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Psychology
Psychology
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Psychology is the scientific study of behavior and mind.[1][2] Its subject matter includes the behavior of humans and nonhumans, both conscious and unconscious phenomena, and mental processes such as thoughts, feelings, and motives. Psychology is an academic discipline of immense scope, crossing the boundaries between the natural and social sciences. Biological psychologists seek an understanding of the emergent properties of brains, linking the discipline to neuroscience. As social scientists, psychologists aim to understand the behavior of individuals and groups.[3][4]

A professional practitioner or researcher involved in the discipline is called a psychologist. Some psychologists can also be classified as behavioral or cognitive scientists. Some psychologists attempt to understand the role of mental functions in individual and social behavior. Others explore the physiological and neurobiological processes that underlie cognitive functions and behaviors.

As part of an interdisciplinary field, psychologists are involved in research on perception, cognition, attention, emotion, intelligence, subjective experiences, motivation, brain functioning, and personality. Psychologists' interests extend to interpersonal relationships, psychological resilience, family resilience, and other areas within social psychology. They also consider the unconscious mind.[5] Research psychologists employ empirical methods to infer causal and correlational relationships between psychosocial variables. Some, but not all, clinical and counseling psychologists rely on symbolic interpretation.

While psychological knowledge is often applied to the assessment and treatment of mental health problems, it is also directed towards understanding and solving problems in several spheres of human activity. By many accounts, psychology ultimately aims to benefit society.[6][7][8] Many psychologists are involved in some kind of therapeutic role, practicing psychotherapy in clinical, counseling, or school settings. Other psychologists conduct scientific research on a wide range of topics related to mental processes and behavior. Typically the latter group of psychologists work in academic settings (e.g., universities, medical schools, or hospitals). Another group of psychologists is employed in industrial and organizational settings.[9] Yet others are involved in work on human development, aging, sports, health, forensic science, education, and the media.

Etymology and definitions

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The word psychology derives from the Greek word psyche, for spirit or soul. The latter part of the word psychology derives from -λογία -logia, which means "study" or "research".[10] The word psychology was first used in the Renaissance.[11] In its Latin form psychiologia, it was first employed by the Croatian humanist and Latinist Marko Marulić in his book Psichiologia de ratione animae humanae (Psychology, on the Nature of the Human Soul) in the decade 1510–1520[11][12] The earliest known reference to the word psychology in English was by Steven Blankaart in 1694 in The Physical Dictionary. The dictionary refers to "Anatomy, which treats the Body, and Psychology, which treats of the Soul."[13]

Ψ (psi), the first letter of the Greek word psyche from which the term psychology is derived, is commonly associated with the field of psychology.

In 1890, William James defined psychology as "the science of mental life, both of its phenomena and their conditions."[14] This definition enjoyed widespread currency for decades. However, this meaning was contested, notably by John B. Watson, who in 1913 asserted the methodological behaviorist view of psychology as a purely objective experimental branch of natural science, the theoretical goal of which "is the prediction and control of behavior."[15] Since James defined "psychology", the term more strongly implicates scientific experimentation.[16][15] Folk psychology is the understanding of the mental states and behaviors of people held by ordinary people, as contrasted with psychology professionals' understanding.[17]

History

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The ancient civilizations of Egypt, Greece, China, India, and Persia all engaged in the philosophical study of psychology. In Ancient Egypt the Ebers Papyrus mentioned depression and thought disorders.[18] Historians note that Greek philosophers, including Thales, Plato, and Aristotle (especially in his De Anima treatise),[19] addressed the workings of the mind.[20] As early as the 4th century BC, the Greek physician Hippocrates theorized that mental disorders had physical rather than supernatural causes.[21] In 387 BCE, Plato suggested that the brain is where mental processes take place, and in 335 BCE Aristotle suggested that it was the heart.[22]

In China, the foundations of psychological thought emerged from the philosophical works of ancient thinkers like Laozi and Confucius, as well as the teachings of Buddhism.[23] This body of knowledge drew insights from introspection, observation, and techniques for focused thinking and behavior. It viewed the universe as comprising physical and mental realms, along with the interplay between the two.[24] Chinese philosophy also emphasized purifying the mind in order to increase virtue and power. An ancient text known as The Yellow Emperor's Classic of Internal Medicine identifies the brain as the nexus of wisdom and sensation, includes theories of personality based on yin–yang balance, and analyzes mental disorder in terms of physiological and social disequilibria. Chinese scholarship that focused on the brain advanced during the Qing dynasty with the work of Western-educated Fang Yizhi (1611–1671), Liu Zhi (1660–1730), and Wang Qingren (1768–1831). Wang Qingren emphasized the importance of the brain as the center of the nervous system, linked mental disorder with brain diseases, investigated the causes of dreams and insomnia, and advanced a theory of hemispheric lateralization in brain function.[25]

Influenced by Hinduism, Indian philosophy explored distinctions in types of awareness. A central idea of the Upanishads and other Vedic texts that formed the foundations of Hinduism was the distinction between a person's transient mundane self and their eternal, unchanging soul. Divergent Hindu doctrines and Buddhism have challenged this hierarchy of selves, but have all emphasized the importance of reaching higher awareness. Yoga encompasses a range of techniques used in pursuit of this goal. Theosophy, a religion established by Russian-American philosopher Helena Blavatsky, drew inspiration from these doctrines during her time in British India.[26][27]

Psychology was of interest to Enlightenment thinkers in Europe. In Germany, Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz (1646–1716) applied his principles of calculus to the mind, arguing that mental activity took place on an indivisible continuum. He suggested that the difference between conscious and unconscious awareness is only a matter of degree. Christian Wolff identified psychology as its own science, writing Psychologia Empirica in 1732 and Psychologia Rationalis in 1734. Immanuel Kant advanced the idea of anthropology as a discipline, with psychology an important subdivision. Kant, however, explicitly rejected the idea of an experimental psychology, writing that "the empirical doctrine of the soul can also never approach chemistry even as a systematic art of analysis or experimental doctrine, for in it the manifold of inner observation can be separated only by mere division in thought, and cannot then be held separate and recombined at will (but still less does another thinking subject suffer himself to be experimented upon to suit our purpose), and even observation by itself already changes and displaces the state of the observed object."

In 1783, Ferdinand Ueberwasser (1752–1812) designated himself Professor of Empirical Psychology and Logic and gave lectures on scientific psychology, though these developments were soon overshadowed by the Napoleonic Wars.[28] At the end of the Napoleonic era, Prussian authorities discontinued the Old University of Münster.[28] Having consulted philosophers Hegel and Herbart, however, in 1825 the Prussian state established psychology as a mandatory discipline in its rapidly expanding and highly influential educational system. However, this discipline did not yet embrace experimentation.[29] In England, early psychology involved phrenology and the response to social problems including alcoholism, violence, and the country's crowded "lunatic" asylums.[30]

Beginning of experimental psychology

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James McKeen Cattell, the first psychologist in the United States
Wilhelm Wundt (seated), a German psychologist, with colleagues in his psychological laboratory, the first of its kind, c. 1880
One of the dogs used in Russian psychologist Ivan Pavlov's experiment with a surgically implanted cannula to measure saliva, preserved in the Pavlov Museum in Ryazan, Russia

Philosopher John Stuart Mill believed that the human mind was open to scientific investigation, even if the science is in some ways inexact.[31] Mill proposed a "mental chemistry" in which elementary thoughts could combine into ideas of greater complexity.[31] Gustav Fechner began conducting psychophysics research in Leipzig in the 1830s. He articulated the principle that human perception of a stimulus varies logarithmically according to its intensity.[32]: 61  The principle became known as the Weber–Fechner law. Fechner's 1860 Elements of Psychophysics challenged Kant's negative view with regard to conducting quantitative research on the mind.[33][29] Fechner's achievement was to show that "mental processes could not only be given numerical magnitudes, but also that these could be measured by experimental methods."[29] In Heidelberg, Hermann von Helmholtz conducted parallel research on sensory perception, and trained physiologist Wilhelm Wundt. Wundt, in turn, came to Leipzig University, where he established the psychological laboratory that brought experimental psychology to the world. Wundt focused on breaking down mental processes into the most basic components, motivated in part by an analogy to recent advances in chemistry, and its successful investigation of the elements and structure of materials.[34] Paul Flechsig and Emil Kraepelin soon created another influential laboratory at Leipzig, a psychology-related lab, that focused more on experimental psychiatry.[29]

James McKeen Cattell, a professor of psychology at the University of Pennsylvania and Columbia University and the co-founder of Psychological Review, was the first professor of psychology in the United States.[35]

The German psychologist Hermann Ebbinghaus, a researcher at the University of Berlin, was a 19th-century contributor to the field. He pioneered the experimental study of memory and developed quantitative models of learning and forgetting.[36] In the early 20th century, Wolfgang Kohler, Max Wertheimer, and Kurt Koffka co-founded the school of Gestalt psychology of Fritz Perls. The approach of Gestalt psychology is based upon the idea that individuals experience things as unified wholes. Rather than reducing thoughts and behavior into smaller component elements, as in structuralism, the Gestaltists maintain that whole of experience is important, "and is something else than the sum of its parts, because summing is a meaningless procedure, whereas the whole-part relationship is meaningful."[37]

Psychologists in Germany, Denmark, Austria, England, and the United States soon followed Wundt in setting up laboratories.[38] G. Stanley Hall, an American who studied with Wundt, founded a psychology lab that became internationally influential. The lab was located at Johns Hopkins University. Hall, in turn, trained Yujiro Motora, who brought experimental psychology, emphasizing psychophysics, to the Imperial University of Tokyo.[39] Wundt's assistant, Hugo Münsterberg, taught psychology at Harvard to students such as Narendra Nath Sen Gupta—who, in 1905, founded a psychology department and laboratory at the University of Calcutta.[26] Wundt's students Walter Dill Scott, Lightner Witmer, and James McKeen Cattell worked on developing tests of mental ability. Cattell, who also studied with eugenicist Francis Galton, went on to found the Psychological Corporation. Witmer focused on the mental testing of children; Scott, on employee selection.[32]: 60 

Another student of Wundt, the Englishman Edward Titchener, created the psychology program at Cornell University and advanced "structuralist" psychology. The idea behind structuralism was to analyze and classify different aspects of the mind, primarily through the method of introspection.[40] William James, John Dewey, and Harvey Carr advanced the idea of functionalism, an expansive approach to psychology that underlined the Darwinian idea of a behavior's usefulness to the individual. In 1890, James wrote an influential book, The Principles of Psychology, which expanded on the structuralism. He memorably described "stream of consciousness." James's ideas interested many American students in the emerging discipline.[40][14][32]: 178–82  Dewey integrated psychology with societal concerns, most notably by promoting progressive education, inculcating moral values in children, and assimilating immigrants.[32]: 196–200 

A different strain of experimentalism, with a greater connection to physiology, emerged in South America, under the leadership of Horacio G. Piñero at the University of Buenos Aires.[41] In Russia, too, researchers placed greater emphasis on the biological basis for psychology, beginning with Ivan Sechenov's 1873 essay, "Who Is to Develop Psychology and How?" Sechenov advanced the idea of brain reflexes and aggressively promoted a deterministic view of human behavior.[42] The Russian-Soviet physiologist Ivan Pavlov discovered in dogs a learning process that was later termed "classical conditioning" and applied the process to human beings.[43]

Consolidation and funding

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One of the earliest psychology societies was La Société de Psychologie Physiologique in France, which lasted from 1885 to 1893. The first meeting of the International Congress of Psychology sponsored by the International Union of Psychological Science took place in Paris, in August 1889, amidst the World's Fair celebrating the centennial of the French Revolution. William James was one of three Americans among the 400 attendees. The American Psychological Association (APA) was founded soon after, in 1892. The International Congress continued to be held at different locations in Europe and with wide international participation. The Sixth Congress, held in Geneva in 1909, included presentations in Russian, Chinese, and Japanese, as well as Esperanto. After a hiatus for World War I, the Seventh Congress met in Oxford, with substantially greater participation from the war-victorious Anglo-Americans. In 1929, the Congress took place at Yale University in New Haven, Connecticut, attended by hundreds of members of the APA.[38] Tokyo Imperial University led the way in bringing new psychology to the East. New ideas about psychology diffused from Japan into China.[25][39]

American psychology gained status upon the U.S.'s entry into World War I. A standing committee headed by Robert Yerkes administered mental tests ("Army Alpha" and "Army Beta") to almost 1.8 million soldiers.[44] Subsequently, the Rockefeller family, via the Social Science Research Council, began to provide funding for behavioral research.[45][46] Rockefeller charities funded the National Committee on Mental Hygiene, which disseminated the concept of mental illness and lobbied for applying ideas from psychology to child rearing.[44][47] Through the Bureau of Social Hygiene and later funding of Alfred Kinsey, Rockefeller foundations helped establish research on sexuality in the U.S.[48] Under the influence of the Carnegie-funded Eugenics Record Office, the Draper-funded Pioneer Fund, and other institutions, the eugenics movement also influenced American psychology. In the 1910s and 1920s, eugenics became a standard topic in psychology classes.[49] In contrast to the US, in the UK psychology was met with antagonism by the scientific and medical establishments, and up until 1939, there were only six psychology chairs in universities in England.[50]

During World War II and the Cold War, the U.S. military and intelligence agencies established themselves as leading funders of psychology by way of the armed forces and in the new Office of Strategic Services intelligence agency. University of Michigan psychologist Dorwin Cartwright reported that university researchers began large-scale propaganda research in 1939–1941. He observed that "the last few months of the war saw a social psychologist become chiefly responsible for determining the week-by-week-propaganda policy for the United States Government." Cartwright also wrote that psychologists had significant roles in managing the domestic economy.[51] The Army rolled out its new General Classification Test to assess the ability of millions of soldiers. The Army also engaged in large-scale psychological research of troop morale and mental health.[52] In the 1950s, the Rockefeller Foundation and Ford Foundation collaborated with the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) to fund research on psychological warfare.[53] In 1965, public controversy called attention to the Army's Project Camelot, the "Manhattan Project" of social science, an effort which enlisted psychologists and anthropologists to analyze the plans and policies of foreign countries for strategic purposes.[54][55]

In Germany after World War I, psychology held institutional power through the military, which was subsequently expanded along with the rest of the military during Nazi Germany.[29] Under the direction of Hermann Göring's cousin Matthias Göring, the Berlin Psychoanalytic Institute was renamed the Göring Institute. Freudian psychoanalysts were expelled and persecuted under the anti-Jewish policies of the Nazi Party, and all psychologists had to distance themselves from Freud and Adler, founders of psychoanalysis who were also Jewish.[56] The Göring Institute was well-financed throughout the war with a mandate to create a "New German Psychotherapy." This psychotherapy aimed to align suitable Germans with the overall goals of the Reich. As described by one physician, "Despite the importance of analysis, spiritual guidance and the active cooperation of the patient represent the best way to overcome individual mental problems and to subordinate them to the requirements of the Volk and the Gemeinschaft." Psychologists were to provide Seelenführung [lit., soul guidance], the leadership of the mind, to integrate people into the new vision of a German community.[57] Harald Schultz-Hencke melded psychology with the Nazi theory of biology and racial origins, criticizing psychoanalysis as a study of the weak and deformed.[58] Johannes Heinrich Schultz, a German psychologist recognized for developing the technique of autogenic training, prominently advocated sterilization and euthanasia of men considered genetically undesirable, and devised techniques for facilitating this process.[59]

After the war, new institutions were created although some psychologists, because of their Nazi affiliation, were discredited. Alexander Mitscherlich founded a prominent applied psychoanalysis journal called Psyche. With funding from the Rockefeller Foundation, Mitscherlich established the first clinical psychosomatic medicine division at Heidelberg University. In 1970, psychology was integrated into the required studies of medical students.[60]

After the Russian Revolution, the Bolsheviks promoted psychology as a way to engineer the "New Man" of socialism. Consequently, university psychology departments trained large numbers of students in psychology. At the completion of training, positions were made available for those students at schools, workplaces, cultural institutions, and in the military. The Russian state emphasized pedology and the study of child development. Lev Vygotsky became prominent in the field of child development.[42] The Bolsheviks also promoted free love and embraced the doctrine of psychoanalysis as an antidote to sexual repression.[61]: 84–6[62] Although pedology and intelligence testing fell out of favor in 1936, psychology maintained its privileged position as an instrument of the Soviet Union.[42] Stalinist purges took a heavy toll and instilled a climate of fear in the profession, as elsewhere in Soviet society.[61]: 22 Following World War II, Jewish psychologists past and present, including Lev Vygotsky, A.R. Luria, and Aron Zalkind, were denounced; Ivan Pavlov (posthumously) and Stalin himself were celebrated as heroes of Soviet psychology.[61]: 25–6, 48–9  Soviet academics experienced a degree of liberalization during the Khrushchev Thaw. The topics of cybernetics, linguistics, and genetics became acceptable again. The new field of engineering psychology emerged. The field involved the study of the mental aspects of complex jobs (such as pilot and cosmonaut). Interdisciplinary studies became popular and scholars such as Georgy Shchedrovitsky developed systems theory approaches to human behavior.[61]: 27–33

