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Kanji
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| Kanji | |
|---|---|
Kanji written in kanji with furigana | |
| Script type | |
Period | 5th century AD – present |
| Direction | Vertical right-to-left, left-to-right |
| Languages | Old Japanese, Kanbun, Japanese, Ryukyuan languages, Hachijō |
| Related scripts | |
Parent systems | |
Sister systems | Hanja, zhuyin, traditional Chinese, simplified Chinese, chữ Hán, chữ Nôm, Khitan script, Jurchen script, Tangut script, Yi script |
| ISO 15924 | |
| ISO 15924 | Hani (500), Han (Hanzi, Kanji, Hanja) |
| Unicode | |
Unicode alias | Han |
Kanji (/ˈkændʒi, ˈkɑːn-/;[1] Japanese: 漢字, pronounced [kaɲ.dʑi] ⓘ ,'Chinese characters'[2][3]) are logographic Chinese characters, adapted from Chinese script, used in the writing of Japanese.[4] They comprised a major part of the Japanese writing system during the time of Old Japanese and are still used, along with the subsequently derived syllabic scripts of hiragana and katakana.[5][6] The characters have Japanese pronunciations; most have two, with one based on the Chinese sound. A few characters were invented in Japan by constructing character components derived from other Chinese characters. After the Meiji Restoration, Japan made its own efforts to simplify the characters, now known as shinjitai, by a process similar to China's simplification efforts, with the intention to increase literacy among the general public. Since the 1920s, the Japanese government has published character lists periodically to help direct the education of its citizenry through the myriad Chinese characters that exist. There are nearly 3,000 kanji used in Japanese names and in common communication.
The term kanji in Japanese literally means "Han characters".[7] Japanese kanji and Chinese hanzi (traditional Chinese: 漢字; simplified Chinese: 汉字; pinyin: hànzì; lit. 'Han characters') share a common foundation.[8] The significant use of Chinese characters in Japan first began to take hold around the 5th century AD and has since had a profound influence in shaping Japanese culture, language, literature, history, and records.[9] Inkstone artifacts at archaeological sites dating back to the earlier Yayoi period were also found to contain Chinese characters.[10]
Although some characters, as used in Japanese and Chinese, have similar meanings and pronunciations, others have meanings or pronunciations that are unique to one language or the other. For example, 誠 means 'honest' in both languages but is pronounced makoto or sei in Japanese, and chéng in Standard Mandarin Chinese. Individual kanji characters and multi-kanji words invented in Japan from Chinese morphemes have been borrowed into Chinese, Korean, and Vietnamese in recent times. These are known as Wasei-kango, or Japanese-made Chinese words. For example, the word for telephone, 電話 denwa in Japanese, was derived from the Chinese words for "electric" and "conversation." It was then calqued as diànhuà in Mandarin Chinese, điện thoại in Vietnamese and 전화 jeonhwa in Korean.[11]
| Japanese writing |
|---|
| Components |
| Uses |
| Transliteration |
History
[edit]
Chinese characters first came to Japan on official seals, letters, swords, coins, mirrors, and other decorative items imported from China.[12] The earliest known instance of such an import was the King of Na gold seal given by Emperor Guangwu of Han to a Wa emissary in 57 AD.[13] Chinese coins as well as inkstones from the first century AD have also been found in Yayoi period archaeological sites.[9][10] However, the Japanese people of that era probably had little to no comprehension of the script, and they would remain relatively illiterate until the fifth century AD, when writing in Japan became more widespread.[9] According to the Nihon Shoki and Kojiki, a semi-legendary scholar called Wani was dispatched to Japan by the Kingdom of Baekje during the reign of Emperor Ōjin in the early fifth century, bringing with him knowledge of Confucianism and Chinese characters.[14]
The earliest Japanese documents were probably written by bilingual Chinese or Korean officials employed at the Yamato court.[9] For example, the diplomatic correspondence from King Bu of Wa to Emperor Shun of Liu Song in 478 AD has been praised for its skillful use of allusion. Later, groups of people called fuhito were organized under the monarch to read and write Classical Chinese. During the reign of Empress Suiko (593–628), the Yamato court began sending full-scale diplomatic missions to China, which resulted in a large increase in Chinese literacy at the Japanese court.[14]
In ancient times, paper was so rare that people wrote kanji onto thin, rectangular strips of wood, called mokkan (木簡). These wooden boards were used for communication between government offices, tags for goods transported between various countries, and the practice of writing. The oldest written kanji in Japan discovered so far were written in ink on wood as a wooden strip dated to the 7th century, a record of trading for cloth and salt.[15]
The Japanese language had no written form at the time Chinese characters were introduced, and texts were written and read only in Chinese. Later, during the Heian period (794–1185), a system known as kanbun emerged, which involved using Chinese text with diacritical marks to allow Japanese speakers to read Chinese sentences and restructure them into Japanese on the fly, by changing word order and adding particles and verb endings, in accordance with the rules of Japanese grammar. This was essentially a kind of codified sight translation.[citation needed]
Chinese characters also came to be used to write texts in the vernacular Japanese language, resulting in the modern kana syllabaries. Around 650 AD, a writing system called man'yōgana (used in the ancient poetry anthology Man'yōshū) evolved that used a number of Chinese characters for their sound, rather than for their meaning. Man'yōgana written in cursive style evolved into hiragana (literally "fluttering kana" in reference to the motion of the brush during cursive writing), or onna-de, that is, "ladies' hand",[16] a writing system that was accessible to women (who were denied higher education). Major works of Heian-era literature by women were written in hiragana. Katakana (literally "partial kana", in reference to the practice of using a part of a kanji character) emerged via a parallel path: monastery students simplified man'yōgana to a single constituent element. Thus the two other writing systems, hiragana and katakana, referred to collectively as kana, are descended from kanji. In contrast with kana (仮名, literally "borrowed name", in reference to the character being "borrowed" as a label for its sound), kanji are also called mana (真名, literally "true name", in reference to the character being used as a label for its meaning).[citation needed]
In modern Japanese, kanji are used to write certain words or parts of words (usually content words such as nouns, adjective stems, and verb stems), while hiragana are used to write inflected verb and adjective endings, phonetic complements to disambiguate readings (okurigana), particles, and miscellaneous words which have no kanji or whose kanji are considered obscure or too difficult to read or remember. Katakana are mostly used for representing onomatopoeia, non-Japanese loanwords (except those borrowed from ancient Chinese), the names of plants and animals (with exceptions), and for emphasis on certain words.[citation needed]
Orthographic reform and lists of kanji
[edit]
Since ancient times, there has been a strong opinion in Japan that kanji is the orthodox form of writing, but others have argued against it.[17] Kamo no Mabuchi, a scholar of the Edo period, criticized the large number of characters in kanji. He also appreciated the small number of characters in kana characters and argued for the limitation of kanji.[citation needed]
After the Meiji Restoration and as Japan entered an era of active exchange with foreign countries, the need for script reform in Japan began to be called for. Some scholars argued for the abolition of kanji and the writing of Japanese using only kana or Latin characters. These views were not widespread.[18]
However, the need to limit the number of kanji characters was understood, and in May 1923, the Japanese government announced 1,962 kanji characters for regular use. In 1940, the Japanese Army decided on the "Table of Restricted Kanji for Weapons Names" (兵器名称用制限漢字表, heiki meishō yō seigen kanji hyō) which limited the number of kanji that could be used for weapons names to 1,235. In 1942, the National Language Council announced the "Standard Kanji Table" (標準漢字表, hyōjun kanji-hyō) with a total of 2,528 characters, showing the standard for kanji used by ministries and agencies and in general society.[19]
In 1946, after World War II and under the Allied occupation of Japan, the Japanese government, guided by the Supreme Commander of the Allied Powers, instituted a series of orthographic reforms, to help children learn and to simplify kanji use in literature and periodicals.[citation needed]
The number of characters in circulation was reduced, and formal lists of characters to be learned during each grade of school were established. Some characters were given simplified glyphs, called shinjitai (新字体). Many variant forms of characters and obscure alternatives for common characters were officially discouraged.[citation needed]
These are simply guidelines, so many characters outside these standards are still widely known and commonly used; these are known as hyōgaiji (表外字).[citation needed]
Kyōiku kanji
[edit]The kyōiku kanji (教育漢字; lit. "education kanji") are the 1,026 first kanji characters that Japanese children learn in elementary school, from first grade to sixth grade. The grade-level breakdown is known as the gakunen-betsu kanji haitōhyō (学年別漢字配当表), or the gakushū kanji (学習漢字). This list of kanji is maintained by the Japanese Ministry of Education and prescribes which kanji characters and which kanji readings students should learn for each grade.
Jōyō kanji
[edit]The jōyō kanji (常用漢字; regular-use kanji) are 2,136 characters consisting of all the kyōiku kanji, plus 1,110 additional kanji taught in junior high and high school.[20] In publishing, characters outside this category are often given furigana. The jōyō kanji were introduced in 1981, replacing an older list of 1,850 characters known as the tōyō kanji (当用漢字; general-use kanji), introduced in 1946. Originally numbering 1,945 characters, the jōyō kanji list was expanded to 2,136 in 2010. Some of the new characters were previously jinmeiyō kanji; some are used to write prefecture names: 阪, 熊, 奈, 岡, 鹿, 梨, 阜, 埼, 茨, 栃 and 媛.
Jinmeiyō kanji
[edit]As of September 25, 2017, the jinmeiyō kanji (人名用漢字; kanji for use in personal names) consists of 863 characters. Kanji on this list are mostly used in people's names and some are traditional variants of jōyō kanji. There were only 92 kanji in the original list published in 1952, but new additions have been made frequently. Sometimes the term jinmeiyō kanji refers to all 2,999 kanji from both the jōyō and jinmeiyō lists combined.
Hyōgai kanji
[edit]Hyōgai kanji (表外漢字; "unlisted characters") are any kanji not contained in the jōyō kanji and jinmeiyō kanji lists. These are generally written using traditional characters, but extended shinjitai forms exist.
Japanese Industrial Standards for kanji
[edit]The Japanese Industrial Standards for kanji and kana define character code-points for each kanji and kana, as well as other forms of writing such as the Latin alphabet, Cyrillic script, Greek alphabet, Arabic numerals, etc. for use in information processing. They have had numerous revisions. The current standards are:
- JIS X 0208,[21] the most recent version of the main standard. It has 6,355 kanji.
- JIS X 0212,[22] a supplementary standard containing a further 5,801 kanji. This standard is rarely used, mainly because the common Shift JIS encoding system could not use it. This standard is effectively obsolete.
- JIS X 0213,[23] a further revision which extended the JIS X 0208 set with 3,695 additional kanji, of which 2,743 (all but 952) were in JIS X 0212. The standard is in part designed to be compatible with Shift JIS encoding.
- JIS X 0221:1995, the Japanese version of the ISO 10646/Unicode standard.
Gaiji
[edit]Gaiji (外字; literally "external characters") are kanji that are not represented in existing Japanese encoding systems. These include variant forms of common kanji that need to be represented alongside the more conventional glyph in reference works and can include non-kanji symbols as well.
Gaiji can be either user-defined characters, system-specific characters or third-party add-on products.[24] Both are a problem for information interchange, as the code point used to represent an external character will not be consistent from one computer or operating system to another.
Gaiji were nominally prohibited in JIS X 0208-1997 where the available number of code-points was reduced to only 940.[25] JIS X 0213-2000 used the entire range of code-points previously allocated to gaiji, making them completely unusable. Most desktop and mobile systems have moved to Unicode negating the need for gaiji for most users. Historically, gaiji were used by Japanese mobile service providers for emoji.
Unicode allows for optional encoding of gaiji in private use areas, while Adobe's SING (Smart INdependent Glyphlets)[26][27] technology allows the creation of customized gaiji.
The Text Encoding Initiative uses a ⟨g⟩ element to encode any non-standard character or glyph, including gaiji. The g stands for gaiji.[28][29]
Total number of kanji
[edit]There is no definitive count of kanji characters, just as there is none of Chinese characters generally. The Dai Kan-Wa Jiten, which is considered to be comprehensive in Japan, contains about 50,000 characters. The Zhonghua Zihai, published in 1994 in China, contains about 85,000 characters, but the majority of them are not in common use in any country, and many are obscure variants or archaic forms.[30][31][32]
A list of 2,136 jōyō kanji is regarded as necessary for functional literacy in Japanese. Approximately a thousand more characters are commonly used and readily understood by the majority in Japan and a few thousand more find occasional use, particularly in specialized fields of study but those may be obscure to most out of context. A total of 13,108 characters can be encoded in various Japanese Industrial Standards for kanji.
Readings
[edit]This section may require cleanup to meet Wikipedia's quality standards. The specific problem is: Overly verbose 'readings' section. (March 2022) |
Individual kanji may be used to write one or more different words or morphemes, leading to different pronunciations or "readings." The correct reading may be determined by contextual cues (such as whether the character represents part of a compound word versus an independent word), the exact intended meaning of the word, and its position within the sentence. For example, 今日 is mostly read kyō, meaning "today", but in formal writing it is read konnichi, meaning "nowadays". Furigana is used to specify ambiguous readings, such as rare, literary, or otherwise non-standard readings.[33]
Readings are categorized as either kun'yomi (訓読み, literally "meaning reading"), native Japanese, or on'yomi (音読み, literally "sound reading"), borrowed from Chinese. Most kanji have at least a single reading of each category, though some have only one, such as kiku (菊; "chrysanthemum", an on-reading) or iwashi (鰯; "sardine", a kun-reading); Japanese-coined kanji (kokuji) often only have kun'yomi readings.
Some common kanji have ten or more possible readings; the most complex common example is 生, which is read as sei, shō, nama, ki, o-u, i-kiru, i-kasu, i-keru, u-mu, u-mareru, ha-eru, and ha-yasu, totaling eight basic readings (the first two are on, while the rest are kun), or 12 if related verbs are counted as distinct.
On'yomi (Sino-Japanese reading)
[edit]The on'yomi (音読み; [oɰ̃jomi], lit. "sound(-based) reading"), the Sino-Japanese reading, is the modern descendant of the Japanese approximation of the base Chinese pronunciation of the character at the time it was introduced. It was often previously referred to as translation reading, as it was recreated readings of the Chinese pronunciation but was not the Chinese pronunciation or reading itself, similar to the English pronunciation of Latin loanwords. There also exist kanji created by the Japanese and given an on'yomi reading despite not being a Chinese-derived or a Chinese-originating character. Some kanji were introduced from different parts of China at different times, and so have multiple on'yomi, and often multiple meanings. Kanji invented in Japan (kokuji) would not normally be expected to have on'yomi, but there are exceptions, such as the character 働 "to work", which has the kun'yomi "hatara(ku)" and the on'yomi "dō", and 腺 "gland", which has only the on'yomi "sen"—in both cases these come from the on'yomi of the phonetic component, respectively 動 "dō" and 泉 "sen".
Kun'yomi (native reading)
[edit]The kun'yomi (訓読み; [kɯɰ̃jomi], lit. "meaning reading"), the native reading, is a reading based on the pronunciation of a native Japanese word, or yamato kotoba, that closely approximated the meaning of the Chinese character when it was introduced. As with on'yomi, there can be multiple kun'yomi for the same kanji, and some kanji have no kun'yomi at all.
Ateji
[edit]Ateji (当て字) are characters used only for their sounds. In this case, pronunciation is still based on a standard reading, or used only for meaning (broadly a form of ateji, narrowly jukujikun). Therefore, only the full compound—not the individual character—has a reading. There are also special cases where the reading is completely different, often based on a historical or traditional reading.
