to weapons programs, despite fatality rates from nuclear at 0.03 per terawatt-hour versus 24.6 for . This resistance, rooted in 1970s anti-proliferation activism, has delayed low-carbon baseload deployment, prompting some analysts to attribute higher European emissions to foregone nuclear builds in favor of gas and intermittent sources. Pro-nuclear environmentalists, such as those in the Breakthrough Institute, contend that advanced reactors with meltdown-proof designs and waste recycling could align with decarbonization goals, but face regulatory hurdles influenced by movement lobbying. ![Bob Brown at 2008 climate change rally][float-right] Transition strategies like the EU's Green Deal aim for net-zero by 2050 via renewables scaling to 70% of power, yet empirical assessments reveal levelized costs for new nuclear at $60–90/MWh competitive with offshore wind ($70–120/MWh) when factoring reliability, though overruns plague both. Policies emphasizing equity demand technology transfers to developing nations, where expansion meets rising demand projected to add 20 billion tons of CO2 by 2050 absent alternatives, underscoring tensions between emission imperatives and developmental realism.

Anti-Nuclear and Resource Extraction Protests

The anti-nuclear protests within the environmental movement arose in the 1960s, initially driven by environmentalists' apprehensions regarding long-term radioactive waste storage and the concentration of regulatory authority in federal agencies. Early mobilization centered on blocking individual reactor projects, as seen in the 1971 federal court decision that curtailed construction of a nuclear facility on Chesapeake Bay due to environmental impact concerns. The partial meltdown at the Three Mile Island nuclear plant in Pennsylvania on March 28, 1979, marked a pivotal escalation, igniting the most extensive wave of U.S. anti-nuclear demonstrations to date, with immediate rallies convening across multiple states to demand plant shutdowns and stricter oversight. This incident, involving no direct fatalities but widespread evacuation fears, amplified public distrust and spurred organizational growth among groups like the Clamshell Alliance. Large-scale actions followed, including the June 12, 1982, gathering in New York City's Central Park, where an estimated 1 million individuals protested nuclear proliferation and called for disarmament amid Cold War tensions. Empirical safety metrics, however, indicate nuclear power's incident mortality rate stands at approximately 0.04 deaths per terawatt-hour—predominantly from historical accidents like Chernobyl—contrasting sharply with coal's 100 or oil's 36 deaths per terawatt-hour, which include air pollution fatalities. Such data suggest the movement's emphasis on nuclear risks, while rooted in legitimate waste and proliferation worries, overlooked comparative hazards of fossil alternatives, potentially delaying low-emission energy deployment. Protests against resource extraction have similarly emphasized ecological disruption from fossil fuel and mineral mining, often employing civil disobedience, blockades, and legal challenges to halt projects. In the fossil fuel domain, opposition to hydraulic fracturing (fracking) gained traction in the late 2000s, with campaigns in states like New York leading to a 2014 statewide moratorium amid groundwater contamination claims. Pipeline resistance exemplified intensified activism, as in the Keystone XL protests, where over 1,200 arrests occurred during an August 20 to September 3, 2011, White House sit-in decrying tar sands oil's carbon intensity and spill risks. The Dakota Access Pipeline drew sustained Indigenous-led encampments starting April 2016 at Standing Rock, North Dakota, peaking with thousands of participants blocking construction routes over threats to the Missouri River and tribal territories, resulting in federal permit reviews but eventual project completion. Mining protests have targeted coal and metal extraction, such as Earthworks-led actions against mountaintop removal in Appalachia since the early 2000s, which documented biodiversity loss and sedimentation in waterways. These efforts have yielded localized moratoriums and permit denials but faced critiques for impeding energy security; for instance, blocking domestic extraction has correlated with imported fuels carrying higher upstream emissions from overseas shipping. Overall, while advancing habitat protections, such campaigns have sometimes prioritized opposition to scalable low-carbon transitions, including nuclear and mineral sourcing for renewables, amid evidence that global extraction volumes for batteries and solar panels continue rising unchecked.