Twentieth-century Chinese psychology originally modeled itself on U.S. psychology, with translations from American authors like William James, the establishment of university psychology departments and journals, and the establishment of groups including the Chinese Association of Psychological Testing (1930) and the Chinese Psychological Society (1937). Chinese psychologists were encouraged to focus on education and language learning. Chinese psychologists were drawn to the idea that education would enable modernization. John Dewey, who lectured to Chinese audiences between 1919 and 1921, had a significant influence on psychology in China. Chancellor T'sai Yuan-p'ei introduced him at Peking University as a greater thinker than Confucius. Kuo Zing-yang who received a PhD at the University of California, Berkeley, became President of Zhejiang University and popularized behaviorism.[63]: 5–9  After the Chinese Communist Party gained control of the country, the Stalinist Soviet Union became the major influence, with Marxism–Leninism the leading social doctrine and Pavlovian conditioning the approved means of behavior change. Chinese psychologists elaborated on Lenin's model of a "reflective" consciousness, envisioning an "active consciousness" (pinyin: tzu-chueh neng-tung-li) able to transcend material conditions through hard work and ideological struggle. They developed a concept of "recognition" (pinyin: jen-shih) which referred to the interface between individual perceptions and the socially accepted worldview; failure to correspond with party doctrine was "incorrect recognition."[63]: 9–17 Psychology education was centralized under the Chinese Academy of Sciences, supervised by the State Council. In 1951, the academy created a Psychology Research Office, which in 1956 became the Institute of Psychology. Because most leading psychologists were educated in the United States, the first concern of the academy was the re-education of these psychologists in the Soviet doctrines. Child psychology and pedagogy for the purpose of a nationally cohesive education remained a central goal of the discipline.[63]: 18–24 

Women in psychology

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1900–1949

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Women in the early 1900s started to make key findings within the world of psychology. In 1923, Anna Freud,[64] the daughter of Sigmund Freud, built on her father's work using different defense mechanisms (denial, repression, and suppression) to psychoanalyze children. She believed that once a child reached the latency period, child analysis could be used as a mode of therapy. She stated it is important focus on the child's environment, support their development, and prevent neurosis. She believed a child should be recognized as their own person with their own right and have each session catered to the child's specific needs. She encouraged drawing, moving freely, and expressing themselves in any way. This helped build a strong therapeutic alliance with child patients, which allows psychologists to observe their normal behavior. She continued her research on the impact of children after family separation, children with socio-economically disadvantaged backgrounds, and all stages of child development from infancy to adolescence.[65]

Functional periodicity, the belief women are mentally and physically impaired during menstruation, impacted women's rights because employers were less likely to hire them due to the belief they would be incapable of working for 1 week a month. Leta Stetter Hollingworth wanted to prove this hypothesis and Edward L. Thorndike's theory, that women have lesser psychological and physical traits than men and were simply mediocre, incorrect. Hollingworth worked to prove differences were not from male genetic superiority, but from culture. She also included the concept of women's impairment during menstruation in her research. She recorded both women and men performances on tasks (cognitive, perceptual, and motor) for three months. No evidence was found of decreased performance due to a woman's menstrual cycle.[66] She also challenged the belief intelligence is inherited and women here are intellectually inferior to men. She stated that women do not reach positions of power due to the societal norms and roles they are assigned. As she states in her article, "Variability as related to sex differences in achievement: A Critique",[67] the largest problem women have is the social order that was built due to the assumption women have less interests and abilities than men. To further prove her point, she completed another experiment with infants who have not been influenced by the environment of social norms, like the adult male getting more opportunities than women. She found no difference between infants besides size. After this research proved the original hypothesis wrong, Hollingworth was able to show there is no difference between the physiological and psychological traits of men and women, and women are not impaired during menstruation.[68]

The first half of the 1900s was filled with new theories and it was a turning point for women's recognition within the field of psychology. In addition to the contributions made by Leta Stetter Hollingworth and Anna Freud, Mary Whiton Calkins invented the paired associates technique of studying memory and developed self-psychology.[69] Karen Horney developed the concept of "womb envy" and neurotic needs.[70] Psychoanalyst Melanie Klein impacted developmental psychology with her research of play therapy.[71] These great discoveries and contributions were made during struggles of sexism, discrimination, and little recognition for their work.

1950–1999

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Women in the second half of the 20th century continued to do research that had large-scale impacts on the field of psychology. Mary Ainsworth's work centered around attachment theory. Building off fellow psychologist John Bowlby, Ainsworth spent years doing fieldwork to understand the development of mother-infant relationships. In doing this field research, Ainsworth developed the Strange Situation Procedure, a laboratory procedure meant to study attachment style by separating and uniting a child with their mother several different times under different circumstances. These field studies are also where she developed her attachment theory and the order of attachment styles, which was a landmark for developmental psychology.[72][73] Because of her work, Ainsworth became one of the most cited psychologists of all time.[74] Mamie Phipps Clark was another woman in psychology that changed the field with her research. She was one of the first African-Americans to receive a doctoral degree in psychology from Columbia University, along with her husband, Kenneth Clark. Her master's thesis, "The Development of Consciousness in Negro Pre-School Children," argued that black children's self-esteem was negatively impacted by racial discrimination. She and her husband conduced research building off her thesis throughout the 1940s. These tests, called the doll tests, asked young children to choose between identical dolls whose only difference was race, and they found that the majority of the children preferred the white dolls and attributed positive traits to them. Repeated over and over again, these tests helped to determine the negative effects of racial discrimination and segregation on black children's self-image and development. In 1954, this research would help decide the landmark Brown v. Board of Education decision, leading to the end of legal segregation across the nation. Clark went on to be an influential figure in psychology, her work continuing to focus on minority youth.[75]

As the field of psychology developed throughout the latter half of the 20th century, women in the field advocated for their voices to be heard and their perspectives to be valued. Second-wave feminism did not miss psychology. An outspoken feminist in psychology was Naomi Weisstein, who was an accomplished researcher in psychology and neuroscience, and is perhaps best known for her paper, "Kirche, Kuche, Kinder as Scientific Law: Psychology Constructs the Female." Psychology Constructs the Female criticized the field of psychology for centering men and using biology too much to explain gender differences without taking into account social factors.[76] Her work set the stage for further research to be done in social psychology, especially in gender construction.[77] Other women in the field also continued advocating for women in psychology, creating the Association for Women in Psychology to criticize how the field treated women. E. Kitsch Child, Phyllis Chesler, and Dorothy Riddle were some of the founding members of the organization in 1969.[78][79]

The latter half of the 20th century further diversified the field of psychology, with women of color reaching new milestones. In 1962, Martha Bernal became the first Latina woman to get a Ph.D. in psychology. In 1969, Marigold Linton, the first Native American woman to get a Ph.D. in psychology, founded the National Indian Education Association. She was also a founding member of the Society for Advancement of Chicanos and Native Americans in Science. In 1971, The Network of Indian Psychologists was established by Carolyn Attneave. Harriet McAdoo was appointed to the White House Conference on Families in 1979.[80]

21st century

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In the 21st century, women have gained greater prominence in psychology, contributing significantly to a wide range of subfields. Many have taken on leadership roles, directed influential research labs, and guided the next generation of psychologists. However, gender disparities remain, especially when it comes to equal pay and representation in senior academic positions.[81] The number of women pursuing education and training in psychological science has reached a record high. In the United States, estimates suggest that women make up about 78% of undergraduate students and 71% of graduate students in psychology.[81]

Disciplinary organizations

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Institutions

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In 1920, Édouard Claparède and Pierre Bovet created a new applied psychology organization called the International Congress of Psychotechnics Applied to Vocational Guidance, later called the International Congress of Psychotechnics and then the International Association of Applied Psychology.[38] The IAAP is considered the oldest international psychology association.[82] Today, at least 65 international groups deal with specialized aspects of psychology.[82] In response to male predominance in the field, female psychologists in the U.S. formed the National Council of Women Psychologists in 1941. This organization became the International Council of Women Psychologists after World War II and the International Council of Psychologists in 1959. Several associations including the Association of Black Psychologists and the Asian American Psychological Association have arisen to promote the inclusion of non-European racial groups in the profession.[82]

The International Union of Psychological Science (IUPsyS) is the world federation of national psychological societies. The IUPsyS was founded in 1951 under the auspices of the United Nations Educational, Cultural and Scientific Organization (UNESCO).[38][83] Psychology departments have since proliferated around the world, based primarily on the Euro-American model.[26][83] Since 1966, the Union has published the International Journal of Psychology.[38] IAAP and IUPsyS agreed in 1976 each to hold a congress every four years, on a staggered basis.[82]

IUPsyS recognizes 66 national psychology associations and at least 15 others exist.[82] The American Psychological Association is the oldest and largest.[82] Its membership has increased from 5,000 in 1945 to 100,000 in the present day.[40] The APA includes 54 divisions, which since 1960 have steadily proliferated to include more specialties. Some of these divisions, such as the Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues and the American Psychology–Law Society, began as autonomous groups.[82]

The Interamerican Psychological Society, founded in 1951, aspires to promote psychology across the Western Hemisphere. It holds the Interamerican Congress of Psychology and had 1,000 members in year 2000. The European Federation of Professional Psychology Associations, founded in 1981, represents 30 national associations with a total of 100,000 individual members. At least 30 other international organizations represent psychologists in different regions.[82]

In some places, governments legally regulate who can provide psychological services or represent themselves as a "psychologist."[84] The APA defines a psychologist as someone with a doctoral degree in psychology.[85]

Boundaries

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Early practitioners of experimental psychology distinguished themselves from parapsychology, which in the late nineteenth century enjoyed popularity (including the interest of scholars such as William James). Some people considered parapsychology to be part of "psychology". Parapsychology, hypnotism, and psychism were major topics at the early International Congresses. But students of these fields were eventually ostracized, and more or less banished from the Congress in 1900–1905.[38] Parapsychology persisted for a time at Imperial University in Japan, with publications such as Clairvoyance and Thoughtography by Tomokichi Fukurai, but it was mostly shunned by 1913.[39]

As a discipline, psychology has long sought to fend off accusations that it is a "soft" science. Philosopher of science Thomas Kuhn's 1962 critique implied psychology overall was in a pre-paradigm state, lacking agreement on the type of overarching theory found in mature hard sciences such as chemistry and physics.[86] Because some areas of psychology rely on research methods such as self-reports in surveys and questionnaires, critics asserted that psychology is not an objective science. Skeptics have suggested that personality, thinking, and emotion cannot be directly measured and are often inferred from subjective self-reports, which may be problematic. Experimental psychologists have devised a variety of ways to indirectly measure these elusive phenomenological entities.[87][88][89]

Divisions still exist within the field, with some psychologists more oriented towards the unique experiences of individual humans, which cannot be understood only as data points within a larger population. Critics inside and outside the field have argued that mainstream psychology has become increasingly dominated by a "cult of empiricism", which limits the scope of research because investigators restrict themselves to methods derived from the physical sciences.[90]: 36–7 Feminist critiques have argued that claims to scientific objectivity obscure the values and agenda of (historically) mostly male researchers.[44] Jean Grimshaw, for example, argues that mainstream psychological research has advanced a patriarchal agenda through its efforts to control behavior.[90]: 120

Major schools of thought

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Biological

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False-color representations of cerebral fiber pathways affected, per Van Horn et al.[91]

Psychologists generally consider biology the substrate of thought and feeling, and therefore an important area of study. Behaviorial neuroscience, also known as biological psychology, involves the application of biological principles to the study of physiological and genetic mechanisms underlying behavior in humans and other animals. The allied field of comparative psychology is the scientific study of the behavior and mental processes of non-human animals.[92] A leading question in behavioral neuroscience has been whether and how mental functions are localized in the brain. From Phineas Gage to H.M. and Clive Wearing, individual people with mental deficits traceable to physical brain damage have inspired new discoveries in this area.[93] Modern behavioral neuroscience could be said to originate in the 1870s, when in France Paul Broca traced production of speech to the left frontal gyrus, thereby also demonstrating hemispheric lateralization of brain function. Soon after, Carl Wernicke identified a related area necessary for the understanding of speech.[94]: 20–2 

The contemporary field of behavioral neuroscience focuses on the physical basis of behavior. Behaviorial neuroscientists use animal models, often relying on rats, to study the neural, genetic, and cellular mechanisms that underlie behaviors involved in learning, memory, and fear responses.[95] Cognitive neuroscientists, by using neural imaging tools, investigate the neural correlates of psychological processes in humans. Neuropsychologists conduct psychological assessments to determine how an individual's behavior and cognition are related to the brain. The biopsychosocial model is a cross-disciplinary, holistic model that concerns the ways in which interrelationships of biological, psychological, and socio-environmental factors affect health and behavior.[96]

Evolutionary psychology approaches thought and behavior from a modern evolutionary perspective. This perspective suggests that psychological adaptations evolved to solve recurrent problems in human ancestral environments. Evolutionary psychologists attempt to find out how human psychological traits are evolved adaptations, the results of natural selection or sexual selection over the course of human evolution.[97]

The history of the biological foundations of psychology includes evidence of racism. The idea of white supremacy and indeed the modern concept of race itself arose during the process of world conquest by Europeans.[98] Carl von Linnaeus's four-fold classification of humans classifies Europeans as intelligent and severe, Americans as contented and free, Asians as ritualistic, and Africans as lazy and capricious. Race was also used to justify the construction of socially specific mental disorders such as drapetomania and dysaesthesia aethiopica—the behavior of uncooperative African slaves.[99] After the creation of experimental psychology, "ethnical psychology" emerged as a subdiscipline, based on the assumption that studying primitive races would provide an important link between animal behavior and the psychology of more evolved humans.[100]

Behaviorist

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Skinner's teaching machine, a mechanical invention to automate the task of programmed instruction
The film of the Little Albert experiment

A tenet of behavioral research is that a large part of both human and lower-animal behavior is learned. A principle associated with behavioral research is that the mechanisms involved in learning apply to humans and non-human animals. Behavioral researchers have developed a treatment known as behavior modification, which is used to help individuals replace undesirable behaviors with desirable ones.

Early behavioral researchers studied stimulus–response pairings, now known as classical conditioning. They demonstrated that when a biologically potent stimulus (e.g., food that elicits salivation) is paired with a previously neutral stimulus (e.g., a bell) over several learning trials, the neutral stimulus by itself can come to elicit the response the biologically potent stimulus elicits. Ivan Pavlov—known best for inducing dogs to salivate in the presence of a stimulus previously linked with food—became a leading figure in the Soviet Union and inspired followers to use his methods on humans.[42] In the United States, Edward Lee Thorndike initiated "connectionist" studies by trapping animals in "puzzle boxes" and rewarding them for escaping. Thorndike wrote in 1911, "There can be no moral warrant for studying man's nature unless the study will enable us to control his acts."[32]: 212–5  From 1910 to 1913 the American Psychological Association went through a sea change of opinion, away from mentalism and towards "behavioralism." In 1913, John B. Watson coined the term behaviorism for this school of thought.[32]: 218–27  Watson's famous Little Albert experiment in 1920 was at first thought to demonstrate that repeated use of upsetting loud noises could instill phobias (aversions to other stimuli) in an infant human,[15][101] although such a conclusion was likely an exaggeration.[102] Karl Lashley, a close collaborator with Watson, examined biological manifestations of learning in the brain.[93]

Clark L. Hull, Edwin Guthrie, and others did much to help behaviorism become a widely used paradigm.[40] A new method of "instrumental" or "operant" conditioning added the concepts of reinforcement and punishment to the model of behavior change. Radical behaviorists avoided discussing the inner workings of the mind, especially the unconscious mind, which they considered impossible to assess scientifically.[103] Operant conditioning was first described by Miller and Kanorski and popularized in the U.S. by B.F. Skinner, who emerged as a leading intellectual of the behaviorist movement.[104][105]

Noam Chomsky published an influential critique of radical behaviorism on the grounds that behaviorist principles could not adequately explain the complex mental process of language acquisition and language use.[106][107] The review, which was scathing, did much to reduce the status of behaviorism within psychology.[32]: 282–5  Martin Seligman and his colleagues discovered that they could condition in dogs a state of "learned helplessness", which was not predicted by the behaviorist approach to psychology.[108][109] Edward C. Tolman advanced a hybrid "cognitive behavioral" model, most notably with his 1948 publication discussing the cognitive maps used by rats to guess at the location of food at the end of a maze.[110] Skinner's behaviorism did not die, in part because it generated successful practical applications.[107]

The Association for Behavior Analysis International was founded in 1974 and by 2003 had members from 42 countries. The field has gained a foothold in Latin America and Japan.[111] Applied behavior analysis is the term used for the application of the principles of operant conditioning to change socially significant behavior (it supersedes the term, "behavior modification").[112]

Cognitive

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Green Red Blue
Purple Blue Purple


Blue Purple Red
Green Purple Green


The Stroop effect is the fact that naming the color of the first set of words is easier and quicker than the second.

Baddeley's model of working memory
The Müller–Lyer illusion. Psychologists make inferences about mental processes from shared phenomena such as optical illusions.