The analogous phenomenon occurs to a much lesser degree in Chinese varieties, where there are literary and colloquial readings of Chinese characters—borrowed readings and native readings. In Chinese these borrowed readings and native readings are etymologically related, since they are between Chinese varieties (which are related), not from Chinese to Japanese (which are not related). They thus form doublets and are generally similar, analogous to different on'yomi, reflecting different stages of Chinese borrowings into Japanese.
Gairaigo
[edit]Longer readings exist for non-Jōyō characters and non-kanji symbols, where a long gairaigo word may be the reading (this is classed as kun'yomi—see single character gairaigo, below)—the character 糎 has the seven kana reading センチメートル senchimētoru "centimeter", though it is generally written as "cm" (with two half-width characters, so occupying one space); another common example is '%' (the percent sign), which has the five kana reading パーセント pāsento.
Mixed readings
[edit]
There are many kanji compounds that use a mixture of on'yomi and kun'yomi; these may be considered hybrid words. Readings in which the first kanji is on'yomi and the second is kun'yomi are classified as jūbakoyomi (重箱読み; multi-layered food box reading), while kun-on words are classified as yutōyomi (湯桶読み; hot liquid pail reading). The words jūbako and yutō are themselves examples of the reading patterns they represent (they are autological words). Other examples include basho (場所; "place", kun-on), kin'iro (金色; "golden", on-kun) and aikidō (合気道; the martial art Aikido", kun-on-on).
Ateji often use mixed readings. For instance, the city of Sapporo (サッポロ), whose name derives from the Ainu language and has no meaning in Japanese, is written with the on-kun compound 札幌 (sapporo) (which includes sokuon as if it were a purely on compound).
Special readings
[edit]Gikun (義訓) and jukujikun (熟字訓) are readings of kanji combinations that have no direct correspondence to the characters' individual on'yomi or kun'yomi. From the point of view of the character, rather than the word, this is known as a nankun (難訓; "difficult reading"), and these are listed in kanji dictionaries under the entry for the character.
Gikun are other readings assigned to a character instead of its standard readings. An example is reading 寒 (meaning "cold") as fuyu ("winter") rather than the standard readings samu or kan, and instead of the usual spelling for fuyu of 冬. Another example is using 煙草 (lit. 'smoke grass') with the reading tabako ("tobacco") rather than the otherwise-expected readings of *kemuri-gusa or *ensō. Some of these, such as for tabako, have become lexicalized, but in many cases this kind of use is typically non-standard and employed in specific contexts by individual writers. Aided with furigana, gikun could be used to convey complex literary or poetic effect (especially if the readings contradict the kanji), or clarification if the referent may not be obvious.
Jukujikun are when the standard kanji for a word are related to the meaning, but not the sound. The word is pronounced as a whole, not corresponding to sounds of individual kanji. For example, 今朝 ("this morning") is jukujikun. This word is not read as *ima'asa, the expected kun'yomi of the characters, and only infrequently as konchō, the on'yomi of the characters. The most common reading is kesa, a native bisyllabic Japanese word that may be seen as a single morpheme, or as a compound of ke (“this”, as in kefu, the older reading for 今日, “today”), and asa, “morning”.[34] Likewise, 今日 ("today") is also jukujikun, usually read with the native reading kyō; its on'yomi, konnichi, does occur in certain words and expressions, especially in the broader sense "nowadays" or "current", such as 今日的 ("present-day"), although in the phrase konnichi wa ("good day"), konnichi is typically spelled wholly with hiragana rather than with the kanji 今日.
Jukujikun are primarily used for some native Japanese words, such as Yamato 大和 or 倭, the name of the dominant ethnic group of Japan, a former Japanese province as well as ancient name for Japan), and for some old borrowings, such as 柳葉魚 (shishamo, literally "willow leaf fish") from Ainu, 煙草 (tabako, literally “smoke grass”) from Portuguese, or 麦酒 (bīru, literally “wheat alcohol”) from Dutch, especially if the word was borrowed before the Meiji period. Words whose kanji are jukujikun are often usually written as hiragana (if native), or katakana (if borrowed); some old borrowed words are also written as hiragana, especially Portuguese loanwords such as かるた (karuta) from Portuguese "carta" (English "card") or てんぷら (tempura) from Portuguese "tempora" (English “times, season”),[citation needed] as well as たばこ (tabako).
A case where jukujikun is used for Sino-Japanese is the word kyōdai, which, prototypically, means "brothers" and is spelt 兄弟 ("big and little brothers"). However, the meaning has been expanded to "siblings" in general, and can assume such spellings as 姉妹 ("(big and little) sisters", alternatively pronounced shimai), 兄妹 ("big brother and little sister") and 姉弟 ("big sister and little brother"). It is also possible to say otoko kyōdai ("male siblings; brothers") and onna kyōdai ("female siblings; sisters").[35]
Sometimes, jukujikun can even have more kanji than there are syllables, examples being kera (啄木鳥, “woodpecker”), gumi (胡頽子, “silver berry, oleaster”),[36] and Hozumi (八月朔日, a surname).[37] This phenomenon is observed in animal names that are shortened and used as suffixes for zoological compound names, for example when 黄金虫, normally read as koganemushi, is shortened to kogane in 黒黄金虫 kurokogane, although zoological names are commonly spelled with katakana rather than with kanji. Outside zoology, this type of shortening only occurs on a handful of words, for example大元帥 daigen(sui), or the historical male name suffix 右衛門 -emon, which was shortened from the word uemon.
The kanji compound for jukujikun is often idiosyncratic and created for the word, and there is no corresponding Chinese word with that spelling. In other cases, a kanji compound for an existing Chinese word is reused, where the Chinese word and on'yomi may or may not be used in Japanese. For example, 馴鹿 ("reindeer") is jukujikun for tonakai, from Ainu, but the on'yomi reading of junroku is also used. In some cases, Japanese coinages have subsequently been borrowed back into Chinese, such as 鮟鱇 (ankō, "monkfish").
The underlying word for jukujikun is a native Japanese word or foreign borrowing, which either does not have an existing kanji spelling (either kun'yomi or ateji) or for which a new kanji spelling is produced. Most often the word is a noun, which may be a simple noun (not a compound or derived from a verb), or may be a verb form or a fusional pronunciation. For example, the word 相撲 (sumō, "sumo") is originally from the verb 争う (sumau, “to vie, to compete”), while 今日 (kyō, "today") is fusional (from older ke, "this" + fu, "day").
In rare cases, jukujikun is also applied to inflectional words (verbs and adjectives), in which case there is frequently a corresponding Chinese word. The most common example of an inflectional jukujikun is the adjective 可愛い (kawai-i, “cute”), originally kawafayu-i; the word (可愛) is used in Chinese, but the corresponding on'yomi is not used in Japanese. By contrast, "appropriate" can be either 相応しい (fusawa-shii, as jukujikun) or 相応 (sōō, as on'yomi). Which reading to use can be discerned by the presence or absence of the -shii ending (okurigana). A common example of a verb with jukujikun is 流行る (haya-ru, “to spread, to be in vogue”), corresponding to on'yomi 流行 (ryūkō). A sample jukujikun deverbal (noun derived from a verb form) is 強請 (yusuri, "extortion"), from 強請る (yusu-ru, “to extort”), spelling from 強請 (kyōsei, "extortion"). Note that there are also compound verbs and, less commonly, compound adjectives, and while these may have multiple kanji without intervening characters, they are read using the usual kun'yomi. Examples include 面白い (omo-shiro-i, "interesting", literally "face + white") and 狡賢い (zuru-gashiko-i, "sly", lit. "cunning, crafty + clever, smart").
Typographically, the furigana for jukujikun are often written so they are centered across the entire word, or for inflectional words over the entire root—corresponding to the reading being related to the entire word—rather than each part of the word being centered over its corresponding character, as is often done for the usual phono-semantic readings.
Single character gairaigo
[edit]In some rare cases, kanji may have a reading borrowed from a modern foreign language (gairaigo), though usually gairaigo are written in katakana. Notable examples include pēji (頁、ページ; page), botan (釦/鈕、ボタン; button), zero (零、ゼロ; zero), and mētoru (米、メートル; meter). These are classed as kun'yomi, because the character is used for its meaning—the kun'yomi label may sometimes be misleading, since most kun'yomi are native Japanese readings. The readings are also rendered in katakana, unlike the usual hiragana for native kun'yomi. Note that most of these characters are for units, particularly SI units, in many cases using new characters (kokuji) coined during the Meiji period, such as kiromētoru (粁、キロメートル; kilometer, 米 "meter" + 千 "thousand").
Nanori
[edit]Some kanji also have lesser-known readings called nanori (名乗り), which are mostly used for names (often given names) and, in general, are closely related to the kun'yomi. Place names sometimes also use nanori or, occasionally, unique readings not found elsewhere.
When to use which reading
[edit]Although there are general rules for when to use on'yomi and when to use kun'yomi, many kanji have multiple on- or kun-readings, and the language is littered with exceptions; how a character was meant to be read is sometimes ambiguous even to native speakers (this is especially true for names, both of people and places).
A single kanji followed by okurigana (hiragana forming part of a word)—such as the inflectable suffixes forming native verbs and adjectives like 赤い (akai; red) and 見る (miru; to see)—always indicates kun'yomi. Okurigana can indicate which kun'yomi to use, as in 食べる (ta-beru) versus 食う (ku-u), both meaning "(to) eat", but this is not always sufficient, as in 開く, which may be read as a-ku or hira-ku, both meaning "(to) open".
Kanji compounds (jukuji), especially yojijukugo, usually, but not always, use on'yomi, usually (but not always) kan-on. In ge-doku (解毒; detoxification, anti-poison), 解 is read with its kan-on reading instead of its more common go-on reading, kai. Exceptions are common—情報 (jōhō; information), for example, is go-kan. 牛肉 (gyū-niku; beef) and 羊肉 (yō-niku; mutton) have on-on readings, but 豚肉 (buta-niku; pork) and 鶏肉 (tori-niku; poultry) have kun-on readings. Examples of fully kun'yomi compounds include 手紙 (tegami; letter), 日傘 (higasa; parasol), and the infamous 神風 (kamikaze; divine wind). Some kun'yomi compounds have non-inflective okurigana, such as 唐揚げ (karaage; Chinese-style fried chicken) and 折り紙 (origami); many can also be written with the okurigana omitted.
Kanji in isolation are typically read using their kun'yomi; exceptions include the on'yomi 愛 (ai; love), 禅 (Zen), and 点 (ten; mark, dot). Most of these on'yomi cases involve kanji that have no kun'yomi. For kanji with multiple common isolated readings, such as 金, which may be read as kin (gold) or kane (money, metal), only context can determine the intended reading.
The isolated kanji versus compound distinction gives words for similar concepts completely different pronunciations. Alone, 北 (north) and 東 (east) use the kun'yomi kita and higashi, but 北東 (northeast), uses the on'yomi hokutō. Inconsistencies also occur between compounds; 生 is read as sei in 先生 (sensei; teacher) but as shō in 一生 (isshō; one's whole life) (both on'yomi).
Multiple readings have given rise to a number of homographs, in some cases having different meanings depending on how they are read. One example is 上手, which can be read in three different ways: jōzu (skilled), uwate (upper part), or kamite (stage left/house right). In addition, 上手い has the reading umai (skilled). More subtly, 明日 has three different readings, all meaning "tomorrow": ashita (casual), asu (polite), and myōnichi (formal).
Conversely, some terms are homophonous but not homographic, and thus ambiguous in speech but not in writing. To remedy this, alternate readings may be used for confusable words. For example, 私立 (privately established, esp. school) and 市立 (municipal) are both normally pronounced shi-ritsu; in speech these may be distinguished by the alternative pronunciations watakushi-ritsu and ichi-ritsu. More informally, in legal jargon 前文 (preamble) and 全文 (full text) are both pronounced zen-bun, so 前文 may be pronounced mae-bun for clarity, as in "Have you memorized the preamble [not 'whole text'] of the constitution?". As in these examples, this is primarily done using a kun'yomi for one character in a normally on'yomi term.
Legalese
[edit]Certain words take different readings depending on whether the context concerns legal matters or not. For example:
| Word | Common reading | Legalese reading |
|---|---|---|
| 懈怠 ("negligence")[38] | ketai | kaitai |
| 競売 ("auction")[38] | kyōbai | keibai |
| 兄弟姉妹 ("siblings") | kyōdai shimai | keitei shimai |
| 境界 ("metes and bounds") | kyōkai | keikai |
| 競落 ("acquisition at an auction")[38] | kyōraku | keiraku |
| 遺言 ("will")[38] | yuigon | igon |
| 図画 ("imagery")[39] | zuga | toga[a] |
Ambiguous readings
[edit]In some instances where even context cannot easily provide clarity for homophones, alternative readings or mixed readings can be used instead of regular readings to avoid ambiguity. For example:
| Ambiguous reading | Disambiguated readings |
|---|---|
| baishun | baishun (売春; "selling sex", on)
kaishun (買春; "buying sex", yutō)[40] |
| itoko | jūkeitei (従兄弟; "male cousin", on)
jūshimai (従姉妹; "female cousin", on) jūkei (従兄; "older male cousin", on) jūshi (従姉; "older female cousin", on) jūtei (従弟; "younger male cousin", on) jūmai (従妹; "younger female cousin", on) |
| jiten | kotobaten (辞典; "word dictionary", yutō)[40]
kototen (事典; "encyclopedia", yutō)[40][38] mojiten (字典; "character dictionary", irregular, from moji (文字; "character"))[40] |
| kagaku | kagaku (科学; "science", on) |
| karyō | ayamachiryō (過料; "administrative fine", yutō)[40][38] |
| kōshin | Kinoesaru (甲申; "Greater-Wood-Monkey year", kun)
Kinoetatsu (甲辰; "Greater-Wood-Dragon year", kun) Kanoesaru (庚申; "Greater-Fire-Monkey year", kun) Kanoetatsu (庚辰; "Greater-Fire-Dragon year", kun) |
| Shin | Hatashin (秦; "Qin", irregular, from the alternative reading Hata used as a family name)[40][38]
Susumushin (晋; "Jin", irregular, from the alternative reading Susumu used as a personal name)[40][38] |
| shiritsu | ichiritsu (市立; "municipal", yutō)[40][38] |
There are also cases where the words are technically heterophones, but they have similar meanings and pronunciations, therefore liable to mishearing and misunderstanding.
| Word with an alternative reading | Word that may be confused with |
|---|---|
| gishu (技手; "assistant engineer", on), alternatively gite, jūbako[40][38] | gishi (技師; "engineer", on) |
| shuchō (首長; "chief", on), alternatively kubichō, yutō[41][42] | shichō (市長; "mayor", on) |
Place names
[edit]Several famous place names, including those of Japan itself (日本 Nihon or sometimes Nippon), those of some cities such as Tokyo (東京 Tōkyō) and Kyoto (京都 Kyōto), and those of the main islands Honshu (本州 Honshū), Kyushu (九州 Kyūshū), Shikoku (四国 Shikoku), and Hokkaido (北海道 Hokkaidō) are read with on'yomi; however, the majority of Japanese place names are read with kun'yomi: 大阪 Ōsaka, 青森 Aomori, 箱根 Hakone. Names often use characters and readings that are not in common use outside of names. When characters are used as abbreviations of place names, their reading may not match that in the original. The Osaka (大阪) and Kobe (神戸) baseball team, the Hanshin (阪神) Tigers, take their name from the on'yomi of the second kanji of Ōsaka and the first of Kōbe. The name of the Keisei (京成) railway line—linking Tokyo (東京) and Narita (成田)—is formed similarly, although the reading of 京 from 東京 is kei, despite kyō already being an on'yomi in the word Tōkyō.
