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Greek Muslims
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Greek Muslims, also known as Grecophone Muslims,[1][2][3][4][5][6] are Muslims of Greek ethnic origin whose adoption of Islam (and often the Turkish language and identity in more recent times) dates either from the contact of early Islamic caliphates with the Byzantine Empire or to the period of Ottoman rule in the southern Balkans and Anatolia. In more recent times, they consist primarily of descendants of Ottoman-era converts to Islam from Greek Macedonia (e.g., Vallahades), Crete (Cretan Muslims), and northeastern Anatolia (particularly in the regions of Trabzon, Gümüşhane, Sivas, Erzincan, Erzurum, and Kars).

Key Information

Despite their ethnic Greek origin, the contemporary Grecophone Muslims of Turkey have been steadily assimilated into the Turkish-speaking Muslim population. Sizable numbers of Grecophone Muslims, not merely the elders but even young people, have retained knowledge of their respective Greek dialects, such as Cretan and Pontic Greek.[1] Because of their gradual Turkification, as well as the close association of Greece and Greeks with Orthodox Christianity and their perceived status as a historic, military threat to the Turkish Republic, very few are likely to call themselves Greek Muslims. In Greece, Greek-speaking Muslims are not usually considered as forming part of the Greek nation.[7]

In the late Ottoman period, particularly after the Greco-Turkish War (1897), several communities of Greek Muslims from Crete and southern Greece were also relocated to Libya, Lebanon, and Syria, where, in towns like al-Hamidiyah, some of the older generation continue to speak Greek.[8] Historically, Greek Orthodoxy has been associated with being Romios (i.e., Greek) and Islam with being Turkish, despite ethnicity or language.[9]

Most Greek-speaking Muslims in Greece left for Turkey during the 1920s population exchanges under the Convention Concerning the Exchange of Greek and Turkish Populations (in return for Turkish-speaking Christians such as the Karamanlides).[10] Due to the historical role of the millet system, religion and not ethnicity or language was the main factor used during the exchange of populations.[10] All Muslims who departed Greece were seen as "Turks," whereas all Orthodox people leaving Turkey were considered "Greeks," again regardless of their ethnicity or language.[10] An exception was made for the native Muslim Pomaks and Western Thrace Turks living east of the River Nestos in East Macedonia and Thrace, Northern Greece, who are officially recognized as a religious minority by the Greek government.[11]

In Turkey, where most Greek-speaking Muslims live, there are various groups of Grecophone Muslims, some autochthonous, some from parts of present-day Greece and Cyprus who migrated to Turkey under the population exchanges or through immigration.

Motivations for conversion to Islam

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Taxation

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Dhimmi were subject to the heavier tax, jizya, versus the Muslim zakat. Other major taxes were the Defter and İspençe and the more severe Haraç, whereby a document was issued which stated that "the holder of this certificate is able to keep his head on the shoulders since he paid the Haraç tax for this year..." All these taxes were waived if the person converted to Islam.[12][13][14]

Devşirme

[edit]

Greek non-Muslims were also subjected to practices like Devşirme (blood tax), in which the Ottomans took Christian boys from their families and later converted them to Islam with the aim of selecting and training the ablest of them for leading positions in Ottoman society. Devşirme was not, however, the only means of conversion of Greek Christians. Many male and female orphans voluntarily converted to Islam in order to be adopted or to serve near Turkish families.[15]

[edit]

Another benefit converts received was better legal protection. The Ottoman Empire had two separate court systems, Islamic and non-Islamic, with the decisions of the former superseding those of the latter. Because non-Muslims were forbidden in the Islamic court, they could not defend their cases and were doomed to lose every time.[citation needed]

Career opportunities

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Conversion also yielded greater employment prospects and possibilities of advancement in the Ottoman government bureaucracy and military. Subsequently, these people became part of the Muslim community of the millet system, which was closely linked to Islamic religious rules. At that time, people were bound to their millets by their religious affiliations (or their confessional communities), rather than by their ethnic origins.[16] Muslim communities prospered under the Ottoman Empire, and as Ottoman law did not recognize such notions as ethnicity, Muslims of all ethnic backgrounds enjoyed precisely the same rights and privileges.[17]

Avoiding slavery

[edit]

During the Greek War of Independence, Ottoman Egyptian troops under the leadership of Ibrahim Pasha of Egypt ravaged the island of Crete and the Greek countryside of the Morea, where Muslim Egyptian soldiers enslaved vast numbers of Christian Greek children and women. Ibrahim arranged for the enslaved Greek children to be forcefully converted to Islam en masse.[18] The enslaved Greeks were subsequently transferred to Egypt, where they were sold. Several decades later in 1843, the English traveler and writer Sir John Gardner Wilkinson described the state of enslaved Greeks who had converted to Islam in Egypt:

White Slaves – In Egypt there are white slaves and slaves of colour. [...] There are [for example] some Greeks who were taken in the War of Independence. [...] In Egypt, the officers of rank are for the most part enfranchised slaves. I have seen in the bazars of Cairo Greek slaves who had been torn from their country, at the time it was about to obtain its liberty; I have seen them afterwards holding nearly all the most important civil and military grades; and one might be almost tempted to think that their servitude was not a misfortune, if one could forget the grief of their parents on seeing them carried off, at a time when they hoped to bequeath to them a religion free from persecution, and a regenerated country.

— [19]

A great many Greeks and Slavs became Muslims to avoid these hardships. Conversion to Islam is quick, and the Ottoman Empire did not keep extensive documentation on the religions of their individual subjects. The only requirements were knowing Turkish, saying you were Muslim, and possibly getting circumcised. Converts might also signal their conversion by wearing the brighter clothes favored by Muslims, rather than the drab garments of Christians and Jews in the empire.[20]

Greek has a specific verb, τουρκεύω (tourkevo), meaning "to become a Turk."[21] The equivalent in Serbian and other South Slavic languages is turčiti (imperfective) or poturčiti (perfective).[22]

Greek Muslims of Pontus and the Caucasus

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Geographic dispersal

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Pontic Greek (called Ρωμαίικα/Roméika in the Pontus, not Ποντιακά/Pontiaká as it is in Greece), is spoken by large communities of Pontic Greek Muslim origin, spread out near the southern Black Sea coast. Pontian Greek Muslims are found within Trabzon province in the following areas:[23][24]

  • In the town of Tonya and in six villages of Tonya district.
  • In six villages of the municipal entity of Beşköy in the central and Köprübaşı districts of Sürmene.
  • In nine villages of the Galyana valley in Maçka district. These Greek Muslims were resettled there in abandoned former Greek Orthodox Pontian dwellings from the area of Beşköy after a devastating flood in 1929.
  • In the Of valley, which contains the largest cluster of Pontian speakers.
  • There are 23 Greek Muslim villages in Çaykara district,[25] though due to migration these numbers have fluctuated; according to native speakers of the area, there were around 70 Greek Muslim villages in Çaykara district.[26]
  • Twelve Greek Muslim villages are also located in the Dernekpazarı district.[25]
  • In other settlements such as Rize (with a large concentration in İkizdere district), Erzincan, Gümüşhane, parts of Erzerum province, and the former Russian Empire's province of Kars Oblast (see Caucasus Greeks) and Georgia (see Islam in Georgia).

Today these Greek-speaking Muslims[27] regard themselves and identify as Turks.[26][28] Nonetheless, a great many have retained knowledge of and/or are fluent in Greek, which continues to be a mother tongue for even young Pontic Muslims.[29] Men are usually bilingual in Turkish and Pontic Greek, while many women are monolingual Pontic Greek speakers.[29]

History

[edit]

Many Pontic natives were converted to Islam during the first two centuries following the Ottoman conquest of the region. Taking high military and religious posts in the empire, their elite were integrated into the ruling class of imperial society.[30] The converted population accepted Ottoman identity, but in many instances people retained their local, native languages.[30] In 1914, according to the official estimations of the Ecumenical Patriarchate, about 190,000 Greek Muslims were counted in the Pontus alone.[31] Over the years, heavy emigration from the Trabzon region to other parts of Turkey, to places such as Istanbul, Sakarya, Zonguldak, Bursa and Adapazarı, has occurred.[25] Emigration out of Turkey has also occurred, such as to Germany as guest workers during the 1960s.[25]

Glossonyms

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In Turkey, Pontic Greek Muslim communities are sometimes called Rum. However, as with Yunan (Turkish for "Greek") or the English word "Greek," this term 'is associated in Turkey to be with Greece and/or Christianity, and many Pontic Greek Muslims refuse such identification.[32][33] The endonym for Pontic Greek is Romeyka, while Rumca and/or Rumcika are Turkish exonyms for all Greek dialects spoken in Turkey.[34] Both are derived from ρωμαίικα, literally "Roman", referring to the Byzantines.[35] Modern-day Greeks call their language ελληνικά (Hellenika), meaning Greek, an appellation that replaced the previous term Romeiika in the early 19th century.[35] In Turkey, standard modern Greek is called Yunanca; ancient Greek is called either Eski Yunanca or Grekçe.[35]

Religious practice

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According to Heath W. Lowry's[36] seminal work on Ottoman tax books[37] (Tahrir Defteri, with co-author Halil İnalcık), most "Turks" in Trebizond and the Pontic Alps region in northeastern Anatolia are of Pontic Greek origin. Pontian Greek Muslims are known in Turkey for their conservative adherence to Sunni Islam of the Hanafi school and are renowned for producing many Quranic teachers.[29] Sufi orders such as Qadiri and Naqshbandi have a great impact.

Cretan Muslims

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Cretan Muslims, 19th-20th century.

The term "Cretan Muslims" (Turkish: Girit Müslümanları) or "Cretan Turks" (Greek: Τουρκοκρητικοί; Turkish: Girit Türkleri) refers to Greek-speaking Muslims[2][38][39] who arrived in Turkey after or slightly before the start of the Greek rule in Crete in 1908, and especially in the context of the 1923 agreement for the Exchange of Greek and Turkish Populations. Prior to their resettlement in Turkey, deteriorating communal relations between Cretan Greek Christians and Cretan Greek Muslims drove the latter to identify with Ottoman and later Turkish identity.[40]

Geographic dispersal

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Cretan Muslims have largely settled on the coastline, stretching from the Çanakkale to İskenderun.[41] Significant numbers were resettled in other Ottoman-controlled areas around the eastern Mediterranean by the Ottomans following the establishment of the autonomous Cretan State in 1898. Most ended up in coastal Syria and Lebanon, particularly the town of Al-Hamidiyah, in Syria, (named after the Ottoman sultan who settled them there), and Tripoli in Lebanon, where many continue to speak Greek as their mother tongue. Others were resettled in Ottoman Tripolitania, especially in the eastern cities like Susa and Benghazi, where they are distinguishable by their Greek surnames. Many of the older members of this last community still speak Cretan Greek in their homes.[41]

A small community of Cretan Greek Muslims still resides in Greece in the Dodecanese islands of Rhodes and Kos.[42] These communities were formed prior to the area becoming part of Greece in 1948, when their ancestors migrated there from Crete, and their members are integrated into the local Muslim population as Turks today.[42]

Language

[edit]

Some Grecophone Muslims of Crete composed literature for their community in the Greek language, such as songs, but wrote it in the Arabic alphabet.[43] although little of it has been studied.[39]

Today, in various settlements along the Aegean coast, elderly Grecophone Cretan Muslims are still conversant in Cretan Greek.[41] Many in the younger generations are fluent in the Greek language.[44]

Often, members of the Muslim Cretan community are unaware that the language they speak is Greek.[2] Frequently, they refer to their native tongue as Cretan (Kritika Κρητικά or Giritçe) instead of Greek.

Religious practice

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Cretan Greek Muslims are Sunnis of the Hanafi school, with a highly influential Bektashi minority who helped shape the folk Islam and religious tolerance of the entire community.

Epirote Greek Muslims

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Muslims from the region of Epirus, known collectively as Yanyalılar (singular Yanyalı, meaning "person from Ioannina") in Turkish and Τουρκογιαννιώτες Turkoyanyótes in Greek (singular Τουρκογιαννιώτης Turkoyanyótis, meaning "Turk from Ioannina") arrived in Turkey in two waves of migration, in 1912 and after 1923. After the exchange of populations, Grecophone Epirote Muslims resettled themselves in the Anatolian section of Istanbul, especially the districts from Erenköy to Kartal, which had previously been populated by wealthy Orthodox Greeks.[45] Although the majority of the Epirote Muslim population was of Albanian origins, Grecophone Muslim communities existed in the towns of Souli,[46] Margariti (both majority-Muslim),[47][48] Ioannina, Preveza, Louros, Paramythia, Konitsa, and elsewhere in the Pindus mountain region.[49] The Greek-speaking Muslim[3][43] populations who were a majority in Ioannina and Paramythia, with sizable numbers residing in Parga and possibly Preveza, "shared the same route of identity construction, with no evident differentiation between them and their Albanian-speaking cohabitants."[3][45]

Hoca Sadeddin Efendi, a Greek-speaking Muslim from Ioannina in the 18th century, was the first translator of Aristotle into Turkish.[50] Some Grecophone Muslims of Ioannina composed literature for their community in the Greek language, such as poems, using the Arabic alphabet.[43] The community now is fully integrated into Turkish culture.[verification needed] Last, the Muslims from Epirus that were of mainly Albanian origin are described as Cham Albanians instead.