Cognitive psychology involves the study of mental processes, including perception, attention, language comprehension and production, memory, and problem solving.[113] Researchers in the field of cognitive psychology are sometimes called cognitivists. They rely on an information processing model of mental functioning. Cognitivist research is informed by functionalism and experimental psychology.

Starting in the 1950s, the experimental techniques developed by Wundt, James, Ebbinghaus, and others re-emerged as experimental psychology became increasingly cognitivist and, eventually, constituted a part of the wider, interdisciplinary cognitive science.[114][115] Some called this development the cognitive revolution because it rejected the anti-mentalist dogma of behaviorism as well as the strictures of psychoanalysis.[115]

Albert Bandura helped along the transition in psychology from behaviorism to cognitive psychology. Bandura and other social learning theorists advanced the idea of vicarious learning. In other words, they advanced the view that a child can learn by observing the immediate social environment and not necessarily from having been reinforced for enacting a behavior, although they did not rule out the influence of reinforcement on learning a behavior.[116]

Technological advances also renewed interest in mental states and mental representations. English neuroscientist Charles Sherrington and Canadian psychologist Donald O. Hebb used experimental methods to link psychological phenomena to the structure and function of the brain. The rise of computer science, cybernetics, and artificial intelligence underlined the value of comparing information processing in humans and machines.

A popular and representative topic in this area is cognitive bias, or irrational thought. Psychologists (and economists) have classified and described a sizeable catalog of biases which recur frequently in human thought. The availability heuristic, for example, is the tendency to overestimate the importance of something which happens to come readily to mind.[117]

Elements of behaviorism and cognitive psychology were synthesized to form cognitive behavioral therapy, a form of psychotherapy modified from techniques developed by American psychologist Albert Ellis and American psychiatrist Aaron T. Beck.

On a broader level, cognitive science is an interdisciplinary enterprise involving cognitive psychologists, cognitive neuroscientists, linguists, and researchers in artificial intelligence, human–computer interaction, and computational neuroscience. The discipline of cognitive science covers cognitive psychology as well as philosophy of mind, computer science, and neuroscience.[118] Computer simulations are sometimes used to model phenomena of interest.

Social

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Social psychology is concerned with how behaviors, thoughts, feelings, and the social environment influence human interactions.[119] Social psychologists study such topics as the influence of others on an individual's behavior (e.g. conformity, persuasion) and the formation of beliefs, attitudes, and stereotypes about other people. Social cognition fuses elements of social and cognitive psychology for the purpose of understanding how people process, remember, or distort social information. The study of group dynamics involves research on the nature of leadership, organizational communication, and related phenomena. In recent years, social psychologists have become interested in implicit measures, mediational models, and the interaction of person and social factors in accounting for behavior. Some concepts that sociologists have applied to the study of psychiatric disorders, concepts such as the social role, sick role, social class, life events, culture, migration, and total institution, have influenced social psychologists.[120]

Psychoanalytic

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Front row: Sigmund Freud, G. Stanley Hall, Carl Jung. Back row: Abraham A. Brill, Ernest Jones, Sándor Ferenczi at Clark University in 1909.

Psychoanalysis is a collection of theories and therapeutic techniques intended to analyze the unconscious mind and its impact on everyday life. These theories and techniques inform treatments for mental disorders.[121][122][123] Psychoanalysis originated in the 1890s, most prominently with the work of Sigmund Freud. Freud's psychoanalytic theory was largely based on interpretive methods, introspection, and clinical observation. It became very well known, largely because it tackled subjects such as sexuality, repression, and the unconscious.[61]: 84–6  Freud pioneered the methods of free association and dream interpretation.[124][125]

Psychoanalytic theory is not monolithic. Other well-known psychoanalytic thinkers who diverged from Freud include Alfred Adler, Carl Jung, Erik Erikson, Melanie Klein, D. W. Winnicott, Karen Horney, Erich Fromm, John Bowlby, Freud's daughter Anna Freud, and Harry Stack Sullivan. These individuals ensured that psychoanalysis would evolve into diverse schools of thought. Among these schools are ego psychology, object relations, and interpersonal, Lacanian, and relational psychoanalysis.

Psychologists such as Hans Eysenck and philosophers including Karl Popper sharply criticized psychoanalysis. Popper argued that psychoanalysis was not falsifiable (no claim it made could be proven wrong) and therefore inherently not a scientific discipline,[126] whereas Eysenck advanced the view that psychoanalytic tenets had been contradicted by experimental data. By the end of the 20th century, psychology departments in American universities mostly had marginalized Freudian theory, dismissing it as a "desiccated and dead" historical artifact.[127] Researchers such as António Damásio, Oliver Sacks, and Joseph LeDoux; and individuals in the emerging field of neuro-psychoanalysis have defended some of Freud's ideas on scientific grounds.[128]

Existential-humanistic

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Psychologist Abraham Maslow in 1943 posited that humans have a hierarchy of needs, and it makes sense to fulfill the basic needs first before higher-order needs can be met.[129]

Humanistic psychology, which has been influenced by existentialism and phenomenology,[130] stresses free will and self-actualization.[131] It emerged in the 1950s as a movement within academic psychology, in reaction to both behaviorism and psychoanalysis.[132] The humanistic approach seeks to view the whole person, not just fragmented parts of the personality or isolated cognitions.[133] Humanistic psychology also focuses on personal growth, self-identity, death, aloneness, and freedom. It emphasizes subjective meaning, the rejection of determinism, and concern for positive growth rather than pathology. Some founders of the humanistic school of thought were American psychologists Abraham Maslow, who formulated a hierarchy of human needs, and Carl Rogers, who created and developed client-centered therapy.[134]

Later, positive psychology opened up humanistic themes to scientific study. Positive psychology is the study of factors which contribute to human happiness and well-being, focusing more on people who are currently healthy. In 2010, Clinical Psychological Review published a special issue devoted to positive psychological interventions, such as gratitude journaling and the physical expression of gratitude. It is, however, far from clear that positive psychology is effective in making people happier.[135][136] Positive psychological interventions have been limited in scope, but their effects are thought to be somewhat better than placebo effects.

The American Association for Humanistic Psychology, formed in 1963, declared:

Humanistic psychology is primarily an orientation toward the whole of psychology rather than a distinct area or school. It stands for respect for the worth of persons, respect for differences of approach, open-mindedness as to acceptable methods, and interest in exploration of new aspects of human behavior. As a "third force" in contemporary psychology, it is concerned with topics having little place in existing theories and systems: e.g., love, creativity, self, growth, organism, basic need-gratification, self-actualization, higher values, being, becoming, spontaneity, play, humor, affection, naturalness, warmth, ego-transcendence, objectivity, autonomy, responsibility, meaning, fair-play, transcendental experience, peak experience, courage, and related concepts.[137]

Existential psychology emphasizes the need to understand a client's total orientation towards the world. Existential psychology is opposed to reductionism, behaviorism, and other methods that objectify the individual.[131] In the 1950s and 1960s, influenced by philosophers Søren Kierkegaard and Martin Heidegger, psychoanalytically trained American psychologist Rollo May helped to develop existential psychology. Existential psychotherapy, which follows from existential psychology, is a therapeutic approach that is based on the idea that a person's inner conflict arises from that individual's confrontation with the givens of existence. Swiss psychoanalyst Ludwig Binswanger and American psychologist George Kelly may also be said to belong to the existential school.[138] Existential psychologists tend to differ from more "humanistic" psychologists in the former's relatively neutral view of human nature and relatively positive assessment of anxiety.[139] Existential psychologists emphasized the humanistic themes of death, free will, and meaning, suggesting that meaning can be shaped by myths and narratives; meaning can be deepened by the acceptance of free will, which is requisite to living an authentic life, albeit often with anxiety with regard to death.[140]

Austrian existential psychiatrist and Holocaust survivor Viktor Frankl drew evidence of meaning's therapeutic power from reflections upon his own internment.[141] He created a variation of existential psychotherapy called logotherapy, a type of existentialist analysis that focuses on a will to meaning (in one's life), as opposed to Adler's Nietzschean doctrine of will to power or Freud's will to pleasure.[142]

Themes

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Personality

[edit]

Personality psychology is concerned with enduring patterns of behavior, thought, and emotion. Theories of personality vary across different psychological schools of thought. Each theory carries different assumptions about such features as the role of the unconscious and the importance of childhood experience. According to Freud, personality is based on the dynamic interactions of the id, ego, and super-ego.[143] By contrast, trait theorists have developed taxonomies of personality constructs in describing personality in terms of key traits. Trait theorists have often employed statistical data-reduction methods, such as factor analysis. Although the number of proposed traits has varied widely, Hans Eysenck's early biologically based model suggests at least three major trait constructs are necessary to describe human personality, extraversion–introversion, neuroticism-stability, and psychoticism-normality. Raymond Cattell empirically derived a theory of 16 personality factors at the primary-factor level and up to eight broader second-stratum factors.[144][145][146][147] Since the 1980s, the Big Five (openness to experience, conscientiousness, extraversion, agreeableness, and neuroticism) emerged as an important trait theory of personality.[148] Dimensional models of personality disorders are receiving increasing support, and a version of dimensional assessment, namely the Alternative DSM-5 Model for Personality Disorders, has been included in the DSM-5. However, despite a plethora of research into the various versions of the "Big Five" personality dimensions, it appears necessary to move on from static conceptualizations of personality structure to a more dynamic orientation, acknowledging that personality constructs are subject to learning and change over the lifespan.[149][150]

An early example of personality assessment was the Woodworth Personal Data Sheet, constructed during World War I. The popular, although psychometrically inadequate, Myers–Briggs Type Indicator[151] was developed to assess individuals' "personality types" according to the personality theories of Carl Jung. The Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory (MMPI), despite its name, is more a dimensional measure of psychopathology than a personality measure.[152] California Psychological Inventory contains 20 personality scales (e.g., independence, tolerance).[153] The International Personality Item Pool, which is in the public domain, has become a source of scales that can be used personality assessment.[154]

Unconscious mind

[edit]

Study of the unconscious mind, a part of the psyche outside the individual's awareness but that is believed to influence conscious thought and behavior, was a hallmark of early psychology. In one of the first psychology experiments conducted in the United States, C.S. Peirce and Joseph Jastrow found in 1884 that research subjects could choose the minutely heavier of two weights even if consciously uncertain of the difference.[155] Freud popularized the concept of the unconscious mind, particularly when he referred to an uncensored intrusion of unconscious thought into one's speech (a Freudian slip) or to his efforts to interpret dreams.[156] His 1901 book The Psychopathology of Everyday Life catalogs hundreds of everyday events that Freud explains in terms of unconscious influence. Pierre Janet advanced the idea of a subconscious mind, which could contain autonomous mental elements unavailable to the direct scrutiny of the subject.[157]

The concept of unconscious processes has remained important in psychology. Cognitive psychologists have used a "filter" model of attention. According to the model, much information processing takes place below the threshold of consciousness, and only certain stimuli, limited by their nature and number, make their way through the filter. Much research has shown that subconscious priming of certain ideas can covertly influence thoughts and behavior.[157] Because of the unreliability of self-reporting, a major hurdle in this type of research involves demonstrating that a subject's conscious mind has not perceived a target stimulus. For this reason, some psychologists prefer to distinguish between implicit and explicit memory. In another approach, one can also describe a subliminal stimulus as meeting an objective but not a subjective threshold.[158]

The automaticity model of John Bargh and others involves the ideas of automaticity and unconscious processing in our understanding of social behavior,[159][160] although there has been dispute with regard to replication.[161][162] Some experimental data suggest that the brain begins to consider taking actions before the mind becomes aware of them.[163] The influence of unconscious forces on people's choices bears on the philosophical question of free will. John Bargh, Daniel Wegner, and Ellen Langer describe free will as an illusion.[159][160][164]

Motivation

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Some psychologists study motivation or the subject of why people or lower animals initiate a behavior at a particular time. It also involves the study of why humans and lower animals continue or terminate a behavior. Psychologists such as William James initially used the term motivation to refer to intention, in a sense similar to the concept of will in European philosophy. With the steady rise of Darwinian and Freudian thinking, instinct also came to be seen as a primary source of motivation.[165] According to drive theory, the forces of instinct combine into a single source of energy which exerts a constant influence. Psychoanalysis, like biology, regarded these forces as demands originating in the nervous system. Psychoanalysts believed that these forces, especially the sexual instincts, could become entangled and transmuted within the psyche. Classical psychoanalysis conceives of a struggle between the pleasure principle and the reality principle, roughly corresponding to id and ego. Later, in Beyond the Pleasure Principle, Freud introduced the concept of the death drive, a compulsion towards aggression, destruction, and psychic repetition of traumatic events.[166] Meanwhile, behaviorist researchers used simple dichotomous models (pleasure/pain, reward/punishment) and well-established principles such as the idea that a thirsty creature will take pleasure in drinking.[165][167] Clark Hull formalized the latter idea with his drive reduction model.[168]

Hunger, thirst, fear, sexual desire, and thermoregulation constitute fundamental motivations in animals.[167] Humans seem to exhibit a more complex set of motivations—though theoretically these could be explained as resulting from desires for belonging, positive self-image, self-consistency, truth, love, and control.[169][170]

Motivation can be modulated or manipulated in many different ways. Researchers have found that eating, for example, depends not only on the organism's fundamental need for homeostasis—an important factor causing the experience of hunger—but also on circadian rhythms, food availability, food palatability, and cost.[167] Abstract motivations are also malleable, as evidenced by such phenomena as goal contagion: the adoption of goals, sometimes unconsciously, based on inferences about the goals of others.[171] Vohs and Baumeister suggest that contrary to the need-desire-fulfillment cycle of animal instincts, human motivations sometimes obey a "getting begets wanting" rule: the more you get a reward such as self-esteem, love, drugs, or money, the more you want it. They suggest that this principle can even apply to food, drink, sex, and sleep.[172]

Development psychology

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Developmental psychologists engage a child with a book and then make observations based on how the child interacts with the object.

Developmental psychology is the scientific study of how and why the thought processes, emotions, and behaviors of humans change over the course of their lives.[173] Some credit Charles Darwin with conducting the first systematic study within the rubric of developmental psychology, having published in 1877 a short paper detailing the development of innate forms of communication based on his observations of his infant son.[174] The main origins of the discipline, however, are found in the work of Jean Piaget. Like Piaget, developmental psychologists originally focused primarily on the development of cognition from infancy to adolescence. Later, developmental psychology extended itself to the study cognition over the life span. In addition to studying cognition, developmental psychologists have also come to focus on affective, behavioral, moral, social, and neural development.

Developmental psychologists who study children use a number of research methods. For example, they make observations of children in natural settings such as preschools[175] and engage them in experimental tasks.[176] Such tasks often resemble specially designed games and activities that are both enjoyable for the child and scientifically useful. Developmental researchers have even devised clever methods to study the mental processes of infants.[177] In addition to studying children, developmental psychologists also study aging and processes throughout the life span, including old age.[178] These psychologists draw on the full range of psychological theories to inform their research.[173]

Genes and environment

[edit]

All researched psychological traits are influenced by both genes and environment, to varying degrees.[179][180] These two sources of influence are often confounded in observational research of individuals and families. An example of this confounding can be shown in the transmission of depression from a depressed mother to her offspring. A theory based on environmental transmission would hold that an offspring, by virtue of their having a problematic rearing environment managed by a depressed mother, is at risk for developing depression. On the other hand, a hereditarian theory would hold that depression risk in an offspring is influenced to some extent by genes passed to the child from the mother. Genes and environment in these simple transmission models are completely confounded. A depressed mother may both carry genes that contribute to depression in her offspring and also create a rearing environment that increases the risk of depression in her child.[181]

Behavioral genetics researchers have employed methodologies that help to disentangle this confound and understand the nature and origins of individual differences in behavior.[97] Traditionally the research has involved twin studies and adoption studies, two designs where genetic and environmental influences can be partially un-confounded. More recently, gene-focused research has contributed to understanding genetic contributions to the development of psychological traits.

The availability of microarray molecular genetic or genome sequencing technologies allows researchers to measure participant DNA variation directly, and test whether individual genetic variants within genes are associated with psychological traits and psychopathology through methods including genome-wide association studies. One goal of such research is similar to that in positional cloning and its success in Huntington's: once a causal gene is discovered biological research can be conducted to understand how that gene influences the phenotype. One major result of genetic association studies is the general finding that psychological traits and psychopathology, as well as complex medical diseases, are highly polygenic,[182][183][184][185][186] where a large number (on the order of hundreds to thousands) of genetic variants, each of small effect, contribute to individual differences in the behavioral trait or propensity to the disorder. Active research continues to work toward understanding the genetic and environmental bases of behavior and their interaction.

Applications

[edit]

Psychology encompasses many subfields and includes different approaches to the study of mental processes and behavior.