Japanese family names are also usually read with kun'yomi: 山田 Yamada, 田中 Tanaka, 鈴木 Suzuki. Japanese given names often have very irregular readings. Although they are not typically considered jūbako or yutō, they often contain mixtures of kun'yomi, on'yomi and nanori, such as 大助 Daisuke [on-kun], 夏美 Natsumi [kun-on]. Being chosen at the discretion of the parents, the readings of given names do not follow any set rules, and it is impossible to know with certainty how to read a person's name without independent verification. Parents can be quite creative, and rumors abound of children called 地球 Āsu ("Earth") and 天使 Enjeru ("Angel"); neither are common names, and have normal readings chikyū and tenshi respectively. Some common Japanese names can be written in multiple ways, e.g., Akira can be written as 亮, 彰, 明, 顕, 章, 聴, 光, 晶, 晄, 彬, 昶, 了, 秋良, 明楽, 日日日, 亜紀良, 安喜良 and many other characters and kanji combinations not listed,[43] Satoshi can be written as 聡, 哲, 哲史, 悟, 佐登史, 暁, 訓, 哲士, 哲司, 敏, 諭, 智, 佐登司, 總, 里史, 三十四, 了, 智詞, etc.,[44] and Haruka can be written as 遥, 春香, 晴香, 遥香, 春果, 晴夏, 春賀, 春佳, and several other possibilities.[45] Common patterns do exist, however, allowing experienced readers to make a good guess for most names. To alleviate any confusion on how to pronounce the names of other Japanese people, most official Japanese documents require Japanese to write their names in both kana and kanji.[37]
Chinese place names and Chinese personal names appearing in Japanese texts, if spelled in kanji, are almost invariably read with on'yomi. Especially for older and well-known names, the resulting Japanese pronunciation may differ widely from that used by modern Chinese speakers. For example, Mao Zedong's name is pronounced as Mō Takutō (毛沢東) in Japanese, and the name of the legendary Monkey King, Sun Wukong, is pronounced Son Gokū (孫悟空) in Japanese.
Today, Chinese names that are not well known in Japan are often spelled in katakana instead, in a form much more closely approximating the native Chinese pronunciation. Alternatively, they may be written in kanji with katakana furigana. Many such cities have names that come from non-Chinese languages like Mongolian or Manchu. Examples of such not-well-known Chinese names include:
| English name | Japanese name | ||
|---|---|---|---|
| Rōmaji | Katakana | Kanji | |
| Harbin | Harubin | ハルビン | 哈爾浜 |
| Ürümqi | Urumuchi | ウルムチ | 烏魯木斉 |
| Qiqihar | Chichiharu | チチハル | 斉斉哈爾 |
| Lhasa | Rasa | ラサ | 拉薩 |
Internationally renowned Chinese-named cities tend to imitate the older English pronunciations of their names, regardless of the kanji's on'yomi or the Mandarin or Cantonese pronunciation, and can be written in either katakana or kanji. Examples include:
| English name | Mandarin name (pinyin) | Shanghainese name (Wugniu) | Hokkien name (Tâi-lô) | Cantonese name (Yale) | Japanese name | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Kanji | Katakana | Rōmaji | |||||
| Hong Kong | Xiānggǎng | shian-kaon | Hiong-káng / Hiang-káng | Hēung Góng | 香港 | ホンコン | Honkon |
| Macao/Macau | Àomén | au-men | Ò-mn̂g / Ò-muî / Ò-bûn | Ou Mún / Ou Mùhn | 澳門 | マカオ | Makao |
| Shanghai | Shànghǎi | zaon-he | Siōng-hái / Siǒng-hái / Siāng-hái | Seuhng Hói | 上海 | シャンハイ | Shanhai |
| Beijing/Peking | Běijīng | poq-cin | Pak-kiann | Bāk Gīng | 北京 | ペキン | Pekin |
| Nanjing/Nanking | Nánjīng | noe-cin | Lâm-kiann | Nàahm Gīng | 南京 | ナンキン | Nankin |
| Taipei | Táiběi | de-poq | Tâi-pak | Tòih Bāk | 台北 | タイペイ / タイホク | Taipei / Taihoku |
| Kaohsiung | Gāoxióng / Dǎgǒu | kau-yon / tan-keu | Ko-hiông / Tá-káu / Tánn-káu | Gōu Hùhng / Dá Gáu | 高雄 / 打狗 | カオシュン / タカオ | Kaoshun / Takao |
Notes:
- Guangzhou, the city, is pronounced Kōshū, while Guangdong, its province, is pronounced Kanton, not *Kōtō (in this case, opting for a tō-on reading rather than the usual kan-on reading).
- Hangzhou (expected Kōshū) is often pronounced Kuishū to disambiguate with Guangzhou.
- Kaohsiung was originally pronounced Takao (or similar) in Hokkien and Japanese. It received this written name (kanji/Chinese) from Japanese, and later its spoken Mandarin name from the corresponding characters. The English name "Kaohsiung" derived from its Mandarin pronunciation. Today it is pronounced either カオシュン or タカオ in Japanese.
- Taipei is generally pronounced たいほく in Japanese.
In some cases the same kanji can appear in a given word with different readings. Normally this occurs when a character is duplicated and the reading of the second character has voicing (rendaku), as in 人人 hito-bito "people" (more often written with the iteration mark as 人々), but in rare cases the readings can be unrelated, as in tobi-haneru (跳び跳ねる; "hop around", more often written 飛び跳ねる).
Pronunciation assistance
[edit]Because of the ambiguities involved, kanji sometimes have their pronunciation for the given context spelled out in ruby characters known as furigana, (small kana written above or to the right of the character, e.g. 振仮名) or kumimoji (small kana written in-line after the character). This is especially true in texts for children or foreign learners. It is also used in newspapers and manga for rare or unusual readings, or for situations like the first time a character's name is given, and for characters not included in the officially recognized set of essential kanji. Works of fiction sometimes use furigana to create new "words" by giving normal kanji non-standard readings, or to attach a foreign word rendered in katakana as the reading for a kanji or kanji compound of the same or similar meaning.
Spelling words
[edit]Conversely, specifying a given kanji, or spelling out a kanji word—whether the pronunciation is known or not—can be complicated, due to the fact that there is not a commonly used standard way to refer to individual kanji (one does not refer to "kanji #237"), and that a given reading does not map to a single kanji—indeed there are many homophonous words, not simply individual characters, particularly for kango (with on'yomi). It is easiest to write the word out—either on paper or tracing it in the air—or look it up (given the pronunciation) in a dictionary, particularly an electronic dictionary; when this is not possible, such as when speaking over the phone or writing implements are not available (and tracing in air is too complicated), various techniques can be used. These include giving kun'yomi for characters—these are often unique—using a well-known word with the same character (and preferably the same pronunciation and meaning), and describing the character via its components. For example, one may explain how to spell the word kōshinryō (香辛料; spice) via the words kao-ri (香り; fragrance), kara-i (辛い; spicy), and in-ryō (飲料; beverage)—the first two use the kun'yomi, the third is a well-known compound—saying "kaori, karai, ryō as in inryō."
Dictionaries
[edit]In dictionaries, both words and individual characters have readings glossed, via various conventions. Native words and Sino-Japanese vocabulary are glossed in hiragana (for both kun and on readings), while borrowings (gairaigo)—including modern borrowings from Chinese—are glossed in katakana; this is the standard writing convention also used in furigana. By contrast, readings for individual characters are conventionally written in katakana for on readings, and hiragana for kun readings. Kun readings may further have a separator to indicate which characters are okurigana, and which are considered readings of the character itself. For example, in the entry for 食, the reading corresponding to the basic verb eat (食べる, taberu) may be written as た.べる (ta.beru), to indicate that ta is the reading of the character itself. Further, kanji dictionaries often list compounds including irregular readings of a kanji.
Local developments and divergences from Chinese
[edit]Since kanji are essentially Chinese hanzi used to write Japanese, the majority of characters used in modern Japanese still retain their Chinese meaning, physical resemblance with some of their modern traditional Chinese characters counterparts, and a degree of similarity with Classical Chinese pronunciation imported to Japan from the 5th to 9th centuries.[46] Nevertheless, after centuries of development, there is a notable number of kanji used in modern Japanese which have different meaning from hanzi used in modern Chinese. Such differences are the result of:
- the use of characters created in Japan,
- characters that have been given different meanings in Japanese, and
- post-World War II simplifications (shinjitai) of the character.
Likewise, the process of character simplification in mainland China since the 1950s has resulted in the fact that Japanese speakers who have not studied Chinese may not recognize some simplified characters.
Kokuji
[edit]In addition to unique Japanese renditions of existing Chinese characters, there also exist kanji that were invented in Japan; these may be referred to as kokuji (国字; national characters) or wasei kanji (和製漢字; Japanese-made kanji). They are primarily formed by combining existing components in unique ways, as is typical for Chinese characters. The Jōyō list contains about 9 kokuji, of which the most commonly used is 働 (dō; work) used in the fundamental verb 働く (hataraku; to work). It is formed from the 'person' radical 亻 plus 動 (movement). Some kokuji, including 働, have entered the Chinese language.
The term kokuji may also refer to Chinese characters coined in other (non-Chinese) countries; the corresponding phenomenon in Korea is called gukja (Korean: 국자; Hanja: 國字; national characters); there are however far fewer Korean-coined characters than Japanese-coined ones. Other languages using the Chinese family of scripts sometimes have far more extensive systems of native characters, most significantly Vietnamese chữ Nôm, which comprises over 20,000 characters used throughout traditional Vietnamese writing, and Zhuang sawndip, which comprises over 10,000 characters, which are still in use.
Kokkun
[edit]In addition to kokuji, there are kanji that have been given meanings in Japanese that are different from their original Chinese meanings. These are not considered kokuji but are instead called kokkun (国訓) and include characters such as the following:
| Char. | Japanese | Chinese | ||||||||||||||||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Reading | Meaning | Pinyin | Meaning | |||||||||||||||||||||
| 藤 | fuji | wisteria | téng | rattan, cane, vine | ||||||||||||||||||||
| 沖 | oki | offing, offshore | chōng | rinse, minor river (Cantonese) | ||||||||||||||||||||
| 椿 | tsubaki | Camellia japonica | chūn | Toona spp. | ||||||||||||||||||||
| 鮎 | ayu | sweetfish | nián | catfish (rare, usually written 鯰) | ||||||||||||||||||||
| 咲 | saki | blossom | xiào | smile (rare, usually written 笑) | ||||||||||||||||||||
Types of kanji by category
[edit]This section needs additional citations for verification. (March 2022) |
Han-dynasty scholar Xu Shen, in his 2nd-century dictionary Shuowen Jiezi, classified Chinese characters into six categories (Chinese: 六書 liùshū, Japanese: 六書 rikusho). The traditional classification is still taught but is problematic and is no longer the focus of modern lexicographic practice, as some categories are not clearly defined, nor are they mutually exclusive: the first four refer to structural composition, while the last two refer to usage.[47]
Shōkei moji (象形文字)
[edit]Shōkei (Mandarin: xiàngxíng) characters are pictographic sketches of the object they represent. For example, 目 is an eye, while 木 is a tree. The current forms of the characters are very different from the originals, though their representations are more clear in oracle bone script and seal script. These pictographic characters make up only a small fraction of modern characters.
Shiji moji (指事文字)
[edit]Shiji (Mandarin: zhǐshì) characters are ideographs, often called "simple ideographs" or "simple indicatives" to distinguish them and tell the difference from compound ideographs (below). They are usually simple graphically and represent an abstract concept such as 上 "up" or "above" and 下 "down" or "below". These make up a tiny fraction of modern characters.
Kaii moji (会意文字)
[edit]Kaii (Mandarin: huìyì) characters are compound ideographs, often called "compound indicatives", "associative compounds", or just "ideographs". These are usually a combination of pictographs that combine semantically to present an overall meaning. An example of this type is 休 (rest) from 亻 (person radical) and 木 (tree). Another is the kokuji 峠 (mountain pass) made from 山 (mountain), 上 (up) and 下 (down). These make up a tiny fraction of modern characters.
Keisei moji (形声文字)
[edit]Keisei (Mandarin: xíngshēng) characters are phono-semantic or radical-phonetic compounds, sometimes called "semantic-phonetic", "semasio-phonetic", or "phonetic-ideographic" characters, are by far the largest category, making up about 90% of the characters in the standard lists; however, some of the most frequently used kanji belong to one of the three groups mentioned above, so keisei moji will usually make up less than 90% of the characters in a text. Typically they are made up of two components, one of which (most commonly, but by no means always, the left or top element) suggests the general category of the meaning or semantic context, and the other (most commonly the right or bottom element) approximates the pronunciation. The pronunciation relates to the original Chinese, and may now only be distantly detectable in the modern Japanese on'yomi of the kanji; it generally has no relation at all to kun'yomi. The same is true of the semantic context, which may have changed over the centuries or in the transition from Chinese to Japanese. As a result, it is a common error in folk etymology to fail to recognize a phono-semantic compound, typically instead inventing a compound-indicative explanation.
Tenchū moji (転注文字)
[edit]Tenchū (Mandarin: zhuǎnzhù) characters have variously been called "derivative characters", "derivative cognates", or translated as "mutually explanatory" or "mutually synonymous" characters; this is the most problematic of the six categories, as it is vaguely defined. It may refer to kanji where the meaning or application has become extended. For example, 楽 is used for 'music' and 'comfort, ease', with different pronunciations in Chinese reflected in the two different on'yomi, gaku "music" and raku "pleasure".
Kasha moji (仮借文字)
[edit]Kasha (Mandarin: jiǎjiè) are rebuses, sometimes called "phonetic loans". The etymology of the characters follows one of the patterns above, but the present-day meaning is completely unrelated to this. A character was appropriated to represent a similar-sounding word. For example, 来 in ancient Chinese was originally a pictograph for "wheat". Its syllable was homophonous with the verb meaning "to come", and the character is used for that verb as a result, without any embellishing "meaning" element attached. The character for wheat 麦, originally meant "to come", being a keisei moji having 'foot' at the bottom for its meaning part and "wheat" at the top for sound. The two characters swapped meaning, so today the more common word has the simpler character. This borrowing of sounds has a very long history.
Related symbols
[edit]This section needs additional citations for verification. (March 2022) |
The iteration mark (々) is used to indicate that the preceding kanji is to be repeated, functioning similarly to a ditto mark in English. It is pronounced as though the kanji were written twice in a row, for example iroiro (色々; "various") and tokidoki (時々; "sometimes"). This mark also appears in personal and place names, as in the surname Sasaki (佐々木). This symbol is a simplified version of the kanji 仝, a variant of dō (同; "same").
Another abbreviated symbol is ヶ, in appearance a small katakana ke, but actually a simplified version of the kanji 箇, a general counter. It is pronounced ka when used to indicate quantity (such as 六ヶ月, rokkagetsu "six months") or ga if used as a genitive (as in 関ヶ原 sekigahara "Sekigahara").