Macedonian Greek Muslims

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The Greek-speaking Muslims[4][7][38][51][52] who lived in the Haliacmon of western Macedonia[53] were known collectively as Vallahades; they had probably converted to Islam en masse in the late 1700s. The Vallahades retained much of their Greek culture and language. This is in contrast with most Greek converts to Islam from Greek Macedonia, other parts of Macedonia, and elsewhere in the southern Balkans, who generally adopted the Turkish language and identity and thoroughly assimilated into the Ottoman ruling elite. According to Todor Simovski's assessment (1972), 13,753 Muslim Greeks lived in Greek Macedonia in 1912.[54]

In the 20th century, the Vallahades were considered by other Greeks to have become Turkish and were not exempt from the 1922–1923 population exchange between Greece and Turkey. The Vallahades were resettled in western Asia Minor, in such towns as Kumburgaz, Büyükçekmece, and Çatalca or in villages like Honaz near Denizli.[4] Many Vallahades still continue to speak the Greek language, which they call Romeïka[4] and have become completely assimilated into the Turkish Muslim mainstream as Turks.[55]

Thessalian Greek Muslims

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Greek-speaking Muslims lived in Thessaly,[56] mostly centered in and around cities such as Larissa, Trikala, Karditsa, Almyros, and Volos.

Grecophone Muslim communities existed in the towns and certain villages of Elassona, Tyrnovos, and Almyros. According to Lampros Koutsonikas, Muslims in the kaza of Elassona lived in six villages such as Stefanovouno, Lofos, Galanovrysi and Domeniko, as well as the town itself and belonged to the Vallahades group.[57] Evliya Chelebi, who visited the area in 1660s, also mentioned in his Seyahâtnâme that they spoke Greek.[58] In the 8th volume of his Seyahâtnâme he mentions that many Muslims of Thessaly were converts of Greek origin.[59] In particular, he writes that the Muslims of Tyrnovos were converts, and that he could not understand the sect to which the of Muslims of Domokos belonged, claiming they were mixed with "infidels" and thus relieved of paying the haraç tax .[59] Moreover, Chelebi does not mention at all the 12 so-called Konyar Turkish villages that are mentioned in the 18th-century Menâkıbnâme of Turahan Bey, such as Lygaria, Fallani, Itea, Gonnoi, Krokio and Rodia, which were referenced by Ottoman registrars in the yearly books of 1506, 1521. and 1570. This indicates that the Muslims of Thessaly are indeed mostly of convert origin.[60] There were also some Muslims of Vlach descent assimilated into these communities, such as those in the village of Argyropouli. After the Convention of Constantinople in 1881, these Muslims started emigrating to areas that are still under Turkish administration including to the villages of Elassona.[61]

Artillery captain William Martin Leake wrote in his Travels in Northern Greece (1835) that he spoke with the Bektashi Sheikh and the Vezir of Trikala in Greek. In fact, he specifically states that the Sheikh used the word "ἄνθρωπος" to define men, and he quotes the Vezir as saying, καί έγώ εϊμαι προφήτης στά Ιωάννινα..[62] British Consul-General John Elijah Blunt observed in the last quarter of the 19th century, "Greek is also generally spoken by the Turkish inhabitants, and appears to be the common language between Turks and Christians."

Research on purchases of property and goods registered in the notarial archive of Agathagellos Ioannidis between 1882 and 1898, right after the annexation, concludes that the overwhelming majority of Thessalian Muslims who became Greek citizens were able to speak and write Greek. An interpreter was needed only in 15% of transactions, half of which involved women, which might indicate that most Thessalian Muslim women were monolingual and possibly illiterate.[63] However, a sizable population of Circassians and Tatars were settled in Thessaly in the second half of the 19th century, in the towns of Yenişehir (Larissa), Velestino, Ermiye (Almyros), and villages of Balabanlı (Asimochori) and Loksada in Karditsa.[64] It is possible that they and also the Albanian Muslims were the ones who did not fully understand the Greek Language. Moreover, some Muslims served as interpreters in these transactions.

Greek Morean/Peleponnesian Muslims

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Greek-speaking Muslims lived in cities, citadels, towns, and some villages close to fortified settlements in the Peloponnese, such as Patras, Rio, Tripolitsa, Koroni, Navarino, and Methoni. Evliya Chelebi has also mentioned in his Seyahatnâme that the language of all Muslims in Morea was Urumşa, which is demotic Greek. In particular, he mentions that the wives of Muslims in the castle of Acrocorinth were non-Muslims. He says that the peoples of Gastouni speak Urumşa, but that they were devout and friendly nonetheless. He explicitly states that the Muslims of Longanikos were converted Greeks, or ahıryan.[58]

Greek Cypriot Muslims

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In 1878 the Muslim inhabitants of Cyprus constituted about one-third of the island's population of 120,000. They were classified as being either Turkish or "neo-Muslim." The latter were of Greek origin, Islamised but speaking Greek, and similar in character to the local Christians. The last of such groups was reported to arrive at Antalya in 1936. These communities are thought to have abandoned Greek in the course of integration.[65] During the 1950s, there were still four Greek speaking Muslim settlements in Cyprus: Lapithiou, Platanissos, Ayios Simeon and Galinoporni that identified themselves as Turks.[5] A 2017 study on the genetics of Turkish Cypriots has shown strong genetic ties with their fellow Orthodox Greek Cypriots.[66][67]

Greek Muslims of the Aegean Islands

[edit]

Despite not having a majority Muslim population at any time during the Ottoman period,[68] some Aegean Islands such as Chios, Lesbos, Kos, Rhodes, Lemnos and Tenedos, and on Kastellorizo contained a sizable Muslim population of Greek origin.[69] Before the Greek Revolution, there were also Muslims on the island of Euboea, but there were no Muslims in the Cyclades and Sporades island groups. Evliya Chelebi mentions that there were 100 Muslim houses on the island of Aegina in 1660s.[59] On most islands, Muslims were only living in and around the main centers of the islands. Today, about 5,000–5,500 Greek-speaking Muslims (called Turks of the Dodecanese) live on Kos and Rhodes. This is because the Dodecanese islands were governed by Italy during the Greek-Turkish population exchange, and so these populations were exempt. However, many migrated after the Paris Peace Treaties in 1947.

Crimea

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In the Middle Ages the Greek population of Crimea traditionally adhered to Eastern Orthodox Christianity, even despite undergoing linguistic assimilation by the local Crimean Tatars. In 1777–1778, when Catherine the Great of Russia conquered the peninsula from the Ottoman Empire, the local Orthodox population was forcibly deported and settled north of the Azov Sea. In order to avoid deportation, some Greeks chose to convert to Islam. Crimean Tatar-speaking Muslims of the village of Kermenchik (renamed to Vysokoye [ru] in 1945) kept their Greek identity and were practicing Christianity in secret for a while. In the nineteenth century the lower half of Kermenchik was populated with Christian Greeks from Turkey, whereas the upper remained Muslim. By the time of the 1944 deportation, the Muslims of Kermenchik had already been identified as Crimean Tatars, and were forcibly expelled to Central Asia together with the rest of Crimea's ethnic minorities.[70]

Lebanon and Syria

[edit]

There are about 7,000 Greek-speaking Muslims living in Tripoli, Lebanon and about 8,000 in Al Hamidiyah, Syria.[71] The majority of them are Muslims of Cretan origin. Records suggest that the community left Crete between 1866 and 1897, on the outbreak of the last Cretan uprising against the Ottoman Empire, which ended the Greco-Turkish War of 1897.[71] Sultan Abdul Hamid II provided Cretan Muslim families who fled the island with refuge on the Levantine coast. The new settlement was named Hamidiye after the sultan.

Many Grecophone Muslims of Lebanon somewhat managed to preserve their Cretan Muslim identity and Greek language.[72] Unlike neighbouring communities, they are monogamous and consider divorce a disgrace. Until the Lebanese Civil War, their community was close-knit and entirely endogamous. However many of them left Lebanon during the 15 years of the war.[71]

Greek-speaking Muslims[6] constitute 60% of Al Hamidiyah's population. The percentage may be higher but is not conclusive because of hybrid relationship in families. The community is very much concerned with maintaining its culture. The knowledge of the spoken Greek language is remarkably good and their contact with their historical homeland has been possible by means of satellite television and relatives. They are also known to be monogamous.[71] Today, Grecophone Hamidiyah residents identify themselves as Cretan Muslims, while some others as Cretan Turks.[73]

By 1988, many Grecophone Muslims from both Lebanon and Syria had reported being subject to discrimination by the Greek embassy because of their religious affiliation. The community members would be regarded with indifference and even hostility, and would be denied visas and opportunities to improve their Greek through trips to Greece.[71]

Central Asia

[edit]

In the Middle Ages, after the Seljuq victory over the Byzantine Emperor Romanus IV, many Byzantine Greeks were taken as slaves to Central Asia. The most famous among them was Al-Khazini, a Byzantine Greek slave taken to Merv, then in the Khorasan province of Persia but now in Turkmenistan, who was later freed and became a famous Muslim scientist.[74]

Other Greek Muslims

[edit]
  • Cappadocian Greek-speaking Muslims, Cappadocia
  • Greek-speaking Anatolian Muslims
  • Greek-speaking Muslims of Thrace
  • Greek-speaking Muslims of North Africa

Muslims of partial Greek descent (non-conversions)