Achievements and Impacts

Empirical Environmental Improvements

Since the 1970s, ambient concentrations of major air pollutants in the United States have declined substantially, with national averages for criteria pollutants such as particulate matter, , , , and dropping by 78% from 1980 to 2023, even as population, GDP, and energy consumption rose significantly. Similar trends occurred in , where emissions of key pollutants fell by 40-90% between 1990 and 2019 due to technological advancements and regulatory measures targeting energy production and . These reductions correlate with policies influenced by environmental advocacy, including the U.S. Clean Air Act of 1970 and European directives, though economic growth and cleaner technologies also contributed causally. Water quality improvements are evident in restored urban waterways, exemplified by the Cuyahoga River in Ohio, which ignited due to industrial pollution in 1969, prompting the Clean Water Act of 1972; by 2019, fish consumption advisories were lifted for most species, and populations of walleye and sturgeon have rebounded through sewage controls and habitat restoration. The Thames River in London, biologically dead in the 1950s from sewage and effluents, saw over 125 fish species return by the 2010s following investments in wastewater treatment under the UK's Rivers (Prevention of Pollution) Act and EU frameworks. These cases demonstrate causal links between targeted pollution controls—often driven by public campaigns—and measurable ecological recovery, including reduced oxygen-depleting effluents and revived aquatic life. The phaseout of leaded gasoline, accelerated by environmental regulations starting in the , led to sharp declines in blood lead levels; in the U.S., children's average blood lead concentrations fell 70% by the 1990s, with global phaseout completed in 2021 reducing population-wide exposure from industrial sources. Atmospheric lead emissions dropped over 99% in affected regions, correlating with fewer neurological impacts verifiable through epidemiological . Stratospheric ozone recovery provides a global success, with ozone-depleting substances reduced by over 99% since the 1987 banned chlorofluorocarbons; the Antarctic ozone hole area has shrunk, with projections for full restoration to 1980 levels by 2066, averting an estimated 0.5°C of additional warming. This treaty, negotiated amid on causal depletion mechanisms, exemplifies effective international action yielding empirical atmospheric healing. Global forest trends show slowing net loss, with annual decreasing from 13.6 million hectares in the to 10.9 million hectares recently, per FAO assessments; total stabilized at 4.14 billion hectares (32% of land area) by 2020, aided by in regions like and offsetting tropical losses. While primary forest decline persists in biodiverse hotspots, these shifts reflect conservation policies and agricultural intensification reducing expansion pressures.

Policy and Institutional Outcomes

The environmental movement prompted the establishment of centralized regulatory bodies in the United States, most notably the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), created on December 2, 1970, via President Richard Nixon's Reorganization Plan No. 3, which consolidated environmental functions from seven federal agencies to streamline pollution control and enforcement. This institutional reform enabled coordinated federal action on air, water, and waste issues, with the EPA issuing its first regulations under the (NEPA) of January 1, 1970, which mandated environmental impact assessments for major federal projects. Key legislative outcomes included the Clean Air Act of 1970, which authorized the EPA to set enforceable for pollutants like and particulate matter, marking a shift from voluntary state efforts to mandatory federal oversight with deadlines for compliance by 1975. The Clean Water Act, enacted October 18, 1972, established the National Pollutant Discharge Elimination System (NPDES) permit program to regulate point-source discharges into U.S. waters, prohibiting unpermitted releases and funding municipal sewage treatment with $18 billion in federal grants through 1976. These policies, driven by public mobilization around events like 1970, institutionalized environmental review processes and enforcement mechanisms, though implementation faced challenges from industry resistance and judicial scrutiny. Internationally, the movement contributed to multilateral frameworks, including the (UNEP), founded in 1972 following the Conference on the Human Environment, to coordinate global environmental activities and monitor issues like and . The , adopted September 16, 1987, and entering force January 1, 1989, created binding phase-out schedules for chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs) and other ozone-depleting substances, administered through UNEP with compliance assistance via a multilateral fund established in 1991. On , the , negotiated December 11, 1997, and effective February 16, 2005, imposed quantified emission reduction targets on 37 industrialized nations averaging 5.2% below 1990 levels by 2012, while the , adopted December 12, 2015, under the UNFCCC framework, committed nearly 200 parties to nationally determined contributions for limiting global warming, with periodic reviews starting in 2020. In , policy outcomes manifested in the European Union's Ambient Air Quality Directive (96/62/EC) of 1996 and subsequent updates, which set binding limit values for pollutants and required member states to develop action plans for non-compliant zones, leading to the integration of environmental standards into the EU's framework by the early 2000s. These institutional developments reflected the movement's success in embedding environmental considerations into governance, though effectiveness varied due to enforcement gaps and economic trade-offs, with U.S. policies often emphasizing technology-based standards over uniform ambient goals compared to the EU's health-based approach.

Economic and Social Consequences

Environmental regulations stemming from the movement have imposed substantial compliance costs on industries, estimated at over $200 billion annually for U.S. firms to meet federal standards as of recent analyses. These costs include direct expenditures on pollution controls, abatement technologies, and permitting, which can reduce firm profitability and competitiveness, particularly in trade-exposed sectors like and production. Empirical studies indicate modest but measurable job displacements, with approximately 60,000 U.S. jobs lost between 1979 and 1992 due to regulatory stringency, primarily through plant closures and reduced hiring in polluting industries. More recent projections from industry analyses suggest that stringent EPA rules could threaten up to 852,100 jobs and $162.4 billion in economic activity by constraining sectors such as power generation and chemicals. Counterbalancing these costs, pollution control measures have yielded quantifiable and productivity gains, with meta-analyses showing that in nearly 70% of cases, economic benefits from reduced —primarily via averted mortality and morbidity—exceed implementation expenses. For instance, the U.S. Clean Air Act Amendments of 1990 are projected to generate net positive economic welfare through avoided premature deaths (up to 34,000 annually) and lower healthcare expenditures, with benefits-to-costs ratios reaching 30:1 in some valuations since 1970. However, such EPA-derived estimates often rely on high willingness-to-pay valuations for improvements and may understate long-term offsets or overstate net growth impacts, as independent reviews highlight distributional burdens where lower-income households bear disproportionate energy and goods price increases. Overall, while aggregate GDP effects remain small (typically under 1% deviation), regulations induce resource reallocation toward cleaner sectors, with limited evidence of broad " havens" shifting production abroad. Socially, the movement's policy successes have enhanced outcomes, reducing respiratory illnesses and extending in polluted regions through cleaner air and water, thereby decreasing and improving workforce participation. These gains disproportionately benefit urban and low-income populations exposed to industrial emissions, fostering broader societal welfare via fewer medical burdens and preserved recreational ecosystems. Yet, implementation has exacerbated inequities, as historical exclusion of minority voices in early conservation efforts concentrated toxic sites in communities of color, prompting the rise of advocacy. Stricter regulations have also amplified in vulnerable households, with higher compliance-driven prices for electricity and fuel regressively impacting the poor and energy-intensive regions, while job transitions from fuels to renewables often require reskilling that disadvantages less-educated workers. In developing contexts, global environmental norms have constrained resource extraction, limiting alleviation and growth, though empirical data on net social welfare remains contested due to varying local capacities.