The way how these symbols may be produced on a computer depends on the operating system. In macOS, typing じおくり will reveal the symbol 々 as well as ヽ, ゝ and ゞ. To produce 〻, type おどりじ. Under Windows, typing くりかえし will reveal some of these symbols, while in Google IME, おどりじ may be used.
Collation
[edit]Kanji, whose thousands of symbols defy ordering by conventions such as those used for the Latin script, are often collated using the traditional Chinese radical-and-stroke sorting method. In this system, common components of characters are identified; these are called radicals. Characters are grouped by their primary radical, then ordered by number of pen strokes within radicals. For example, the kanji character 桜, meaning "cherry", is sorted as a ten-stroke character under the four-stroke primary radical 木 meaning "tree". When there is no obvious radical or more than one radical, convention governs which is used for collation.
Other kanji sorting methods, such as the SKIP system, have been devised by various authors.
Modern general-purpose Japanese dictionaries (as opposed to specifically character dictionaries) generally collate all entries, including words written using kanji, according to their kana representations (reflecting the way they are pronounced). The gojūon ordering of kana is normally used for this purpose.
Kanji education
[edit]
Japanese schoolchildren are expected to learn 1,026 basic kanji, the kyōiku kanji, before finishing the sixth grade. The order in which these characters are learned is fixed. The kyōiku kanji list is a subset of a larger list, originally of 1,945 kanji and extended to 2,136 in 2010, known as the jōyō kanji required for the level of fluency necessary to read newspapers and literature in Japanese. This larger list of characters is to be mastered by the end of the ninth grade.[48] Schoolchildren learn the characters by repetition and radical.
Students studying Japanese as a foreign language are often required by a curriculum to acquire kanji without having first learned the vocabulary associated with them. Strategies for these learners vary from copying-based methods to mnemonic-based methods such as those used in James Heisig's series Remembering the Kanji. Other textbooks use methods based on the etymology of the characters, such as Mathias and Habein's The Complete Guide to Everyday Kanji and Henshall's A Guide to Remembering Japanese Characters. Pictorial mnemonics, as in the text Kanji Pict-o-graphix by Michael Rowley, are also seen.
The Japan Kanji Aptitude Testing Foundation provides the Kanji kentei (日本漢字能力検定試験 Nihon kanji nōryoku kentei shiken; "Test of Japanese Kanji Aptitude"), which tests the ability to read and write kanji. The highest level of the Kanji kentei tests about six thousand kanji.[49]
See also
[edit]- Chinese influence on Japanese culture
- Braille kanji
- Hanja (Korean equivalent)
- Chữ Hán (Vietnamese equivalent)
- Han unification
- Chinese family of scripts
- Japanese script reform
- Japanese typefaces (shotai)
- Japanese writing system
- Kanji of the year
- List of kanji by stroke count
- Radical (Chinese character)
- Stroke order
- Table of kanji radicals
- Rōmaji – method of writing Japanese with the Latin alphabet
- Cangjie – legendary inventor of Chinese characters
Notes
[edit]- ^ Particularly in "obscene imagery" (猥褻図画, waisetsu toga).
References
[edit]Citations
[edit]- ^ "kanji". Merriam-Webster.com Dictionary. Merriam-Webster. Retrieved August 12, 2025.
- ^ "漢字". デジタル大辞泉 (in Japanese). 小学館. Retrieved September 22, 2025.
中国語を表すため、漢民族の間に発生・発達した表意文字。
- ^ "漢(かん)". デジタル大辞泉 (in Japanese). 小学館. Retrieved September 22, 2025.
中国本土や中国の異称。また、漢人・漢字・漢文など中国に関する事物をさす。
- ^ Matsunaga The Linguistic Nature of Kanji Reexamined: Do Kanji Represent Only Meanings? (1996). "The Linguistic Nature of Kanji Reexamined: Do Kanji Represent Only Meanings?". The Journal of the Association of Teachers of Japanese. 30 (2): 1–22. doi:10.2307/489563. ISSN 0885-9884. JSTOR 489563. Archived from the original on December 2, 2022. Retrieved December 2, 2022.
- ^ Taylor, Insup; Taylor, Maurice Martin (1995). Writing and literacy in Chinese, Korean, and Japanese. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company. p. 305. ISBN 90-272-1794-7.
- ^ McAuley, T. E.; Tranter, Nicolas (2001). Language change in East Asia. Richmond, Surrey: Curzon. pp. 180–204.
- ^ Suski, P.M. (2011). The Phonetics of Japanese Language: With Reference to Japanese Script. Taylor & Francis. p. 1. ISBN 9780203841808.
- ^ Malatesha Joshi, R.; Aaron, P.G. (2006). Handbook of orthography and literacy. New Jersey: Routledge. pp. 481–2. ISBN 0-8058-4652-2.
- ^ a b c d Miyake 2003, p. 8.
- ^ a b Yamazaki, Kento (October 5, 2001). "Tawayama find hints kanji introduced in Yayoi Period". The Japan Times. Archived from the original on February 15, 2022. Retrieved February 15, 2022.
- ^ Chen, Haijing (2014). "A Study of Japanese Loanwords in Chinese". University of Oslo. Archived from the original on September 12, 2021. Retrieved September 12, 2021.
- ^ Mathieu (November 19, 2017). "The History of Kanji 漢字の歴史". It's Japan Time. Archived from the original on September 12, 2021. Retrieved September 12, 2021.
- ^ "Gold Seal (Kin-in)". Fukuoka City Museum. Archived from the original on February 26, 2017. Retrieved September 1, 2014.
- ^ a b Miyake 2003, p. 9.
- ^ "Kumamoto Montana Natural Science Museum Association" (in Japanese). Retrieved March 21, 2025.
- ^ Hadamitzky, Wolfgang and Spahn, Mark (2012), Kanji and Kana: A Complete Guide to the Japanese Writing System, Third Edition, Rutland, VT: Tuttle Publishing. ISBN 4805311169. p. 14.
- ^ Berger, Gordon M. (1975). "Review of Ishiwara Kanji and Japan's Confrontation with the West". Journal of Japanese Studies. 2 (1): 156–169. doi:10.2307/132045. ISSN 0095-6848. JSTOR 132045. Archived from the original on December 8, 2022. Retrieved December 8, 2022.
- ^ Griolet, Pascal (May 30, 2013). "Language, script and modernity". Cipango - French Journal of Japanese Studies. English Selection (2). doi:10.4000/cjs.288. ISSN 2268-1744.
- ^ "人名用漢字の新字旧字 第82回 「鉄」と「鐵」". 三省堂WORD-WISE WEB -Dictionaries & Beyond-. Sanseidō. February 24, 2011. Archived from the original on November 19, 2021. Retrieved August 14, 2015.
- ^ Tamaoka, K., Makioka, S., Sanders, S. & Verdonschot, R. G. (2017). "www.kanjidatabase.com: a new interactive online database for psychological and linguistic research on Japanese kanji and their compound words". Psychological Research 81, 696–708.
- ^ JIS X 0208:1997.
- ^ JIS X 0212:1990.
- ^ JIS X 0213:2000.
- ^ Lunde, Ken (1999). CJKV Information Processing. "O'Reilly Media, Inc.". ISBN 978-1-56592-224-2. Archived from the original on May 1, 2023. Retrieved March 11, 2022.
- ^ Lunde, Ken (1999). CJKV Information Processing. "O'Reilly Media, Inc.". ISBN 978-1-56592-224-2. Archived from the original on May 1, 2023. Retrieved March 11, 2022.
- ^ Introducing the SING Gaiji architecture, Adobe, archived from the original on October 17, 2015, retrieved October 18, 2015.
- ^ OpenType Technology Center, Adobe, archived from the original on June 1, 2010, retrieved October 18, 2015.
- ^ "Representation of Non-standard Characters and Glyphs", P5: Guidelines for Electronic Text Encoding and Interchange, TEI-C, archived from the original on December 11, 2011, retrieved December 26, 2011
- ^ "TEI element g (character or glyph)", P5: Guidelines for Electronic Text Encoding and Interchange, TEI-C, archived from the original on January 5, 2012, retrieved December 26, 2011.
- ^ Kuang-Hui Chiu, Chi-Ching Hsu (2006). Chinese Dilemmas : How Many Ideographs are Needed Archived July 17, 2011, at the Wayback Machine, National Taipei University
- ^ Shouhui Zhao, Dongbo Zhang, The Totality of Chinese Characters—A Digital Perspective Archived September 12, 2016, at the Wayback Machine
- ^ Daniel G. Peebles, SCML: A Structural Representation for Chinese Characters Archived March 10, 2016, at the Wayback Machine, May 29, 2007
- ^ Verdonschot, R. G.; La Heij, W.; Tamaoka, K.; Kiyama, S.; You, W. P.; Schiller, N. O. (2013). "The multiple pronunciations of Japanese kanji: A masked priming investigation". The Quarterly Journal of Experimental Psychology. 66 (10): 2023–38. doi:10.1080/17470218.2013.773050. PMID 23510000. S2CID 13845935.
- ^ "Gogen Yurai Jiten" 語源由来辞典 [Etymology Derivation Dictionary] (in Japanese). Lookvise, Inc. March 26, 2006. Archived from the original on February 9, 2022. Retrieved February 9, 2022. 「けふ」の「け」は、「今朝(けさ)」と同じ「け」で、「こ(此)」の意味。 [The ke in kefu is the same ke as in kesa, meaning "this".]
- ^ 兄弟. コトバンク (in Japanese).
- ^ "How many possible phonological forms could be represented by a randomly chosen single character?". japanese.stackexchange.com. Archived from the original on June 22, 2018. Retrieved July 15, 2017.
- ^ a b "How do Japanese names work?". www.sljfaq.org. Archived from the original on June 22, 2018. Retrieved November 14, 2017.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m Daijirin
- ^ Kenkyusha's New Japanese-English Dictionary
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l Kōjien
- ^ Daijirin 3
- ^ Digital Daijisen
- ^ "ateji Archives". Tofugu. Archived from the original on December 25, 2015. Retrieved February 18, 2016.
- ^ "Satoshi". jisho.org. Archived from the original on April 19, 2016. Retrieved March 5, 2016.
- ^ "Haruka". jisho.org. Archived from the original on March 2, 2016. Retrieved March 5, 2016.
- ^ SHIMIZU, HIDEKO (2010). "Review of Remembering the Kanji 2: A Systematic Guide to Reading the Japanese Characters. 3rd ed.; Remembering the Kanji 3: Writing and Reading Japanese Characters for Upper-Level Proficiency. 2nd ed., JAMES W. HEISIG". The Modern Language Journal. 94 (3): 519–521. doi:10.1111/j.1540-4781.2010.01077.x. ISSN 0026-7902. JSTOR 40856198. Archived from the original on December 8, 2022. Retrieved December 8, 2022.
- ^ Yamashita, Hiroko; Maru, Yukiko (2000). "Compositional Features of Kanji for Effective Instruction". The Journal of the Association of Teachers of Japanese. 34 (2): 159–178. doi:10.2307/489552. ISSN 0885-9884. JSTOR 489552. Archived from the original on December 2, 2022. Retrieved December 2, 2022.
- ^ Halpern, J. (2006) The Kodansha Kanji Learner's Dictionary. ISBN 1568364075. p. 38a.
- ^ Rose, Heath (June 5, 2017). The Japanese Writing System: Challenges, Strategies and Self-regulation for Learning Kanji. Multilingual Matters. pp. 129–130. ISBN 978-1-78309-817-0. Archived from the original on May 1, 2023. Retrieved December 19, 2021.
Sources
[edit]- DeFrancis, John (1990). The Chinese Language: Fact and Fantasy. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. ISBN 0-8248-1068-6.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: publisher location (link) - Hadamitzky, W.; Spahn, M. (1981). Kanji and Kana. Boston: Tuttle.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: publisher location (link) - Hannas, William. C. (1997). Asia's Orthographic Dilemma. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. ISBN 0-8248-1892-X.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: publisher location (link) - Kaiser, Stephen (1991). "Introduction to the Japanese Writing System". Kodansha's Compact Kanji Guide. Tokyo: Kondansha International. ISBN 4-7700-1553-4.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: publisher location (link) - Miyake, Marc Hideo (2003). Old Japanese: A Phonetic Reconstruction. New York, NY; London, England: RoutledgeCurzon. ISBN 0-415-30575-6.
- Morohashi, Tetsuji. 大漢和辞典 Dai Kan-Wa Jiten (Comprehensive Chinese–Japanese Dictionary) 1984–1986. Tokyo: Taishukan.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: publisher location (link) - Mitamura, Joyce Yumi; Mitamura, Yasuko Kosaka (1997). Let's Learn Kanji. Tokyo: Kondansha International. ISBN 4-7700-2068-6.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: publisher location (link) - Unger, J. Marshall (1996). Literacy and Script Reform in Occupation Japan: Reading Between the Lines. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-510166-9.
External links
[edit]- Jim Breen's WWWJDIC server Archived April 30, 2023, at the Wayback Machine used to find Kanji from English or romanized Japanese
- Change in Script Usage in Japanese: A Longitudinal Study of Japanese Government White Papers on Labor, discussion paper by Takako Tomoda in the Electronic Journal of Contemporary Japanese Studies, August 19, 2005.