[edit]
Tevfik Fikret (1867–1915) was an Ottoman poet who is considered the founder of the modern school of Turkish poetry, his mother was a Greek convert to Islam from Chios.
Osman Hamdi Bey (1842–1910) was an Ottoman statesman, archaeologist, intellectual, art expert and pioneering painter of Greek descent. He was the founder of Istanbul Archaeology Museums and of Istanbul Academy of Fine Arts (Turkish: Sanayi-i Nefise Mektebi), today known as the Mimar Sinan Fine Arts University.
  • Abu Ubaid al-Qasim bin Salam al-Khurasani al-Harawi (Arabic: أبو عبيد القاسم بن سلاّم الخراساني الهروي; c. 770–838) was an Arab philologist and the author of many standard works on lexicography, Qur'anic sciences, hadith, and fiqh. He was born in Herat, the son of a Byzantine Greek slave. He left his native town and studied philology in Basra under many famous scholars such as al-Asmaʿi (d. 213/828), Abu ʿUbayda (d. c.210/825), and Abu Zayd al-Ansari (d. 214 or 215/830–1), and in Kufa under, among others, Abu ʿAmr al-Shaybani (d. c.210/825), al-Kisaʾi (d. c.189/805) and others.
  • Abu Firas al-Hamdani, Al-Harith ibn Abi'l-ʿAlaʾ Saʿid ibn Hamdan al-Taghlibi (932–968), better known by his nom de plume of Abu Firas al-Hamdani (Arabic: أبو فراس الحمداني), was an Arab prince and poet. He was a cousin of Sayf al-Dawla and a member of the noble family of the Hamdanids, who were rulers in northern Syria and Upper Mesopotamia during the 10th century. He served Sayf al-Dawla as governor of Manbij as well as court poet, and was active in his cousin's wars against the Byzantine Empire. He was captured by the Byzantines in 959/962 and spent four or seven years at their capital, Constantinople, where he composed his most famous work, the collection of poems titled al-Rūmiyyāt (الروميات). His father Abi'l-Ala Sa'id—a son of the Hamdanid family's founder, Hamdan ibn Hamdun – occupied a distinguished position in the court of the Abbasid caliph al-Muqtadir (reigned 908–932). Abu Firas' mother was a Byzantine Greek slave concubine (an umm walad, freed after giving birth to her master's child). His maternal descent later was a source of scorn and taunts from his Hamdanid relatives, a fact reflected in his poems.
  • Ibn al-Rumi (836–896), Arab poet, was the son of a Persian mother and a Byzantine freedman father and convert to Islam.
  • Al-Wathiq – Abū Jaʿfar Hārūn ibn Muḥammad (Arabic: أبو جعفر هارون بن محمد 812–847 ;المعتصم), better known by his regnal name al-Wāthiq Bi'llāh (الواثق بالله, "He who trusts in God"), was an Abbasid caliph who reigned from 842 until 847 AD (227–232 AH in the Islamic calendar). Al-Wathiq was the son of al-Mu'tasim by a Byzantine Greek slave (umm walad), Qaratis. He was named Harun after his grandfather, caliph Harun al-Rashid (r. 786–809).
  • Al-Muhtadi – Abū Isḥāq Muḥammad ibn al-Wāṯiq (c. 833–870), better known by his regnal name al-Muhtadī bi-'llāh (Arabic: المهتدي بالله, "Guided by God"), was the Caliph of the Abbasid Caliphate from July 869 to June 870, during the "Anarchy at Samarra". Al-Muhtadi's mother Qurb, was a Greek slave. As a ruler, al-Muhtadi sought to emulate the Umayyad caliph Umar ibn Abd al-Aziz, widely considered a model Islamic ruler. He therefore lived an austere and pious life—notably removing all musical instruments from the court—and made a point of presiding in person over the courts of grievances (mazalim), thus gaining the support of the common people. Combining "strength and ability", he was determined to restore the Caliph's authority and power, that had been eroded during the ongoing "Anarchy at Samarra" by the squabbles of the Turkish generals.
  • Al-Mu'tadid, Abu'l-Abbas Ahmad ibn Talha al-Muwaffaq (Arabic: أبو العباس أحمد بن طلحة الموفق, translit. ʿAbū al-ʿAbbās Aḥmad ibn Ṭalḥa al-Muwaffaq; 854/861–902), better known by his regnal name al-Mu'tadid bi-llah (Arabic: المعتضد بالله, "Seeking Support in God") was the Caliph of the Abbasid Caliphate from 892 until his death in 902. Al-Mu'tadid was born Ahmad, the son of Talha, one of the sons of the Abbasid caliph al-Mutawakkil (r. 847–861), and a Greek slave named Dirar.
  • Al-Husayn I ibn Ali, also known as Hussein I (Arabic: حسين الأول; b. 1675, d. 1740) founder of the Husainid Dynasty, which ruled Tunisia until the abolition of the monarchy in 1957. Husayn was born a Kouloughli, which is a term used to refer to an Ottoman father and a local North African mother. His father was a Muslim of Cretan Greek origin and his mother was a Tunisian. The Husaynids were often called "Greeks" by Habib Bourguiba and, until recently, discussion of their origins was taboo.
  • Mahmoud Sami el-Baroudi (1839–1904), Prime Minister of Egypt from 4 February 1882 until 26 May 1882 and a prominent poet. He was known as Rab Alseif Wel Qalam رب السيف و القلم ("lord of sword and pen"). His father belonged to an Ottoman-Egyptian family while his mother was a Greek woman who converted to Islam upon marrying his father.[75][76]
  • Hussein Kamel of Egypt, Sultan Hussein Kamel (Arabic: السلطان حسين كامل, Turkish: Sultan Hüseyin Kamil Paşa[dubiousdiscuss]; 1853–1917) was the Sultan of Egypt from 19 December 1914 to 9 October 1917, during the British protectorate over Egypt. Hussein Kamel was the second son of Khedive Isma'il Pasha, who ruled Egypt from 1863 to 1879 and his Greek wife Nur Felek Kadin.
  • Mongi Slim (Arabic: منجي سليم, Turkish: Mengi Selim; 1908–1969) was a Tunisian diplomat who became the first African to become the President of the United Nations General Assembly in 1961. He received a degree from the faculty of law of the University of Paris. He was twice imprisoned by the French during the Tunisian struggle for independence. Slim came from an aristocratic family of Greek and Turkish origin. One of Slim's great-grandfathers, a Greek named Kafkalas, was captured as a boy by pirates, and sold to the Bey of Tunis, who educated and freed him and then made him his minister of defence.
  • Kaykaus II, Seljuq sultan. His mother was the daughter of a Greek priest; and it was the Greeks of Nicaea from whom he consistently sought aid throughout his life.
  • Kaykhusraw II – Ghiyath al-Din Kaykhusraw II or Ghiyāth ad-Dīn Kaykhusraw bin Kayqubād (Persian: غياث الدين كيخسرو بن كيقباد) was the sultan of Rûm from 1237 until his death in 1246. He ruled at the time of the Babai uprising and the Mongol invasion of Anatolia. He led the Seljuq army with its Christian allies at the Battle of Köse Dağ in 1243. He was the last of the Seljuq sultans to wield any significant power and died as a vassal of the Mongols. Kaykhusraw was the son of Kayqubad I and his wife Mah Pari Khatun, who was Greek by origin.
  • Süleyman Pasha (1306–1357), was a son of the Ottoman sultan Orhan, and Nilüfer Hatun.[77]
  • Oruç Reis – also called Barbarossa or Redbeard (1470/1474–1518), privateer and Ottoman Bey (Governor) of Algiers and Beylerbey (Chief Governor) of the West Mediterranean. He was born on the island of Lesbos, his mother was Greek named Katerina.
  • Hayreddin Barbarossa (c. 1478–1546), privateer and Ottoman admiral, whose mother Katerina, was a Greek from Mytilene on the island of Lesbos.
  • Hasan Pasha (c. 1517–1572), son of Hayreddin Barbarossa, and three-times Beylerbey of Algiers, Algeria. He succeeded his father as ruler of Algiers, and replaced Barbarossa's deputy Hasan Agha who had been effectively holding the position of ruler of Algiers since 1533.
  • Şehzade Halil (probably 1346–1362), Ottoman prince. His father was Orhan, the second bey of the Ottoman beylik (later empire), his mother was Theodora Kantakouzene, the daughter of the Byzantine emperor John VI Kantakouzenos and Irene Asanina. His kidnapping was an important event in 14th century Ottoman-Byzantine relations.
  • Murad I (1326–1389), Ottoman sultan, Greek mother (Nilüfer Hatun) daughter of the Prince of Yarhisar or the Byzantine Princess Helen.
  • Bayezid I (1360–1403), Ottoman sultan, Greek mother (Gülçiçek Hatun) wife of Murad I.
  • Bayezid II (1447–1512), Ottoman sultan. The more widespread view is that his mother was of Albanian origin,[78][79][80] though a Greek origin has also been proposed.[81]
  • Selim I (1470–1520), Ottoman sultan, there is a proposed Greek origin for his father, Bayezid II, through his mother's side (Valide Sultan Amina Gul-Bahar or Gulbahar Khatun – a Greek convert to Islam); and for his mother Gülbahar Hatun, which would make him three-quarters Greek if both are valid.[82]
  • Ahmed I (1590–1617), Ottoman sultan, Greek mother[83] (Handan Sultan) wife of Mehmed III.
  • Murad IV (1612–1640), Ottoman sultan, Greek mother (Kösem Sultan, originally Anastasia).
  • Ibrahim I (1615–1648), Ottoman sultan, Greek mother (Kösem Sultan), the daughter of a priest from the island of Tinos; her maiden name was Anastasia and was one of the most powerful women in Ottoman history.
  • Mustafa II[84][85][86][87] (1664–1703), Ottoman sultan, Cretan Greek mother (Gülnuş Sultan, originally named Evemia).
  • Ahmed III (1673–1736), Ottoman sultan, Cretan Greek mother (Gülnuş Sultan, originally named Evemia) who was the daughter of a Cretan Greek priest.
  • Sheikh Bedreddin (1359–1420), influential mystic, scholar, theologian, and revolutionary, Greek mother named Melek Hatun.
  • Osman Hamdi Bey (1842–1910), Ottoman statesman and art expert and also a prominent and pioneering painter, the son of İbrahim Edhem Pasha,[88] a Greek[89] by birth abducted as a youth following the Massacre of Chios. He was the founder of the Archaeological Museum of Istanbul.[89]
  • Tevfik Fikret (1867–1915), Ottoman poet who is considered the founder of the modern school of Turkish poetry, his mother was a Greek convert to Islam from the island of Chios.[90][91]
  • Taleedah Tamer is a Saudi Arabian fashion model. She is the first Saudi model to walk a couture runway in Paris and the first to be on the cover of an international magazine. Taleedah Tamer was born and raised in Jeddah, Makkah in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. Her father, Ayman Tamer, is a Saudi businessman who is CEO and chairman of Tamer Group, a pharmaceutical, healthcare, and beauty company. Her mother, Cristina Tamer, is an Italian former dancer and model for Giorgio Armani, Gianfranco Ferré and La Perla. Her grandmother is Greek.[92]

Muslims of Greek descent (non-conversions)

[edit]
Hüseyin Hilmi Pasha (1855–1922–1923) was born into a Muslim family of Greek descent on Lesbos.
Ahmed Vefik Pasha (1823–1891) Ottoman statesman, diplomat and playwright of Greek ancestry who presided over the first Turkish parliament
  • Hussein Hilmi Pasha – (1855–1922), Ottoman statesman born on Lesbos to a family of Greek ancestry[93][94][95][96] who had formerly converted to Islam.[97] He became twice Grand vizier[98] of the Ottoman Empire in the wake of the Second Constitutional Era and was also co-founder and Head of the Turkish Red Crescent.[99] Hüseyin Hilmi was one of the most successful Ottoman administrators in the Balkans of the early 20th century becoming Ottoman Inspector-General of Macedonia[100] from 1902 to 1908, Ottoman Minister for the Interior[101] from 1908 to 1909 and Ottoman Ambassador at Vienna[102] from 1912 to 1918.
  • Hadji Mustafa Pasha (1733–1801), of Greek Muslim origin, Ottoman commander.[103]
  • Ahmet Vefik Paşa (Istanbul, 3 July 1823 – 2 April 1891), was a famous Ottoman of Greek descent[104][105][106][107][108][109][110] (whose ancestors had converted to Islam).[104] He was a statesman, diplomat, playwright and translator of the Tanzimat period. He was commissioned with top-rank governmental duties, including presiding over the first Turkish parliament.[111] He also became a grand vizier for two brief periods. Vefik also established the first Ottoman theatre[112] and initiated the first Western style theatre plays in Bursa and translated Molière's major works.
  • Ahmed Resmî Efendi (English, "Ahmed Efendi of Resmo") (1700–1783) also called Ahmed bin İbrahim Giridî ("Ahmed the son of İbrahim the Cretan") was a Grecophone Ottoman statesman, diplomat and historian, who was born into a Muslim family of Greek descent in the Cretan town of Rethymno.[113][114][115][116] In international relations terms, his most important – and unfortunate – task was to act as the chief of the Ottoman delegation during the negotiations and the signature of the Treaty of Küçük Kaynarca. In the literary domain, he is remembered for various works among which his sefâretnâme recounting his embassies in Berlin and Vienna occupy a prominent place. He was Turkey's first ever ambassador in Berlin.
  • Adnan Kahveci (1949–1993) was a noted Turkish politician who served as a key advisor to Prime Minister Turgut Özal throughout the 1980s. His family came from the region of Pontus and Kahveci was a fluent Greek speaker.[117]
  • Bülent Arınç (born. 25 May 1948) is a Deputy Prime Minister of Turkey since 2009. He is of Grecophone Cretan Muslim heritage with his ancestors arriving to Turkey as Cretan refugees during the time of Sultan Abdul Hamid II[118] and is fluent in Cretan Greek.[119] Arınç is a proponent of wanting to reconvert the Hagia Sophia into a mosque, which has caused diplomatic protestations from Greece.[120]