Criticisms and Controversies

Scientific Skepticism and Alarmism

Scientific skepticism toward certain environmental claims has emphasized discrepancies between predictions and empirical observations, arguing that exaggerated forecasts undermine public trust and policy efficacy. In the 1970s, some scientists and outlets predicted leading to a new within decades, citing effects and solar minima; for example, a 1971 report highlighted cooling risks, while in 1975 warned of shortened growing seasons and disrupted monsoons. These projections failed as temperatures rose post-1980, shifting focus to warming without acknowledging prior errors, which critics attribute to selective narrative framing rather than falsification. Around the first in 1970, prominent figures forecasted resource exhaustion and mass starvation; ecologist predicted in 1968 that hundreds of millions would perish from in the 1970s and 1980s due to , while the Club of Rome's 1972 Limits to Growth model anticipated by 2000 from depleted minerals and pollution. Contrary to these, global food production surged via the , oil reserves expanded through exploration and technology, and no collapse ensued, with per capita resource availability increasing; a 2019 analysis rated 80% of such eco-predictions as incorrect. Skeptics contend this pattern reflects ideological bias over evidence, as institutional incentives in academia and media favor dramatic scenarios to secure funding and attention. In contemporary climate debates, targets model projections exceeding observations in key metrics. While global surface temperatures align broadly with some CMIP ensembles, discrepancies persist in tropospheric warming, trends, and patterns; a 2025 Science Advances review documented model overestimation of historical trends in variables like Arctic amplification and ocean heat uptake, attributing gaps to unmodeled natural variability and feedback errors. Critics such as physicist argue IPCC scenarios inflate (3–4.5°C per CO2 doubling) beyond empirical estimates (around 1–2°C from energy balance studies), leading to alarmist implications like inevitable mass migrations or unsupported by paleoclimate data showing resilience to higher CO2 levels. This has prompted calls for over consensus-driven narratives, with sources like the Nongovernmental International Panel on Climate Change highlighting underappreciated uncertainties in attribution and extremes. Such underscores causal realism: environmental stressors like warrant targeted responses, but conflating with catastrophe—e.g., linking every event to CO2 without disaggregating natural forcings—distorts priorities. Empirical improvements in air quality and forest cover contradict perpetual-decline tropes, as greening indicate CO2 fertilization enhancing since 1980s. Peer-reviewed analyses critique media amplification of worst-case RCP8.5 scenarios as implausibly high-emission baselines unlikely under market adaptations. Proponents of , including former alarmists like , argue the movement's shift toward ideology over erodes credibility, evidenced by suppressed dissent in journals and funding bodies.

Economic Costs and Inefficiencies

Environmental policies advocated by the movement, such as subsidies for and stringent emissions regulations, have imposed substantial fiscal burdens on governments and consumers. In , the policy, aimed at phasing out nuclear and fossil fuels in favor of renewables, has required annual levies totaling around 24 billion euros in 2014 alone to finance renewable expansion, with cumulative investments exceeding hundreds of billions since 2000, contributing to elevated household energy bills compared to pre-policy levels. Similarly, in the , compliance with directives like the Renewable Energy Directive has driven up wholesale electricity prices, with industrial consumers facing costs 20-50% higher than in less regulated markets like the due to network fees and renewable support mechanisms. Renewable energy intermittency introduces systemic inefficiencies, as solar and generation fluctuates unpredictably, necessitating redundant backup capacity from or nuclear , which often operate inefficiently at partial loads. This duality elevates overall system costs; for instance, integrating high shares of intermittent renewables requires investments in grid stabilization, battery storage, and fast-start gas , adding billions annually to production expenses beyond the subsidized levelized costs of individual projects. Economic analyses indicate that the effective value of renewable output diminishes due to these integration challenges, with marginal contributions to grid reliability falling sharply beyond 20-30% penetration without massive overbuilds or storage, leading to curtailment rates exceeding 5% in regions like and . Labor market disruptions represent another inefficiency, with transitions to green energy often resulting in net job losses in fossil-dependent regions absent targeted retraining or relocation subsidies. Studies of U.S. and European cases show that while renewable sectors create temporary jobs, permanent employment in and extraction declines without equivalent offsets, as green jobs frequently require different skills and are concentrated in urban areas, exacerbating regional rates by 1-2% in affected communities. Opportunity costs further compound these issues, as funds diverted to inefficient subsidies—estimated at over 1% of GDP in aggressive transition scenarios—forego investments in high-productivity sectors like or R&D for dispatchable low-carbon technologies such as advanced nuclear.