- Jisho—Online Japanese dictionary
Glyph conversion
[edit]Kanji
View on GrokipediaDefinition and Fundamentals
Etymology and Core Characteristics
The term kanji (漢字) originates from the Japanese compound kan (referring to the Han dynasty or Han Chinese people) and ji (meaning "character" or "letter"), literally translating to "Han characters" or "Chinese characters."[4] This nomenclature underscores their derivation from ancient Chinese hanzi script, which Japan adapted starting around the 5th century CE for recording its language, despite Japanese lacking a native writing system prior to this importation.[5] Kanji function as logograms, with each character primarily encoding semantic content—such as morphemes, roots of words, or entire concepts—rather than phonetic values alone, enabling them to represent ideas independently of spoken pronunciation.[6] This logographic nature allows for compact compounding, where multiple kanji combine to form complex terms (e.g., 山 yama, "mountain," pairs with 川 kawa, "river," to denote landscape features), and facilitates disambiguation of homophones through visual distinction in mixed-script Japanese texts.[7] Unlike syllabaries like hiragana or katakana, kanji emphasize meaning over sound, though many incorporate phonetic components hinting at pronunciation in compounds.[5] A defining feature is the multiplicity of readings per character: on'yomi (Sino-Japanese pronunciations borrowed from Middle Chinese, used in compounds) and kun'yomi (native Japanese readings, typically for standalone usage or with inflectional endings called okurigana).[8] This duality arose from superimposing kanji onto Japanese grammar, resulting in over 2,000 commonly used characters in modern standard lists like the Jōyō kanji, though total attested forms exceed 50,000.[9][10] Kanji thus prioritize lexical and etymological clarity, supporting efficient reading of nouns, verb stems, and adjectives while relying on kana for grammatical particles and inflections.[11]Integration with Japanese Scripts
The Japanese writing system integrates kanji with two syllabaries, hiragana and katakana, collectively known as kana, to represent both meaning and phonetics in a mixed script called kanji-kana majiri-bun.[12] This combination arose because kanji, borrowed from Chinese, primarily convey semantic content but lack consistent phonetic representation for native Japanese words, necessitating phonetic scripts derived from simplified kanji forms.[13] Hiragana evolved from cursive styles of kanji in the 9th century during the Heian period, primarily used by court women for native Japanese literature, while katakana developed from abbreviated kanji components for annotations and scholarly notes, often by Buddhist monks.[14] In contemporary usage, kanji typically denote roots of nouns, verbs, and adjectives, comprising about 40-60% of text in standard writing, with hiragana filling grammatical roles such as particles, inflections, and okurigana—the kana suffixes following kanji to indicate verb conjugations or disambiguate readings.[15] [16] For instance, in the verb taberu (食べる, "to eat"), the kanji 食 provides the core meaning, while the trailing hiragana べる serves as okurigana to specify the kun'yomi reading and enable inflection. Katakana, angular and distinct, handles loanwords from foreign languages, onomatopoeia, scientific terms, and emphasis, covering roughly 5-10% of modern text, allowing kanji to focus on Sino-Japanese vocabulary.[10] [17] Furigana, small hiragana or katakana printed above or beside kanji, aids reading of uncommon characters or in materials for children and learners, explicitly providing phonetic glosses without altering the main text flow.[18] This system traces back to man'yōgana, an early 8th-century practice using kanji solely for their phonetic values to transcribe Japanese, as seen in the Man'yōshū anthology compiled before 759 CE, which bridged logographic and phonetic writing.[19] Post-World War II orthographic reforms, including the 1946 Tōyō kanji list and its 1981 successor Jōyō kanji, standardized the mix to promote literacy, limiting everyday kanji to 2,136 while relying on kana for clarity and flexibility.[1] The result is a compact, context-dense script where the interplay of scripts reduces ambiguity—kanji delimits word boundaries implicitly, as Japanese lacks spaces—enhancing readability despite multiple readings per kanji.[20]Historical Development
Origins in Ancient Chinese Script
The ancient Chinese writing system, ancestral to Japanese kanji, emerged during the Shang dynasty (c. 1600–1046 BCE), with the earliest attested examples appearing as oracle bone inscriptions primarily from the late second millennium BCE.[21] These inscriptions, carved into animal scapulae and turtle plastrons for divinatory purposes at royal centers like Anyang, demonstrate a logographic script capable of recording the Old Chinese language with syntactic complexity and a vocabulary exceeding 4,000 distinct characters by the dynasty's later phases.[22] The maturity of this script—evident in its use of phonetic and semantic components alongside pictographic forms—indicates that writing likely predated the surviving oracle bones, possibly evolving from Neolithic symbols around 6600 BCE, though no continuous proto-script has been definitively linked.[23] Oracle bone script (jiaguwen) featured characters that were largely representational, with many deriving from stylized depictions of natural objects, actions, or concepts, such as the character for "eye" resembling its anatomical shape or "mountain" evoking peaks.[24] Diviners incised questions about weather, harvests, warfare, and royal health, followed by ritual "answers" from ancestors, providing the primary archaeological corpus of over 150,000 fragments unearthed since 1899.[25] This system prioritized morpheme representation over phonetic spelling, laying the foundation for the non-alphabetic, idea-based encoding that characterizes hanzi and, by extension, kanji.[26] From the Shang period onward, the script evolved through bronze vessel inscriptions (jinwen), which appeared toward the dynasty's end (c. 1100 BCE) and proliferated in the Western Zhou (1046–771 BCE), adapting to casting techniques with more angular, compact forms suitable for metal surfaces.[27] These developments standardized character structures, incorporating compound forms where a semantic radical combined with phonetic hints, a principle retained in later scripts like the seal script of the Qin unification (221 BCE) and clerical script of the Han dynasty (206 BCE–220 CE).[28] By the Han era, the script had achieved broader administrative and literary utility, with over 30,000 characters documented in dictionaries like the Shuowen Jiezi (121 CE), though core forms traceable to oracle bones persisted.[29] This trajectory from pictographic incising to versatile logography underscores the script's indigenous Chinese genesis, independent of external influences like Mesopotamian cuneiform, as confirmed by its unique structural logic and archaeological isolation.[21]Introduction and Early Adoption in Japan
Chinese characters, adopted by Japan as kanji (漢字), entered the archipelago during the late 4th to early 5th century CE, likely via Korean intermediaries, immigrants, and imported artifacts such as seals, swords, and coins bearing inscriptions. Prior to this, Japanese society relied exclusively on oral transmission for records, poetry, and knowledge, lacking an indigenous writing system. The initial adoption facilitated the documentation of administrative matters, diplomatic exchanges, and scholarly pursuits in Classical Chinese, which served as the prestige language of East Asian elites.[30][31][9] Archaeological finds provide concrete evidence of early kanji use. The Inariyama Iron Sword, unearthed from a 5th-century kofun burial mound in Saitama Prefecture, features a gold-inlaid inscription of at least 115 characters dated to 471 CE, commemorating the swordsmith and owner Wōwake. This text, composed in Classical Chinese, incorporates phonetic renditions of Japanese names using characters for their sound values rather than solely semantic ones, demonstrating an embryonic adaptation to native linguistic needs. Such inscriptions on metalwork and mirrors from the Kofun period (c. 250–538 CE) mark the transition from sporadic imports to localized application.[32][33] Adoption accelerated in the 6th century with the influx of Buddhism from the Korean peninsula in 552 CE, which brought sutras and clerical writings requiring kanji proficiency. Court scholars formed groups like the Fuhito around 500 CE to study and interpret Chinese classics, promoting literacy among the aristocracy. By the Asuka period (538–710 CE), kanji underpinned official historiography, as seen in the compilation of chronicles under Emperor Tenmu, though full vernacular expression awaited later innovations like man'yōgana. Widespread use of kanji for records and literature solidified from the 7th to 8th centuries, with the 7th century featuring systematic administrative and legal applications through the Taika Reforms of 645 CE and the Taihō Code of 701 CE.[34] The 8th century produced key works such as the Kojiki (712 CE), Nihon Shoki (720 CE), and Man'yōshū (c. 759 CE), composed primarily in kanji with phonetic adaptations, establishing Japan's enduring written historical record.[35] This phase established kanji as the foundation of Japanese written culture, despite the phonetic mismatch with Japanese agglutinative structure.[30][35][1]Evolution Through Feudal and Imperial Eras
During the Heian period (794–1185), kanji retained primacy in official, scholarly, and male-authored documents, with adaptations like kun'yomi readings enabling representation of indigenous Japanese lexicon alongside on'yomi. Kanbun kundoku techniques, involving diacritics to insert Japanese grammatical particles into Chinese texts, bridged syntactic gaps between the languages. Concurrently, hiragana derived from cursive kanji strokes facilitated vernacular prose and poetry, reducing pure kanji dependency in works such as The Tale of Genji (c. 1008 CE), composed primarily in hiragana by court women.[35][8][36] In the Kamakura (1185–1333) and Muromachi (1336–1573) periods, amid shogunate rule and Zen Buddhist influx, kanji featured prominently in warrior edicts, renga poetry, and sutra copies, with hentaigana—diverse kana variants from distinct kanji origins—prevalent in fluid manuscript styles. Kokuji, Japan-specific kanji for local terms like native plants or actions (e.g., 働 for "to work"), emerged to fill lexical voids in imported characters. Scholar Ichijō Kaneyoshi (1402–1481) advanced kanji pedagogy by revising manuscripts with phonetic annotations, aiding pronunciation and interpretation in classical compilations.[35][37][38] The Edo period (1603–1868) under Tokugawa stability elevated kanji literacy via terakoya schools, where commoners learned approximately 1,000–2,000 characters for practical and Confucian texts, fostering broader societal engagement. Woodblock printing mass-produced books and ukiyo-e, enforcing kanji orthographic consistency while embedding okurigana—hiragana for inflectional endings and kun'yomi cues post-stem—to clarify readings in compound words. Orthographic manuals and dictionaries proliferated, curbing some hentaigana variability, though archaic kana like ゐ and ゑ endured in print until the era's close; this phase entrenched kanji-kana synthesis as normative, accommodating Japan's phonetic-morphemic duality.[36][35][8]Standardization in the Modern Era
In the Meiji era (1868–1912), Japan's rapid modernization prompted initial efforts to standardize kanji usage amid debates over script reform, with some intellectuals advocating for phonetic systems like romaji to replace kanji entirely, though these proposals failed due to kanji's entrenched role in conveying nuanced meanings efficiently.[39] By the early 20th century, the Ministry of Education began restricting kanji taught in elementary schools to approximately 1,200 characters to improve literacy, while newspapers voluntarily limited kanji to promote consistency in public communication.[40] Post-World War II reforms under U.S. occupation accelerated standardization, as the Japanese government, via the Ministry of Education, promulgated the Tōyō kanji list on November 16, 1946, designating 1,850 characters for everyday use with the long-term aim of phasing out kanji in favor of kana, though this goal was abandoned due to practical challenges in expressing complex ideas without logographs.[41] [42] Concurrently, the 1946 reforms introduced shinjitai (new character forms) as simplified variants for 364 kyūjitai (old forms), streamlining strokes for printing and handwriting while preserving semantic integrity, though kyūjitai persisted in proper names and historical texts.[43] The Tōyō list was superseded in 1981 by the Jōyō kanji (regular-use kanji), comprising 1,945 characters officially adopted on October 10 by the Ministry of Education to define kanji permissible in official documents, education, and media, reflecting empirical analysis of usage frequency rather than arbitrary restriction.[44] This list expanded to 2,136 characters in 2010 following a review incorporating contemporary needs, such as terms for emerging technologies and social issues like "depression" (うつ), ensuring alignment with evolving literacy demands without overcomplicating instruction.[45] These policies, enforced through kyōiku kanji curricula—where students learn graded sets from 80 in first grade to over 1,000 by sixth—have maintained kanji's utility by balancing simplification with expressiveness, as evidenced by sustained high literacy rates exceeding 99% in Japan, countering earlier fears of obsolescence.[46] Standardization continues via periodic Ministry reviews, prioritizing data-driven adjustments over ideological shifts.[47]Classification and Formation
Pictographs (Shōkei Moji)
Pictographs, or shōkei moji (象形文字), constitute the most primitive category of kanji, originating as direct visual representations of concrete objects, animals, or natural phenomena in ancient Chinese writing systems. These characters began as rudimentary sketches, with the earliest attested forms appearing in oracle bone inscriptions from the late Shang Dynasty, circa 1250–1046 BCE, where symbols were carved into animal bones or turtle shells for divinatory purposes. Over time, these pictographs underwent progressive stylization through stages such as bronze script (jinwen) during the Zhou Dynasty (1046–256 BCE) and seal script (zhuanshu), adapting to brush writing while retaining core recognizable features.[48][21] In contemporary usage, pure pictographs comprise a minority of kanji—estimated at around 4–6% of the common 2,136 Jōyō kanji—owing to the limitations of depicting abstract concepts or complex actions solely through imagery, which necessitated the development of compound forms. Examples include ri (日), originally a circle with a dot evoking the sun's disk; yama (山), three peaks suggesting mountain ranges; and me (目), a simple outline of an eye. These evolved from highly representational oracle bone forms—such as the sun depicted with rays—to more abstract modern iterations, yet their etymological link to pictorial origins persists, aiding mnemonic learning.[49][50][51] While effective for denoting tangible nouns, pictographs alone proved insufficient for verbs, qualities, or numbers, prompting innovations like ideographic combinations by the Western Zhou period (1046–771 BCE). This evolutionary constraint underscores the causal progression from simple depiction to multifaceted logographic systems, as evidenced in archaeological finds like the Anyang oracle bones, which reveal over 4,000 distinct characters, many pictographic in essence. Modern analyses, including computational studies of character evolution, confirm that early pictographs formed the seed for the broader hanzi-kanji corpus, with stylization driven by practical writing needs rather than arbitrary design.[52][53]Ideographs (Shiji and Kaii Moji)
Ideographs in kanji encompass two primary categories: shiji moji (指事文字), or simple ideographs, and kaii moji (会意文字), or compound ideographs. These characters convey abstract ideas or concepts through symbolic strokes or combinations of elements, distinct from pictographic representations of physical objects. Unlike phonetic-semantic compounds, ideographs prioritize semantic indication over sound, originating from early Chinese script principles documented in classical analyses like the Shuowen Jiezi (121 CE), which classified them under the zhǐshì and huìyì methods.[54][55] Shiji moji employ basic strokes to denote positional, directional, or numerical abstractions without relying on pictorial forms. For example, 上 (ue or jō, meaning "above") consists of a horizontal line above a base stroke to indicate elevation, while 下 (shita or ge, "below") reverses this to suggest descent. Numerical indicators like 一 (ichi or hito-tsu, "one"), 二 (ni or futa-tsu, "two"), and 三 (san or mit-tsu, "three") use stacked horizontals to represent quantity. These forms are among the simplest and earliest in kanji evolution, often derived from markings on oracle bones dating to the Shang Dynasty (c. 1600–1046 BCE), emphasizing direct indication over imagery.[49][56][57] Kaii moji, by contrast, derive meaning from the associative merger of two or more components, typically pictographs or other ideographs, to express a novel concept. The character 明 (mei or akira-ka, "bright") combines 日 (hi or nichi, "sun") and 月 (tsuki or getsu, "moon") to evoke illumination from celestial bodies. Another instance is 休 (kyū, "rest"), formed by 人 (hito or jin, "person") beside 木 (ki or moku, "tree"), implying repose under shade. Similarly, 峠 (tōge, "mountain pass") integrates 山 (yama or san, "mountain") with elements suggesting a ridge or crossing point. This method allows for semantic compounding, though it constitutes a minority of kanji—estimated at under 10% in modern corpora—favoring conceptual synthesis over literal depiction.[49][57][58] Both subtypes underscore kanji's logographic efficiency in encoding non-concrete notions, facilitating concise expression in Japanese compounds (jukugo). However, their abstract nature can lead to polysemy, requiring contextual disambiguation, as seen in 休's dual role in denoting holidays alongside rest. Empirical analyses of ancient inscriptions confirm their prevalence in pre-Qin texts, supporting their role in bridging pictorial origins toward more abstract script development.[51][55]Phonetic-Semantic Compounds (Keisei Moji)