Greek converts to Islam

[edit]
Ibrahim Edhem Pasha (1819–1893) was an Ottoman statesman of Greek origin.[121]
Mustapha Khaznadar (ca. 1817–1878) was a Muslim Greek who served as Prime Minister of Tunis.[122]
  • Al-Khazini – (flourished 1115–1130) was a Greek Muslim scientist, astronomer, physicist, biologist, alchemist, mathematician and philosopher – lived in Merv (modern-day Turkmenistan)
  • Andreas Palaiologos or Palaeologus (Greek: Ἀνδρέας Παλαιολόγος; fl. 1520), sometimes anglicized to Andrew, was a son of Manuel Palaiologos. Andreas was likely named after his uncle, Manuel's brother, Andreas Palaiologos. Andreas's father had returned from exile under the protection of the Papacy to Constantinople in 1476 and had been generously provided for by Mehmed II of the Ottoman Empire, who had conquered the city from Manuel's relatives in 1453. Although Manuel remained a Christian until his death at some point before 1512, Andreas converted to Islam and served as an Ottoman court official under the name Mehmet Pasha. He was the last certain member of the imperial branch of the Palaiologos family.
  • Atik Sinan or "Old Sinan" – Ottoman architect (not to be confused with the other Sinan whose origins are disputed between Greek, Albanian, Turk or Armenian (see below))
  • Badr al-Hammami, Badr ibn ʿAbdallāh al-Ḥammāmī, also known as Badr al-Kabīr ("Badr the Elder"),[1] was a general who served the Tulunids and later the Abbasids. Of Greek origin, Badr was originally a slave of the founder of the Tulunid autonomous regime, Ahmad ibn Tulun, who later set him free. In 914, he was the Abbasid governor of Fars.
  • Carlos Mavroleon – son of a Greek ship-owner, Etonian heir to a £100m fortune, close to the Kennedys and almost married a Heseltine, former Wall Street broker and a war correspondent, leader of an Afghan Mujahideen unit during the Afghan war against the Soviets – died under mysterious circumstances in Peshawar, Pakistan
  • Damat Hasan Pasha, Ottoman Grand Vizier between 1703 and 1704.[123] He was originally a Greek convert to Islam from the Morea.[124][125]
  • Damian of Tarsus – Damian (died 924), known in Arabic as Damyanah and surnamed Ghulam Yazman ("slave/page of Yazman"), was a Byzantine Greek convert to Islam, governor of Tarsus in 896–897 and one of the main leaders of naval raids against the Byzantine Empire in the early 10th century. In 911, he attacked Cyprus, which since the 7th century had been a neutralized Arab-Byzantine condominium, and ravaged it for four months because its inhabitants had assisted a Byzantine fleet under admiral Himerios in attacking the Caliphate's coasts the year before.
  • Diam's (Mélanie Georgiades) French rapper of Greek origin.
  • Dhuka al-Rumi lit. "Doukas the Roman" (died 11 August 919) was a Byzantine Greek who served the Abbasid Caliphate, most notably as governor of Egypt in 915–919. He was installed as governor of Egypt in 915 by the Abbasid commander-in-chief Mu'nis al-Muzaffar, as part of his effort to stabilize the situation in the country and expel a Fatimid invasion that had taken Alexandria.
  • Emetullah Rabia Gülnûş Sultan (1642–1715) was the wife of Ottoman Sultan Mehmed IV and Valide Sultan to their sons Mustafa II and Ahmed III (1695–1715). She was born to a priest in Rethymno, Crete, then under Venetian rule, her maiden name was Evmania Voria and she was an ethnic Greek.[85][126][127][128][129][130][131][132][133][134] She was captured when the Ottomans conquered Rethymno about 1646 and she was sent as slave to Constantinople, where she was given Turkish and Muslim education in the harem department of Topkapı Palace and soon attracted the attention of the Sultan, Mehmed IV.
  • Evrenos (1288–1417) was an Ottoman military commander who served as a general under Süleyman Pasha, Murad I, Bayezid I, Süleyman Çelebi and Mehmed I. Legends stating that he lived for 129 years and had an incredibly long career are inaccurate. These sources of confusion may be linked to the deeds of his descendants becoming intertwined with his own achievements in historical retellings. He was also known as Gavrinos, and believed to descend from a Greek family. A Greek legend maintains that Evrenos' father was a certain Ornos, renegade Byzantine governor of Bursa (Prusa) who defected to the Ottomans, and then on to Karasi, after the Siege of Bursa, in 1326. Stanford J. Shaw states that Evrenos was originally a Byzantine Greek feudal prince in Anatolia who had entered Ottoman service following the capture of Bursa, converted to Islam, and later became a leading military commander under both Orhan and Murad I. Joseph von Hammer regarded Evrenos as simply a Byzantine Greek convert to Islam. Peter Sugar considers the family to be of Greek origin as well.
  • Gawhar al-Siqilli,[135][136][137][138] (born c. 928–930, died 992), of Greek descent originally from Sicily, who had risen to the ranks of the commander of the Fatimid armies. He had led the conquest of North Africa[139] and then of Egypt and founded the city of Cairo[140] and the great al-Azhar mosque.
  • Hamza Tzortzis – Hamza Andreas Tzortzis is a British public speaker and researcher on Islam. A British Muslim convert of Greek heritage. In 2015 he was a finalist for Religious Advocate of the Year at the British Muslim Awards. Tzortzis has contributed to the BBC news programs: The Big Questions and Newsnight.
  • Hamza Yusuf – American Islamic teacher and lecturer.
  • Handan Sultan, wife of Ottoman Sultan Mehmed III
  • Hass Murad Pasha was an Ottoman statesman and commander of Byzantine Greek origin. According to the 16th-century Ecthesis Chronica, Hass Murad and his brother, Mesih Pasha, were sons of a certain Gidos Palaiologos, identified by the contemporary Historia Turchesca as a brother of a Byzantine Emperor. This is commonly held to have been Constantine XI Palaiologos, the last Byzantine emperor, who fell during the fall of Constantinople to the Ottoman Sultan Mehmed II in 1453. If true, since Constantine XI died childless, and if the Ottomans had failed to conquer Constantinople, Mesih or Hass Murad might have succeeded him. The brothers were captured during the fall of Constantinople, converted to Islam, and raised as pages under the auspices of Sultan Mehmed II as part of the devşirme system.
  • Ibrahim Edhem Pasha, born of Greek ancestry[88][121][141][142][143] on the island of Chios, Ottoman statesman who held the office of Grand Vizier in the beginning of Abdulhamid II's reign between 5 February 1877 and 11 January 1878
  • Ikhtiyar al-Din Hasan ibn Ghafras or Ikstiyar al-Din Hasan ibn Gavras (died 1192) was a courtier and long-time vizier of the Seljuk Sultan of Iconium, Kilij Arslan II (reigned 1156–1192). He was a member of the Byzantine Gabras family, very likely identical with, or possibly the son of, an unnamed member of the family who defected to the Sultan in the late reign of Emperor Manuel I Komnenos (r. 1143–1180), became a leading member of the Seljuk court, and served as the Seljuk ambassador to the Emperor during the Battle of Myriokephalon in 1175–1176.
  • İshak Pasha (? – 1497, Thessaloniki) was a Greek (though some reports say he was Croatian) who became an Ottoman general, statesman and later Grand Vizier. His first term as a Grand Vizier was during the reign of Mehmet II ("The Conqueror"). During this term he transferred Turkmen people from their Anatolian city of Aksaray to newly conquered İstanbul to populate the city which had lost a portion of its former population prior to conquest. The quarter of the city is where the Aksaray migrants had settled is now called Aksaray. His second term was during the reign of Beyazıt II.
  • Ismail Selim Pasha (Greek: Ισμαήλ Σελίμ Πασάς, ca. 1809–1867), also known as Ismail Ferik Pasha, was an Egyptian general of Greek origin. He was a grandson of Alexios Alexis (1692–1786) and a great-grandson of the nobleman Misser Alexis (1637 – ?). Ismail Selim was born Emmanouil (Greek: Εμμανουήλ Παπαδάκης) c. 1809 in a village near Psychro, located at the Lasithi Plateau on the island of Crete. He had been placed in the household of the priest Fragios Papadakis (Greek: Φραγκιός Παπαδάκης) when Fragios was slaughtered in 1823 by the Ottomans during the Greek War of Independence. Emmanouil's natural father was the Reverend Nicholas Alexios Alexis who died in the epidemic of plague in 1818. Emmanouil and his younger brothers Antonios Papadakis (Greek: Αντώνιος Παπαδάκης (1810–1878) and Andreas were captured by the Ottoman forces under Hassan Pasha who seized the plateau and were sold as slaves.
  • Jamilah Kolocotronis, Greek-German ex. Lutheran scholar and writer.
  • John Tzelepes Komnenos – (Greek: Ἰωάννης Κομνηνὸς Τζελέπης) son of Isaac Komnenos (d. 1154). Starting about 1130 John and his father, who was a brother of Emperor John II Komnenos ("John the Beautiful"), plotted to overthrow his uncle the emperor. They made various plans and alliances with the Danishmend leader and other Turks who held parts of Asia Minor. In 1138 John and his father had a reconciliation with the Emperor, and received a full pardon. In 1139 John accompanied the emperor on his campaign in Asia Minor. In 1140 at the siege of Neocaesarea he defected. As John Julius Norwich puts it, he did so by "embracing simultaneously the creed of Islam and the daughter of the Seljuk Sultan Mesud I." John Komnenos' by-name, Tzelepes, is believed to be a Greek rendering of the Turkish honorific Çelebi, a term indicating noble birth or "gentlemanly conduct". The Ottoman Sultans claimed descent from John Komnenos.
  • Köse Mihal (Turkish for "Michael the Beardless"; 13th century – c. 1340) accompanied Osman I in his ascent to power as an Emir and founder of the Ottoman Empire. He is considered to be the first significant Byzantine renegade and convert to Islam to enter Ottoman service. He was also known as 'Gazi Mihal' and 'Abdullah Mihal Gazi'. Köse Mihal, was the Byzantine governor of Chirmenkia (Harmankaya, today Harmanköy) and was ethnically Greek. His original name was "Michael Cosses". The castle of Harmankaya (also known as Belekoma Castle) was in the foothills of the Uludağ Mountains in Bilecik Turkey. Mihal also eventually gained control of Lefke, Meceke and Akhisar.
  • Kösem Sultan – (1589–1651), also known as Mehpeyker Sultan, was the most powerful woman in Ottoman history and the only woman to effectively rule the Empire. She was the wife of Ottoman Sultan Ahmed I (r. 1603–1617), and the Haseki Sultan of the Ottoman Empire from 1605 to 1617, and she became Valide Sultan from 1623 to 1651, when her sons Murad IV and Ibrahim I, and her grandson reigned as Ottoman sultans. She became the first ever female regent of the Ottoman Empire from 1623 to 1632, during the reign of her son, Murad IV, and again from 1648 to 1651, during the reign of her grandson Mehmed IV, effectively ruling the Ottoman Empire as a sultan for 13 years. She was the only woman to ever rule and control the Ottoman Empire like a sultan, and she played a significant role in the history of the Ottoman Empire, implementing various reforms during her reign as regent. She was the daughter of a priest from the island of Tinos; her maiden name was Anastasia.
  • Leo of Tripoli (Greek: Λέων ὸ Τριπολίτης) was a Greek renegade and pirate serving Arab interests in the early tenth century.
  • Mahfiruze Hatice Sultan – (d 1621), maiden name Maria, was the wife of the Ottoman Sultan Ahmed I and mother of Osman II.
  • Mahmud Pasha Angelović – Mahmud Pasha or Mahmud-paša Anđelović (1420–1474), also known simply as Adni, was Serbian-born, of Byzantine noble descent (Angeloi) who became an Ottoman general and statesman, after being abducted as a child by the Sultan. As Veli Mahmud Paşa he was Grand Vizier in 1456–1468 and again in 1472–1474. A capable military commander, throughout his tenure he led armies or accompanied Mehmed II on his own campaigns.
  • Mesih Pasha (1443–1501), was an Ottoman statesman of Byzantine Greek origin, being a nephew of the last Byzantine emperor, Constantine XI Palaiologos. He served as Kapudan Pasha of the Ottoman Navy and was grand vizier of the Ottoman Empire from 1499 to 1501. He was also commanded the Ottoman army in the Siege of Rhodes. Mesih and his elder brother, Khass Murad, were captured during the fall of Constantinople and raised as pages under the auspices of Mehmed II. Mesih was approximately ten years old at the time he was taken into palace service. He and two of his brothers, one of whom was Hass Murad Pasha, were captured, converted to Islam, and raised as pages under the auspices of Mehmed II as part of the devşirme system.
  • Mimar Sinan (1489–1588) – Ottoman architect – his origins are possibly Greek. There is not a single document in Ottoman archives which state whether Sinan was Armenian, Albanian, Turk or Greek, only "Orthodox Christian". Those who suggest that he could be Armenian do this with the mere fact that the largest Christian community living at the vicinity of Kayseri were Armenians, but there was also a considerably large Greek population (e.g. the father of Greek-American film director Elia Kazan) in Kayseri.
  • Mehmed Saqizli (Turkish: Sakızlı Mehmed Paşa, literally, Mehmed Pasha of Chios) (died 1649), (r.1631–49) was Dey and Pasha of Tripolis. He was born into a Christian family of Greek origin on the island of Chios and had converted to Islam after living in Algeria for years.[144]
  • Mohammed Khaznadar (محمد خزندار), born c. 1810 on the island of Kos (modern Greece) and died on 1889 at La Marsa was a Tunisian politician. A Mameluke of Greek origin, he was captured in a raid and bought as a slave by the Bey of Tunis: Hussein II Bey. Later on he became treasurer to Chakir Saheb Ettabaâ and was qaid of Sousse and Monastir from 1838. He remained for fifty years in one post or another in the service of five successive beys. In November 1861 he was named Minister of the Interior, then Minister of War in December 1862, Minister of the Navy in September 1865, Minister of the Interior again in October 1873 and finally Grand Vizier and President of the International Financial Commission from 22 July 1877 to 24 August 1878.
  • Mustapha Khaznadar (1817–1887)(مصطفى خزندار), was Prime Minister of the Beylik of Tunis[145] from 1837 to 1873. Of Greek origin,[146][122][147][148][149] as Georgios Kalkias Stravelakis[149][150][151] he was born on the island of Chios in 1817.[150] Along with his brother Yannis, he was captured and sold into slavery[152] by the Ottomans during the Massacre of Chios in 1822, while his father Stephanis Kalkias Stravelakis was killed. He was then taken to Smyrna and then Constantinople, where he was sold as a slave to an envoy of the Bey of Tunis.
Raghib Pasha (ca. 1819–1884) was a Greek convert to Islam who served as Prime Minister of Egypt.
  • Nafi ibn al-Azraq, ibn Qays al-Hanafi al-Bakri (Arabic: نافع بن الأزرق بن قيس الحنفي البكري, romanized: Nāfiʿ ibn al-Azraq ibn Qays al-Ḥanafī al-Bakrī; died 685) was the leader of the Kharijite faction of the Azariqa during the Second Fitna. His ethnic origin is not certain but his father was probably a freedman of Greek origin which, according to the historian Benjamin Jokisch, is further supported by his name, which was uncommon among the Arabs. He is said to have been a quietist before he was encouraged by the Kharijite poet Abu al-Wazi to become active. During the first Siege of Mecca in 683 he sided with Abd Allah ibn al-Zubayr to defend the city against the Umayyad besiegers, but after the siege was over, left him because of a difference of opinion on the murder of the third caliph Uthman (r. 644–656) and went to Basra where the city was already in civil war over tribal disputes. He took over the control of the city by murdering the deputy governor and broke open the prison to free his fellow Kharijites. He was later expelled by the new Zubayrid governor and fled to Ahwaz along with his followers. From there he undertook several raids against the southern Iraqi settlements before being killed by government forces in 685.
  • Narjis, mother of Muhammad al-Mahdi the twelfth and last Imam of Shi'a Islam, Byzantine Princess, reportedly the descendant of the disciple Simon Peter, the vicegerent of Jesus.
  • Nilüfer Hatun (Ottoman Turkish: نیلوفر خاتون, birth name Holifere (Holophira) / Olivera, other names Bayalun, Beylun, Beyalun, Bilun, Suyun, Suylun) was a Valide Hatun; the wife of Orhan, the second Ottoman Sultan. She was mother of the next sultan, Murad I. The traditional stories about her origin, traced back to the 15th century, are that she was daughter of the Byzantine ruler (Tekfur) of Bilecik, called Holofira. As some stories go, Orhan's father Osman raided Bilecik at the time of Holofira's wedding arriving there with rich presents and disguised and hidden soldiers. Holofira was among the loot and given to Orhan. However modern researchers doubt this story, admitting that it may have been based on real events. Doubts are based on various secondary evidence and lack of direct documentary evidence of the time. In particular, her Ottoman name Nilüfer meaning water lily in the Persian language. Other Historians make her a daughter of the Prince of Yarhisar or a Byzantine Princess Helen (Nilüfer), who was of ethnic Greek descent. Nilüfer Hatun Imareti (Turkish for "Nilüfer Hatun Soup Kitchen"), is a convent annex hospice for dervishes, now housing the Iznik Museum in İznik, Bursa Province. When Orhan Gazi was off on campaign Nilüfer acted as his regent, the only woman in Ottoman history who was ever given such power. During Murad's reign she was recognized as Valide Sultan, or Queen Mother, the first in Ottoman history to hold this title, and when she died she was buried beside Orhan Gazi and his father Osman Gazi in Bursa. The Muslim traveler Ibn Battuta, who visited Iznik in the 1330s, was a guest of Nilüfer Hatun, whom he described as 'a pious and excellent woman'.
  • Nur Felek Kadinefendi (1863–1914), was the first consort of Isma'il Pasha of Egypt. She was born in Greece in 1837. Her maiden name was Tatiana. At a young age, she was captured during one the raids and sold into slavery. She was delivered as a concubine to the harem of Sa'id, the Wāli of Egypt in 1852. However, Isma'il Pasha, then not yet the Khedive of Egypt, took Tatiana as a concubine for him. She gave birth to Prince Hussein Kamel Pasha in 1853. She later converted to Islam and her name was changed to Nur Felek. When Isma'il Pasha ascended the throne in 1863, she was elevated to the rank of first Kadinefendi, literally meaning first consort, or wife.
  • Osman Saqizli (Turkish: Sakızlı Osman Paşa, literally, Osman Pasha of Chios) (died 1672), (r.1649–72) was Dey and Pasha of Tripoli in Ottoman Libya. He was born into a Greek Christian family on the island of Chios (known in Ottoman Turkish as Sakız, hence his epithet "Sakızlı") and had converted to Islam.[144]
  • Pargalı İbrahim Pasha (d. 1536), the first Grand Vizier appointed by Suleiman the Magnificent of the Ottoman Empire (reigned 1520 to 1566).
  • Photios (Emirate of Crete) – Photios (Greek: Φώτιος, fl. ca. 872/3) was a Byzantine renegade and convert to Islam who served the Emirate of Crete as a naval commander in the 870s.
  • Qaratis, also known as Umm Harun (Arabic: أم هارون) or Umm al-Wathiq (أم الواثق), was the umm walad of the eighth Abbasid caliph al-Mu'tasim, and mother of his successor, al-Wathiq. Qaratis was a Byzantine Greek woman. She entered the caliphal harem probably in 811. She was raised in the Abbasid household before being given as a concubine to the young Abbasid prince Abu Ishaq Muhammad ibn Harun. It is unknown if she was converted to Islam before or after entering the harem. Qaratis was slightly younger than Abu Ishaq Muhammad. She gave birth to two sons, Abu Ja'far Harun (the future al-Wathiq) and Muhammad. Abu Ja'far Harun was born on 17 April 812 (various sources give slightly earlier or later dates in 811–813), on the road to Mecca. The elder son of Qaratis was nominated heir by al-Mu'tasim. After the death of al-Mu'tasim on 5 January 842, her son ascended smoothly to the throne without any opposition by his brothers. Qaratis also became the head of the Abbasid household. Shortly after al-Wathiq's succession, Qaratis decided to go to Hajj. She accompanied al-Wathiq's half-brother Ja'far (the future caliph al-Mutawakkil) on the Hajj in 842, but she died on the way at al-Hirah, on 16 August 842 (A.H. 227). She was buried in Kufa.
  • Raghib Pasha (1819–1884), was Prime Minister of Egypt.[153] He was of Greek ancestry[154][155][156][157] and was born in Greece[158] on 18 August 1819 on either the island of Chios following the great Massacre[159] or Candia[160] Crete. After being kidnapped to Anatolia he was brought to Egypt as a slave by Ibrahim Pasha in 1830[161] and converted to Islam. Raghib Pasha ultimately rose to levels of importance serving as Minister of Finance (1858–1860), then Minister of War (1860–1861). He became Inspector for the Maritime Provinces in 1862, and later Assistant (Arabic: باشمعاون) to viceroy Isma'il Pasha (1863–1865). He was granted the title of beylerbey and then appointed President of the Privy council in 1868. He was appointed President of the Chamber of Deputies (1866–1867), then Minister of Interior in 1867, then Minister of Agriculture and Trade in 1875. Isma'il Ragheb became Prime Minister of Egypt in 1882.\
  • Reşid Mehmed Pasha, also known as Kütahı (Greek: Μεχμέτ Ρεσίτ πασάς Κιουταχής, 1780–1836[citation needed]), was a prominent Ottoman statesman and general who reached the post of Grand Vizier in the first half of the 19th century, playing an important role in the Greek War of Independence. Reşid Mehmed was born in Georgia, the son of a Greek Orthodox priest. As a child, he was captured as a slave by the Turks, and brought to the service of the then Kapudan Husrev Pasha. His intelligence and ability impressed his master, and secured his rapid rise.
  • Rum Mehmed Pasha was an Ottoman statesman. He was Grand Vizier of the Ottoman Empire from 1466 to 1469.
  • Saliha Sultan (Ottoman Turkish: صالحه سلطان; c. 1680 – 21 September 1739) was the consort of Sultan Mustafa II of the Ottoman Empire, and Valide sultan to their son, Sultan Mahmud I. Saliha Sultan was allegedly born in 1680 in a Greek family in Azapkapı, Istanbul.
  • Turgut Reis – (1485–1565) was a notorious Barbary pirate of the Ottoman Empire. He was born of Greek descent[162][163][164][165][166][167] in a village near Bodrum, on the Aegean coast of Asia Minor. After converting to Islam in his youth[166] he served as Admiral and privateer who also served as Bey of Algiers; Beylerbey of the Mediterranean; and first Bey, later Pasha, of Tripoli. Under his naval command the Ottoman Empire was extended across North Africa.[168] When Tugut was serving as pasha of Tripoli, he adorned and built up the city, making it one of the most impressive cities along the North African Coast.[169] He was killed in action in the Great Siege of Malta.[170]
  • Yaqut al-Hamawi (Yaqut ibn-'Abdullah al-Rumi al-Hamawi) (1179–1229) (Arabic: ياقوت الحموي الرومي) was an Islamic biographer and geographer renowned for his encyclopaedic writings on the Muslim world. He was born in Constantinople, and as his nisba "al-Rumi" ("from Rūm") indicates he had Byzantine Greek ancestry.
  • Yaqut al-Musta'simi (also Yakut-i Musta'simi) (died 1298) was a well-known calligrapher and secretary of the last Abbasid caliph. He was born of Greek origin in Amaseia and carried off when he was very young. He codified six basic calligraphic styles of the Arabic script. Naskh script was said to have been revealed and taught to the scribe in a vision. He developed Yakuti, a handwriting named after him, described as a thuluth of "a particularly elegant and beautiful type." Supposedly he had copied the Qur'an more than a thousand times.
  • Yusuf Islam (born Steven Demetre Georgiou; 21 July 1948, aka Cat Stevens) the famous singer of Cypriot Greek origin, converted to Islam at the height of his fame in December 1977[171] and adopted his Muslim name, Yusuf Islam, the following year.