Political Biases and Exclusion

The environmental movement displays a pronounced left-wing political orientation, with empirical surveys consistently showing higher levels of concern for issues like among liberals and Democrats compared to conservatives and Republicans. A analysis found that 78% of Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents prioritized addressing global as a top issue, versus just 21% of Republicans and Republican-leaning independents; this partisan gap has widened over time, with only 12% of Republicans viewing as a top priority in a 2024 Pew survey. Such disparities reflect not mere differences in threat perception but a broader ideological alignment, where environmental often intertwines with progressive goals like wealth redistribution and expanded intervention, alienating those favoring market-driven or technological approaches. This bias manifests in the funding and political activities of major environmental organizations, which disproportionately support left-leaning candidates and causes. Data from for Responsive Politics () for the 2020 election cycle reveal that top donors like the League of Conservation Voters contributed $18.1 million primarily to Democrats, while the and directed millions more toward progressive campaigns, with minimal support for Republicans. These patterns underscore a systemic preference for statist solutions over conservative proposals, such as carbon pricing mechanisms historically endorsed by some Republicans, contributing to the marginalization of bipartisan environmental traditions rooted in figures like Theodore Roosevelt's conservation legacy. Exclusionary dynamics further entrench this divide, as conservative perspectives on pragmatic environmentalism—emphasizing innovation, property rights, and cost-benefit analysis—are frequently dismissed or vilified within movement discourse. Studies indicate that political correlates with lower support for regulatory-heavy policies, yet efforts to bridge this, such as conservative advocacy for nuclear energy or adaptive strategies, encounter resistance from dominant green networks that frame dissent as anti-environmental or industry-influenced. Institutions like academia and , characterized by documented left-leaning biases in coverage and , amplify this exclusion by underrepresenting or discrediting alternative views, thereby limiting the movement's appeal and efficacy in diverse political contexts.

Unintended Consequences

The environmental movement's advocacy for stringent pesticide regulations, exemplified by the 1972 U.S. ban on following Carson's , contributed to a resurgence of in regions where the had previously controlled mosquito vectors, with cases rising 10- to 100-fold in the subsequent years and potentially leading to millions of preventable deaths. Prior to restrictions, had averted an estimated 500 million human deaths from and other vector-borne diseases between the and by enabling effective disease control without widespread resistance at the time. While intended to protect avian species and ecosystems from , the policy overlooked DDT's targeted indoor spraying efficacy for , resulting in higher human mortality in developing countries reliant on it, as malaria-endemic areas shifted to less effective alternatives. Opposition to nuclear energy within the movement, including protests that delayed or halted plant constructions and led to phase-outs, has inadvertently increased greenhouse gas emissions by substituting low-carbon nuclear generation with fossil fuels. In Germany, the post-Fukushima nuclear shutdown between 2011 and 2016 raised CO2 emissions by approximately 7 million tons annually as coal and gas filled the gap, while similar closures in the U.S., such as Vermont Yankee in 2014, boosted regional emissions by replacing 3.7 million tons of avoided CO2 yearly with natural gas. This anti-nuclear stance, rooted in concerns over accidents and waste, ignored nuclear's empirical safety record—fewer than 100 direct deaths from radiation in 70 years globally—and its capacity to provide baseload power without intermittency, thereby prolonging fossil fuel dependence in jurisdictions like California and Ontario where emissions rose post-closure. Biofuel mandates promoted as sustainable alternatives to fuels have driven land-use changes, elevating global by 20-75% during peaks like 2007-2008 and accelerating for crops such as in and soy in . U.S. Renewable Standard expansions since 2007 diverted corn to , contributing to a 15-30% rise in corn prices and exacerbating in food-insecure regions, while EU targets correlated with 5-10 million hectares of loss between 2008 and 2018 for feedstock expansion. These policies, intended to cut transport emissions, yielded net environmental harm through indirect land conversion emissions exceeding savings and declines in converted habitats, as biofuels often compete with food production rather than displacing oil efficiently. Large-scale deployments, including wind and solar farms, have caused and by requiring vast land areas—up to 10 times more per unit than nuclear—often on ecologically sensitive sites. In the U.S., solar development has converted over 10,000 acres of habitat in the Mojave since 2010, while offshore wind projects off the Atlantic have increased bird and marine mammal mortality, with global estimates of renewable infrastructure land occupation equating to 0.00019 global potential damage fraction (PDF) to in 2015 alone. This expansion, driven by movement-backed subsidies and targets, conflicts with conservation goals by prioritizing over preservation, as intermittent renewables necessitate broader transmission corridors that further degrade corridors. The push for electrified transport and renewables has heightened demand for rare earth elements, whose inflicts severe localized environmental damage, including toxic tailings and , undermining the "green" label. In , which supplies 80-90% of global rare earths, extraction since the 1990s has polluted rivers with and caused landslides, while Myanmar's Kachin mines linked to green tech supply chains have released into waterways, affecting downstream communities and fisheries. A 1% rise in green energy production correlates with 0.18% depletion of rare earth reserves and elevated upstream GHG emissions from energy-intensive processing, creating a feedback where efforts exacerbate in less-regulated regions.