Psychological testing

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Francis Galton, a pioneer of the experimental psychology field

Psychological testing has ancient origins, dating as far back as 2200 BC, in the examinations for the Chinese civil service. Written exams began during the Han dynasty (202 BC – AD 220). By 1370, the Chinese system required a stratified series of tests, involving essay writing and knowledge of diverse topics. The system was ended in 1906.[187]: 41–2  In Europe, mental assessment took a different approach, with theories of physiognomy—judgment of character based on the face—described by Aristotle in 4th century BC Greece. Physiognomy remained current through the Enlightenment, and added the doctrine of phrenology: a study of mind and intelligence based on simple assessment of neuroanatomy.[187]: 42–3 

When experimental psychology came to Britain, Francis Galton was a leading practitioner. By virtue of his procedures for measuring reaction time and sensation, he is considered an inventor of modern mental testing (also known as psychometrics).[187]: 44–5  James McKeen Cattell, a student of Wundt and Galton, brought the idea of psychological testing to the United States, and in fact coined the term "mental test".[187]: 45–6  In 1901, Cattell's student Clark Wissler published discouraging results, suggesting that mental testing of Columbia and Barnard students failed to predict academic performance.[187]: 45–6  In response to 1904 orders from the Minister of Public Instruction, One example of an observational study was run by Arthur Bandura. This observational study focused on children who were exposed to an adult exhibiting aggressive behaviors and their reaction to toys versus other children who were not exposed to these stimuli. The result shows that children who had seen the adult acting aggressively towards a toy, in turn, were aggressive towards their own toy when put in a situation that frustrated them.[188] psychologists Alfred Binet and Théodore Simon developed and elaborated a new test of intelligence in 1905–1911. They used a range of questions diverse in their nature and difficulty. Binet and Simon introduced the concept of mental age and referred to the lowest scorers on their test as idiots. Henry H. Goddard put the Binet-Simon scale to work and introduced classifications of mental level such as imbecile and feebleminded. In 1916, (after Binet's death), Stanford professor Lewis M. Terman modified the Binet-Simon scale (renamed the Stanford–Binet scale) and introduced the intelligence quotient as a score report.[187]: 50–56  Based on his test findings, and reflecting the racism common to that era, Terman concluded that intellectual disability "represents the level of intelligence which is very, very common among Spanish-Indians and Mexican families of the Southwest and also among negroes. Their dullness seems to be racial."[189]

Following the Army Alpha and Army Beta tests, which was developed by psychologist Robert Yerkes in 1917 and then used in World War 1 by industrial and organizational psychologists for large-scale employee testing and selection of military personnel.[190] Mental testing also became popular in the U.S., where it was applied to schoolchildren. The federally created National Intelligence Test was administered to 7 million children in the 1920s. In 1926, the College Entrance Examination Board created the Scholastic Aptitude Test to standardize college admissions.[187]: 61  The results of intelligence tests were used to argue for segregated schools and economic functions, including the preferential training of Black Americans for manual labor. These practices were criticized by Black intellectuals such a Horace Mann Bond and Allison Davis.[189] Eugenicists used mental testing to justify and organize compulsory sterilization of individuals classified as mentally retarded (now referred to as intellectual disability).[49] In the United States, tens of thousands of men and women were sterilized. Setting a precedent that has never been overturned, the U.S. Supreme Court affirmed the constitutionality of this practice in the 1927 case Buck v. Bell.[191]

Today mental testing is a routine phenomenon for people of all ages in Western societies.[187]: 2 Modern testing aspires to criteria including standardization of procedure, consistency of results, output of an interpretable score, statistical norms describing population outcomes, and, ideally, effective prediction of behavior and life outcomes outside of testing situations.[187]: 4–6  Psychological testing is regularly used in forensic contexts to aid legal judgments and decisions.[192] Developments in psychometrics include work on test and scale reliability and validity.[193] Developments in item-response theory,[194] structural equation modeling,[195] and bifactor analysis[196] have helped in strengthening test and scale construction.

Mental health care

[edit]

The provision of psychological health services is generally called clinical psychology in the U.S. Sometimes, however, members of the school psychology and counseling psychology professions engage in practices that resemble that of clinical psychologists. Clinical psychologists typically include people who have graduated from doctoral programs in clinical psychology. In Canada, some of the members of the abovementioned groups usually fall within the larger category of professional psychology. In Canada and the U.S., practitioners get bachelor's degrees and doctorates; doctoral students in clinical psychology usually spend one year in a predoctoral internship and one year in postdoctoral internship. In Mexico and most other Latin American and European countries, psychologists do not get bachelor's and doctoral degrees; instead, they take a three-year professional course following high school.[85] Clinical psychology is at present the largest specialization within psychology.[197] It includes the study and application of psychology for the purpose of understanding, preventing, and relieving psychological distress, dysfunction, and/or mental illness. Clinical psychologists also try to promote subjective well-being and personal growth. Central to the practice of clinical psychology are psychological assessment and psychotherapy although clinical psychologists may also engage in research, teaching, consultation, forensic testimony, and program development and administration.[198]

Credit for the first psychology clinic in the United States typically goes to Lightner Witmer, who established his practice in Philadelphia in 1896. Another modern psychotherapist was Morton Prince, an early advocate for the establishment of psychology as a clinical and academic discipline.[197] In the first part of the twentieth century, most mental health care in the United States was performed by psychiatrists, who are medical doctors. Psychology entered the field with its refinements of mental testing, which promised to improve the diagnosis of mental problems. For their part, some psychiatrists became interested in using psychoanalysis and other forms of psychodynamic psychotherapy to understand and treat the mentally ill.[44][199]

Psychotherapy as conducted by psychiatrists blurred the distinction between psychiatry and psychology, and this trend continued with the rise of community mental health facilities. Some in the clinical psychology community adopted behavioral therapy, a thoroughly non-psychodynamic model that used behaviorist learning theory to change the actions of patients. A key aspect of behavior therapy is empirical evaluation of the treatment's effectiveness. In the 1970s, cognitive-behavior therapy emerged with the work of Albert Ellis and Aaron Beck. Although there are similarities between behavior therapy and cognitive-behavior therapy, cognitive-behavior therapy required the application of cognitive constructs. Since the 1970s, the popularity of cognitive-behavior therapy among clinical psychologists increased. A key practice in behavioral and cognitive-behavioral therapy is exposing patients to things they fear, based on the premise that their responses (fear, panic, anxiety) can be deconditioned.[200]

Mental health care today involves psychologists and social workers in increasing numbers. In 1977, National Institute of Mental Health director Bertram Brown described this shift as a source of "intense competition and role confusion."[44] Graduate programs issuing doctorates in clinical psychology emerged in the 1950s and underwent rapid increase through the 1980s. The PhD degree is intended to train practitioners who could also conduct scientific research. The PsyD degree is more exclusively designed to train practitioners.[85]

Some clinical psychologists focus on the clinical management of patients with brain injury. This subspecialty is known as clinical neuropsychology. In many countries, clinical psychology is a regulated mental health profession. The emerging field of disaster psychology (see crisis intervention) involves professionals who respond to large-scale traumatic events.[201]

The work performed by clinical psychologists tends to be influenced by various therapeutic approaches, all of which involve a formal relationship between professional and client (usually an individual, couple, family, or small group). Typically, these approaches encourage new ways of thinking, feeling, or behaving. Four major theoretical perspectives are psychodynamic, cognitive behavioral, existential–humanistic, and systems or family therapy. There has been a growing movement to integrate the various therapeutic approaches, especially with an increased understanding of issues regarding culture, gender, spirituality, and sexual orientation. With the advent of more robust research findings regarding psychotherapy, there is evidence that most of the major therapies have equal effectiveness, with the key common element being a strong therapeutic alliance.[202][203] Because of this, more training programs and psychologists are now adopting an eclectic therapeutic orientation.[204][205][206][207][208]

Diagnosis in clinical psychology usually follows the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM).[209] The study of mental illnesses is called abnormal psychology.

Education

[edit]
An item from a cognitive abilities test used in educational psychology

Educational psychology is the study of how humans learn in educational settings, the effectiveness of educational interventions, the psychology of teaching, and the social psychology of schools as organizations. Educational psychologists can be found in preschools, schools of all levels including post secondary institutions, community organizations and learning centers, Government or private research firms, and independent or private consultant.[210] The work of developmental psychologists such as Lev Vygotsky, Jean Piaget, and Jerome Bruner has been influential in creating teaching methods and educational practices. Educational psychology is often included in teacher education programs in places such as North America, Australia, and New Zealand.

School psychology combines principles from educational psychology and clinical psychology to understand and treat students with learning disabilities; to foster the intellectual growth of gifted students; to facilitate prosocial behaviors in adolescents; and otherwise to promote safe, supportive, and effective learning environments. School psychologists are trained in educational and behavioral assessment, intervention, prevention, and consultation, and many have extensive training in research.[211]

Work

[edit]

Industrial and organizational (I/O) psychology involves research and practices that apply psychological theories and principles to organizations and individuals' work-lives.[212] In the field's beginnings, industrialists brought the nascent field of psychology to bear on the study of scientific management techniques for improving workplace efficiency. The field was at first called economic psychology or business psychology; later, industrial psychology, employment psychology, or psychotechnology.[213] An influential early study examined workers at Western Electric's Hawthorne plant in Cicero, Illinois from 1924 to 1932. Western Electric experimented on factory workers to assess their responses to changes in illumination, breaks, food, and wages. The researchers came to focus on workers' responses to observation itself, and the term Hawthorne effect is now used to describe the fact that people's behavior can change when they think they are being observed.[214] Although the Hawthorne research can be found in psychology textbooks, the research and its findings were weak at best.[215][216]

The name industrial and organizational psychology emerged in the 1960s. In 1973, it became enshrined in the name of the Society for Industrial and Organizational Psychology, Division 14 of the American Psychological Association.[213] One goal of the discipline is to optimize human potential in the workplace. Personnel psychology is a subfield of I/O psychology. Personnel psychologists apply the methods and principles of psychology in selecting and evaluating workers. Another subfield, organizational psychology, examines the effects of work environments and management styles on worker motivation, job satisfaction, and productivity.[217] Most I/O psychologists work outside of academia, for private and public organizations and as consultants.[213] A psychology consultant working in business today might expect to provide executives with information and ideas about their industry, their target markets, and the organization of their company.[218][219]

Organizational behavior (OB) is an allied field involved in the study of human behavior within organizations.[220] One way to differentiate I/O psychology from OB is that I/O psychologists train in university psychology departments and OB specialists, in business schools.

Military and intelligence

[edit]

One role for psychologists in the military has been to evaluate and counsel soldiers and other personnel. In the U.S., this function began during World War I, when Robert Yerkes established the School of Military Psychology at Fort Oglethorpe in Georgia. The school provided psychological training for military staff.[44][221] Today, U.S. Army psychologists perform psychological screening, clinical psychotherapy, suicide prevention, and treatment for post-traumatic stress, as well as provide prevention-related services, for example, smoking cessation.[222] The United States Army's Mental Health Advisory Teams implement psychological interventions to help combat troops experiencing mental problems.[223][224]

Psychologists may also work on a diverse set of campaigns known broadly as psychological warfare. Psychological warfare chiefly involves the use of propaganda to influence enemy soldiers and civilians. This so-called black propaganda is designed to seem as if it originates from a source other than the Army.[225] The CIA's MKULTRA program involved more individualized efforts at mind control, involving techniques such as hypnosis, torture, and covert involuntary administration of LSD.[226] The U.S. military used the name Psychological Operations (PSYOP) until 2010, when these activities were reclassified as Military Information Support Operations (MISO), part of Information Operations (IO).[227] Psychologists have sometimes been involved in assisting the interrogation and torture of suspects, staining the records of the psychologists involved.[228]

Health, well-being, and social change

[edit]

Social change

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An example of the contribution of psychologists to social change involves the research of Kenneth and Mamie Phipps Clark. These two African American psychologists studied segregation's adverse psychological impact on Black children. Their research findings played a role in the desegregation case Brown v. Board of Education (1954).[229]

The impact of psychology on social change includes the discipline's broad influence on teaching and learning. Research has shown that compared to the "whole word" or "whole language" approach, the phonics approach to reading instruction is more efficacious.[230]

Medical applications

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Medical facilities increasingly employ psychologists to perform various roles. One aspect of health psychology is the psychoeducation of patients: instructing them in how to follow a medical regimen. Health psychologists can also educate doctors and conduct research on patient compliance.[231][232] Psychologists in the field of public health use a wide variety of interventions to influence human behavior. These range from public relations campaigns and outreach to governmental laws and policies. Psychologists study the composite influence of all these different tools in an effort to influence whole populations of people.[233]

Worker health, safety and wellbeing

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Psychologists work with organizations to apply findings from psychological research to improve the health and well-being of employees. Some work as external consultants hired by organizations to solve specific problems, whereas others are full-time employees of the organization. Applications include conducting surveys to identify issues and designing interventions to make work healthier. Some of the specific health areas include:

  • Accidents and injuries: A major contribution is the concept of safety climate, which is employee shared perceptions of the behaviors that are encouraged (e.g., wearing safety gear) and discouraged (not following safety rules) at work.[234] Organizations with strong safety climates have fewer work accidents and injuries.[235]
  • Cardiovascular disease: Cardiovascular disease has been related to lack of job control.[236]
  • Mental health: Exposure to occupational stress is associated with mental health disorder.[237]
  • Musculoskeletal disorder: These are injuries in bones, nerves and tendons due to overexertion and repetitive strain. They have been linked to job satisfaction and workplace stress.[238]
  • Physical health symptoms: Occupational stress has been linked to physical symptoms such as digestive distress and headache.[239]
  • Workplace violence: Violence prevention climate is related to being physically assaulted and psychologically mistreated at work.[240]

Interventions that improve climates are a way to address accidents and violence. Interventions that reduce stress at work or provide employees with tools to better manage it can help in areas where stress is an important component.

Industrial psychology became interested in worker fatigue during World War I, when government ministers in Britain were concerned about the impact of fatigue on workers in munitions factories but not other types of factories.[241][242] In the U. K. some interest in worker well-being emerged with the efforts of Charles Samuel Myers and his National Institute of Industrial Psychology (NIIP) during the inter-War years.[243] In the U. S. during the mid-twentieth century industrial psychologist Arthur Kornhauser pioneered the study of occupational mental health, linking industrial working conditions to mental health as well as the spillover of an unsatisfying job into a worker's personal life.[244][245] Zickar accumulated evidence to show that "no other industrial psychologist of his era was as devoted to advocating management and labor practices that would improve the lives of working people."[244]

Occupational health psychology

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As interest in the worker health expanded toward the end of the twentieth century, the field of occupational health psychology (OHP) emerged. OHP is a branch of psychology that is interdisciplinary.[52][246] OHP is concerned with the health and safety of workers.[52][246] OHP addresses topic areas such as the impact of occupational stressors on physical and mental health, mistreatment of workers (e.g., bullying and violence), work-family balance, the impact of involuntary unemployment on physical and mental health, the influence of psychosocial factors on safety and accidents, and interventions designed to improve/protect worker health.[52][247] OHP grew out of health psychology, industrial and organizational psychology, and occupational medicine.[248] OHP has also been informed by disciplines outside psychology, including industrial engineering, sociology, and economics.[249][250]

Research methods

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Quantitative psychological research lends itself to the statistical testing of hypotheses. Although the field makes abundant use of randomized and controlled experiments in laboratory settings, such research can only assess a limited range of short-term phenomena. Some psychologists rely on less rigorously controlled, but more ecologically valid, field experiments as well. Other research psychologists rely on statistical methods to glean knowledge from population data.[251] The statistical methods research psychologists employ include the Pearson product–moment correlation coefficient, the analysis of variance, multiple linear regression, logistic regression, structural equation modeling, and hierarchical linear modeling. The measurement and operationalization of important constructs is an essential part of these research designs.

Although this type of psychological research is much less abundant than quantitative research, some psychologists conduct qualitative research. This type of research can involve interviews, questionnaires, and first-hand observation.[252] While hypothesis testing is rare, virtually impossible, in qualitative research, qualitative studies can be helpful in theory and hypothesis generation, interpreting seemingly contradictory quantitative findings, and understanding why some interventions fail and others succeed.[253]

Controlled experiments

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Flowchart of the four phases, enrollment, intervention allocation, follow-up, and data analysis, of a parallel randomized trial of two groups modified from the CONSORT 2010 Statement[254]
The experimenter (E) orders the teacher (T), the subject of the experiment, to give what the latter believes are painful electric shocks to a learner (L), who is actually an actor and confederate. The subject believes that for each wrong answer, the learner was receiving actual electric shocks, though in reality there were no such punishments. Being separated from the subject, the confederate set up a tape recorder integrated with the electro-shock generator, which played pre-recorded sounds for each shock level etc.[255]

A true experiment with random assignment of research participants (sometimes called subjects) to rival conditions allows researchers to make strong inferences about causal relationships. When there are large numbers of research participants, the random assignment (also called random allocation) of those participants to rival conditions ensures that the individuals in those conditions will, on average, be similar on most characteristics, including characteristics that went unmeasured. In an experiment, the researcher alters one or more variables of influence, called independent variables, and measures resulting changes in the factors of interest, called dependent variables. Prototypical experimental research is conducted in a laboratory with a carefully controlled environment.