See also

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References

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Further reading

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from Grokipedia
Greek Muslims primarily denote the recognized Muslim minority of , a community of approximately 100,000 individuals comprising ethnic Turks, (Slavic-speaking Muslims), and Roma, whose religious and cultural rights are protected under Articles 37–45 of the 1923 following the Greco-Turkish population exchanges. This group, exempt from the 1923 compulsory exchange that relocated over 1.2 million Orthodox from and 400,000 from , represents a remnant of Ottoman-era settlement patterns in northeastern , where Muslims constituted a significant portion of the population prior to the and . Ethnically diverse yet unified by and shared minority status, the community maintains Turkish-language schools and mosques, though and mufti appointments remain points of contention, with appointing state rather than permitting elections, leading to parallel religious structures and ongoing disputes over autonomy. While comprising about 1% of 's total population, this minority exhibits lower socioeconomic indicators, including and employment rates, compared to the ethnic Greek majority, amid broader debates on integration versus preservation of distinct identity amid external influences from .

Historical Background

Ottoman Conquests and Initial Islamization

The Ottoman Empire's conquest of Greek-inhabited territories unfolded progressively from the late 14th to mid-15th centuries, beginning with incursions into and Macedonia. , a key Byzantine stronghold and second-largest city in the empire, fell to in 1430 after a prolonged , marking the first major Ottoman foothold in mainland Greece. Following the decisive capture of in 1453 by , which ended the core of the , Ottoman forces swiftly advanced southward; surrendered in 1456 without significant resistance, while the Despotate of in the was annexed by 1460 through a combination of military campaigns and submission of local despots. These conquests integrated Greek lands into the Ottoman administrative structure as timars and sanjaks, with local Christian elites often retained initially to maintain order, though under increasing central control from . Initial Islamization in these territories was limited and gradual, primarily affecting urban elites and frontier populations rather than the rural Greek majority, who retained their Orthodox Christian identity under the Ottoman millet system. This framework granted religious communities autonomy in internal affairs but imposed the poll tax and other disabilities on non-Muslims as dhimmis, incentivizing sporadic individual conversions for tax relief or social advancement without widespread in the early phases. The devshirme levy, instituted systematically from the late 14th century and peaking under , forcibly recruited Christian boys—predominantly from Greek, Albanian, and Slavic families—for conversion to Islam, military training, and service in the corps, thereby creating a class of Islamized elites loyal to the . However, forced mass conversions were rare in early , with emphasizing voluntary or pragmatic shifts over systematic pressure; Muslim demographics initially derived more from Turkish settler migration and garrison populations than from local Greek apostasy. By the late , Greek Muslim communities remained nascent, concentrated in administrative centers like , where they numbered in the low thousands amid a predominantly Christian populace exceeding hundreds of thousands. Regional variations emerged early, with higher conversion rates in peripheral areas exposed to prolonged Ottoman-Turkic contact, such as and parts of Macedonia, compared to insular or mountainous strongholds like the , which resisted effective control. Ottoman policy tolerated Christian persistence to ensure fiscal stability from revenues, but the presence of ulema, Sufi orders, and mosques in conquered cities facilitated cultural and occasional conversions for access to land grants or bureaucratic roles. Quantitative estimates from tax registers indicate that by 1500, Muslims comprised under 10% of the population in most Greek sanjaks, reflecting the slow pace of initial Islamization before accelerating in the due to compounded economic pressures. This pattern underscores a causal dynamic where enabled demographic layering—via settlement and selective conversion—without immediate religious homogenization, preserving Greek Orthodox resilience amid Ottoman dominance.

Patterns of Conversion Across Regions

In Crete, conversions to Islam occurred on a significant scale following the Ottoman conquest in 1669, with local Greek populations adopting the faith gradually through economic incentives, intermarriage, and occasional coercion amid prolonged conflict; by the early 19th century, Muslims constituted approximately 47% of the island's population, predominantly descendants of converted Cretan Greeks rather than Anatolian settlers. This pattern contrasted with lower rates elsewhere, as Crete's isolation and direct rule fostered deeper integration into Ottoman administrative structures, including land grants to converts. In northern mainland regions like Macedonia and , conversions were more localized, often among rural Greek-speaking groups such as the in , who numbered around 17,000 by the early and retained elements of Greek folklore despite nominal adherence to ; these shifts, peaking in the 17th-18th centuries, were spurred by tax relief (exemption from ) and opportunities in Ottoman military units like the yayas, though overall Islamization remained limited by strong ties to monasteries and Slavic influences diluting ethnic Greek cohesion. In , annexed later in 1881, similar pressures yielded smaller pockets of converts, but resistance from Orthodox clergy curbed widespread adoption, resulting in Muslim percentages below 10% in most districts by the . Epirus exhibited urban-rural disparities, with higher conversions in administrative centers like , where Greek elites (known as Yanyalılar) converted for access to bureaucratic posts and Phanariot networks, forming distinct Muslim communities by the ; rural Greek highlands, however, saw minimal shifts due to guerrilla traditions and proximity to Albanian Muslim groups, which often overshadowed Greek-specific patterns. In the (), conversions were negligible, with the Muslim presence dominated by Ottoman garrisons and settlers rather than local Greeks, as recurrent uprisings (e.g., 1770 ) and robust organization preserved Christian majorities; estimates indicate Muslims comprised under 5% of the population even at peak Ottoman control in the , reflecting causal factors like economic self-sufficiency in olive/agricultural economies reducing conversion incentives.

Decline and Expulsions During Greek Independence

The Greek War of Independence, erupting in March 1821, precipitated a drastic reduction in the Muslim population within the territories that would form the initial , primarily through massacres, sieges resulting in civilian deaths, and flight to Ottoman-held areas. Prior to the uprising, Muslims numbered approximately 60,000 to 90,000 across these regions, constituting about 7% of the total population, with the majority concentrated in the (). By the end of the first month of revolt, only around 20,000 remained, as revolutionary forces targeted Muslim communities to eliminate perceived loyalist threats and secure control. This process reflected the ethnic-religious character of the conflict, where Greek irregulars viewed Ottoman Muslims—often ethnic Turks, , or converts—as existential adversaries, leading to systematic violence rather than negotiated coexistence. A pivotal event was the siege and capture of Tripolitsa (Tripoli), the administrative center of the , in September–October 1821. The town housed an estimated 30,000 to 35,000 and before the assault; following its fall on September 23, revolutionary forces massacred most non-combatants, with eyewitness accounts describing indiscriminate killings, torture, and enslavement over several days. Similar atrocities occurred elsewhere in the , such as the August 1821 Navarino massacre, where approximately 3,000 were killed despite capitulation terms, and the Meligalas killings, involving executions and property seizures. In Central Greece, fled en masse to fortified positions or evacuated to Ottoman Asia Minor, but many perished during sieges like that of . These actions, driven by revolutionary imperatives to homogenize the population and prevent Ottoman reconsolidation, contrasted with Ottoman reprisals against but directly caused the near-erasure of Muslim communities in the liberated zones. Overall, the war resulted in roughly 25,000 Muslim deaths from , with another 25,000 to tens of thousands emigrating amid , yielding an 80% decline by war's end in 1829. By 1828, only about 11,000 lingered in the contested areas, and following Greek independence formalized by the 1832 Treaty of , their numbers dwindled further to around 1,000 by 1834, mostly in and , as the new state prioritized Orthodox Christian homogeneity and residual faced ongoing insecurity or incentives to depart. This demographic shift laid the foundation for Greece's emergence as a nation-state with negligible Muslim presence in its core territories, though later annexations would temporarily reverse the trend until subsequent expulsions.