Regional Variations

North America

The environmental movement in emerged prominently in the United States during the late 19th and early 20th centuries, rooted in conservation efforts to preserve natural resources amid rapid industrialization and westward expansion. Influenced by transcendentalist writers such as , whose 1854 book promoted harmonious living with nature, and , who founded the in 1892 to protect wilderness areas, early advocates focused on establishing national parks and forests. Under President , conservation accelerated with the creation of the U.S. Forest Service in 1905 and the addition of five national parks, 150 national forests, and 51 federal bird reserves between 1901 and 1909, reflecting a utilitarian approach to sustaining timber, , and wildlife for future generations. The post-World War II era marked a shift toward pollution control and ecological awareness, catalyzed by Rachel Carson's 1962 book , which documented the harmful effects of pesticides like on wildlife and human health, leading to increased public scrutiny of chemical use. This culminated in the first on April 22, 1970, which drew 20 million participants and spurred federal action, including the establishment of the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) in December 1970. Major legislation followed: the (NEPA) in January 1970 requiring environmental impact assessments; the Clean Air Act in 1970, which set national standards for air pollutants; the Clean Water Act in 1972 targeting ; and the Endangered Species Act in 1973 protecting and habitats. These regulatory measures yielded measurable environmental gains alongside economic expansion. From 1970 to 2020, U.S. concentrations of six key air pollutants—particulate matter, , , , , and lead—declined by 78%, even as increased by over 300%, demonstrating partial decoupling of from growth. Water quality improved through reductions in industrial discharges and , with EPA data showing widespread attainment of cleaner rivers and lakes by the . However, critics argue that compliance costs burdened industries, contributing to by favoring to less-regulated nations like , where emissions rose as U.S. jobs declined from 19.5 million in 1979 to 12.8 million in 2019. In Canada, the movement paralleled U.S. developments, beginning with conservation initiatives like the establishment of in 1885 and early 20th-century resource management policies. The 1960s brought urban-focused activism, exemplified by Pollution Probe founded in 1969 at the to address air and water contamination, influencing provincial regulations such as Ontario's 1971 Environmental Protection Act. Figures like popularized through media, while federal bodies like Environment Canada, created in 1971, enforced standards yielding air quality improvements, with smog days in major cities dropping significantly since the 1970s. North American environmentalism uniquely emphasized litigation and nonprofit advocacy, with organizations like the and leveraging lawsuits to enforce laws, though this approach has faced pushback for prioritizing regulatory stringency over innovation or cost-benefit analysis.

Europe

The environmental movement in Europe emerged prominently in the late 19th century through nature conservation efforts, such as the Heimat movement in Germany emphasizing local landscapes and cultural heritage, which laid groundwork for later activism. By the mid-20th century, post-World War II industrialization spurred concerns over pollution, exemplified by Rhine River contamination from chemical spills in the 1980s, prompting cross-border cooperation. The 1960s and 1970s marked a surge with anti-nuclear protests, such as those against French nuclear testing and power plants, influencing the formation of Green parties starting in West Germany in 1980. Europe's movement is characterized by strong institutional integration via the , where environmental policy harmonization began with the 1972 Paris Summit establishing pollution control principles. Key organizations include the European Environmental Bureau (EEB), representing over 190 citizen groups across 41 countries advocating for policy implementation, and youth-led Generation Climate Europe focusing on EU-level climate advocacy. Green parties, like Germany's Greens, have gained parliamentary influence, with coalitions in countries such as and shaping national agendas. Empirical outcomes of EU policies show notable air quality gains: fine particulate matter (PM2.5) concentrations declined, reducing attributable deaths by 45% from 2005 to 2022, approaching the 55% target by 2030. However, water resilience lags, with only 37% of surface water bodies achieving good ecological status under the Water Framework Directive as of 2024, hampered by chemical pollution and overuse. The European Green Deal, launched in 2019, targets climate neutrality by 2050 via a 55% emissions cut from 1990 levels by 2030, but implementation has incurred high costs, including €600 billion annual economic losses from residual air pollution equivalent to 4% of EU GDP. Critics highlight inefficiencies, such as the Green Deal's potential to shrink agricultural output and elevate global , fueling farmer protests in 2024 and policy rollbacks like regulation dilutions. Germany's , a flagship renewable transition since 2010, increased prices to Europe's highest, temporarily boosting use and emissions until 2023 reversals. While peer-reviewed analyses affirm spur clean innovation, they also note competitiveness erosion for energy-intensive industries without equivalent global standards. These tensions reflect broader political divides, with rising Eurosceptic and populist opposition framing policies as elite-imposed burdens, evident in Green parties' electoral setbacks in 2024 EU Parliament elections.