A quasi-experiment is a situation in which different conditions are being studied, but random assignment to the different conditions is not possible. Investigators must work with preexisting groups of people. Researchers can use common sense to consider how much the nonrandom assignment threatens the study's validity.[256] For example, in research on the best way to affect reading achievement in the first three grades of school, school administrators may not permit educational psychologists to randomly assign children to phonics and whole language classrooms, in which case the psychologists must work with preexisting classroom assignments. Psychologists will compare the achievement of children attending phonics and whole language classes and, perhaps, statistically adjust for any initial differences in reading level.

Experimental researchers typically use a statistical hypothesis testing model which involves making predictions before conducting the experiment, then assessing how well the data collected are consistent with the predictions. These predictions are likely to originate from one or more abstract scientific hypotheses about how the phenomenon under study actually works.[257]

Other types of studies

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Surveys are used in psychology for the purpose of measuring attitudes and traits, monitoring changes in mood, and checking the validity of experimental manipulations (checking research participants' perception of the condition they were assigned to). Psychologists have commonly used paper-and-pencil surveys. However, surveys are also conducted over the phone or through e-mail. Web-based surveys are increasingly used to conveniently reach many subjects.

Observational studies are commonly conducted in psychology. In cross-sectional observational studies, psychologists collect data at a single point in time. The goal of many cross-sectional studies is the assess the extent factors are correlated with each other. By contrast, in longitudinal studies psychologists collect data on the same sample at two or more points in time. Sometimes the purpose of longitudinal research is to study trends across time such as the stability of traits or age-related changes in behavior. Because some studies involve endpoints that psychologists cannot ethically study from an experimental standpoint, such as identifying the causes of depression, they conduct longitudinal studies a large group of depression-free people, periodically assessing what is happening in the individuals' lives. In this way psychologists have an opportunity to test causal hypotheses regarding conditions that commonly arise in people's lives that put them at risk for depression. Problems that affect longitudinal studies include selective attrition, the type of problem in which bias is introduced when a certain type of research participant disproportionately leaves a study.

One example of an observational study was run by Arthur Bandura. This observational study focused on children who were exposed to an adult exhibiting aggressive behaviors and their reaction to toys versus other children who were not exposed to these stimuli. The result shows that children who had seen the adult acting aggressively towards a toy, in turn, were aggressive towards their own toy when put in a situation that frustrated them.[188]

Exploratory data analysis includes a variety of practices that researchers use to reduce a great many variables to a small number overarching factors. In Peirce's three modes of inference, exploratory data analysis corresponds to abduction.[258] Meta-analysis is the technique research psychologists use to integrate results from many studies of the same variables and arriving at a grand average of the findings.[259]

Direct brain observation/manipulation

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An EEG recording setup
Artificial neural network with two layers, an interconnected group of nodes, akin to the vast network of neurons in the human brain

A classic and popular tool used to relate mental and neural activity is the electroencephalogram (EEG), a technique using amplified electrodes on a person's scalp to measure voltage changes in different parts of the brain. Hans Berger, the first researcher to use EEG on an unopened skull, quickly found that brains exhibit signature "brain waves": electric oscillations which correspond to different states of consciousness. Researchers subsequently refined statistical methods for synthesizing the electrode data, and identified unique brain wave patterns such as the delta wave observed during non-REM sleep.[260]

Newer functional neuroimaging techniques include functional magnetic resonance imaging and positron emission tomography, both of which track the flow of blood through the brain. These technologies provide more localized information about activity in the brain and create representations of the brain with widespread appeal. They also provide insight which avoids the classic problems of subjective self-reporting. It remains challenging to draw hard conclusions about where in the brain specific thoughts originate—or even how usefully such localization corresponds with reality. However, neuroimaging has delivered unmistakable results showing the existence of correlations between mind and brain. Some of these draw on a systemic neural network model rather than a localized function model.[261][262][263]

Interventions such as transcranial magnetic stimulation and drugs also provide information about brain–mind interactions. Psychopharmacology is the study of drug-induced mental effects.

Computer simulation

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Computational modeling is a tool used in mathematical psychology and cognitive psychology to simulate behavior.[264] This method has several advantages. Since modern computers process information quickly, simulations can be run in a short time, allowing for high statistical power. Modeling also allows psychologists to visualize hypotheses about the functional organization of mental events that could not be directly observed in a human. Computational neuroscience uses mathematical models to simulate the brain. Another method is symbolic modeling, which represents many mental objects using variables and rules. Other types of modeling include dynamic systems and stochastic modeling.

Animal studies

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A rat undergoing a Morris water navigation test used in behavioral neuroscience to study the role of the hippocampus in spatial learning and memory

Animal experiments aid in investigating many aspects of human psychology, including perception, emotion, learning, memory, and thought, to name a few. In the 1890s, Russian physiologist Ivan Pavlov famously used dogs to demonstrate classical conditioning. Non-human primates, cats, dogs, pigeons, and rats and other rodents are often used in psychological experiments. Ideally, controlled experiments introduce only one independent variable at a time, in order to ascertain its unique effects upon dependent variables. These conditions are approximated best in laboratory settings. In contrast, human environments and genetic backgrounds vary so widely, and depend upon so many factors, that it is difficult to control important variables for human subjects. There are pitfalls, however, in generalizing findings from animal studies to humans through animal models.[265]

Comparative psychology is the scientific study of the behavior and mental processes of non-human animals, especially as these relate to the phylogenetic history, adaptive significance, and development of behavior. Research in this area explores the behavior of many species, from insects to primates. It is closely related to other disciplines that study animal behavior such as ethology.[266] Research in comparative psychology sometimes appears to shed light on human behavior, but some attempts to connect the two have been quite controversial, for example the Sociobiology of E.O. Wilson.[267] Animal models are often used to study neural processes related to human behavior, e.g. in cognitive neuroscience.

Qualitative research

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Phineas P. Gage survived an accident in which a large iron rod was driven completely through his head, destroying much of his brain's left frontal lobe, but the injury altered his personality and behavior.[268]

Qualitative research is often designed to answer questions about the thoughts, feelings, and behaviors of individuals. Qualitative research involving first-hand observation can help describe events as they occur, with the goal of capturing the richness of everyday behavior and with the hope of discovering and understanding phenomena that might have been missed if only more cursory examinations are made.

Qualitative psychological research methods include interviews, first-hand observation, and participant observation. Creswell (2003) identified five main possibilities for qualitative research, including narrative, phenomenology, ethnography, case study, and grounded theory. Qualitative researchers[269] sometimes aim to enrich our understanding of symbols, subjective experiences, or social structures. Sometimes hermeneutic and critical aims can give rise to quantitative research, as in Erich Fromm's application of psychological and sociological theories, in his book Escape from Freedom, to understanding why many ordinary Germans supported Hitler.[270]

Just as Jane Goodall studied chimpanzee social and family life by careful observation of chimpanzee behavior in the field, psychologists conduct naturalistic observation of ongoing human social, professional, and family life. Sometimes the participants are aware they are being observed, and other times the participants do not know they are being observed. Strict ethical guidelines must be followed when covert observation is being carried out.

Program evaluation

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Program evaluation involves the systematic collection, analysis, and application of information to answer questions about projects, policies and programs, particularly about their effectiveness.[271][272] In both the public and private sectors, stakeholders often want to know the extent which the programs they are funding, implementing, voting for, receiving, or objecting to are producing the intended effects. While program evaluation first focuses on effectiveness, important considerations often include how much the program costs per participant, how the program could be improved, whether the program is worthwhile, whether there are better alternatives, if there are unintended outcomes, and whether the program goals are appropriate and useful.[273]

Contemporary issues

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Metascience

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Metascience involves the application of scientific methodology to study science itself. The field of metascience has revealed problems in psychological research. Some psychological research has suffered from bias,[274] problematic reproducibility,[275] and misuse of statistics.[276] These findings have led to calls for reform from within and from outside the scientific community.[277]

Confirmation bias

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In 1959, statistician Theodore Sterling examined the results of psychological studies and discovered that 97% of them supported their initial hypotheses, implying possible publication bias.[278][279][280] Similarly, Fanelli (2010)[281] found that 91.5% of psychiatry/psychology studies confirmed the effects they were looking for, and concluded that the odds of this happening (a positive result) was around five times higher than in fields such as space science or geosciences. Fanelli argued that this is because researchers in "softer" sciences have fewer constraints to their conscious and unconscious biases.

Replication

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A replication crisis in psychology has emerged. Many notable findings in the field have not been replicated. Some researchers were even accused of publishing fraudulent results.[282][283][284] Systematic efforts, including efforts by the Reproducibility Project of the Center for Open Science, to assess the extent of the problem found that as many as two-thirds of highly publicized findings in psychology failed to be replicated.[285] Reproducibility has generally been stronger in cognitive psychology (in studies and journals) than social psychology[285] and subfields of differential psychology.[286][287] Other subfields of psychology have also been implicated in the replication crisis, including clinical psychology,[288][289][290] developmental psychology,[291][292][293] and a field closely related to psychology, educational research.[294][295][296][297][298]

Focus on the replication crisis has led to other renewed efforts in the discipline to re-test important findings.[299][300] In response to concerns about publication bias and data dredging (conducting a large number of statistical tests on a great many variables but restricting reporting to the results that were statistically significant), 295 psychology and medical journals have adopted result-blind peer review where studies are accepted not on the basis of their findings and after the studies are completed, but before the studies are conducted and upon the basis of the methodological rigor of their experimental designs and the theoretical justifications for their proposed statistical analysis before data collection or analysis is conducted.[301][302] In addition, large-scale collaborations among researchers working in multiple labs in different countries have taken place. The collaborators regularly make their data openly available for different researchers to assess.[303] Allen and Mehler[304] estimated that 61 per cent of result-blind studies have yielded null results, in contrast to an estimated 5 to 20 per cent in traditional research.

Misuse of statistics

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Some critics view statistical hypothesis testing as misplaced. Psychologist and statistician Jacob Cohen wrote in 1994 that psychologists routinely confuse statistical significance with practical importance, enthusiastically reporting great certainty in unimportant facts.[305] Some psychologists have responded with an increased use of effect size statistics, rather than sole reliance on p-values.[306]

WEIRD bias

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In 2008, Arnett pointed out that most articles in American Psychological Association journals were about U.S. populations when U.S. citizens are only 5% of the world's population. He complained that psychologists had no basis for assuming psychological processes to be universal and generalizing research findings to the rest of the global population.[307] In 2010, Henrich, Heine, and Norenzayan reported a bias in conducting psychology studies with participants from "WEIRD" ("Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich, and Democratic") societies.[308][309] Henrich et al. found that "96% of psychological samples come from countries with only 12% of the world's population" (p. 63). The article gave examples of results that differ significantly between people from WEIRD and tribal cultures, including the Müller-Lyer illusion. Arnett (2008), Altmaier and Hall (2008) and Morgan-Consoli et al. (2018) view the Western bias in research and theory as a serious problem considering psychologists are increasingly applying psychological principles developed in WEIRD regions in their research, clinical work, and consultation with populations around the world.[307][310][311] In 2018, Rad, Martingano, and Ginges showed that nearly a decade after Henrich et al.'s paper, over 80% of the samples used in studies published in the journal Psychological Science employed WEIRD samples. Moreover, their analysis showed that several studies did not fully disclose the origin of their samples; the authors offered a set of recommendations to editors and reviewers to reduce WEIRD bias.[312]

STRANGE bias

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Similar to the WEIRD bias, starting in 2020, researchers of non-human behavior have started to emphasize the need to document the possibility of the STRANGE (Social background, Trappability and self-selection, Rearing history, Acclimation and habituation, Natural changes in responsiveness, Genetic makeup, and Experience) bias in study conclusions.[313]

Unscientific mental health training

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Some observers perceive a gap between scientific theory and its application—in particular, the application of unsupported or unsound clinical practices.[314] Critics say there has been an increase in the number of mental health training programs that do not instill scientific competence.[315] Practices such as "facilitated communication for infantile autism"; memory-recovery techniques including body work; and other therapies, such as rebirthing and reparenting, may be dubious or even dangerous, despite their popularity.[316] These practices, however, are outside the mainstream practices taught in clinical psychology doctoral programs.

Ethics

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Ethical standards in the discipline have changed over time. Some famous past studies are today considered unethical and in violation of established codes (e.g., the Canadian Code of Conduct for Research Involving Humans, and the Belmont Report). The American Psychological Association has advanced a set of ethical principles and a code of conduct for the profession.[317]

The most important contemporary standards include informed and voluntary consent. After World War II, the Nuremberg Code was established because of Nazi abuses of experimental subjects. Later, most countries (and scientific journals) adopted the Declaration of Helsinki. In the U.S., the National Institutes of Health established the Institutional Review Board in 1966, and in 1974 adopted the National Research Act (HR 7724). All of these measures encouraged researchers to obtain informed consent from human participants in experimental studies. A number of influential but ethically dubious studies led to the establishment of this rule; such studies included the MIT-Harvard Fernald School radioisotope studies, the Thalidomide tragedy, the Willowbrook hepatitis study, Stanley Milgram's studies of obedience to authority, and the Stanford Prison Experiment.

Ethics with Humans

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The ethics code of the American Psychological Association originated in 1951 as "Ethical Standards of Psychologists." This code has guided the formation of licensing laws in most American states. It has changed multiple times over the decades since its adoption, and contains both aspirational principles and binding ethical standards.

The APA's Ethical Principles of Psychologists and Code of Conduct consists of five General Principles, which are meant to guide psychologists to higher ethical practice where a particular standard does not apply. Those principles are:

A. Beneficence and Nonmaleficence - meaning the psychologists must work to benefit those they work with and "do no harm." This includes awareness of indirect benefits and harms their work might have on others due to personal, social, political, or other factors.

B. Fidelity and Responsibility - an awareness of public trust in the profession and adherence to ethical standards and clarification of roles to preserve that trust. This includes managing conflicts of interest, as well as committing some portion of a psychologist's professional time to low-cost or pro bono work.

C. Integrity - upholding honesty and accuracy in all psychological practices, including avoiding misrepresentations and fraud. In situations where psychologists would use deception (i.e., certain research), psychologists must consider the necessity, benefits, and harms, and mitigate any harms where possible.

D. Justice - an understanding that psychology must be for everyone's benefit, and that psychologists take special care to avoid unjust practices as a result of biases or limitations of expertise.

E. Respect for People's Rights and Dignity - the preservation of people's rights when working with psychologists, including confidentially, privacy, and autonomy. Psychologists should consider a multitude of factors, including a need for special safeguards for protected populations (e.g., minors, incarcerated individuals) and awareness of differences based on numerous factors, including culture, race, age, gender, and socioeconomic status.

In 1989, the APA revised its policies on advertising and referral fees to negotiate the end of an investigation by the Federal Trade Commission. The 1992 incarnation was the first to distinguish between "aspirational" ethical standards and "enforceable" ones. The APA code was further revised in 2010 to prevent the use of the code to justify violating human rights, which was in response to the participation of APA members in interrogations under the administration of United States President George W. Bush.[318] Members of the public have a five-year window to file ethics complaints about APA members with the APA ethics committee; members of the APA have a three-year window.[319]

The Canadian Psychological Association used the APA code until 1986, when it developed its own code drawing from four similar principles: 1) Respect for the Dignity of Persons and Peoples, 2) Responsible Caring, 3) Integrity in Relationships, 4) Responsibility to Society.[320][321] The European Federation of Psychologist's Associations, have adopted a model code using the principles of the Canadian Code, while also drawing from the APA code.[322][323]

Universities have ethics committees dedicated to protecting the rights (e.g., voluntary nature of participation in the research, privacy) and well-being (e.g., minimizing distress) of research participants. University ethics committees evaluate proposed research to ensure that researchers protect the rights and well-being of participants; an investigator's research project cannot be conducted unless approved by such an ethics committee.[324]

The field of psychology also identifies certain categories of people that require additional or special protection due to particular vulnerabilities, unequal power dynamics, or diminished capacity for informed consent. This list often includes, but is not limited to, children, incarcerated individuals, pregnant women, human fetuses and neonates, institutionalized persons, those with physical or mental disabilities, and the educationally or economically disadvantaged.[325]

Some of the ethical issues considered most important are the requirement to practice only within the area of competence, to maintain confidentiality with the patients, and to avoid sexual relations with them. Another important principle is informed consent, the idea that a patient or research subject must understand and freely choose a procedure they are undergoing.[319] Some of the most common complaints against clinical psychologists include sexual misconduct[319] and breaches in confidentiality or privacy.[319]

Psychology ethics apply to all types of human contact in a psychologist's professional capacity, including therapy, assessment, teaching, training, work with research subjects, testimony in courts and before government bodies, consulting, and statements to the public or media pertaining to matters of psychology.[317]

Ethics with other animals

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Research on other animals is governed by university ethics committees. Research on nonhuman animals cannot proceed without permission of the ethics committee, of the researcher's home institution. Ethical guidelines state that using non-human animals for scientific purposes is only acceptable when the harm (physical or psychological) done to animals is outweighed by the benefits of the research.[326] Psychologists can use certain research techniques on animals that could not be used on humans.