Motivations and Coercion in Conversions

Economic Pressures and Incentives

Non-Muslims under Ottoman rule, including Greeks within the Rum millet, faced the jizya—a poll tax levied on able-bodied adult males—as a core economic disadvantage, from which Muslims were exempt, creating a persistent incentive for conversion to alleviate fiscal burdens. This tax, collected alongside other impositions like the haraç land tax and sporadic extraordinary levies, often strained Christian households, particularly in agrarian Greek regions where incomes were low and tax farming exacerbated inequities. Historians identify escaping such discriminatory taxation as a primary economic driver of Islamization in the Balkans, though Ottoman authorities sometimes discouraged mass conversions to preserve revenue streams from dhimmi populations. Beyond tax relief, conversion granted access to privileges reserved for , such as eligibility for land grants—revenue-yielding estates awarded for —which non-Muslims could not hold outright, limiting Christian economic mobility in feudal structures. also enjoyed advantages in guilds, state contracts, and legal proceedings, where testimony against non-Muslims carried greater weight, fostering conversions among artisans and traders seeking competitive edges in urban centers like or Smyrna. In Greek mainland areas such as Macedonia and , where Ottoman settlement was sparse, these incentives contributed to gradual peasant conversions, as adherence to entailed not only taxes but also vulnerability to labor demands unmet by . While economic pressures were causal in many individual cases, their impact varied regionally; isolated Greek Orthodox communities resisted wholesale shifts due to networks and oversight, yet the systemic favoritism toward underscored conversion as a pragmatic path to material security in a . By the , as central fiscal authority weakened, local ayan elites—often of converted Greek origin—further illustrated how economic ascent intertwined with religious change, though such trajectories were exceptional rather than normative.

Coercive Mechanisms and Forced Measures

The devshirme system, instituted by the Ottomans in the late 14th century and continuing irregularly until the early 18th century, represented the most systematic coercive mechanism for converting Greek and other Christian boys to Islam. Under this "blood tax," Ottoman officials periodically levied boys aged approximately 8 to 18 from Christian villages across the Balkans, with Greeks from regions like Macedonia, Epirus, and Thrace forming a predominant share of recruits due to their demographic concentration. These children were forcibly separated from families, circumcised, instructed in Islam and the Turkish language, and trained either as elite Janissary infantry or for administrative roles, effectively erasing their original religious and cultural identities. Levies occurred every three to five years, drawing hundreds to thousands of boys per cycle, contributing to the Janissary corps' expansion from around 8,000 in the 1520s to over 39,000 by 1609. Resistance was common, with families hiding sons or paying bribes, underscoring the system's involuntary nature, though Ottoman records portrayed it as a pathway to privilege. Beyond , direct forced conversions of were infrequent and typically tied to specific punitive or ceremonial contexts rather than broad policy. For instance, during the 1590s circumcision celebrations of Sultan Mehmed III, large numbers of Christian subjects, including , were compelled to convert en masse as a display of imperial power. Local governors occasionally imposed conversions during rebellions or to quell unrest, such as in Anatolian Greek communities post-conquest, where non-compliance with Islamic norms could lead to enslavement or execution, though systematic enforcement was limited to maintain tax revenue from remaining dhimmis. Historiographical assessments, drawing from Ottoman archives and Christian chronicles, indicate these episodes were sporadic, often amplified in Orthodox narratives for nationalist purposes, while Turkish sources minimize them; empirical evidence confirms coercion's role in accelerating assimilation without constituting the primary driver of Greek Muslim communities, which more often arose from protracted pressures. In the , non-Muslim subjects classified as dhimmis under were obligated to pay the poll tax, from which converts to were exempt, alongside facing legal disabilities such as ineligibility for many public offices, restrictions on bearing arms, and subordination in court testimonies against Muslims. These disparities incentivized conversions among Christian populations, including , as accession to conferred equal legal standing with Muslim subjects and opened pathways to administrative and military roles otherwise inaccessible. Historians identify evasion of payments and pursuit of such privileges as primary economic and social drivers of voluntary conversion in the , where local Ottoman officials sometimes facilitated or overlooked conversions for pragmatic recruitment into state service. The devşirme system exemplified coerced yet mobility-enhancing conversion, particularly affecting Greek communities in Rumelia and Anatolia from the 14th to 17th centuries, whereby Christian boys aged 8 to 18 were levied from villages, forcibly Islamized, and educated for elite roles in the Janissary corps or imperial bureaucracy. This levy, conducted irregularly—such as in 1603–1604 across Greek-inhabited areas like Thessaly and Macedonia—transformed impoverished rural youths into powerful figures, with many attaining grand vizier positions and wealth unattainable for their non-converted kin. Ottoman records indicate that devşirme recruits from Greek Orthodox families viewed the system ambivalently, as it disrupted communities but offered unparalleled social ascent, with families occasionally bribing officials to include sons for future patronage. By the 17th century, as the practice waned amid corruption and resistance, voluntary conversions persisted for similar gains, such as kisve bahası grants of robes and stipends to new Muslims seeking administrative entry. Greek converts frequently leveraged these privileges for regional influence, as seen in and , where post-conquest elites integrated into Ottoman landholding and governance, retaining Greek linguistic and cultural traits while advancing economically through tax exemptions and military commissions. In mainland Greece, conversions clustered in urban centers like , where aspiring merchants and artisans converted to bypass restrictions favoring Muslims, enabling intergenerational wealth accumulation documented in 16th-century tax registers showing former Christian families dominating trade post-Islamization. Such patterns underscore causal links between Ottoman legal hierarchies and pragmatic religious shifts, rather than doctrinal zeal, with empirical studies confirming higher conversion rates in areas of intense state extraction and opportunity.

Regional Greek Muslim Communities

Cretan Muslims

Cretan Muslims originated primarily from conversions of the ethnic Greek population of to during the Ottoman conquest and subsequent rule, which spanned from 1645 to 1669. These converts, along with a smaller number of Turkish settlers and intermarriages, formed the core of the island's Muslim community, which retained Greek as its primary and shared cultural practices with the Christian majority, including local dialects and traditions distinct from mainland Ottoman influences. By the mid-19th century, constituted a substantial portion of 's population, estimated at around 100,000 individuals across and nearby islands, reflecting gradual Islamization driven by economic incentives, , and administrative privileges under Ottoman rather than widespread . The process of Islamization accelerated after the Ottoman capture of Candia (modern ) in 1669, with conversions peaking in the 17th and 18th centuries as Muslim status offered exemptions from the devshirme tax and opportunities for land ownership and military service. Communal tensions arose during Cretan revolts against Ottoman rule, such as those in 1821 and 1866-1869, which disproportionately affected Muslim communities through retaliatory violence and property seizures, prompting initial waves of to and . The most significant exodus occurred following the 1897-1898 Cretan rebellion, amid international intervention by European powers favoring Christian autonomy; between 1897 and 1900, at least 40,000 to 60,000 Muslims fled Crete for Ottoman territories, including modern-day , , and , often under duress from militia attacks and loss of legal protections. Under the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne-mandated population exchange between and , the remaining approximately 24,000 on the island—reduced by prior emigrations—were compulsorily relocated to , while Greek Orthodox populations from moved to . This exchange effectively ended the organized Muslim presence in , with no significant community remaining after 1924. In , descendants of , often self-identifying as Giritliler (Cretans), settled primarily in coastal regions such as , , and , preserving elements of Greek-influenced , music, and even language in isolated enclaves, though assimilation into broader Turkish society has diluted these traits over generations. Genetic studies and oral histories confirm their predominantly Greek ancestral origins, with limited Turkish admixture from Ottoman elites. Today, these communities number in the tens of thousands, fostering cultural associations that reconnect with through festivals and return visits to the island.

Pontic and Caucasian Greek Muslims

Pontic Greek Muslims trace their origins to ethnic Greeks inhabiting the Pontus region along the Black Sea coast of northeastern Anatolia, who underwent conversion to Islam during the Ottoman era, particularly intensifying in the 17th and 18th centuries amid pressures from Ottoman authorities. Historical accounts indicate that approximately 250,000 Pontic Greeks were compelled to convert during this timeframe, often as a survival mechanism against persecution or to access social and economic privileges unavailable to non-Muslims under the millet system. These conversions were not uniform; many adopters maintained crypto-Christian practices, outwardly conforming to Islam while secretly preserving Orthodox rituals, a phenomenon documented in Pontic communities until the Ottoman Tanzimat reforms of the mid-19th century facilitated some mass reversions to Christianity around 1850–1870. Surviving Muslim Pontic communities, having largely abandoned Greek linguistic and cultural markers through assimilation into the Turkish population, nonetheless exhibit traces of their heritage in isolated enclaves. In the Beşköy district villages near present-day , , a subset of these Muslims continues to speak a dialect of , reflecting incomplete linguistic despite religious adherence to ; linguistic analysis confirms the dialect's retention of archaic Pontic features distinct from standard Turkish. These groups are noted for their devout Islamic observance, with some individuals achieving prominence in religious scholarship, possibly as a means of affirming loyalty to their adopted faith amid historical suspicions of dual identity. Caucasian Greek Muslims, by contrast, represent a smaller and less documented subset, stemming from early Ottoman-era conversions among Greek populations in or near the frontier, dating back to the 15th–16th centuries, after which many integrated as "new Turks" into Muslim society. Unlike the predominantly Christian Pontic migrants who fled to Russian-controlled regions post-1828 —such as the Turkic-speaking but Orthodox who settled in places like Tsalka, Georgia, numbering around 35,000 by 1989—Muslim converts typically remained within Ottoman territories, undergoing fuller cultural assimilation without forming distinct communities. Post-Ottoman population exchanges and genocides in the early further dispersed or erased identifiable remnants, leaving contemporary descendants primarily within Turkey's Muslim majority, with minimal ethnic Greek self-identification.

Mainland Greek Muslims (Macedonia, Thessaly, Epirus, Peloponnese)

The primary community of ethnic Greek Muslims in mainland resided in southwestern Macedonia, particularly along the River in areas such as Anaselitsa (modern Neapoli) and , where they were known as . These Greek-speaking descendants of Orthodox Christians converted to gradually during the Ottoman period, likely due to economic pressures and incentives for , while retaining much of their Hellenic linguistic and cultural practices, including limited proficiency in Turkish and adherence to rural Greek customs distinct from Turkish or Albanian Muslim groups. As farmers and stock-rearers, the formed compact villages, such as Tsotyli, which hosted around 150 such families by the early alongside a smaller Christian population. In , Greek Muslim communities were smaller and less documented, with conversions occurring sporadically in rural pockets but not forming distinct groups like the ; these individuals often integrated into broader Ottoman Muslim networks while preserving Greek dialects. Historical records indicate that Ottoman-era Islamization in was limited compared to Macedonia, with most converts reverting or facing expulsion post-independence due to the region's early incorporation into the Greek state in 1881. hosted Muslim populations, but these were predominantly Albanian-speaking or Turkish settlers in urban centers like (Yanyalılar), with ethnic Greek converts comprising a minority, often in mixed villages where Greek Orthodox majorities resisted widespread Islamization. The saw even fewer enduring Greek Muslim communities, as Ottoman rule there from the onward featured more transient Albanian and Turkish garrisons than mass conversions among ethnic ; estimates place the total Muslim at approximately 30,000 in March 1821, many of whom were non-Greek settlers vulnerable to massacres or flight during the Greek War of Independence. Greek converts, where present, were typically urban artisans or elites who benefited from legal privileges, but post-1821 reprisals and state policies led to their near-total elimination through reconversion, , or violence, leaving no significant communities by the mid-19th century. Following the (1912–1913) and , remaining mainland Greek Muslims, including the , faced intensified pressures; under the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne-mandated population exchange, they were classified by religion rather than ethnicity and forcibly relocated to , numbering in the thousands from Macedonia alone, despite protests over their Greek linguistic identity. No organized Greek Muslim populations persist today in these regions, with survivors either assimilating as in or dispersing in , reflecting the Ottoman legacy of religious over ethnic categorization in demographic policies.