Phonetic-semantic compounds, termed keisei moji (形声文字) in Japanese, represent the most prevalent method of kanji formation, accounting for roughly 80% to 90% of all characters. These compounds integrate a semantic element, typically a radical that conveys categorical meaning such as an object class or action type, with a phonetic element that approximates the character's pronunciation. The semantic component ensures conceptual grouping— for example, radicals like 水 (water) cluster terms related to liquids or aquatic phenomena—while the phonetic part, derived from an independent character or its phonetic value, guides reading, though historical phonetic shifts in Chinese often result in imperfect modern correspondences.[59][58][60] This dual structure emerged in ancient Chinese script during the oracle bone and bronze inscription periods, around 1200 BCE, as scribes systematized logographic expansion beyond simple pictographs to handle a growing lexicon efficiently. In Japanese adoption from the 5th century CE onward, keisei moji retained this composition, facilitating Sino-Japanese on'yomi readings aligned with the phonetic cues. The phonetic reliability varies: in early forms, matches were closer to Middle Chinese pronunciations, but evolutions like tone loss and consonant simplification reduced exactitude to about 30-50% in contemporary usage, underscoring the need for rote memorization despite the mnemonic aid.[55][61] Examples illustrate the mechanism: the kanji 泳 (oyogu, to swim) pairs the water radical 水 (semantic, denoting fluidity or immersion) with 永 (phonetic, suggesting an ei-like sound in compounds). Similarly, 河 (kawa, river) combines 水 with 可 (phonetic approximation for ka). Subtypes include left-right arrangements (semantic left, phonetic right, predominant in ~90% of horizontal keisei moji) and top-bottom or enclosed forms, reflecting positional flexibility for visual balance and etymological layering. This formation type's dominance—evident in dictionaries like the 2nd-century CE Shuowen Jiezi, where phonetic compounds formed the bulk—enabled scalable vocabulary without pure ideographic proliferation, though it demands cross-referencing components for decoding unfamiliar characters.[62][63][64]Derivative and Borrowed Forms (Tenchū and Kasha Moji)
Tenchū moji (転注文字), or derivative characters, represent a category where an existing kanji's form and pronunciation are retained while its semantic application is extended to related or associative meanings, often through figurative or contextual transfer rather than new graphical construction.[49] This principle, rooted in ancient Chinese classificatory traditions like the Liù shū, allows characters to evolve beyond their primary etymology without altering their visual structure, facilitating semantic expansion in usage.[65] For example, the character 楽, originally denoting musical instruments in a pictographic sense, was semantically transferred to convey "enjoyment" or "ease" (raku reading), separate from its gaku reading for "music."[66] Similarly, 令 transitioned from its early form implying a ritual banner to extended uses for "command" or "order," reflecting associative derivation.[49] Such derivatives underscore kanji's adaptability, comprising a minor but illustrative portion of the corpus, with estimates suggesting fewer than 5% of common characters fit this extended usage pattern.[67] In contrast, kasha moji (仮借文字), or phonetic loan characters, involve borrowing a kanji solely for its phonetic value to represent an unrelated word with similar pronunciation, disregarding the character's original meaning.[49] This method prioritizes sound over semantics, enabling the notation of homophones or foreign terms without inventing new graphs.[68] A classic instance is 麦, which borrows the sound "mugi" for "wheat" despite its components originally suggesting motion or "coming" (with a foot radical for action and grain-like phonetic hint).[69] Another application appears in ateji for proper nouns, such as the compound 仏蘭西 (Furansu) for "France," where characters are selected for approximate phonetic match to the foreign name rather than literal meaning.[70] Historical texts document around 5 such pure phonetic loans among jōyō kanji, though the principle extends to broader phonetic adaptations like man'yōgana in early Japanese poetry.[67][71] Both tenchū and kasha moji differ from formative categories like pictographs or compounds by emphasizing post-creation usage principles over initial design, contributing to kanji's flexibility in absorbing Japanese-native and loaned vocabulary.[72] They appear sparingly in modern standardized lists—e.g., under 1% in kyōiku kanji—yet illustrate causal mechanisms for semantic drift and phonetic borrowing that enriched the script's expressive range during its adaptation from Chinese oracle bones (circa 1200 BCE) to Japanese contexts by the 5th century CE.[73][56]Readings and Phonetics
Sino-Japanese On'yomi Readings
On'yomi readings, also known as Sino-Japanese readings, derive from approximations of Middle Chinese pronunciations that were adapted into Japanese phonology upon the importation of kanji characters starting in the 4th century CE.[74] These readings preserve phonetic elements of the source Chinese dialects but underwent simplification to fit Japanese syllable structure, often resulting in one- or two-mora forms ending in -n, -ng, or vowels.[75] Unlike native kun'yomi, on'yomi emerged specifically for reading kanji in isolation or compounds borrowed wholesale from Chinese texts, reflecting Japan's adoption of Classical Chinese as a scholarly and administrative language before the development of native phonetic scripts.[74] The adoption occurred in distinct historical waves, corresponding to periods of intensified cultural exchange with China, which layered multiple on'yomi variants for the same kanji. The earliest layer, go-on (呉音), entered Japan between the 4th and 6th centuries via southern Chinese (Wu dialect) influences, primarily through Buddhist missionaries and traders; these readings feature archaic traits like initial g- sounds and are common in religious terminology, such as 行 (gyō or kō in go-on for "behavior" in Buddhist contexts).[76] Succeeding it, kan-on (漢音) pronunciations, standardized from 7th to 9th centuries during the Tang dynasty era, dominate modern usage and reflect more northern Chinese phonetics; for instance, kanji like 学 (gaku) in compounds like gakkō ("school") exemplifies this widespread layer.[76] Later tō-on (唐音) variants, introduced from the 10th century onward amid Song dynasty contacts, appear in scholarly or poetic terms and often align closer to evolved Chinese sounds, as seen in readings like 転 (ten) for "transfer."| On'yomi Layer | Time Period | Origin | Example Kanji | Reading Example | Common Usage |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Go-on | 4th–6th centuries | Southern Chinese (Wu) dialects | 行 | gyō/kō | Buddhist and early loanwords[76] |
| Kan-on | 7th–9th centuries | Tang dynasty (northern) | 学 | gaku | General compounds, e.g., 学校 (gakkō, school)[76] |
| Tō-on | 10th century+ | Song/Ming influences | 転 | ten | Specialized or later scholarly terms |
Native Japanese Kun'yomi Readings
Kun'yomi (訓読み), literally "meaning reading," refers to the native Japanese pronunciations of kanji characters, derived from indigenous words that predated the adoption of kanji and align semantically with the character's core meaning. These readings contrast with on'yomi, which approximate ancient Chinese pronunciations adapted for Sino-Japanese compounds; kun'yomi instead preserve the phonetic form of original Japanese terms, such as 山 (yama) for "mountain" or 水 (mizu) for "water."[74][75] This assignment allowed early Japanese scribes to represent familiar concepts using imported Chinese logographs without altering the spoken language.[79] The origins of kun'yomi trace to the 5th and 6th centuries CE, when kanji entered Japan primarily through Buddhist and Confucian texts brought by scholars from the Korean Peninsula and China. Japanese speakers, lacking native script, applied kanji to existing vocabulary for everyday objects, actions, and nature—concepts often absent from initial Chinese imports—resulting in semantic matching rather than phonetic borrowing.[74] This process, sometimes termed kundoku in classical contexts, involved glossing Chinese texts with Japanese equivalents, further embedding kun'yomi into literary and administrative use by the Nara period (710–794 CE).[80] Over time, multiple kun'yomi per kanji emerged due to regional dialects, semantic extensions, or archaic forms, though standardization efforts in the 20th century, such as the Tōyō Kanji list of 1946, prioritized common variants.[81] In modern usage, kun'yomi predominate in standalone kanji or native Japanese words (wago), often accompanied by okurigana—hiragana suffixes indicating inflection, as in 食べる (taberu, "to eat") where 食 takes the kun'yomi ta-.[79] Compounds mixing kun'yomi are rare and typically limited to specific lexical items, like 今日 (kyō, "today") blending on'yomi with kun'yomi elements, but pure kun'yomi compounds occur in poetic or archaic expressions.[74] Dictionaries conventionally list kun'yomi in hiragana to distinguish them from katakana on'yomi, aiding learners in recognizing contextual shifts.[75]| Kanji | Kun'yomi Example | Meaning | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| 日 | hi | sun/day | Used alone or in native compounds like 今日 (kyō, but hi in 昨日 hi yesterday).[81] |
| 人 | hito | person | Standalone native reading; on'yomi jin in compounds like 人間 (ningen).[74] |
| 手 | te | hand | Common in verbs like 持つ (motsu, "to hold").[79] |
| 大 | ōkii | big | Adjectival form; multiple variants like oo- exist regionally.[80] |
Irregular and Context-Dependent Readings
Ateji (当て字) denotes the use of kanji primarily for their phonetic approximation rather than semantic content, often applied to native Japanese words or loanwords to evoke partial meaning while prioritizing sound. This practice emerged during the Heian period (794–1185 CE) as Japanese adapted Chinese characters to represent indigenous vocabulary without direct equivalents. For instance, 煙草 is read as tabako (tobacco), where 煙 (smoke) and 草 (grass/herb) loosely align with the concept but the reading derives from the native term rather than standard on'yomi or kun'yomi.[82] Similarly, 寿司 is pronounced sushi, employing 寿 (longevity) and 司 (to administer) for phonetic matching to the native word for vinegared rice, disregarding the characters' core meanings.[83] Ateji persists in brand names, personal names, and artistic contexts, such as 倶楽部 (kurabu, club), where kanji suggest exclusivity and enjoyment despite the English loanword origin.[84] Gikun (義訓), or "semantic readings," involve assigning a native Japanese interpretation to kanji compounds that diverges from conventional phonetic rules, prioritizing interpretive meaning over sound correspondence. These readings, documented in classical texts like the Nihon Shoki (720 CE), allow authors to layer nuance or poetic effect, as in historical narratives where kanji for one phrase are read as a synonymous native expression. An example is 喫驚 read as bikkuri (surprise), where the kanji imply "to ingest astonishment" but the pronunciation follows a colloquial native term.[85] Gikun appears in literature for stylistic substitution, such as rendering a descriptive phrase with kanji that evoke related imagery while using a non-standard kun'yomi equivalent.[86] This method contrasts with jukujikun (熟字訓), fixed compound native readings like 大人 (otona, adult), where the entire phrase adopts an idiomatic pronunciation untied to individual kanji sounds, comprising about 2-3% of common vocabulary.[83] Context-dependent readings arise from syntactic and lexical cues, including okurigana (hiragana suffixes indicating kun'yomi) and compound formation, which dictate shifts between on'yomi (Sino-Japanese) and kun'yomi (native). For example, 行 can be read iki (going) in isolation or with okurigana as iku in verbs, but gyō or kō in compounds like 銀行 (ginkō, bank).[87] Empirical studies on reading accuracy show okurigana boosts recognition by 20-30% in ambiguous cases, as it signals inflectional endings and overrides potential on'yomi defaults.[88] Surrounding radicals or radicals in multi-kanji words further constrain possibilities; thus, 手紙 is tegami (letter) in native context but could shift phonetically in rare ateji extensions. These dependencies reflect kanji's logographic flexibility, where no single reading is absolute, requiring inferential processing from approximately 2,136 jōyō kanji in daily use.[89] Irregularities like ateji or gikun amplify this, often marked in dictionaries with tags for non-standard usage, as seen in resources cataloging over 200 such entries.[90]Reading Selection Rules and Exceptions
In Japanese texts, the selection of a kanji's reading—typically between the Sino-Japanese on'yomi and native kun'yomi—follows patterns tied to word structure and etymology. Compounds formed by two or more kanji, known as jukugo, predominantly employ on'yomi readings, reflecting their origins in Chinese loanwords adapted into Japanese.[74][91] Standalone kanji or those followed by okurigana (hiragana indicating inflection, as in verbs or adjectives) generally use kun'yomi, aligning with native Japanese morphology.[91][75] These guidelines stem from historical borrowing: on'yomi approximates Middle Chinese pronunciations introduced via Buddhist texts and classical literature from the 5th to 9th centuries, suiting abstract or technical Sino-Japanese terms, while kun'yomi derives from pre-existing Yamato words assigned to kanji meanings around the 5th century.[79] Native vocabulary, including concrete nouns and verbs, favors kun'yomi, whereas Sino-Japanese lexicon (gairaigo from Chinese) defaults to on'yomi.[75] Exceptions arise in hybrid forms, such as verbs where the root kanji takes kun'yomi but compounds may mix readings, though pure mixes are rare and context-specific.[74] Notable exceptions include ateji, where kanji are selected for phonetic approximation rather than semantic fit, yielding irregular kun'yomi-like readings (e.g., 珈琲 for kōhī, "coffee," using kanji for sound over meaning).[82] Another category is jukujikun, fixed compounds retaining native kun'yomi despite multi-kanji structure, often in idiomatic or archaic expressions (e.g., body-part compounds like 手紙, tegami, "letter").[92][93] Special readings, or tokuchō yomi, occur in proper names (nanori), loanwords, or dialectal variants, bypassing standard rules and requiring rote memorization, as in regional or historical terms.[94] These deviations, comprising a minority of usages, highlight kanji's adaptability but complicate acquisition, with no exhaustive algorithmic rule due to lexical idiosyncrasies.[95][96]Standardization and Reforms
Kyōiku Kanji for Education
The kyōiku kanji (教育漢字), translated as "education kanji," designate the 1,026 Chinese characters designated by Japan's Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology (MEXT) for mandatory instruction in elementary schools from grades 1 to 6, spanning ages 6 to 12.[97] These characters form the core literacy foundation, enabling students to read and write common vocabulary, sentences, and texts in newspapers or basic literature by the end of primary education.[98] Unlike broader lists, kyōiku kanji prioritize frequency in everyday usage, with each grade building cumulatively on prior knowledge; students must master writing the characters, their primary readings (on'yomi and kun'yomi), and simple compounds.[99]| Grade | Number of New Kanji | Cumulative Total | Examples of Kanji Introduced |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | 80 | 80 | 一 (one), 日 (day), 山 (mountain) |
| 2 | 160 | 240 | 学 (learn), 校 (school), 友 (friend) |
| 3 | 200 | 440 | 食 (eat), 飲 (drink), 体 (body) |
| 4 | 202 | 642 | 政 (politics), 経 (economy), 社 (society) |
| 5 | 193 | 835 | 憲 (constitution), 法 (law), 権 (right) |
| 6 | 191 | 1,026 | 営 (business), 謀 (plan), 議 (discuss) |
Jōyō Kanji for Daily Use
The Jōyō kanji (常用漢字, jōyō kanji), or "regularly used kanji," form the official government-designated list of 2,136 Chinese characters intended for standard application in Japanese writing, encompassing newspapers, official gazettes, legal documents, and general publications.[3] Promulgated by the Ministry of Education on October 30, 1981, the initial Jōyō kanji-hyō replaced the postwar Tōyō kanji roster of 1,850 characters from 1946, expanding it to 1,945 by incorporating frequently used forms observed in contemporary media and administrative texts.[101] This standardization sought to streamline literacy and orthographic consistency amid Japan's postwar script reforms, prioritizing characters essential for semantic clarity in compound words without mandating exhaustive memorization of archaic or specialized variants. A revision announced by the Agency for Cultural Affairs on November 30, 2010, adjusted the list by adding 196 characters—many drawn from emerging usage in technical and cultural contexts—and removing 5 obsolete ones, yielding the current 2,136 total.[102] [3] The update addressed discrepancies between the 1981 list and actual frequencies in printed materials, such as corporate names and scientific terms, while endorsing specific shinjitai (new character forms) and noting acceptable variants for certain entries to accommodate typographic flexibility. No further expansions have occurred as of 2025, reflecting a policy of stability to avoid disrupting established practices. In practice, adherence to the Jōyō kanji is voluntary but near-universal in public sectors, with government agencies, broadcasters like NHK, and major publishers restricting non-listed characters to hiragana or katakana to enhance accessibility for the general populace.[101] This convention supports functional literacy, as mastery of these characters covers the vast majority of lexical items in everyday discourse and media, though exceptions persist for proper nouns via the separate jinmeiyō kanji allowance. Empirical analyses of newspaper corpora indicate that Jōyō characters account for over 99% of kanji occurrences in standard texts, underscoring their efficacy in reducing cognitive load while preserving the logographic system's disambiguating role.[103]Jinmeiyō and Specialized Lists