Comparative psychologist Harry Harlow drew moral condemnation for isolation experiments on rhesus macaque monkeys at the University of Wisconsin–Madison in the 1970s.[327] The aim of the research was to produce an animal model of clinical depression. Harlow also devised what he called a "rape rack", to which the female isolates were tied in normal monkey mating posture.[328] In 1974, American literary critic Wayne C. Booth wrote that, "Harry Harlow and his colleagues go on torturing their nonhuman primates decade after decade, invariably proving what we all knew in advance—that social creatures can be destroyed by destroying their social ties." He writes that Harlow made no mention of the criticism of the morality of his work.[329]

Animal research is influential in psychology, while still being debated among academics. The testing of animals for research has led to medical breakthroughs in human medicine. Many psychologists argue animal experimentation is essential for human advancement, but must be regulated by the government to ensure ethicality.

References

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia

Psychology is the scientific study of the mind and , encompassing empirical investigations into mental processes such as , , and , as well as observable actions in humans and animals. Emerging from philosophical inquiries into the of , the discipline formalized as an independent in when established the first laboratory at the University of Leipzig, emphasizing controlled and physiological measures to dissect conscious . Early schools like sought to break down mental states into basic elements, while functionalism examined adaptive purposes of ; these gave way to , which prioritized observable responses over internal states, enabling rigorous experimental paradigms exemplified by Pavlov's conditioning and Skinner's operant principles. The mid-20th-century integrated information-processing models, drawing parallels to computational systems, and spurred advances in understanding memory, decision-making, and neural correlates via tools like EEG and .
Key achievements include evidence-based interventions such as cognitive-behavioral therapy for treating disorders like depression and anxiety, grounded in controlled trials demonstrating causal efficacy, and foundational insights into learning mechanisms that inform and animal behavior studies. However, psychology has grappled with significant controversies, notably the since the 2010s, where large-scale efforts found that roughly half of prominent studies in failed to reproduce, attributing issues to , p-hacking, and underpowered samples rather than in most cases, though this has eroded trust and prompted methodological reforms like preregistration and . Despite systemic biases in academic institutions favoring certain ideological priors over falsifiable hypotheses, empirical progress persists through integration with and , revealing causal pathways in traits like intelligence and personality while underscoring the need for causal realism in experimental design.

Definition and Scope

Etymology and Terminology

The term psychology derives from the Ancient Greek ψυχή (psychē), denoting breath, life, soul, or mind, combined with λόγος (logos), signifying study, discourse, or reason. This etymological root reflects an initial focus on the soul or immaterial essence of living beings, as articulated in classical texts by philosophers such as Plato and Aristotle, who explored psychic faculties like perception and intellect without using the compound term itself. The Latinized form psychologia emerged in the early , with the earliest documented uses appearing around 1510–1520 in the (modern ), potentially in Marko Marulić's treatise on the rational soul, though the term gained traction as a title for academic lectures on spiritual aspects of by mid-century figures like Rudolf Göckel (Goclenius). By the late , it denoted systematic inquiry into the soul's attributes, often within scholastic theology, as evidenced in Philipp Melanchthon's writings, though claims of his coinage lack direct textual support. English adoption occurred later, with initial print references in the 1650s via Modern Latin psychologia, evolving to encompass mental processes by the . In contemporary usage, psychology designates the empirical science of behavior and mental phenomena, diverging from its soul-centric origins to prioritize observable data and causal mechanisms over metaphysical speculation. Core terminology includes mind (encompassing cognitive faculties like thought and perception, distinct from the broader historical psyche), behavior (measurable actions or responses), and cognition (information processing), which operationalize abstract concepts for experimental validation. This shift, formalized in the late 19th century, rejected vitalistic interpretations, favoring mechanistic explanations grounded in physiology and statistics, as pioneered by Wilhelm Wundt's introspectionist methods in 1879. Terms like unconscious (Freud's latent mental content) or schema (organized knowledge structures) emerged within specific paradigms, illustrating psychology's terminological pluralism, where definitions vary by subfield—e.g., behaviorism's exclusion of internal states versus cognitive science's inclusion.

Core Concepts and Definitions

Psychology is the of mind and , utilizing empirical observation, experimentation, and statistical analysis to investigate mental processes and observable actions in humans and other animals. This definition emphasizes psychology's commitment to the , distinguishing it from philosophical speculation by requiring testable hypotheses and replicable evidence, though replication rates in some subfields have been estimated at around 36-50% in large-scale audits conducted between 2015 and 2018. Behavior denotes any observable and measurable response of an to internal or external stimuli, encompassing motor actions, verbal expressions, and physiological reactions, as studied through controlled experiments and . Mental processes, often synonymous with , include unobservable phenomena such as , , , reasoning, and , inferred from behavioral data and neurophysiological correlates. Mind is conceptualized as the aggregate of cognitive and affective faculties enabling , thought, and volition, though its precise boundaries remain debated, with some definitions tying it closely to function while others allow for emergent properties beyond neural activity. Consciousness refers to the state of subjective of one's thoughts, sensations, , and surroundings, serving adaptive functions like integrating sensory input for coherent action; it encompasses levels from minimal to reflective , with empirical measures including response latency and neural activation patterns observed via EEG and fMRI since the . Core to psychology is distinguishing conscious from unconscious processes, as evidenced by priming experiments showing implicit influences on without reported , challenging earlier methods. Other foundational concepts include learning, the relatively permanent change in behavior resulting from experience, quantified through associative conditioning paradigms established in the early ; motivation, the internal drives or external incentives propelling goal-directed activity, often modeled via drive-reduction theories; and emotion, brief, automatic psychophysiological responses to stimuli, characterized by , valence (the positive or negative hedonic tone indicating pleasantness or unpleasantness), and expressive components, with cross-cultural data indicating universality in basic types like and . These concepts underpin psychology's subdisciplines, grounded in causal mechanisms linking environmental inputs, biological substrates, and outputs.

Boundaries with Philosophy, Biology, and Neuroscience

Psychology emerged as a distinct empirical discipline from in the late , primarily through the adoption of experimental methods to investigate mental processes, contrasting with philosophy's reliance on logical argumentation and metaphysical speculation. While philosophy addresses foundational questions such as the of , , and through a priori reasoning, psychology prioritizes data from controlled studies to test hypotheses about and . This boundary is evident in historical shifts, such as Wilhelm Wundt's establishment of the first psychological laboratory in 1879, which marked psychology's commitment to scientific measurement over philosophical . Overlaps persist in areas like , where debates on or inform psychological theories, but psychology rejects unsubstantiated speculation in favor of replicable evidence. In relation to biology, psychology maintains boundaries by focusing on emergent psychological phenomena—such as learning, , and —rather than the underlying physiological or genetic mechanisms that examines at cellular or organismal levels. Biopsychology integrates biological factors, like activity or evolutionary adaptations, to explain behavioral predispositions, yet psychology does not reduce mental states solely to biological processes, recognizing higher-level causal influences from environment and . For instance, while elucidates hormonal influences on aggression via studies of testosterone levels in animal models (e.g., elevations correlating with 20-30% increased attack frequency in ), psychology investigates how social learning modulates these effects in humans through longitudinal behavioral analyses. This distinction avoids subsuming psychology under , as psychological constructs like involve integrative processes beyond mere organic functions. The demarcation with neuroscience centers on psychology's emphasis on functional outcomes of mental activity—behavioral responses and subjective reports—versus neuroscience's concentration on neural substrates, including brain anatomy, electrophysiology, and synaptic plasticity. employs techniques like fMRI to map activations (e.g., amygdala hyperactivity in fear conditioning, with BOLD signal increases of 1-2% during threat exposure), providing mechanistic insights that psychology uses to validate models but does not equate with explanatory completeness. bridges the fields, as in studies linking hippocampal volume reductions (averaging 10-15% in PTSD patients) to impairments, yet psychology critiques overreliance on for ignoring and confounding variables like individual variability. Empirical boundaries are reinforced by psychology's broader scope, incorporating non-neural factors such as cultural norms, which addresses less directly. Despite convergences, such as in predicting behavior from EEG patterns (e.g., desynchronization preceding errors in tasks), psychology upholds that neural correlates do not fully account for intentional or adaptive behaviors without behavioral validation.

Historical Development

Ancient and Pre-Modern Contributions

In , (c. 460–370 BCE) advanced early understandings of mental disorders by attributing them to physiological imbalances in the body rather than supernatural forces, proposing that the served as the organ of and sensation. He developed the of four humors—, phlegm, yellow bile, and black bile—whose disequilibrium was thought to cause conditions like (excess black bile) or (excess yellow bile), influencing diagnostic and therapeutic practices for centuries. Aristotle (384–322 BCE), in his treatise De Anima, treated psychology as the study of the (psuchê), defining it as the principle of life encompassing , sensation, movement, and , with empirical observations on , , and habit formation laying groundwork for later empirical approaches. He emphasized the soul's functions as actualizations of bodily potentials, analyzing processes like and reasoning through and behavioral analysis, though his teleological view prioritized purpose over strict mechanism. Roman physician (c. 129–c. 216 CE) extended humoral theory by integrating anatomical experiments, including vivisections on animals, to argue that the was the seat of higher while processed sensory data, linking temperament traits—sanguine (sociable), choleric (ambitious), melancholic (analytical), phlegmatic (calm)—to humoral dominance and influencing assessments into the . During the , (Ibn Sina, 980–1037 CE) synthesized Greek ideas in works like , positing the soul's independence from the body via thought experiments such as the "" (awareness without sensory input), and detailing inner senses (, imagination, estimation, memory, intellect) alongside recognitions of psychological disorders like transitioning to through anger. He viewed psychology as integral to , emphasizing empirical observation of desires, dreams, and . In medieval , (1225–1274 CE) reconciled Aristotelian psychology with , describing the soul's powers as vegetative (growth), sensitive (perception and appetite), and intellective (abstract reasoning), with intelligible species as mental representations bridging senses and understanding, while rejecting pure to affirm the soul's . Scholastic thinkers preserved and critiqued ancient texts, maintaining mind-body against reductive brain-localization theories.

19th-Century Foundations

In the early 19th century, advances in physiology laid groundwork for psychology as an empirical science, shifting focus from philosophical speculation to measurable sensory processes. Johannes Peter Müller formulated the doctrine of specific nerve energies around 1835, positing that the quality of sensation depends on the specific nerve stimulated rather than the external stimulus itself, as demonstrated by phenomena like pressure phosphenes or color perception in the blind. This principle underscored the brain's role in perception, influencing later sensory research. Concurrently, Ernst Heinrich Weber's investigations into tactile sensitivity, culminating in the formulation of Weber's law by the 1840s, established that the just noticeable difference in stimulus intensity is a constant proportion of the original stimulus magnitude, providing a quantitative basis for studying perceptual thresholds. Gustav Theodor Fechner built on Weber's empirical findings to pioneer in 1860 with Elements of Psychophysics, mathematically relating physical stimuli to subjective sensations via the Weber-Fechner law, which proposed a logarithmic relationship between stimulus intensity and perceived magnitude. further advanced understanding of through his 1856 treatise Handbuch der physiologischen Optik, detailing unconscious inferences in visual processing and the speed of nerve impulses, measured at approximately 61 meters per second. These works emphasized experimental methods, bridging and mental phenomena, though Fechner's idealistic tempered his . Alexander Bain's texts, The Senses and the Intellect (1855) and and the Will (1859), offered comprehensive analyses of , integrating physiological mechanisms with mental functions like formation and . Charles Darwin's evolutionary theory profoundly shaped psychological inquiry, with (1859) introducing as a mechanism explaining adaptive behaviors, and The Descent of Man (1871) extending it to mental faculties, , and instincts. This framework encouraged functional analyses of mind, prioritizing survival value over structural . Francis , inspired by Darwin—his cousin—applied statistical methods to individual differences in (1869), arguing for the inheritance of intellectual abilities based on biographical data from eminent families, and developed early anthropometric techniques for measuring reaction times and sensory acuity, founding . 's innovations in regression and laid quantitative foundations, though his eugenic implications drew later controversy; his empirical approach prioritized measurable traits over speculative .

Birth of Experimental Psychology (1870s–1900)

The establishment of experimental psychology as a distinct scientific discipline in the late 19th century marked a shift from philosophical introspection to empirical methods grounded in controlled observation and measurement. Gustav Theodor Fechner's development of psychophysics, detailed in his 1860 work Elements of Psychophysics, provided foundational quantitative techniques for relating physical stimuli to sensory experiences, such as the just noticeable difference and Weber's law, which profoundly influenced subsequent experimental approaches despite predating the 1870s. Fechner's methods emphasized precise measurement of thresholds and scaling, enabling psychology to adopt rigorous, mathematical standards akin to physics. Wilhelm Wundt is credited with formalizing through the founding of the first dedicated laboratory at the University of in 1879, where systematic investigations into sensation, , reaction times, and began. Building on physiological research by and Fechner, Wundt's Principles of (1873–1874) outlined a program to analyze the immediate elements of via under controlled conditions, distinguishing psychology from metaphysics. The laboratory trained numerous students, including Edward Titchener and , who disseminated these methods internationally, fostering replication and standardization of apparatus like chronoscopes and tachistoscopes for timing responses. In parallel, Hermann Ebbinghaus conducted pioneering memory experiments using nonsense syllables, publishing Memory: A Contribution to Experimental Psychology in 1885, which introduced the savings method and demonstrated the exponential curve of forgetting, independent of Wundt's structuralist focus. This work highlighted individual learning curves and retention over time, relying solely on self-observation without reliance on associationist theory. Concurrently, experimental psychology spread to the United States: William James established a rudimentary demonstration laboratory at Harvard around 1875, G. Stanley Hall opened the first American research lab at Johns Hopkins in 1883, and Cattell assumed the first U.S. professorship in psychology at the University of Pennsylvania in 1888, adapting anthropometric testing for mental abilities. By 1900, over 15 laboratories operated in North America, emphasizing reaction times, individual differences, and applied testing, though debates persisted over introspection's reliability versus objective measures.

Early 20th-Century Expansion and Schools

The early 20th century saw rapid institutional expansion of psychology, particularly , where the discipline transitioned from European to a distinct American enterprise. By 1904, the U.S. hosted 49 psychological laboratories, up from just a handful two decades earlier, alongside 169 members in the (APA), founded in 1892 with 31 charter members. This growth reflected increasing academic integration, with 62 institutions offering three or more psychology courses by the same year. APA membership surged to 1,101 by 1930, driven by applied interests in , industry, and clinical practice. Functionalism emerged as a prominent American school, emphasizing psychology's practical role in adaptation and mental processes' functions rather than their structure. Pioneered by in (1890), it gained traction through James Rowland Angell's 1906 Chicago address defining psychology as the study of mental operations for organism-environment adjustment. Figures like and Harvey Carr advanced functionalism at the , linking it to educational reform and behavior in real-world contexts, though it lacked unified methodology and waned by the 1920s. Behaviorism, declared by in his 1913 manifesto "Psychology as the Behaviorist Views It," rejected and subjective mental states, insisting on observable stimuli and responses as the sole data for scientific psychology. Influenced by Ivan Pavlov's experiments published around 1906, Watson applied it to human learning, , and even , famously claiming in 1924 that he could shape any infant's behavior given control. This school dominated American psychology through the 1920s–1940s, prioritizing over innate factors, though later critiques highlighted its neglect of internal cognition. Gestalt psychology arose in around 1912 with Max Wertheimer's demonstration of the , asserting that perceptions form holistic configurations (Gestalten) irreducible to sensory elements, countering both and behaviorism's . and expanded it through studies on problem-solving in apes and perceptual organization principles like proximity and closure, emphasizing innate perceptual laws over learned associations. Transplanted to the U.S. by émigrés fleeing in , Gestalt influenced perception research but struggled against behaviorism's hegemony. Psychoanalysis, developed by Sigmund Freud from the 1890s, gained U.S. foothold via his 1909 Clark University lectures, attended by figures like G. Stanley Hall and Carl Jung, introducing concepts of unconscious drives, repression, and psychosexual development. Freud's topographic model (id, ego, superego formalized later) and therapeutic free association prioritized causal explanations from early experiences, diverging from experimental empiricism; critics noted its reliance on case studies over controlled data, yet it spurred clinical psychology's growth. By the 1920s, psychoanalytic societies formed, blending with cultural analyses despite empirical challenges. Applied advancements complemented theoretical schools, notably Alfred Binet's 1905 intelligence scale with Théodore Simon, designed to identify French schoolchildren needing aid, laying groundwork for standardized testing amid debates on innate versus environmental intelligence factors. These developments diversified psychology beyond labs, fostering subfields in and assessment, though source biases in testing toward cultural assumptions later emerged.