Cypriot and Aegean Island Greek Muslims

In , conversions from Greek Orthodox Christianity to occurred among the local population, contributing to the island's Muslim alongside Anatolian settlers and garrisons established after the 1571 conquest. A distinct group known as the Linobambaki (or Linovamvaki) emerged, consisting of individuals primarily of Greek Orthodox and Latin Catholic descent who outwardly adopted to secure economic relief from taxes like the or to access administrative roles, while covertly maintaining Christian rituals and beliefs. The term "Linobambaki" derives from "linon" (, symbolizing Christian undergarments) and "bambax" (, for Muslim outer garments), reflecting their syncretic practices and dual identities. These nominal converts formed pockets of religious ambiguity, particularly in rural areas, where intermarriage and shared customs blurred lines between communities; some Linobambaki villages, such as Louroujina, retained Greek as the primary language and Italianate surnames tracing to pre-Ottoman Latin elites. Historical records indicate limited genuine, full conversions—estimated at around 515 documented cases including minors under Ottoman administration—but the broader Muslim demographic growth to approximately 37-46% of the population by the suggests cumulative effects from partial or opportunistic shifts, natural increase, and . Many Linobambaki later reverted to overt in the British period (1878-1960) or during ethnic tensions, complicating their classification as enduring Greek Muslims; genetic studies of modern show predominant local (Greek-like) ancestry with 10-15% Anatolian input, underscoring the convert heritage amid assimilation into Turkish-speaking Islamic identity. In the , Greek conversions to were sporadic and regionally varied during Ottoman rule (15th-early 20th centuries), yielding smaller Muslim communities than in or , often concentrated in areas with prolonged Turkish settlement. Islands like , , , and hosted Muslim minorities without ever achieving majority status, primarily from administrative transplants and voluntary conversions driven by trade privileges or avoidance of levies, though exact numbers remain elusive due to inconsistent Ottoman censuses. The islands of and , conquered in 1522, developed more stable Muslim enclaves numbering several thousand by the , blending ethnic Turkish migrants (including Yörük nomads) with local Greek converts and, later, Cretan Muslim exiles fleeing the 1897-1898 Greco-Turkish War; these groups maintained mosques and endowments while interacting with Greek Christian majorities through mixed marriages, which typically required Christian partners to convert. The 1923 Greco- population exchange expelled most Aegean island Muslims—estimated at 350,000-400,000 nationwide, including Greek-origin converts—to , where many assimilated linguistically into Turkish society despite retaining Greek dialects initially; exemptions applied to Orthodox Christians under Turkish rule, but Greek Muslims were classified and relocated as "Turks." In contrast, and Muslims, under Italian administration until 1947, avoided exchange and integrated into as a recognized religious minority, preserving Sunni practices and some Greek toponyms or ; today, they number about 2,000-5,000, with evidence of historical back to post-1844 Ottoman edicts indicating fluid identities rather than rigid ethnic retention. These communities exemplify limited Ottoman-era Islamization in insular , where geographic isolation and maritime Orthodox networks inhibited widespread conversion compared to continental holdings.

Diaspora and Modern Distributions

Communities in Turkey

Greek Muslim communities in Turkey originated largely from the 1923 population exchange mandated by the , which relocated approximately 350,000 to 400,000 Muslims from to based on religious criteria rather than ethnicity, including ethnic Greek converts to Islam from regions such as , Macedonia, and . Autochthonous groups in , particularly Muslim , also persisted by retaining Greek dialects while assimilating into Ottoman and later Turkish Muslim society. These populations, often indistinguishable from ethnic Turks in official records, number in the tens of thousands historically but have dwindled through assimilation, with modern estimates elusive due to lack of ethnic self-identification. Cretan Muslims, known as Giritli in Turkey, form one of the largest such groups, resettled primarily in the Aegean region around and following earlier migrations prompted by 19th-century Cretan revolts and the final 1923 exchange. Descended from ethnic who converted during Ottoman rule, they numbered tens of thousands by the early and maintained distinct culinary, musical, and social customs, though dominance has eroded Greek elements. In 1923, over 22,000 additional Cretan Muslims arrived, integrating into coastal settlements while preserving a sense of Cretan identity through family narratives and festivals. The , Greek-speaking Muslims from southwestern Macedonia along the River, totaling about 17,000 in the early 1900s, were deported to in 1923–1924 and resettled in , where they became known as Patriyotlar (from Greek patrida, ). Retaining elements of Greek vocal and Bektashi Sufi practices, they faced pressures to Turkify but preserved linguistic and cultural markers in diaspora villages. Their relocation exemplified the exchange's disruption of ethnic-linguistic communities, with survivors adapting through intermarriage and . In northeastern Turkey's Trabzon province, particularly districts like Of, Çaykara, and Sürmene, a small community of Muslim Pontic Greeks speaks Romeyka, an endangered Greek dialect with archaic features linking it to ancient Hellenic varieties, estimated at 2,000 to 8,000 speakers as of the 2020s. These autochthonous speakers, who avoided the exchange by virtue of their Muslim faith, inhabit remote mountain villages and exhibit linguistic conservatism due to isolation, though younger generations increasingly adopt Turkish amid urbanization and emigration. Efforts to document Romeyka highlight its value as a "living bridge" to ancient Greek, underscoring resistance to full assimilation. Mainland Greek Muslims from areas like and were dispersed across , often in urban centers like or rural , but rapid through state policies, education, and intermarriage has obscured their distinct identity, with few organized communities remaining. Overall, these groups illustrate the complex interplay of religious solidarity and ethnic erosion under modern nation-state formation, where facilitated integration into Turkish identity while vestiges of Greek heritage persist in private spheres.

Middle Eastern Diaspora (Syria, )

The Greek Muslim diaspora in primarily consists of descendants of Cretan converts to who were resettled during the late Ottoman era amid conflicts on . Following the Cretan revolt of 1896–1897, Sultan relocated thousands of these Muslim Cretans to the Syrian coastal region to bolster loyalty in restive areas, establishing the town of in 1898 as a key settlement. By the early , 's population was predominantly these Greek-speaking , who preserved the Cretan dialect alongside and maintained distinct cultural practices tied to their ancestral . Pre-civil war estimates placed their numbers at approximately 8,000 in alone, forming the town's majority and comprising much of 's overall Greek Muslim community of 8,000–10,000. The , beginning in 2011, severely impacted these communities, prompting displacement and some repatriation to . In 2017–2018, families from received asylum in , marking a symbolic return after over a century; for instance, one stonemason family resettled in , citing war devastation as the catalyst. These groups identify ethnically as Greek despite their Islamic faith, facing occasional discrimination from Orthodox Greek majorities abroad, though they emphasize shared heritage over religious divides. In Lebanon, a smaller but analogous community resides mainly in Tripoli, numbering around 7,000 Greek-speaking Muslims of Cretan descent who arrived via similar Ottoman-era migrations or subsequent dispersals. Concentrated in northern areas near the Syrian border, they sustain Greek linguistic traditions and claim continuity with Cretan roots, often navigating Lebanon's sectarian dynamics while preserving endogamous practices. Unlike their Syrian counterparts, Lebanese Greek Muslims have experienced less large-scale exodus from recent conflicts, though economic pressures and regional instability have spurred limited emigration. Both Syrian and Lebanese groups demonstrate resilience in ethnic retention, with oral histories and dialects serving as markers against assimilation into broader Arab-Muslim populations.

Central Asia, Crimea, and Other Dispersals

In the 19th century, the lower section of the Crimean settlement of Kermenchik received Christian Greek migrants from Ottoman Turkey, while the upper section retained a Muslim population potentially descended from earlier Greek converts under Ottoman rule. By the mid-20th century, these Muslim residents were administratively classified as Crimean Tatars. During World War II, Soviet authorities deported approximately 200,000 Crimean Tatars, including such reclassified groups, to Central Asia—primarily Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, and Tajikistan—in May 1944, on charges of collaboration with Nazi Germany. An estimated 20-46% of deportees perished en route or in exile due to harsh conditions, disease, and starvation, with survivors facing forced labor in collective farms and restricted settlement zones until partial rehabilitation in the 1950s and full exoneration in 1989. Any Greek Muslim elements within these populations underwent further assimilation into Tatar or local Turkic-Muslim identities, leaving no distinct communities today. Central Asian Greek populations, numbering around 9,000 in and 10,000-12,000 in as of recent estimates, stem largely from Stalin-era deportations of ethnic Greeks from the Black Sea region and in 1937-1949, but these were predominantly Orthodox Christians of Pontic or Caucasian origin, not . No substantial records indicate ongoing Greek Muslim enclaves there, with any historical dispersals likely absorbed through intermarriage and cultural . Other dispersals of Greek Muslims beyond primary hubs like and the remain marginal, with isolated families possibly reaching Russian territories or the via 20th-century migrations from Ottoman successor states, though lacking organized communities or demographic significance. Post-1923 population exchanges funneled most to , limiting further scatter.

Remaining or Reconverted Groups in Greece and

The near-total absence of distinct ethnic Greek Muslim communities in modern stems from the 1923 Convention Concerning the Exchange of Greek and Turkish Populations, under which approximately 350,000–400,000 Muslims, including Greek-speaking converts classified as "Turks" due to their faith, were resettled in . Groups such as the —Greek-speaking Muslims from who had converted en masse in the late and retained elements of Greek , including language and —were similarly deported or relocated to Asia Minor around 1924, leaving no organized remnant in . The only constitutionally recognized Muslim minority in Greece, numbering about 100,000–150,000 and concentrated in , comprises ethnic Turks, (Slavic-speaking Muslims of probable Bulgarian descent), and Roma; these groups are not ethnically Greek, despite occasional Greek state narratives emphasizing cultural among Pomaks to counter Bulgarian irredentist claims. Isolated claims of surviving ethnic Greek Muslims exist but lack empirical verification and numbers, with any remnants likely assimilated into the Turkish-speaking minority or concealing identities amid historical pressures. Reconversions to Orthodox Christianity among descendants of Greek Muslims occurred primarily during the Greek War of Independence (1821–1830), when thousands in the and islands apostatized to evade execution or align with revolutionaries, and later under the Ottoman reforms, including the 1856 and 1844 edict permitting limited religious shifts. These converts, often from urban or elite Ottoman Greek Muslim families, integrated rapidly into Greek society, forgoing distinct communal structures; by the early 20th century, such groups had dissolved into the Orthodox majority, with no separate ethnic or confessional identity preserved. In the wider , analogous dynamics affected residual Greek Muslim pockets in and , where post-Ottoman nation-states enforced assimilation or ; reconverted descendants, if any, merged into local Greek Orthodox communities without forming identifiable subgroups, reflecting broader patterns of religious homogenization driven by emerging ethnic nationalisms from the 1870s onward.

Cultural Identity and Practices

Language and Glossonyms

Greek Muslims have traditionally spoken regional varieties of Greek, preserving linguistic continuity from their pre-conversion ethnic origins despite dominance as the administrative and elite language. These dialects, derived from medieval and Byzantine Greek substrates, include among descendants from , in Black Sea communities, and localized forms from , Macedonia, and such as those of the Muslims. Retention persisted due to endogamous community structures and limited intermarriage with Turkic settlers, though gradual lexical borrowing from Turkish occurred in domains like administration, religion, and daily trade. In Cretan Muslim communities, the primary glossonym was Kritika (Κρητικά), denoting the vernacular Cretan dialect characterized by archaic features like retained case endings and vocabulary distinct from standard , alongside Turkish loanwords for Islamic terminology. This remained the mother tongue for most Cretan Muslims until the 1923 population exchanges, after which speakers resettled in or continued its use in enclaves, such as the Al-Hamidiyah settlement near where it survives among elderly descendants as of 2019. In Turkish contexts, the term Giritçe (from Turkish "Girit" for ) was applied to the same , reflecting bilingual naming practices without implying a shift to Turkish as the primary idiom. Pontic Greek Muslims, particularly in northeastern Turkey's , employ the glossonym Romeyka (or variants Rumca, Rumcika) for their dialect, an eastern Greek variety with conservative phonological traits like aspirated stops and vowel shifts traceable to influences from Hellenistic Pontus. Spoken by Muslim villagers in areas like Beşköy as late as surveys in the , Romeyka exhibits minimal Turkish substrate beyond religious lexicon, underscoring resistance to full linguistic assimilation; estimates suggest thousands of fluent speakers persist in isolated highland communities as of 2025, classified as endangered by linguistic documentation efforts. This derives from "Romaioi" (Byzantine self-designation for ), emphasizing ethnic continuity over religious divergence. Among mainland groups like the of Macedonia and , Greek dialects retained Slavic and Albanian admixtures but lacked distinct Muslim-specific glossonyms, often simply termed local vernaculars until 20th-century pressures post-Balkan Wars (1912–1913) accelerated shifts to Turkish. Cypriot and Aegean island Greek Muslims similarly used or insular dialects, with glossonyms like Kipriaka in residual communities, though most underwent language replacement following Ottoman-to-British transitions and 1974 divisions. Overall, while Turkish has become dominant in diaspora settings like Turkey's urban centers—driven by state policies mandating monolingual education since the —pockets of Greek dialect retention among Greek Muslims highlight causal factors of geographic isolation and cultural insularity over coerced assimilation narratives.

Religious Syncretism and Observances

Greek Muslim communities, especially those in mainland regions like , displayed through the integration of Orthodox Christian folk rituals into Islamic practice, often facilitated by heterodox Sufi orders such as the Bektashis that equated Christian saints with Islamic prophets and tolerated pre-Islamic elements. This blending arose from gradual conversions driven by socio-economic pressures under Ottoman rule, where formal adherence to coexisted with retained Christian customs at the popular level, including animal sacrifices, hagiolatry, and ritual baptisms adapted into Muslim ceremonies. The , Greek-speaking converts primarily Islamized between the 17th and 18th centuries, exemplified this by continuing observances like dyeing , celebrating the feast of St. Barbara, and making offerings at churches even after nominal conversion, reflecting a persistence of folk Christianity within an Islamic framework. influences promoted such equivalences, allowing practices like veneration of the Virgin Mary (Bogoroditsa) to survive in syncretic forms among related Balkan Muslim groups, though maintained Greek linguistic and ritual continuity longer than most. In daily and annual observances, Greek Muslims adhered to core Islamic rites—five daily prayers, Ramadan fasting, and pilgrimage aspirations—but infused them with local customs, such as communal feasts blending halal slaughter with Christian-derived wedding rituals or New Year's celebrations involving vasilopita-like breads symbolizing prosperity and cross-marked traditions. This syncretism, more evident in heterodox sects than orthodox Sunni communities like many Cretan Muslims, underscored a causal adaptation where economic incentives for conversion did not erase underlying cultural substrates, leading to "shallow" surface Islam over deeper theological shifts in some cases.