Asia

The environmental movement in Asia has manifested through grassroots protests against deforestation, industrial pollution, and large-scale infrastructure projects, often intersecting with local livelihoods and indigenous rights. In India, the Chipko movement, initiated in 1973 in the Himalayan region of Uttarakhand, exemplified nonviolent resistance when villagers, predominantly women, hugged trees to prevent commercial logging, leading to a 15-year ban on green felling in the Himalayas by 1981. This action highlighted ecological concerns tied to soil erosion and flooding, influencing subsequent forest policy reforms. Similarly, the Narmada Bachao Andolan, launched in 1985, opposed the Sardar Sarovar Dam on the Narmada River, which threatened to displace over 200,000 people, primarily tribal communities, and submerge fertile land; sustained protests culminated in the World Bank's withdrawal of funding in 1993 after an independent review found inadequate resettlement plans. In , the incident, caused by discharge from a chemical factory starting in the 1950s, affected over 2,000 people with neurological damage by official counts, sparking protests that pressured the government to enact the Control Law in 1970, imposing strict effluent regulations nationwide. This event, part of the "Pollution Diet" era, marked a shift toward corporate accountability and victim compensation, though full certification of cases continued into the 2000s amid disputes over diagnostic criteria. China's environmental activism emerged prominently in the mid-1990s with groups like Friends of Nature, founded in 1994, focusing on conservation amid rapid industrialization that caused severe air and water pollution; by the 2010s, protests against projects like PX chemical plants numbered in the hundreds annually, often leading to project halts but facing state suppression. The government has co-opted such movements for policy enforcement, as seen in the 2013 air pollution action plan reducing PM2.5 levels in Beijing by 35% by 2017, yet critics argue this consolidates control while limiting independent organizing. In , activism targets driven by and pulp industries; in , NGOs documented over 100,000 hectares cleared in concessions violating zero-deforestation pledges as of , prompting protests and calls for moratoriums. The has seen community-led efforts countering net forest loss, transitioning to gains in some periods through 2010, though enforcement remains inconsistent amid extractive pressures. Across the region, movements emphasize linkages, with youth advocates pushing for ASEAN-level environmental protections amid ongoing land conflicts.

Africa and Latin America

In Africa, environmental movements have often centered on grassroots efforts to address , , and wildlife loss amid rapid population growth and resource extraction pressures. The , established in in 1977 by Wangari Maathai under the National Council of Women of Kenya, mobilized rural women to plant trees for fuelwood, , and income generation, achieving over 51 million trees planted by promoting community nurseries and practices that linked environmental restoration to alleviation. This initiative expanded nationally, influencing policy through advocacy against land grabs and unsustainable logging, though its success relied on local participation rather than top-down imposition. In , conservation roots date to the late with groups like the Wild Life Protection Society formed in 1902 to safeguard big game from overhunting, evolving post-apartheid into broader campaigns integrating with redress for historical dispossession, as seen in organizations like Wildlife and Environment Society of South Africa (WESSA), founded in 1926, which conducts habitat rehabilitation and anti-poaching efforts. Critiques of African environmentalism highlight tensions between preservation and development, with international conservation models sometimes labeled "environmental colonialism" for evicting communities from ancestral lands to create protected areas, as in cases across eastern and where foreign-funded parks restricted grazing and farming, prioritizing over local livelihoods without adequate compensation or involvement. Organizations such as the African Wildlife Foundation, operational since 1962, emphasize habitat corridors and anti-poaching in countries like and , protecting species like elephants amid annual ivory seizures exceeding 20 tons continent-wide, yet face accusations of underemphasizing human-wildlife conflicts that displace farmers. The Pan African Climate Justice Alliance, uniting over 2,000 groups since 2008, advocates for climate funding, arguing that Africa's low historical emissions—less than 4% of global CO2—warrant reparative rather than emission caps that hinder industrialization. In , environmental activism emerged prominently in the amid waves, intertwining indigenous territorial defense with opposition to driven by , cattle ranching, and , particularly in the where annual forest loss averaged 4.2 million hectares from 2001-2020 before partial slowdowns via enforcement. Indigenous-led movements, such as those by the in and , have resisted illegal that contaminates rivers with mercury—exceeding safe levels by 10-100 times in affected areas—through legal titling and patrols, resulting in recognized indigenous territories experiencing deforestation rates up to 20 times lower than surrounding lands, with 's indigenous protected areas retaining 99% native vegetation from 1990-2020. High-profile campaigns include the 2016 assassination of Honduran activist , who mobilized communities against the Agua Zarca dam on the Gualcarque River, citing threats to water sources and ; her death underscored the region's dangers, with recording 177 environmental defender killings in 2022 alone, over half linked to land conflicts. These movements often prioritize over state or corporate extraction, as evidenced by Bolivia's 2009 recognizing indigenous , which has curbed soy expansion in the Chiquitano forest, though enforcement gaps persist amid corruption and weak institutions. Funding from international NGOs, while enabling advocacy, has drawn scrutiny for advancing global agendas like carbon offsetting that may undervalue local economic needs, such as Ecuador's 2007-2017 Yasuní-ITT initiative to leave oil underground in exchange for $3.6 billion in , which collapsed due to unmet pledges and domestic pressures for revenue. Despite achievements in slowing habitat loss—e.g., 's indigenous reserves averting 10 million tons of CO2 emissions annually— frequently clashes with goals, as resource booms in countries like and have lifted GDP per capita by 20-30% since 2000 partly through , highlighting causal trade-offs between conservation and human development.