Post-World War II Growth and Specialization

Following , psychology experienced explosive growth in the United States, driven by the need to address issues among returning veterans and broader societal applications of psychological knowledge gained during the war. The Servicemen’s Readjustment Act of 1944, commonly known as the , provided educational benefits to over 20 million veterans, enabling many to pursue degrees in psychology and swelling university enrollments. The Veterans Administration established training programs requiring PhD-level preparation with practical fieldwork, training thousands of psychologists in VA hospitals and clinics to treat war-related trauma, which affected over 1 million servicemen with psychiatric admissions during the conflict. By , the total number of psychologists in the U.S. reached approximately 4,000, reflecting a sharp increase from pre-war levels. The National Mental Health Act of 1946 expanded federal support for mental health research and services, leading to the creation of the (NIMH) in 1949, which disbursed research grants rising from $374,000 in 1949 to $42.6 million by 1962, alongside training grants peaking at $38.6 million. This funding catalyzed the professionalization of , shifting it from a nascent field with virtually no formal practitioners in 1940 to one of the fastest-growing professions by the 1950s, emphasizing assessment, psychotherapy, and integration with emerging psychotropic medications and group therapies in VA settings. Private practice among clinical psychologists also expanded, with 9% operating independently by the early 1950s despite jurisdictional disputes with psychiatrists. The (APA), which had 821 members in 1946, grew its membership by about 300% to 2,376 by 1960, reflecting broader institutional expansion and the merger in 1944 with the American Association of Applied Psychology to bridge academic and practical orientations. This unification facilitated the development of ethical guidelines, credentialing standards, and specialized divisions within the APA—eventually numbering 54 by later decades—to accommodate subspecialties such as clinical, counseling, and industrial-organizational psychology. Specialization accelerated as psychology diversified beyond laboratory research into applied domains, with industrial psychology gaining traction in organizational settings for personnel selection and human factors engineering, building on wartime applications. emerged to address vocational and adjustment needs, while expanded through increased courtroom testimony by experts. These shifts marked psychology's transition to a multifaceted , though rapid growth introduced intradisciplinary tensions over scientific rigor versus practical efficacy. The Community Mental Health Centers Act of 1963 further institutionalized this by funding 452 centers that treated nearly 700,000 patients annually by 1971, embedding psychological services in community care.

Late 20th to Early 21st-Century Shifts

The integration of with psychological inquiry accelerated in the late 1980s and 1990s, driven by technological advances in imaging such as (fMRI), which allowed non-invasive observation of activity during cognitive tasks. This period, dubbed the "Decade of the Brain" by the U.S. Congress in 1990, fostered as a distinct interdisciplinary field, emphasizing neural correlates of mental processes over purely behavioral or introspective methods. Empirical studies increasingly linked psychological phenomena like and to specific regions, challenging earlier dualistic separations and promoting a more reductionist, biologically grounded understanding of the mind. Parallel to these biological emphases, emerged in the late 1980s and gained prominence in the , applying Darwinian principles to explain universal human behaviors such as mate selection and fear responses as adaptations shaped by . Key works, including the 1992 volume The Adapted Mind edited by Jerome Barkow, , and , argued for domain-specific mental modules evolved to solve ancestral problems, countering blank-slate environmentalism dominant in mid-century social sciences. Despite empirical support from data and behavioral experiments, the approach encountered resistance in academic circles, often labeled as speculative or politically charged due to its implications for innate sex differences and group variations. In 1998, , as president of the , formalized , redirecting research from disorder remediation to factors promoting human flourishing, such as resilience and , with quantifiable interventions like exercises showing measurable gains in randomized trials. This shift complemented the era's computational modeling advances, including parallel distributed processing and neural networks, which simulated cognitive functions via interconnected units mimicking brain architecture. By the early 2000s, however, mounting evidence of low rates—exemplified by failed replications of high-profile social priming effects—exposed systemic issues like p-hacking and , prompting methodological reforms such as preregistration and to enhance empirical reliability. These developments underscored a broader pivot toward causal mechanisms verifiable through , , and large-scale replication efforts, diminishing reliance on untestable theoretical constructs.

Major Theoretical Frameworks

Biological and Evolutionary Perspectives

Biological perspectives in psychology investigate the physiological, neural, and mechanisms underlying , , and . Behavioral provides that accounts for substantial portions of individual differences in psychological traits. estimates for range from 0.4 to 0.8 across studies, rising linearly to approximately 80% in adulthood as environmental influences equalize. The Study of Twins Reared Apart, conducted from 1979 to 1999, examined monozygotic twins separated at birth and reared in different environments, revealing IQ correlations of about 0.70—similar to those of twins reared together—and attributing roughly 70% of IQ variance to genetic factors rather than shared or unique environments. traits exhibit moderate , typically 20% to 50%, with meta-analyses of twin studies confirming genetic influences on dimensions like extraversion and , though gene-environment interactions modulate expression. Neural substrates further anchor biological explanations, with brain regions and neurotransmitters mediating specific functions. For instance, dopamine pathways influence reward processing and , while disruptions in serotonin systems correlate with and , as evidenced by pharmacological interventions that alter behavioral outcomes. These mechanisms operate through causal pathways from genetic expression to neural circuitry, emphasizing that behaviors emerge from bodily interactions rather than abstract alone. Evolutionary perspectives frame psychological traits as adaptations forged by to recurrent ancestral challenges. Core principles posit that the human mind comprises domain-specific cognitive modules, evolved to handle problems like , social exchange, and threat detection, with behaviors reflecting solutions to fitness-relevant dilemmas. Empirical support includes consistencies in , where men favor cues of such as and physical , while women prioritize status and resource-acquisition ability—patterns traceable to differential reproductive costs and . , often male-biased, evolves as a tactic for resource co-option, mate guarding, and status competition, with proximate triggers like testosterone amplifying ancestral strategies for and . Such adaptations persist despite modern environments, explaining phenomena like reactive violence in intergroup conflicts, though cultural overlays can suppress or redirect them; critiques dismissing these as post-hoc often overlook converging evidence from comparative and cognitive experiments.

Behaviorist Approaches

Behaviorism posits that psychology should study only observable and measurable aspects of behavior, dismissing and unobservable mental processes as unscientific. established this framework in his 1913 article "Psychology as the Behaviorist Views It," declaring psychology a "purely objective experimental branch of " aimed at predicting and controlling behavior via environmental stimuli and responses. Watson argued that habits formed through conditioned reflexes could explain all behavior, rejecting innate ideas or consciousness as explanatory constructs. Classical conditioning, demonstrated by in experiments from the late 1890s, formed a of behaviorist methodology. Pavlov observed that dogs salivated not only to food but eventually to a previously neutral stimulus like a metronome sound when repeatedly paired with unconditioned stimuli eliciting salivation, establishing the conditioned reflex by the early 1900s. Watson extended this to humans in the 1920 , where an infant was conditioned to fear a white rat by pairing it with a loud noise, illustrating emotional conditioning and stimulus generalization. B.F. Skinner advanced into radical form through , emphasizing voluntary behaviors shaped by consequences rather than antecedents. In the 1930s, Skinner developed the (Skinner box), where animals like rats pressed levers for rewards, quantifying schedules' effects on response rates; he coined "operant" in 1938. Positive strengthens behaviors preceding it, while weakens them, enabling precise environmental control over actions. Behaviorism influenced applied fields, including behavioral therapies like for phobias and token economies in institutional settings, which use contingent rewards to modify maladaptive behaviors. In education, Skinner's and teaching machines, introduced in the 1950s, applied operant principles to deliver immediate feedback and for incremental skill acquisition. Critics, notably in his 1959 review of Skinner's , argued that behaviorist accounts failed to explain complex phenomena like , citing the "" where children produce novel sentences beyond reinforced inputs, thus undermining stimulus-response . Despite contributing to empirical rigor and effective interventions, waned amid the of the 1950s–1960s, which reintroduced mental processes as necessary for understanding cognition, though its legacy persists in and evidence-based therapies.

Cognitive Revolution

The in psychology refers to during the 1950s and 1960s that redirected focus from behaviorism's emphasis on observable stimuli and responses to internal mental processes such as , , and problem-solving. This movement arose from growing dissatisfaction with behaviorism's inability to account for complex human cognition, including and reasoning, which could not be fully explained by environmental conditioning alone. Influenced by advances in , , and , psychologists began modeling the mind as an information-processing system analogous to digital computers. A pivotal event occurred on September 11, 1956, at a in , where George A. Miller presented his paper "The Magical Number Seven, Plus or Minus Two: Some Limits on Our Capacity for Processing Information," highlighting human constraints and laying groundwork for cognitive models of and capacity. Noam Chomsky's 1959 review of B.F. Skinner's further catalyzed the shift by critiquing behaviorist explanations of as overly simplistic and empirically inadequate, arguing instead for innate grammatical structures in the that enable rapid learning beyond mere . These critiques exposed behaviorism's methodological limitations, such as its rejection of and untestable internal states, prompting a return to studying through experimental methods like reaction-time tasks and verbal protocols. Key contributors included , who founded the Harvard Center for Cognitive Studies in 1960 to integrate psychology with and computer science, and Allen Newell and Herbert Simon, whose 1956 program demonstrated problem-solving as heuristic search, bridging psychology and . Ulric Neisser's 1967 publication of , the first dedicated textbook, formalized the field by defining it as the study of how organisms acquire, process, and store , solidifying its status as a distinct approach. Empirical support came from laboratory experiments demonstrating phenomena like chunking in memory and schema-driven perception, which could not predict or explain without invoking mental representations. The revolution's impact extended to interdisciplinary , fostering collaborations across psychology, , , and , and enabling advancements in areas like and human-computer interaction. While behaviorism's rigorous experimentalism persisted in applied domains, the cognitive approach dominated academic psychology by the , emphasizing verifiable models of mental operations over black-box stimulus-response chains. Critics, including some behaviorists, argued that cognitive constructs risked being unobservable and circular, but proponents countered with predictive successes, such as simulations of that outperformed purely associative models.

Psychodynamic Theories

Psychodynamic theories originated with Sigmund Freud's development of in the late 19th century, positing that human behavior is largely driven by unconscious motives, conflicts, and early childhood experiences. Freud's model divides the psyche into three structures: the , representing instinctual drives; the ego, mediating reality; and the superego, enforcing moral standards. These elements often conflict, leading to anxiety resolved through defense mechanisms such as repression and projection. Freud outlined psychosexual stages of development—oral, anal, phallic, latency, and genital—where fixation due to unresolved conflicts could shape adult personality and . Therapeutic techniques, including free association and dream analysis, aim to bring unconscious material to awareness, facilitating insight and resolution. Early followers like introduced concepts such as the and archetypes, diverging into , while emphasized inferiority complexes and social striving in . Post-Freudian developments include , focusing on adaptive functions of the ego as advanced by and Heinz Hartmann in the mid-20th century, and , which highlights early relational patterns influencing internal representations, as elaborated by and . , developed by Heinz Kohut in the 1970s, stresses the role of in treating narcissistic vulnerabilities. Empirical support for exists, with meta-analyses showing effect sizes comparable to other therapies for disorders like depression and anxiety, and sustained benefits post-treatment. However, core theoretical constructs, such as the unconscious dynamics and psychosexual stages, face criticism for lacking , as predictions can be retrofitted to any outcome, rendering them unscientific per Karl Popper's criteria. Studies confirm unconscious influences on and use of defenses, but causal links to Freudian mechanisms remain weakly evidenced and difficult to test experimentally. Academic sources often reflect institutional preferences for interpretive over mechanistic paradigms, potentially overlooking parsimony in favor of narrative coherence. Despite these limitations, psychodynamic approaches persist in clinical practice, influencing brief therapies and informing understanding of relational pathologies.

Humanistic and Existential Views

Humanistic psychology emerged in the mid-20th century as an alternative to behaviorism and psychoanalysis, emphasizing human potential, free will, and self-actualization rather than deterministic or reductive explanations of behavior. Abraham Maslow, born in 1908 and deceased in 1970, proposed a hierarchy of needs in his 1943 paper "A Theory of Human Motivation," positing that human motivation progresses from basic physiological needs, through safety, love and belonging, esteem, to self-actualization at the apex. This model, later expanded in his 1954 book Motivation and Personality, suggested that lower needs must be met before higher ones motivate behavior, though Maslow acknowledged flexibility in the hierarchy. Carl Rogers, a contemporary of Maslow, developed client-centered , stressing the therapist's role in providing , , and congruence to facilitate the client's innate tendency toward growth and . Rogers' approach, outlined in works like his 1951 book Client-Centered Therapy, viewed humans as inherently good and capable of achieving congruence between their real and ideal selves when supported in a non-directive environment. These ideas positioned as a "third force," prioritizing subjective experience and personal agency over empirical measurement or unconscious drives. Existential psychology, drawing from philosophers like and , focuses on confronting human existence's core concerns: , responsibility, isolation, meaninglessness, and death. , a survivor, founded in the 1940s, arguing in his 1946 book —based on experiences in concentration camps—that the primary human drive is the will to meaning, enabling resilience even in . integrated existential themes into , emphasizing anxiety as a signal of potential growth in his 1950 book The Meaning of Anxiety and later works like The Courage to Create (1975). Irvin Yalom advanced existential psychotherapy by identifying four ultimate concerns—death, freedom, isolation, and meaninglessness—in his 1980 book Existential Psychotherapy, advocating therapeutic exploration of these to alleviate existential anxiety. Unlike humanistic optimism, existential approaches acknowledge life's inherent absurdity and finitude, urging authentic choices amid uncertainty. Overlaps exist, as figures like May contributed to both paradigms, but existential psychology maintains a darker emphasis on dread and limits to freedom. Critics argue that humanistic and existential views lack empirical rigor, relying on anecdotal or subjective evidence rather than testable hypotheses, which has diminished their influence in mainstream psychology favoring quantifiable data. For instance, Maslow's hierarchy, while intuitively appealing, shows limited predictive power in experimental settings, with needs often pursued non-hierarchically. Existential therapies demonstrate some efficacy in reducing anxiety and enhancing meaning, per meta-analyses, but evidence remains sparser than for cognitive-behavioral methods, partly due to philosophical rather than scientific foundations. Academic sources, often aligned with these paradigms, may overstate their universality, yet causal realism demands scrutiny of their alignment with observable human behaviors under constraint.

Social and Cultural Theories

Social learning theory, developed by Albert Bandura in the 1960s, posits that individuals acquire behaviors through observation and imitation of others, rather than solely through direct reinforcement. In the 1961 Bobo doll experiments, children exposed to adults aggressively interacting with an inflatable doll subsequently displayed similar aggressive actions, including punching and kicking the doll, at rates significantly higher than children who observed non-aggressive models or no model. These findings demonstrated observational learning's role in transmitting behaviors like aggression, challenging strict behaviorist views and emphasizing cognitive processes such as attention, retention, and motivation in modeling. Subsequent replications and extensions, including media violence studies, have provided mixed but generally supportive evidence, though effect sizes vary with contextual factors like perceived model status. Social identity theory, formulated by and in the 1970s, explains intergroup behavior through individuals' categorization into groups, leading to and out-group to enhance . Tajfel's minimal group experiments in 1971 assigned participants to arbitrary groups based on trivial criteria, such as estimating dot quantities, yet subjects allocated more rewards to in-group members, even at personal cost, revealing bias emergence without prior conflict or realistic interests. This framework accounts for phenomena like and , with empirical support from field studies on ethnic and national identities, though laboratory effects often prove smaller in real-world applications requiring sustained motivation. Sociocultural theory, advanced by in the 1930s, asserts that arises from social interactions within cultural contexts, mediated by tools like and symbols. Central concepts include the —the gap between independent performance and potential with guidance—and , where more knowledgeable others facilitate learning. Empirical studies, such as those on collaborative problem-solving in diverse cultural settings, show children advance faster with adult or peer assistance tailored to their capabilities, as evidenced in cross-linguistic research on tasks where cultural styles influence recall strategies. Vygotsky's ideas, disseminated post-1960s, underpin educational practices but rely more on qualitative observations than large-scale quantifications, with modern adding indirect support for social modulation of activity in learning. Cultural psychology highlights systematic variations in shaped by societal norms, as explored by Richard Nisbett in the early . East Asian cultures foster holistic thinking—attending to context and relationships—while Western cultures emphasize analytic thinking—focusing on objects and rules—as demonstrated in perceptual experiments where more readily noticed focal changes in scenes, whereas Chinese participants integrated backgrounds holistically. These differences extend to social inference, with evidence from attribution studies showing collectivistic societies prioritizing situational factors over dispositional ones, supported by cross-national surveys and eye-tracking data. However, such generalizations face critiques for oversimplifying within-group diversity and potential confounds like . The field grapples with a , particularly in , where many landmark findings fail to reproduce under rigorous conditions. A 2015 multi-lab effort replicated only 36% of 100 studies from top journals, with social effects averaging half the original size, attributed to factors like small samples, p-hacking, and favoring novelty over reliability. This undermines confidence in theories reliant on fragile effects, such as certain priming or paradigms, prompting shifts toward larger datasets and preregistration, though core frameworks like social learning retain stronger from diverse methodologies. Academic incentives prioritizing positive results exacerbate these issues, often sidelining null findings despite their informativeness for causal realism.