Assimilation Versus Ethnic Retention

Greek Muslims during the Ottoman period balanced assimilation into the ruling Muslim elite's Turkish-influenced culture with retention of ethnic Greek linguistic and customary elements, particularly in rural settings. Converts from Greek Orthodox backgrounds often adopted Islamic practices for , yet many communities preserved Greek dialects and , reflecting incomplete under the millet system's religious rather than strictly ethnic categorization. The of southwestern Macedonia exemplified ethnic retention, maintaining Greek speech, traditional dress, and pre-ic customs alongside Islam, distinguishing them from Turkish-speaking Muslim immigrants. This group, estimated at several thousand in the , resisted full cultural absorption until the and subsequent Greek state policies prompted migrations. , descendants of 17th-century converts, numbered approximately 150,000–200,000 by 1923 and predominantly spoke the dialect while producing literature in Greek script adapted for Turkish phonetics. They retained Greek naming conventions, , and syncretic rituals, showing limited assimilation into Turkish identity despite Ottoman administrative use of Turkish. The 1923 Treaty of Lausanne-mandated population exchange deported around 355,000–400,000 Muslims from to , including most Greek-speaking groups like Cretans and , classifying them as Turks regardless of language. In Republican , state policies emphasizing education and dispersing immigrants among Turkish-speaking populations accelerated assimilation, with Greek dialects fading within one to two generations as public use was discouraged and Turkish became mandatory in schools and administration. Descendants in Turkey, such as Cretan communities in Ayvalık, initially faced barriers to Turkish proficiency but underwent linguistic shift by the mid-20th century, though vestiges of Greek cultural practices—e.g., specific culinary traditions and oral histories—endure in family settings. Remaining Muslims in Greece, mainly in Western Thrace (about 100,000 as of recent estimates), have oriented toward Turkish or local Pomak identities under minority protections, with minimal Greek ethnic retention. This pattern underscores causal pressures from : Ottoman permitted partial retention, but post-1912 Balkan and Kemalist secular enforced ethnic homogenization, prioritizing religious over linguistic criteria in exchanges while promoting majority-language dominance thereafter.

Debates on Identity and Historical Legacy

Ethnic Greek Continuity Versus Turkification

Greek Muslim communities, particularly those originating from regions like and , initially preserved elements of ethnic Greek identity following during the Ottoman era, including the use of Greek dialects and customary practices. For instance, the , a group of Greek-speaking Muslims from southwestern Macedonia who converted gradually from the 16th to 18th centuries, maintained the Greek language (referred to as Romeïka) alongside semi-nomadic pastoral lifestyles and syncretic religious observances that blended Orthodox traditions with Islamic ones. Similarly, , descendants of ethnic Greeks who converted en masse after the Ottoman conquest of in 1669, spoke a distinctive Greek known as Kritika well into the 19th and early 20th centuries, while retaining Cretan attire, music, and social structures distinct from Anatolian Turks. The 1923 population exchange between and , formalized by the on July 24, 1923, disrupted this continuity by relocating approximately 300,000 to 400,000 Greek-speaking Muslims from —including Vallahades and Cretans—to , classifying them as "Turks" based on rather than or . Resettled primarily in western (e.g., around İzmir and Aydın), these groups faced systemic pressures for linguistic and cultural assimilation under the Turkish Republic's nation-building policies, which emphasized Turkish as the state through compulsory education and administrative mandates starting in the 1920s. By the mid-20th century, most had shifted to Turkish, with intermarriage and urban integration accelerating the process; for example, Vallahades became known as "Patriyotlar" (patriots) in but largely adopted Turkish identity, though some retained Greek folk songs and terminology. Despite widespread Turkification, pockets of ethnic continuity persisted, evidenced by the survival of Greek dialects in isolated Cretan Muslim enclaves in Turkey into the late 20th century and ongoing cultural revivals, such as the performance of Greek-language mantinades (poetic songs) in Giritli (Cretan) communities. Anthropological studies note that while self-identification as ethnically Greek waned due to state-driven homogenization—exemplified by the 1934 Resettlement Law prioritizing "Turkish" cultural alignment—genetic and folkloric traces, including shared haplotypes with mainland Greeks, underscore underlying continuity amid assimilation. This tension reflects causal dynamics: Ottoman millet system allowed religious-based autonomy that preserved linguistic diversity, but republican secular nationalism, coupled with demographic relocation, favored cultural convergence over retention. The debate over continuity versus full Turkification often hinges on definitions of ethnicity—whether linguistic/cultural persistence trumps religious/national reorientation—and is complicated by source biases, with Greek historiography emphasizing retained Hellenic elements to highlight Ottoman-era conversions as non-erasure of ancestry, while Turkish accounts stress voluntary integration into the and republic. Empirical data, including oral histories from exchanged populations, indicate incomplete assimilation: for , some descendants in Turkey as of the 2010s reported familial transmission of Greek, suggesting resilience in private spheres against public Turkification. Ultimately, while Turkification dominated through policy and environment, ethnic Greek substrates endured in hybrid forms, challenging binary narratives of total replacement.

Controversies Over Coerced Conversions and Resistance

Historians debate the degree to which conversions to Islam among ethnic Greeks under Ottoman rule constituted coercion, with some emphasizing systemic pressures like the devshirme levy—under which Christian boys, including Greeks, were periodically conscripted, converted, and trained for elite military or administrative roles—while others highlight incentives such as tax exemptions and social advancement. The devshirme, operational from the 14th to 17th centuries, affected Balkan Christian populations, including Greeks, with records from 1603–1604 documenting levies in Greek-inhabited areas, fostering long-term resentment that contributed to localized uprisings, such as the 1705 revolt in Naousa. Beyond devshirme, outright mass forced conversions were infrequent Ottoman policy, though sporadic coercion occurred during conquests or suppressions of revolts, compounded by the jizya poll tax levied solely on non-Muslims, which incentivized conversion for economic relief. In Crete, following the Ottoman conquest (1645–1669), a significant portion of the island's Muslim population by the 19th century derived from local Greek converts rather than Anatolian settlers, with Islamization processes involving adaptation to Ottoman religious policies amid post-conquest instability, including the elimination of Venetian nobility and pressures on the populace. Nationalist Greek historiography often portrays these shifts as largely coercive, tied to the brutal siege and occupation, whereas Ottoman court records indicate a mix of voluntary adaptations for survival and status, though forced elements during wartime cannot be discounted. Similar dynamics prevailed in Macedonia, where groups like the Vallahades—Greek-speaking Muslims of southwestern regions—emerged from gradual conversions of Orthodox Christians, retaining linguistic and cultural markers of Greek origin despite nominal Islamization. Resistance to conversion took both passive and active forms, prominently through crypto-Christianity, where outwardly Muslim communities secretly preserved Orthodox practices and Greek identity to evade persecution. In Pontus, Greek-speaking groups forcibly Islamized during periods of Ottoman consolidation maintained hidden Christian rituals, with collective reversions to overt Christianity occurring en masse in the mid-19th century following the 1856 Reform Edict, which relaxed apostasy penalties. These crypto-communities, documented in traveler accounts and Ottoman records, exemplified non-violent defiance, preserving ethnic continuity amid assimilation pressures. Armed resistance intertwined with religious fidelity, as seen in the (1821 onward), where liberated regions witnessed reconversions among recent Muslim converts, particularly in central Greece, signaling the superficial nature of some earlier Islamizations driven by immediate survival needs rather than conviction. Such patterns underscore ongoing historiographical tensions, with Orthodox sources amplifying coercion narratives to affirm cultural resilience, while secular analyses stress pragmatic adaptations over outright force.

Post-Ottoman Persecutions and Population Exchanges

Following the of 1912–1913, Greek forces occupied territories in Macedonia and Epirus containing substantial Muslim populations, including Greek-speaking communities such as the Vallahades. These groups encountered violence, property seizures, and coerced departures amid ethnic tensions and suspicions of Ottoman allegiance, contributing to the flight of hundreds of thousands of Muslims from Greek-controlled areas. The Greco-Turkish War of 1919–1922 intensified pressures on remaining Muslim populations in Greece, with reports of reprisal killings and forced migrations in response to events in Anatolia. By 1922, following Greece's military defeat, negotiations led to the Convention Concerning the Exchange of Greek and Turkish Populations, signed on 30 January 1923 as part of the Treaty of Lausanne. This agreement mandated the compulsory relocation of approximately 355,000 to 400,000 Muslims from Greece to Turkey, irrespective of their ethnic or linguistic ties, in exchange for over 1.2 million Greek Orthodox Christians from Turkey. Greek Muslims, defined by their Hellenic ethnic origins and Greek language despite Islamic faith, were classified solely by religion and thus subjected to deportation. The Vallahades of southwestern Macedonia, estimated at several thousand, were uprooted from villages along the Haliacmon River and resettled in Anatolia, severing ties to their ancestral lands. Similarly, the remaining Cretan Muslims—descendants of local converts numbering around 20,000 to 25,000 after earlier partial emigrations—were compelled to abandon for Turkey, where they formed communities in Smyrna and elsewhere. This religious criterion overlooked the cultural affinities of Greek Muslims, many of whom maintained Greek customs and sought to reaffirm Orthodox identity through reconversion to evade expulsion, though most efforts failed under the treaty's terms. The process involved asset liquidations and hardships, with properties confiscated and communities dissolved, marking the near-elimination of indigenous Muslim populations in mainland Greece outside .

Notable Figures and Contributions

Historical Greek Muslim Scholars and Leaders

Al-Khazini (fl. 1115–1130), originally a Byzantine Greek enslaved and later emancipated in Khorasan, converted to Islam and became a prominent astronomer, physicist, and mathematician under Seljuk patronage. He authored Mizan al-Hikmah (Balance of Wisdom), detailing hydrostatic balances and specific gravities of substances, advancing experimental methods in medieval science. In the Ottoman era, Ahmed Resmi Efendi (1700–1783), born in Rethymno, Crete, to a Muslim family of Greek descent, served as a diplomat, historian, and author. He documented Ottoman foreign relations, including treaties with Russia and Austria, and critiqued administrative reforms in works like Hulâsat ül-i’tibar. His Cretan origins reflected the integration of local Greek Muslim elites into imperial bureaucracy. Ahmed Vefik Pasha (1819–1891), descended from Greek ancestors who converted to Islam generations earlier, was an Ottoman polymath, statesman, and Turkologist. As Grand Vizier and president of the first Ottoman Parliament in 1877, he promoted cultural revival through translations of Molière and Shakespeare into Turkish, and founded theaters and dictionaries to preserve Ottoman Turkish heritage. Ibrahim Edhem Pasha (1819–1893), captured as a child from a Greek Orthodox village on Chios during the 1822 massacre, converted to Islam and rose to Grand Vizier (1877–1878). He reformed naval and financial administrations, reflecting the devshirme system's role in elevating converts to high office despite origins. Mustapha Khaznadar (c. 1817–1878), born Georgios Kalkias Stravelakis on Chios, was enslaved young, converted, and became Prime Minister of Tunis under the Husseinite dynasty. He managed finances and infrastructure, amassing wealth while aiding Greek communities, illustrating Greek converts' influence in North African Muslim states. These figures, often from coerced conversions via enslavement or tribute systems, contributed to Islamic administration and science while navigating ethnic origins in Muslim polities. Their roles underscore the Ottoman reliance on converted Balkan and Anatolian Greeks for governance, blending Hellenistic legacies with Islamic frameworks.

Modern Descendants and Cultural Revivals

The primary modern descendants of ethnic Greek converts to Islam reside in Turkey, particularly as Turkocretans or Giritliler, numbering approximately 1 million individuals whose ancestors were relocated from Crete during the late 19th-century emigrations following the 1897 rebellion and the 1923 Greco-Turkish population exchange. These descendants, originating from Greek Orthodox populations that converted after the Ottoman conquest of Crete in 1669, largely identify as Turkish citizens while preserving distinct Cretan cultural markers, including elements of the dialect, traditional attire, and communal practices that differentiate them from other Turkish regional groups. Assimilation into broader Turkish society has been extensive, with most no longer claiming Greek ethnic identity, though genetic and cultural continuity with pre-Ottoman Greek populations persists through retained folklore and family lore. Cultural retention among these communities emphasizes performative and culinary traditions, such as pentozali dances, lyra music, and dishes like staka or olive-based preparations, often showcased in family gatherings or regional events that echo Cretan rather than mainstream Anatolian customs. In areas like Izmir and its environs, where significant clusters settled, descendants maintain professions tied to Cretan heritage, including olive cultivation and specialized butchery dating back to early 20th-century establishments. For the Vallahades, descendants from southwestern Greek Macedonia who converted gradually in the cultural preservation is more attenuated; later generations primarily speak Turkish, with only fragmentary knowledge of Greek dialects or folk songs surviving in oral traditions among elders. Efforts at cultural revival have gained momentum since the late 20th century, coordinated through organizations like the Cretan Federation of Turkey, which unites 18 coastal associations to host annual festivals featuring live Cretan music, dance demonstrations, and home-cooked regional foods. The 11th International Cretan Festival in June 2023 exemplified this, drawing participants for performances that blend Muslim religious observance with secular Cretan arts, fostering intra-community solidarity. Parallel initiatives include cross-border visits to , facilitated by federation leaders like Yunus Çengel, and informal friendship networks that encourage dialogue with ethnic Greeks, though these remain apolitical and focused on shared heritage rather than identity reclamation. Such activities reflect a pragmatic adaptation to modern Turkey's multicultural undercurrents, prioritizing cultural continuity over historical grievances.

References

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