The Jinmeiyō kanji (人名用漢字), or "kanji for use in personal names," form an official supplementary list maintained by Japan's Agency for Cultural Affairs, permitting characters beyond the standard Jōyō kanji for registering given names in family registries (koseki). This list ensures legal recognition while limiting overly obscure or complex characters, with a total of 863 characters as of the 2017 addition of 渾.[104] The characters include variants or less common forms not in the Jōyō roster, such as those drawn from classical texts or historical usage, and parents must select from this pool alongside Jōyō kanji when naming children to avoid registry rejection.[42] Established in the post-World War II era amid broader orthographic reforms to simplify and standardize Japanese script, the Jinmeiyō list originated from earlier provisional approvals but was formalized in 1981 with 166 characters, expanding gradually through public petitions and judicial reviews to accommodate cultural naming preferences.[49] By 2004, it had grown to over 2,200 provisional entries before streamlining, and subsequent updates incorporated feedback from name registrations; notable recent additions include 巫 in 2015 for ritualistic connotations.[104] In 2010, 39 Jinmeiyō characters were reclassified into the Jōyō list during its expansion to 2,136 total, reflecting empirical usage data from newspapers and official documents rather than arbitrary inclusion.[105] Specialized lists extend beyond Jinmeiyō for niche applications, primarily historical exceptions in family or place names predating modern regulations, where characters outside both Jōyō and Jinmeiyō—known collectively as hyōgai kanji (表外漢字)—may be retained for continuity, such as in ancient surnames or geographic designations.[42] These hyōgai forms, numbering in the thousands across dictionaries, appear in proper nouns or technical compounds but lack official sanction for new personal names, with legal challenges occasionally arising from attempts to introduce them; courts have upheld restrictions to prevent proliferation of unreadable script.[106] No comprehensive government-maintained list exists for hyōgai, but resources like the Kanji Kogo Daijiten catalog over 50,000 variants, emphasizing their role in preserving etymological depth without endorsing everyday adoption.[103]Historical and Postwar Reform Efforts
Efforts to reform the Japanese writing system, particularly kanji, emerged in the Meiji era (1868–1912) amid modernization drives, with advocates like Maejima Hisoka proposing in 1867 to abolish kanji entirely in favor of hiragana to boost literacy and efficiency.[107] These initiatives reflected concerns over kanji's complexity, estimated at over 80,000 characters in classical usage, prompting movements like kanbun kundokutai to reduce and simplify forms while retaining cultural ties to Chinese script.[39] Prewar standardization attempts included government lists in the 1920s and 1930s, but debates persisted; by 1942, the War Ministry advocated limiting kanji to 500–600 essential characters for military and practical needs, though full implementation stalled due to resistance emphasizing kanji's role in preserving historical and national identity.[39] Postwar reforms intensified under U.S. occupation (1945–1952), motivated by goals to enhance literacy—near-universal but kanji-heavy—and democratize communication, with occupation authorities initially favoring romanization or kana-only systems to align writing with spoken Japanese.[108] In 1946, the Japanese Ministry of Education promulgated the Tōyō Kanji list of 1,850 characters, restricting official use to these for simplification, alongside shinjitai (new character forms) that reduced strokes in 212 kanji and variants, such as simplifying 國 to 国.[42] Concurrently, historical kana orthography (kundoku) was replaced by modern usage matching contemporary pronunciation, effective from 1946, to eliminate ambiguities in texts.[109] These measures faced pushback from conservatives who argued kanji's elimination would sever cultural continuity, leading to compromises rather than abolition; literacy surveys under occupation, like nationwide exams, underscored high reading rates but highlighted kanji's barriers for full comprehension.[110] The Tōyō list evolved into the Jōyō Kanji in 1981, expanding to 1,945 characters with a shift from mandatory restriction to recommendation, allowing flexibility while maintaining standardization for education and media.[42] Subsequent minor updates, such as adding 39 characters in 2010 for technological and social terms, reflect ongoing adaptation without radical overhaul.[42]Recent Standardization Updates
In 2017, Japan's Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology (MEXT) announced a revision to the Kyōiku kanji list—the set of characters taught in elementary schools—which was implemented in the 2020 academic year (Reiwa 2). This update expanded the list from 1,006 to 1,026 characters, marking the first major change in about 30 years.[111][112] The primary addition comprised 20 kanji associated with prefecture names, integrated into the fourth-grade curriculum to support reading of administrative and geographical terms, including 媛 (used in Ehime Prefecture), 潟 (Niigata), 阜 (Fukushima), and 埼 (Saitama).[113] These characters were selected for their practical utility in everyday literacy, such as interpreting official documents and signage, without introducing broader simplifications or removals.[114] The revision also reassigned several existing kanji across grade levels to optimize the learning sequence; for example, adjustments ensured foundational characters appeared earlier where they aligned with thematic units in the curriculum. No alterations were made to readings or forms, preserving consistency with the Jōyō kanji framework.[114] This focused reform addressed gaps in regional vocabulary exposure while maintaining the overall stability of kanji education standards.[115] The Jōyō kanji list for general use, comprising 2,136 characters, has seen no updates since its 2010 revision, which refined glyph shapes and readings but did not expand or contract the roster. Discussions on further reforms, such as digital adaptations or reductions, have occurred sporadically but yielded no official changes by 2025.[44]Usage and Functionality
Role in Word Formation and Disambiguation
Kanji facilitate the formation of compound words, or jukugo, which are combinations of two or more characters where each kanji contributes both semantic content and a phonetic component, primarily drawn from Sino-Japanese (on'yomi) readings.[116] These compounds enable the concise encoding of complex ideas by leveraging the ideographic nature of kanji, allowing morphemes to combine productively; for example, 学校 (gakkō, school) merges 学 (learning) and 校 (institution).[117] This morphological productivity is evident in technical and abstract vocabulary, where new terms are regularly coined by juxtaposing existing kanji, as seen in fields like science and law, without reliance on inflectional changes common in other languages.[118] In disambiguation, kanji address the high incidence of homophony in Japanese, stemming from its phonological constraints—fewer than 100 distinct syllables—which generate numerous spoken ambiguities resolvable only through contextual inference or visual cues in writing.[119] Without kanji, hiragana-only texts risk conflating meanings, but kanji specify precise referents; the syllable hashi (haɕi), for instance, denotes "bridge" (橋), "chopsticks" (箸), or "edge" (端) depending on the character selected.[120] Empirical analyses of Japanese corpora indicate that while only about 3% of total word types are homophonous, their frequency in everyday usage underscores kanji's utility for semantic clarity, particularly in formal or dense prose where misinterpretation could alter comprehension.[121] This role extends to compound disambiguation, as kanji sequences reveal etymological transparency, distinguishing, say, 行政府 (gyōseifu, executive branch) from superficially similar phonetic strings.[122]Contextual Ambiguities and Resolutions
Kanji characters frequently present ambiguities due to polyphony, where a single character possesses multiple possible pronunciations, and polysemy, involving varied semantic interpretations depending on contextual usage. For instance, the character 生 admits readings such as sei (Sino-Japanese), shō (as in seishun youth), iki (living), nama (raw), and uma (birth) in native Japanese contexts, with meanings shifting from "life" to "raw" or "birth" accordingly.[123] These multiplicities arise from historical borrowing from Chinese, where tonal distinctions were lost in Japanese adaptation, leading to conflated readings, compounded by native glosses.[124] Homophonic ambiguities further complicate matters, as distinct Kanji or compounds may share identical phonetic realizations but denote unrelated concepts, such as hana rendered as 花 (flower) or 鼻 (nose). In written Japanese, such homophones are disambiguated by selecting the semantically appropriate Kanji, leveraging the logographic nature of the script to encode meaning beyond phonetics. Spoken resolution relies on prosodic cues, surrounding discourse, and shared knowledge, though writing's visual specificity mitigates potential confusion absent in purely phonetic scripts like hiragana alone.[120] Contextual cues within compounds or sentences predominantly govern reading selection, with Sino-Japanese on'yomi prevailing in multi-Kanji words (e.g., 学生 gakusei student) and native kun'yomi in standalone or inflected forms (e.g., 学ぶ manabu to learn). Okurigana—hiragana suffixes attached to Kanji—play a critical role in enforcing kun'yomi and clarifying morphological boundaries, as in 食べ物 (tabemono food), where 食べ disambiguates the verb stem from potential on'yomi alternatives.[16] Furigana, ruby-script annotations superimposed on Kanji, provide explicit phonetic guidance for atypical or learner-targeted texts, such as manga or educational materials, ensuring accessibility without altering primary orthography.[125] Standardized conventions from sources like the Jōyō Kanji list minimize variability in common usage, though exceptions persist in proper nouns, archaic terms, or specialized domains, where dictionaries index by radical-stroke order or radical to aid lookup amid ambiguities. Empirical studies indicate that proficient readers process these resolutions subconsciously via predictive parsing, achieving high comprehension rates despite surface-level indeterminacy, underscoring Kanji's efficiency in compact, meaning-dense expression.[123][124]Collation, Indexing, and Dictionaries
Kanji dictionaries primarily index characters using the radical-stroke method, which organizes entries under one of 214 Kangxi radicals (bushu), with kanji grouped by the radical and then sorted by the number of additional strokes in the remaining components.[126][127] This system, inherited from Chinese lexicographical traditions like the Kangxi Dictionary (compiled 1716), requires users to identify a component radical—often the semantic or graphical core—and locate it via a radical chart, typically ordered by the radicals' own stroke counts (from 1-stroke radicals like 丶 to 17-stroke ones like 龠).[126] Within each radical's section, collation follows ascending residual stroke count, ensuring predictable lookup despite glyph variations or simplifications in modern Japanese forms.[128] Secondary indexes supplement the radical system to address lookup challenges, such as ambiguous radicals or unknown components. Stroke count indexes compile all kanji by total strokes (ranging from 1 for 壹 to over 30 for rare characters like 𪚥), with sub-sorting often by radical or phonetic order, though this can be inefficient for mid-range counts exceeding 100 entries.[128] Reading-based indexes arrange kanji by on'yomi (Sino-Japanese) in katakana or kun'yomi (native Japanese) in hiragana, following gojūon phonetic order (e.g., あいうえお sequence), useful when a pronunciation is known but the character is not.[126] Alternative systems include the SKIP method, which codes kanji by positional patterns and stroke counts (e.g., 1-4-3 for left-right structure with 1, 4, and 3 strokes in segments), and the four-corner method, assigning numeric codes (0-9) to endpoint shapes at each corner for rapid mechanical indexing.[126][127] In broader collation for sorting kanji sequences—such as in computational indexes, phone directories, or multi-character entries—Japanese standards prioritize phonetic rendering via kun'yomi or on'yomi in gojūon order for mixed-script text, falling back to dictionary-style radical-stroke collation for unresolved kanji or pure logograph lists.[129] This hybrid approach aligns with JIS X 0208 encoding for kanji (established 1978, revised 1997) and CLDR/ICU rules, where kanji are sequenced by radical stroke order before residual elements, ignoring diacritics or variants at primary levels but refining at tertiary for hiragana-katakana distinctions (e.g., あ before ア).[129] Electronic dictionaries enhance this with multi-radical searches or frequency/grade indexes (e.g., by jōyō status or school level), reflecting usage data where direct paste or partial radical queries resolve 40-50% of lookups.[126] Prominent kanji dictionaries exemplify these methods: The New Nelson (1959, revised editions) employs strict radical-stroke indexing with Jōyō markers and compound examples; Kodansha's Kanji Learner's Dictionary (1993) integrates SKIP codes alongside pattern descriptors for beginners; and Spahn & Hadamitzky's The Kanji Dictionary (1989) uses a reduced 79-radical set with stroke-based descriptors (e.g., 11a9.5) for over 47,000 compounds.[127] Entries typically detail stroke order, etymology, variant forms, and contextual usages, with digital versions enabling fuzzy matching to mitigate traditional method limitations like radical identification errors, which affect novice users disproportionately.[128]Adaptations for Foreign Loanwords
Ateji (当て字), the practice of selecting kanji primarily for their phonetic value rather than semantic meaning, has been a primary method for adapting foreign loanwords (gairaigo) into Japanese writing, especially during periods of early European contact. This approach allowed phonetic approximation of non-native terms using existing kanji readings, often disregarding the characters' original Chinese-derived meanings. For instance, the Portuguese word "tabaco" for tobacco was rendered as 煙草 (tabako), combining kanji for "smoke" (煙) and "grass" (草) to evoke the product's nature while approximating the sound via kun'yomi readings.[130] Similarly, the Portuguese "capa" for raincoat became 合羽 (kappa), drawing on kanji for "join" and "feathers" for a loose phonetic match.[82] During the 16th and 17th centuries, when Portuguese and Dutch traders introduced novel goods, ateji facilitated integration of terms like "koffie" (coffee) as 珈琲 (kōhī), using obscure kanji for "headdress" (珈) and "jasmine" (琲) selected for their on'yomi sounds.[130] Country names followed suit, with "America" phonetically adapted as 亜米利加 (Amerika), employing kanji like 亜 (a, for "sub-"), 米 (bei, "rice" but sounding like "me"), 利 (ri), and 加 (ka).[131] These adaptations reflected a cultural preference for kanji prestige over phonetic scripts like katakana, which were underdeveloped for foreign sounds at the time.[130] Semantic ateji, where kanji convey meaning alongside or instead of sound, also emerged for loanwords. Examples include 麦酒 (bīru, "wheat alcohol") for beer, aligning with its fermented grain base, and 倶楽部 (kurabu, blending "together," "joy," and "part") for "club."[84] Other instances, such as 口風琴 (mouth wind instrument) for harmonica or 瓦斯 (gas) for gaseous fuel, prioritized descriptive utility.[131] In contemporary Japanese, ateji for gairaigo has largely declined in favor of katakana for clarity and standardization, particularly post-Meiji era reforms that promoted phonetic scripts for foreign terms.[82] Surviving uses appear in brand names, formal titles, or stylistic contexts—e.g., 珈琲 in coffee shop signage for elegance, or 混凝土 (konkurīto, "mixed stone") for concrete in technical writing.[131] This shift underscores katakana's efficiency for unambiguous pronunciation, though ateji persists where semantic nuance or tradition enhances comprehension, as in 氷菓子 (ice confection) occasionally glossed for "ice cream."[84] Overall, these adaptations highlight kanji's flexibility in bridging foreign phonology and Japanese morphology without inventing new characters.[130]Education and Acquisition
Curriculum Structure and Progression
In Japanese elementary education, the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology (MEXT) prescribes the kyōiku kanji (教育漢字), a standardized list of 1,006 kanji characters allocated across six grades, with students expected to master reading, writing, and common readings (on'yomi and kun'yomi) for each by the end of the respective grade.[99] This progression begins in first grade with foundational characters representing everyday concepts such as numbers, family members, and basic actions, advancing to more complex semantic and phonetic compounds in higher grades to support reading comprehension in textbooks and graded readers.[132] Cumulative review is integral, as prior-grade kanji recur in vocabulary and sentences, ensuring retention through repeated exposure in language arts classes, which allocate approximately 200-300 hours annually to kanji-related instruction including stroke-order practice and dictation exercises.[103] The grade-specific allocations are as follows:| Grade | New Kanji Introduced | Cumulative Total |
|---|---|---|
| 1 | 80 | 80 |
| 2 | 160 | 240 |
| 3 | 200 | 440 |
| 4 | 200 | 640 |
| 5 | 185 | 825 |
| 6 | 181 | 1,006 |
Pedagogical Methods and Tools