Oceania

The environmental movement in , encompassing , , and Pacific Island nations, originated in the early with conservation efforts focused on preserving native and amid rapid European settlement and resource extraction. In , initial activism emphasized protection, as seen in the 1909 founding of the Wildlife Preservation Society by David Stead, which campaigned against overhunting and habitat loss. By the 1960s, the movement radicalized, opposing large-scale projects like the flooding of in , which galvanized public opposition to hydro-electric developments and highlighted ecological values over economic gains. In Australia, the 1980s Franklin River blockade in Tasmania represented a pivotal non-violent direct action campaign, involving over 2,000 arrests and ultimately preventing the dam's construction in 1983, leading to the area's designation as a World Heritage site in 1982. This success propelled figures like , who founded the Wilderness Society in 1976, and contributed to the formation of the Australian Greens in 1992, which has since secured parliamentary seats advocating for emissions reductions and biodiversity protection. New Zealand's movement similarly intensified with the 1969 Save Manapōuri campaign, which mobilized 250,000 signatures against raising Lake Manapōuri's level for power generation, influencing a 1972 that prioritized conservation and spurred the Values Party's emergence as an early green political force. Pacific Island nations, facing acute threats from sea-level rise projected to displace communities by 2050, have centered activism on international climate advocacy, exemplified by the Pacific Climate Warriors' canoe voyages to sites since 2014 to demand phase-outs of coal and gas exports. New Zealand's anti-nuclear stance, solidified after the 1985 bombing of the ship Rainbow Warrior by French agents in harbor, resulted in a 1987 nuclear-free legislation banning nuclear-powered vessels and weapons, reflecting regional concerns over atmospheric testing in the South Pacific. Despite achievements in policy like Australia's 1974 Environment Protection Act and New Zealand's 1991 Act, critics argue that stringent regulations, such as opposition to and , have imposed economic costs, including job losses in resource sectors estimated at thousands in regional areas during the 1980s-1990s forest disputes.

Recent Developments

Policy Advances and Backlashes

In the United States, the of 2022 continued to drive implementation through 2024, allocating over $369 billion in incentives for clean energy deployment, which projections indicate could reduce by approximately 40% below 2005 levels by 2030. The U.S. Agency finalized carbon standards for power plants in May 2024, imposing CO2 limits on new gas-fired turbines and existing coal and gas units, aiming to accelerate the shift from fossil fuels while requiring technologies like carbon capture for compliance. These measures spurred investments in solar and , with the Act credited for creating hundreds of thousands of jobs in and deployment by mid-2024, though actual emission reductions remain contingent on sustained funding and market adoption. In , the advanced toward its 55% emissions reduction target by 2030 relative to 1990 levels, with 2024 data showing solar generation surpassing coal for the first time and gas declining for the fifth consecutive year, supported by directives on integration and efficiency. However, progress has been uneven, with a 2025 assessment revealing delays in restoration and goals due to implementation gaps across member states. Significant backlashes emerged in 2023-2024, particularly from agricultural sectors opposing stringent regulations under the Green Deal, such as nitrogen emission limits and pesticide reductions, which farmers argued threatened livelihoods amid rising input costs and low commodity prices. Widespread protests, including tractor blockades in , , and starting in early 2024, pressured the to exempt small farmers from certain rules, delay fallow land requirements, and reconsider trade deals perceived as unfair competition from non-EU imports. In , public opposition in 2023 forced the to abandon a proposed phase-out of gas boilers by 2024, highlighting tensions between rapid decarbonization mandates and energy affordability exacerbated by the post-Ukraine invasion price spikes. Electoral outcomes amplified these reversals, with the 2024 European Parliament elections yielding gains for parties critical of the Green Deal, leading experts to anticipate narrowed ambitions post-vote, including softened targets in the Nature Restoration Law. In the U.S., the 2024 presidential transition to a second Trump administration signaled potential rollbacks, with proposals aligned to advocating elimination of climate-focused EPA programs and withdrawal from international agreements, citing economic burdens like job losses in regions. These developments underscore causal links between policy stringency and socioeconomic pushback, where empirical data on higher energy costs—such as EU household prices rising 20-30% post-2022 reforms—fueled resistance without commensurate short-term emission gains in some sectors.

Emerging Resistance Movements

In recent years, particularly following the implementation of ambitious in the early , organized resistance to elements of the environmental movement has gained momentum, manifesting in protests, political mobilization, and reversals driven by concerns over economic costs, regulatory burdens, and perceived inequities. A 2025 Stanford University analysis identified this opposition as a global phenomenon that intensifies after governments enact -related measures, such as emissions targets and land-use restrictions, with protests correlating to localized impacts like job losses and higher prices. These movements prioritize practical trade-offs, arguing that aggressive decarbonization efforts overlook causal realities like reliability and agricultural viability, often citing empirical on -induced hardships rather than disputing environmental outright. European farmers' protests, erupting across the continent from late 2023 into 2024, exemplify this resistance, targeting the European Union's Green Deal and associated regulations on emissions, use, and fallow land requirements. In the , farmers mobilized against 2019 reduction rules projected to force up to 30% herd culls and farm closures, sparking the Farmers Defence Force movement, which blockaded distribution centers and highways with tractors in June 2022 and continued through 2024. Similar actions in , , , and highlighted grievances over subsidized imports from non-EU countries undercutting local prices, with protest frequency surging 300% amid rising input costs and environmental mandates that farmers claimed threatened . These demonstrations prompted concessions, including the EU's 2024 suspension of a 4% annual farmland reduction target and dilution of ban proposals, reflecting empirical pressures from rural constituencies influencing electoral outcomes. Opposition to net-zero targets has fueled populist and cross-partisan backlash, particularly in Western democracies, where movements critique the policies' reliance on intermittent renewables and mineral-intensive transitions without adequate infrastructure. In the , "anti-net zero populism" emerged post-2021 legislation mandating emissions cuts, with rhetoric framing the approach as elitist virtue-signaling that burdens households—evidenced by a 2022-2023 price spike exceeding 100% amid subsidies and coal phase-outs. By 2025, this sentiment contributed to financial sector retreats, as major banks exited the Net-Zero Banking Alliance amid political scrutiny and profitability concerns from mandates. saw parallel dynamics, with far-right and conservative parties leveraging farmer unrest to advocate , leading to a broader EU rollback on Green Deal elements by mid-2025, including eased rules after documented non-compliance rates exceeding 20% in supply chains. These resistances underscore tensions between environmental goals and socioeconomic realities, with participants often drawing on from agricultural output declines—such as a 5-10% projected yield drop from nitrogen caps—and energy poverty metrics, where net-zero pursuits correlated with household fuel costs rising 50% faster than in affected regions. While mainstream analyses attribute much of the to external influences like cheap imports, the movements' highlights causal links to policy design flaws, prompting debates on adaptive, cost-benefit-driven alternatives over rigid timelines.

Technological and Market Shifts

Technological advancements in extraction, such as hydraulic fracturing () combined with horizontal drilling, have significantly contributed to emission reductions in the United States by displacing with cheaper . Between 2007 and 2019, the boom reduced annual U.S. per capita by an average of 7.5%, primarily through a shift in power generation that lowered CO2, , and SO2 outputs. This market-driven innovation, enabled by private sector R&D rather than direct mandates, outperformed many regulatory efforts in achieving verifiable emission cuts, though the environmental movement has often opposed it due to concerns over leaks and use. In renewable energy, levelized cost of electricity (LCOE) for solar photovoltaic has declined by approximately 90% since 2010, reaching a global weighted average of $0.044/kWh in 2023, while onshore wind costs fell by 49-78% over the same period. These reductions, driven by manufacturing scale-ups particularly in China and improvements in panel efficiency, have made renewables competitive in many markets without subsidies in optimal conditions, though costs stabilized post-2023 amid supply chain constraints and rising material prices. Electric vehicle (EV) adoption reflects similar market momentum, with global sales exceeding 17 million units in 2024, capturing over 20% of new car sales for the first time, fueled by battery cost reductions and policy incentives like tax credits. However, growth remains concentrated in China and Europe, with intermittency issues for renewables and grid strain from EV charging highlighting limitations not fully addressed by current technologies. Nuclear power has seen renewed interest as a dispatchable low-carbon option, with global capacity factors averaging 83% in 2024 and projections for output to hit records in 2025 amid rising demand. The forecasts nuclear capacity could expand 2.5 times by 2050 in its high-case scenario, supported by developments and policy shifts in countries like the U.S. and . (CCS) deployment lags, with only 77 projects operational globally as of 2025 despite a 54% rise in facilities year-over-year, constrained by high costs and limited commercial viability outside subsidized niches like . Market dynamics have tempered enthusiasm for environmental-themed investing, with ESG funds experiencing net outflows of $55 billion in Q3 alone and $20 billion annually in the U.S. market for the second year running, reflecting investor skepticism over greenwashing and underperformance relative to broader indices. This backlash, amplified by political opposition to perceived overreach in mandates, underscores a shift toward returns-focused strategies, even as empirical data supports selective tech adoption where it delivers cost-effective emission reductions without compromising energy reliability.

References

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