In Japanese elementary education, kanji instruction emphasizes rote memorization through repeated writing practice, with students learning designated kyōiku kanji lists progressively across grades: approximately 80 in first grade, accumulating to over 1,000 by sixth grade.[136] This involves weekly introduction of a small number of characters, followed by drills where students copy each kanji dozens of times to master stroke order and form, reinforcing visual and motor memory.[137] Such methods prioritize mechanical reproduction over contextual use initially, with integration into reading and vocabulary building occurring gradually to build cumulative recognition.[138] For non-native learners, the Heisig method, outlined in Remembering the Kanji (first published in 1977), decomposes characters into primitive elements or radicals and assigns imaginative stories to link writing sequences with meanings, decoupling pronunciation until later stages to focus on form-meaning association.[139] This mnemonic approach claims to enable rapid acquisition of up to 2,200 common kanji by leveraging visual storytelling, though it requires subsequent supplementation for readings and usage.[140] Complementary techniques include radical-based breakdown, where learners treat components as building blocks for pattern recognition across characters.[141] Spaced repetition systems (SRS) enhance retention by scheduling reviews at expanding intervals based on recall performance, proving effective for kanji vocabulary when combined with mnemonics; platforms like WaniKani integrate radicals, stories, and SRS to teach readings alongside meanings, with users reporting sustained progress through algorithmic reinforcement.[142] Empirical evidence supports handwriting over digital input for acquisition efficiency: a 2021 University of Tokyo study found paper-based writing elicited stronger brain connectivity in recognition areas and 25% faster note-taking compared to tablets or smartphones.[143] Similarly, behavioral experiments indicate handwriting boosts word learning and delayed recall more than typing, attributable to deeper sensory-motor encoding.[144] Common tools include physical flashcards for stroke practice, digital apps like Anki for customizable SRS decks, and textbooks such as graded readers that contextualize kanji in sentences.[145] While digital tools offer portability and immediate feedback, over-reliance on typing correlates with poorer long-term retention in kanji-specific tasks, underscoring the causal role of manual writing in embedding spatial and sequential details.[146] Hybrid approaches—pairing handwriting drills with SRS—align with cognitive principles of active recall and distributed practice for optimal outcomes.[147]Cognitive Challenges and Literacy Outcomes
Learning kanji imposes significant cognitive demands due to its logographic nature, requiring mastery of approximately 2,136 jōyō kanji for general use, each involving distinct visuospatial structures, stroke orders, and multiple phonological and semantic mappings.[148] Unlike alphabetic scripts, which emphasize phonological decoding, kanji acquisition relies heavily on visual-orthographic recognition and semantic processing, with limited initial phonological cues, leading to higher cognitive load in early stages, particularly for writing accuracy.[149] Empirical studies identify key underpinnings including phonological awareness as a shared factor across kanji reading, writing, and comprehension; visuospatial processing predicting writing performance (β = -0.40); and syntactic processing aiding reading (β = -0.33) and semantics (β = -0.50).[149] Japanese children face elevated challenges in kanji compared to kana, with higher rates of literacy difficulties in kanji writing among those with learning disabilities (6.1% prevalence).[149] Acquisition progresses gradually via curriculum, starting with 80 kanji in first grade, but digital device use has reduced handwriting practice, correlating with an 11.4% decline in adult handwriting frequency from 2004–2012 and stagnating orthographic-semantic integration post-university.[148] Neuroimaging reveals kanji reading activates bilateral ventral occipitotemporal regions early, distinct from kana's prolonged dorsal pathway engagement, underscoring specialized visual demands.[150] Despite these hurdles, kanji proficiency yields strong literacy outcomes, with all dimensions (reading β = 0.71, writing β = 0.74, semantics β = 0.79) predicting broader acquired knowledge and indirectly enhancing text coherence via idea density (β = 0.33 for writing).[149] Handwriting accuracy at the word level uniquely contributes to adolescent text literacy, beyond semantics, as confirmed in structural equation models across six datasets (n=56–137, RMSEA ≤ 0.06).[151] Home literacy resources positively associate with grade 3 kanji accuracy (β = 0.42), though parental teaching shows limited direct impact.[152] Overall literacy nears 99–100%, with educated adults recognizing 3,000+ kanji, though 66.5% report declining handwriting ability due to reliance on digital input.[153][154] Kanji abilities peak in early adulthood (reading/semantic at university age, writing varying by cohort), with subsequent declines highlighting maintenance challenges.[148]Impacts of Digital Technology
The advent of input method editors (IMEs) in the 1980s and their widespread adoption has significantly facilitated kanji input on digital devices, allowing users to type in romaji or hiragana, which software then converts to appropriate kanji candidates based on context and frequency.[155][156] This process, refined over decades with features like predictive conversion and user dictionaries, has reduced the cognitive load for producing complex kanji, enabling faster composition in professional and daily communication without requiring manual stroke entry.[157] However, reliance on IMEs has correlated with a measurable decline in handwriting proficiency among Japanese users. A 2012 survey found that 66.5% of respondents attributed their diminished ability to write kanji by hand to the proliferation of cell phones and computers, reflecting reduced practice in stroke order and character formation.[158][159] This trend persists, with studies indicating that digital input prioritizes recognition over production skills, leading to "kanji amnesia" where users can select characters via IME but struggle to reproduce them manually.[160] Unicode standardization, evolving since the 1990s, has ensured comprehensive digital representation of kanji, with versions supporting over 100,000 CJK ideographs by 2025 through extensions like Extension F for administrative needs.[161][162] This has preserved kanji's utility in global computing, mitigating fragmentation from earlier encodings like Shift-JIS, though it has not stemmed the causal shift toward type-over-write behaviors that diminish tactile mastery of character morphology.[163] Empirical assessments link this to broader literacy outcomes, where digital tools enhance vocabulary exposure but weaken the motor and mnemonic reinforcement from handwriting.[149]Debates and Empirical Assessments
Arguments for Reduction or Abolition
In the mid-19th century, during the early Meiji period, intellectuals like Maejima Hisoka advocated for the complete abolition of kanji in favor of kana-only writing, arguing that the vast number of characters—estimated at over 50,000 in classical usage—imposed an insurmountable barrier to mass literacy in an emerging egalitarian society.[39][107] Maejima's 1866 pamphlet "Reasons for Abolishing Chinese Characters" contended that kanji's complexity, requiring rote memorization of irregular forms, readings, and meanings, confined reading and writing to a small educated elite, hindering Japan's modernization and the democratization of knowledge essential for national progress.[39] Proponents of this view, including some educators, proposed kana as a phonetic script that could enable rapid literacy acquisition, similar to alphabetic systems, thereby freeing cognitive resources for scientific and industrial education rather than orthographic drill.[39] Post-World War II occupation reforms under the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers (SCAP) intensified debates on kanji reduction or elimination, with U.S. officials citing empirical surveys from 1946 that revealed widespread functional illiteracy: approximately 20-30% of adults struggled to read newspapers due to unfamiliar or complex kanji, despite nominal literacy claims.[164][110] Advocates for abolition, including some Japanese reformers influenced by romaji proponents, argued that switching to a purely phonetic system like Hepburn romanization or exclusive kana usage would accelerate literacy rates, facilitate international communication, and align Japan with global alphabetic norms, reducing the educational time sink of mastering thousands of characters.[108][165] These efforts culminated in proposals for kana-only orthography or romaji, but met resistance; instead, the 1946 Tōyō kanji list restricted daily-use characters to 1,850, a compromise seen by critics as insufficient to address root inefficiencies.[41][110] Contemporary arguments for further kanji reduction emphasize persistent cognitive and pedagogical burdens, with Japanese elementary curricula allocating up to six years and over 1,000 hours to kanji acquisition, potentially delaying proficiency in mathematics, science, and critical thinking.[166] Studies on literacy development highlight that kanji's logographic nature demands distinct skills from phonetic kana—such as visual-orthographic mapping over phonological decoding—leading to prolonged acquisition phases and higher error rates in reading irregular characters among children and adults.[167] Critics, including some linguists and educators, contend that in an era of digital input methods, kanji's disambiguating role for homophones can be supplanted by contextual cues or expanded kana usage, while abolition or severe curtailment to 500-600 essential characters would streamline education, reduce dropout risks in rural or low-resource areas, and enhance economic productivity by minimizing lifelong relearning demands, as evidenced by adults' frequent reliance on phonetic approximations or forgetting stroke orders.[39][168]Defenses of Kanji's Linguistic Efficiency
Proponents of kanji assert that its logographic structure addresses Japanese's phonological limitations, particularly the prevalence of homophones arising from a small phoneme inventory of about 100 distinct syllables. By associating characters with morphemes rather than sounds, kanji enables semantic disambiguation in writing, where context alone might fail; for instance, the pronunciation hashi can denote "bridge," "chopsticks," or "edge" depending on the kanji used (橋, 箸, 端). This visual differentiation reduces reliance on surrounding words for interpretation, enhancing clarity in dense texts.[169][121] Kanji further improves parsing efficiency in a script lacking spaces between words. Mixed with kana, kanji serves as a morphological cue, delineating lexical units amid phonetic scripts that otherwise blend into undifferentiated strings; empirical observations indicate that all-hiragana texts demand greater cognitive effort for segmentation, as readers must infer boundaries from prosodic or syntactic knowledge. This hybrid system thus streamlines sentence structure recognition, particularly in compound-heavy modern Japanese where Sino-Japanese vocabulary predominates.[170][171] In terms of compactness, kanji achieves higher information density per character than kana, with each glyph often encapsulating a full concept or root—contrasting kana's syllabic granularity, which requires multiple symbols for equivalent content. Advocates highlight this for enabling succinct expression; a term like "democracy" renders as 民主主義 (minshu shugi, four kana-equivalent units in two kanji plus kana) versus extended hiragana, supporting faster holistic processing in skilled readers who bypass phonological mediation for direct semantic access. Such density aligns with cross-linguistic patterns where logographic systems compress meaning efficiently, though Japanese speech rates compensate for lower oral density to maintain uniform information flow across languages.[172][173][174]Evidence from Literacy and Cognitive Studies
Studies indicate that Japanese literacy rates reach approximately 99%, with compulsory education requiring mastery of around 1,026 kanji by the end of junior high school and an additional 1,130 by high school graduation, enabling functional reading of most texts.[175][176] This high proficiency persists despite kanji's visual complexity, as evidenced by Japan's strong performance in international assessments like PISA, where reading scores averaged 504 in 2018, exceeding the OECD mean of 487. Kanji reading accuracy uniquely predicts comprehension in mixed-script texts, partially mediating oral language effects, unlike hiragana which correlates more with decoding.[177] Cognitive research highlights visuospatial and morphological awareness as key predictors of kanji proficiency, distinct from phonological skills dominant in kana learning; for instance, weaker visuomotor processing impairs complex kanji recognition, while semantic radicals facilitate decomposition and meaning inference.[178][179] Kanji acquisition fosters multidimensional literacy, including orthographic knowledge that supports advanced reading fluency and reduces homophone ambiguity in Japanese, a language with extensive phonological overlap.[180][148] Home literacy environments, such as shared reading, reciprocally boost early kanji skills alongside hiragana, underscoring kanji's role in holistic literacy development from preschool age.[152] Neuroimaging evidence reveals kanji processing engages specialized neural circuits, with fMRI showing heightened activation in visuospatial areas like the left middle frontal gyrus and inferior temporal cortex for hierarchical form recognition, differing from kana's phonological pathways.[181][150] Bilingual studies confirm kanji elicits stronger dorsal inferior frontal gyrus activity compared to similar Chinese characters, linked to phonological-semantic integration, while visual imagery during concrete kanji reading activates bilateral occipitotemporal regions more than abstract ones.[182][183] These patterns suggest kanji training enhances visual-semantic processing efficiency, though initial learning increases overall brain activity before stabilizing with expertise.[184] For atypical learners, such as those with dyslexia, kanji dissociation from kana highlights visuospatial vulnerabilities, yet overall population outcomes affirm adaptive cognitive benefits.[185]Cultural and Preservation Perspectives
Kanji occupies a central place in Japanese cultural expression, particularly through calligraphy, known as shodō, which serves both as a meditative practice and a revered art form emphasizing aesthetic harmony and brushstroke precision.[186] This tradition underscores kanji's role beyond utility, linking it to philosophical and spiritual dimensions influenced by Zen Buddhism.[78] In literature and personal names, kanji enables layered meanings and historical continuity, allowing direct engagement with classical texts like the Nihon Shoki without reliance on phonetic scripts alone.[187] [188] Preservation advocates view kanji as essential to Japan's cultural heritage, arguing that its abandonment would sever ties to millennia-old literary traditions and unique orthographic identity distinct from other East Asian languages.[189] Historical reform attempts, such as Meiji-era proposals to eliminate kanji for simplicity and post-World War II U.S. occupation suggestions for kana-only or romaji systems, failed due to widespread cultural attachment and recognition that kanji facilitates compact semantic conveyance.[39] [108] The establishment of the jōyō kanji list in 1946, later revised in 1981 to 2,136 characters, represented a compromise prioritizing usability while safeguarding core vocabulary.[42] Contemporary preservation efforts counter digital-induced handwriting decline, where input methods enable reading but erode manual proficiency among youth; initiatives include museum exhibitions, workshops, and educational drills to maintain skills.[190] Proponents emphasize kanji's efficiency in disambiguating homophones—critical in a language with extensive phonetic overlap—and its contribution to national cohesion, as evidenced by resistance to further reductions amid globalization pressures.[191] While reformers cite literacy burdens, empirical attachment persists, with surveys showing over 90% public opposition to abolition proposals in the 1940s, reflecting kanji's embedded role in identity.[164]Extensions and Variants
Kokuji and Japanese-Specific Innovations
Kokuji, known as "national characters" (国字), refer to kanji characters invented domestically in Japan rather than borrowed from Chinese sources. These characters were created by rearranging or combining existing kanji radicals and components to denote native Japanese words or concepts lacking direct equivalents in classical Chinese texts. This innovation addressed the limitations of imported kanji in fully representing the Japanese lexicon, which includes unique grammatical structures and vocabulary derived from Yamato (native) origins.[192][193] The emergence of kokuji followed the introduction of kanji to Japan around the 5th century CE via Korean intermediaries, with systematic creation accelerating during the Heian period (794–1185 CE) as vernacular literature proliferated. Japanese scribes, facing the logographic system's inadequacy for inflectional endings and indigenous terms, devised these characters to maintain semantic precision while adapting to kun'yomi (native Japanese readings). Unlike phonetic scripts like hiragana—derived from cursive kanji forms—kokuji preserved the ideographic nature of the writing system, reflecting a preference for morphemic representation over purely syllabic encoding. Historical records, such as medieval glossaries like the Wamyō Ruijushō (compiled circa 934 CE), document early instances, though many kokuji gained prominence in Edo-period (1603–1868 CE) texts for specialized or regional terms.[13][194] In terms of quantity, kokuji comprise a modest fraction of the overall kanji corpus, with estimates ranging from several hundred total creations to only a few dozen in frequent modern usage; for instance, approximately a dozen appear in the Jōyō kanji list of 2,136 characters designated for general use by Japan's Ministry of Education in 2010. Prominent examples include:- 峠 (tōge): Denoting a mountain pass, formed by 山 (yama, mountain) atop 峙 (to confront), evoking peaks facing each other.[195]
- 辻 (tsuji): Meaning crossroads, combining 十 (jū, ten) with 辶 (movement along a path).[194]
- 働 (hataraku): Representing "to work" or "labor," blending 動 (dō, movement) and や (a phonetic hint). This character entered common parlance by the 18th century.[192]
- 腺 (sen): Indicating a gland, coined in the 19th century for anatomical terms during Japan's Meiji-era (1868–1912 CE) modernization and Western scientific adoption.[195]