Central Research Domains

Consciousness and Unconscious Processes

refers to the state of being aware of and able to report on one's internal states, thoughts, and external stimuli, encompassing both phenomenal experience (subjective ) and access (availability for cognitive control and report). In psychology, it is studied through contrasts with unconscious processing, where mental operations occur without introspective access or voluntary control. Empirical investigations, primarily via and behavioral paradigms, reveal as a limited-capacity process amid vast parallel unconscious computations. Global Workspace Theory, proposed by Bernard Baars in 1988, posits as the global broadcast of selected information from specialized unconscious modules to a central "workspace" for integration, enabling flexible control and reportability. This theory predicts that conscious contents dominate and trigger widespread neural ignition, contrasting with modular unconscious events. Supporting evidence includes functional MRI studies showing prefrontal and parietal activation during conscious but not unconscious processing of masked stimuli. Key empirical findings include Benjamin Libet's 1983 experiments, which measured a readiness potential (RP)—a negative brain wave—emerging approximately 350-400 milliseconds before subjects reported conscious intent to move, suggesting unconscious initiation precedes awareness. Subsequent replications and extensions, such as those using fMRI, indicate predictive brain activity up to 10 seconds prior for simple choices, challenging intuitive notions of conscious volition as the origin of action. However, critics argue these timings reflect preparation rather than causation, preserving room for conscious veto power. Unconscious processes encompass automatic perceptual, motivational, and behavioral mechanisms operating outside , influencing outcomes like priming effects where subthreshold stimuli subsequent judgments. Studies demonstrate unconscious semantic , such as faster responses to congruent masked words, persisting even under attentional load, as cataloged in databases like UnconTrust aggregating over 100 experiments. patients, with V1 damage, navigate obstacles unconsciously despite denying vision, evidencing dissociable unconscious visual pathways. Sigmund Freud's dynamic unconscious, centered on repressed sexual and aggressive drives inaccessible due to anxiety, shaped early views but faces criticism for unfalsifiability and lack of direct empirical support beyond . Modern psychology favors a cognitive unconscious—non-repressed, adaptive systems for and habit formation—validated by replicable lab paradigms rather than clinical . Integration of conscious and unconscious reveals consciousness as an emergent editor, refining but not originating most mental activity, with implications for illusions of agency in .

Learning, Memory, and Conditioning

Learning refers to the process by which organisms acquire new behaviors or knowledge through experience, adapting to environmental demands via changes in neural connections and synaptic strengths. Empirical studies demonstrate that learning occurs through associative mechanisms, where stimuli or responses become linked, as well as non-associative forms like , where repeated exposure diminishes response to a stimulus, and , which heightens it. , involving imitation of modeled behaviors, further expands associative paradigms, as evidenced by experiments showing children replicating aggressive actions after viewing adult models. Conditioning represents a core associative learning pathway, divided into classical and operant variants. , pioneered by in experiments from the late 1890s to early 1900s, pairs a neutral stimulus with an unconditioned stimulus to elicit a conditioned response; for instance, dogs learned to salivate to a bell previously associated with food presentation, with results published in 1897. This reflexive process underscores involuntary learning, supported by physiological measures of salivation and reinforced by subsequent animal studies confirming temporal contiguity and dynamics. , developed by starting in the 1930s and formalized in 1937, links voluntary behaviors to consequences via or punishment; Skinner's operant chamber, or "Skinner box," quantified response rates in rats and pigeons, revealing schedules like fixed-ratio yielding high persistence. Memory sustains learning by encoding, storing, and retrieving information, with models delineating distinct stages. Hermann Ebbinghaus's 1885 self-experiments using nonsense syllables established the , showing retention drops rapidly—reaching about 58% after 20 minutes and 21% after a day without —quantified via savings in relearning time. The Atkinson-Shiffrin multi-store model of 1968 posits (lasting milliseconds to seconds), (capacity around 7 items, duration 20-30 seconds), and (potentially unlimited), with transferring information between stores. and Graham Hitch's 1974 working memory model refines short-term processes, comprising a central executive for control, phonological loop for verbal data, and visuospatial sketchpad for visual-spatial information, later augmented by an episodic buffer integrating multimodal inputs. These frameworks integrate conditioning with , as reinforced behaviors consolidate into long-term stores through repetition and relevance, evidenced by neural revealing hippocampal involvement in encoding and in retrieval. Disruptions, such as in patients, highlight causal roles: anterograde deficits impair new learning while sparing conditioned reflexes, affirming modular yet interactive systems grounded in empirical dissociations rather than holistic interpretations favored in less rigorous psychoanalytic traditions.

Emotion, Motivation, and Drives

Emotions are adaptive psychological states that coordinate physiological, cognitive, and behavioral responses to environmental challenges, with empirical evidence supporting the existence of discrete basic emotions such as happiness, sadness, fear, anger, surprise, and disgust, recognized universally through facial expressions across cultures. These emotions evolved as mechanisms to solve recurrent adaptive problems, such as detecting threats or forming social bonds, with neural circuits like the amygdala facilitating rapid fear responses to promote survival. Two prominent physiological theories contrast in explaining emotion generation: the James-Lange theory posits that bodily arousal precedes and causes the emotional experience, as in trembling leading to the perception of fear, while the Cannon-Bard theory argues that thalamic signals simultaneously trigger both arousal and emotion, evidenced by uniform autonomic responses across different emotions that do not fully differentiate subjective feelings. Motivation refers to the processes initiating, directing, and sustaining goal-oriented behaviors, distinguished empirically between intrinsic forms—driven by inherent satisfaction, such as or mastery—and extrinsic forms, fueled by external rewards or punishments, with studies showing intrinsic predicts sustained and better performance in tasks like learning, whereas excessive extrinsic incentives can undermine it via overjustification effects. , developed by Deci and Ryan, integrates these by emphasizing fulfillment of innate needs for , competence, and relatedness as causal drivers of intrinsic , supported by meta-analyses linking need satisfaction to enhanced and persistence across domains like and work, though cultural variations in need prioritization warrant caution against universalizing Western-centric findings. Drives represent internal states of tension arising from biological disequilibria, as in Clark Hull's drive-reduction theory, where primary drives like or motivate behaviors to restore , with habit strength (learned associations) amplifying drive-induced actions, evidenced by animal experiments showing reinforced eating to alleviate caloric deficits. Homeostatic drives, such as triggered by low glucose or by hyperosmolarity, engage hypothalamic circuits to prioritize ingestion, with confirming distinct neural pathways for these versus secondary drives like , though Hull's model underemphasizes cognitive appraisals in complex human . Interconnections among , , and drives manifest in phenomena like fear-motivated avoidance reducing threat exposure or appetite suppression during stress, underscoring their role in adaptive regulation rather than isolated functions.

Personality Traits and Individual Differences

Trait theories in psychology conceptualize personality as consisting of stable, enduring dispositions that vary across individuals and predict behavior consistently over time and situations. These traits meet three criteria: consistency in expression, stability across the lifespan, and systematic differences between people. Early trait research drew from the , positing that important personality differences are encoded in , leading to analyses of trait-descriptive adjectives. Raymond Cattell applied to thousands of trait terms, identifying 16 primary factors in the 1940s, such as warmth, reasoning, emotional stability, dominance, liveliness, rule-consciousness, social boldness, sensitivity, vigilance, abstractedness, privateness, apprehension, openness to change, , perfectionism, and tension. These were measured via the , emphasizing empirical derivation over theoretical constructs. Hans Eysenck proposed a hierarchical model with three broad dimensions: extraversion (sociability vs. reserve), (emotional instability vs. stability), and psychoticism (aggressiveness vs. ), linking them to biological and cortical inhibition. Eysenck's dimensions anticipated higher-order factors in later models and emphasized and physiological correlates. The dominant contemporary framework is the Big Five, or five-factor model (FFM), comprising (curiosity and creativity), (organization and dependability), extraversion (sociability and energy), agreeableness (cooperation and compassion), and (emotional volatility). Developed through factor-analytic studies from the 1960s onward, including work by Tupes and Christal, and refined by Costa and McCrae via the NEO Personality Inventory in 1978 (revised 1992), the model emerged from lexical and questionnaire data across cultures. Meta-analyses confirm its robustness, with traits showing moderate to high test-retest reliability (r > 0.70 over years) and for outcomes like job performance (, r ≈ 0.30) and relationship satisfaction. Behavioral genetic studies, primarily twin and adoption designs, estimate personality trait heritability at approximately 40%, with the remainder attributable to nonshared environment; shared environment contributes negligibly after adolescence. A 2015 meta-analysis of over 2,000 studies found broad heritability for personality facets around 0.40, consistent across Big Five domains, supporting additive genetic influences over dominance or epistasis. These estimates derive from comparing monozygotic (100% genetic similarity) and dizygotic (50%) twin correlations, where MZ intraclass correlations exceed DZ by roughly double, implying h² ≈ 2(r_MZ - r_DZ). Despite ideological resistance in some academic quarters favoring environmental determinism, replication across large samples (e.g., >14 million twin pairs in broader trait meta-analyses) affirms genetic contributions to individual differences. Sex differences in traits are observed globally, with women scoring higher on average in (d ≈ 0.40), (d ≈ 0.50), and aspects of and extraversion (e.g., warmth), while men score higher in facets of extraversion and lower in neuroticism. These gaps, small to moderate in magnitude, widen in more gender-egalitarian nations, suggesting reduced social pressures allow innate differences to manifest more fully, countering expectations of convergence under equality. meta-analyses of millions confirm consistency, with effect sizes stable over decades. Trait stability increases with age, plateauing in adulthood, though mean-level changes occur, such as rising and declining neuroticism from 20s to 60s. Individual differences extend to situational variability, where traits moderate across contexts, but core dispositions persist; for instance, extraverts remain more outgoing in social settings despite fluctuations. The FFM outperforms narrower models in comprehensiveness, though critics note potential cultural biases in lexical derivation favoring Western . Empirical support from longitudinal and cross-national data underscores traits' role in explaining variance in life outcomes beyond socioeconomic or cognitive factors.

Developmental Trajectories Across Lifespan

examines systematic changes in cognitive, emotional, social, and behavioral domains from prenatal periods through , emphasizing lifelong plasticity, multidirectionality of gains and losses, and contextual influences on trajectories. Unlike earlier views confining development to childhood, the lifespan perspective posits ongoing adaptation influenced by biological maturation, historical events, and individual agency, with empirical support from longitudinal cohorts showing heterogeneous pathways rather than uniform progression. Debates center on continuity versus discontinuity: continuity models describe gradual, quantitative accumulations of abilities, as in incremental refinement, while discontinuity posits qualitative shifts or stages, such as abrupt reorganizations in reasoning. Evidence from and behavioral studies reveals a hybrid pattern, with gradual neural refinements (e.g., ) punctuated by sensitive periods, like puberty's hormonal surges altering ; however, strict stage theories like Piaget's often overestimate uniformity, with cross-cultural data indicating variability. In infancy and (birth to age 5), trajectories feature rapid sensorimotor and attachment formation, with secure attachments correlating to better emotional regulation longitudinally; brain volume doubles by age 3, supporting foundational trust versus mistrust per Erikson's model, empirically linked to responses in stress paradigms. Childhood (ages 6-12) involves concrete operational advances in logic and peer , though executive function growth shows estimates around 50%, underscoring genetic-environmental interplay over purely experiential accounts. Adolescence (ages 13-19) marks identity exploration versus role confusion, with prefrontal cortex maturation extending into the mid-20s, explaining heightened risk-taking via delayed reward discounting; social cognition trajectories accelerate, enabling theory-of-mind refinements, but vulnerability to peer influence peaks due to limbic hypersensitivity. Early adulthood (20s-40s) exhibits relative stability in fluid intelligence alongside gains in crystallized knowledge, with personality traits like conscientiousness rising until midlife, driven by occupational demands and mate selection pressures. Middle adulthood (40s-60s) often sees emotional trajectories favoring positivity, with negative affect declining linearly across cohorts, attributed to improved and stressor reappraisal rather than denial; empirical meta-analyses confirm extraversion peaks then plateaus, while increases, reflecting adaptive social investments. Late adulthood (65+) involves fluid ability declines (e.g., processing speed drops 1-2% annually post-60) offset by emotional and selective optimization, with longitudinal from studies like MIDUS showing resilient in 66% of trajectories despite physical losses. Overall, moderates trajectories, with twin studies estimating 40-60% genetic influence on cognitive stability, challenging nurture-dominant narratives in some academic sources.

Intelligence, Abilities, and Cognitive Assessment

Francis Galton initiated the scientific study of individual differences in mental abilities in the 1880s through early psychometric experiments measuring sensory discrimination and reaction times, laying foundational principles for quantitative assessment of human cognition. In 1904, Charles Spearman introduced the concept of a general intelligence factor, or g, via factor analysis of cognitive test correlations, positing that a single underlying ability accounts for the positive manifold observed across diverse mental tasks. Empirical evidence from large-scale factor analyses consistently supports g as the highest-order factor extracting shared variance from batteries of tests, explaining 40-50% of individual differences in cognitive performance. Alfred Binet developed the first practical intelligence scale in 1905 to identify children needing educational support, using age-normed tasks to compute a mental age. Lewis Terman revised it into the Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scale in 1916, introducing the intelligence quotient (IQ) as mental age divided by chronological age multiplied by 100, standardizing scores with a mean of 100 and standard deviation of 15-16. David Wechsler created adult-focused scales starting in 1939, such as the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale (WAIS), emphasizing deviation IQ based on population norms rather than age ratios, which remains the basis for modern assessments. Cognitive abilities encompass broad factors beyond g, as synthesized in John B. Carroll's three-stratum theory from a 1993 meta-analysis of over 460 datasets spanning 70 years of factor-analytic studies. Stratum III represents g; stratum II includes eight broad abilities like fluid reasoning (Gf), crystallized knowledge (Gc), quantitative knowledge (Gq), and visual-spatial processing (Gv); stratum I comprises hundreds of narrow, task-specific skills. This hierarchical model integrates Spearman's g with multifaceted abilities, informing comprehensive test batteries like the Woodcock-Johnson and . Twin and adoption studies estimate heritability at 50-80% in adulthood, with meta-analyses showing increases from about 40% in childhood to 70-80% by late , reflecting gene-environment interactions where genetic influences amplify as individuals select environments matching their genotypes. These figures derive from comparisons of monozygotic twins reared apart (correlations ~0.75) versus dizygotic twins or siblings (~0.45), controlling for shared environments. IQ scores demonstrate robust for real-world outcomes, with meta-analyses reporting correlations of 0.51 with job performance, 0.56 with , and 0.27-0.38 with income after controlling for . Longitudinal data confirm childhood IQ predicts adult socioeconomic success more strongly than parental SES or measures, underscoring causal links from cognitive ability to achievement via reasoning, learning speed, and problem-solving . Tests maintain high reliability (test-retest >0.90) and (Cronbach's alpha >0.95), though cultural loading in verbal subtests necessitates non-verbal alternatives like for diverse populations.

Psychopathology and Mental Disorders

Psychopathology encompasses the scientific study of mental disorders, focusing on their , symptomatology, progression, , and treatment. It examines deviations from typical psychological functioning that impair , often involving cognitive, emotional, or behavioral dysfunctions leading to distress or disability. Mental disorders are classified using systems like the , published by the in 2013, which organizes conditions into categories such as neurodevelopmental disorders, schizophrenia spectrum and other psychotic disorders, bipolar and depressive disorders, anxiety disorders, obsessive-compulsive and related disorders, trauma- and stressor-related disorders, and personality disorders. The (), maintained by the , provides a parallel global framework emphasizing functional impairment and cultural context. Prevalence data indicate mental disorders affect substantial portions of populations worldwide. , approximately 23.1% of adults—over 59 million individuals—experienced a mental illness in 2022, with impacting 6.0% or about 15.4 million adults. Globally, nearly 1 in 7 people (1.1 billion) lived with a in 2021, dominated by anxiety and depressive disorders, which accounted for the majority of the disease burden. Common conditions include (8.3% U.S. adult prevalence in recent estimates), , and (lifetime prevalence around 0.3-0.7%). These rates vary by demographics, with higher incidences in females for mood disorders and in urban or low-income settings, though diagnostic expansion in manuals like has contributed to rising reported prevalences. Etiological research reveals mental disorders arise from multifactorial interactions between genetic vulnerabilities and environmental influences, with twin and studies providing robust evidence for . For , heritability estimates from twin studies range from 44% to 87%, averaging 81%, indicating strong genetic contributions alongside environmental triggers like prenatal infections or urban upbringing. shows similar patterns, with heritability of 60-85% based on twin data, while major depressive disorder's heritability is lower at 36-51%, suggesting greater environmental modulation such as stress or trauma. Gene-environment interactions are evident, where genetic predispositions amplify responses to adversity, as seen in studies of childhood maltreatment exacerbating risk in carriers of certain variants; however, claims minimizing genetic roles often stem from institutionally biased sources favoring social determinants over polygenic evidence from genome-wide association studies. Neurobiological mechanisms, including dopaminergic dysregulation in and hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal axis hyperactivity in depression, further underscore causal pathways beyond purely models.
  • Mood Disorders: Characterized by persistent low mood or manic episodes; major depression involves , sleep disturbances, and suicidality, with episode recurrence in 50-85% of cases.
  • Anxiety Disorders: Encompass excessive responses, such as in (lifetime prevalence 2-3%), often comorbid with depression.
  • Psychotic Disorders: features hallucinations and delusions, with negative symptoms like impairing daily function; early intervention reduces chronicity.
  • Personality Disorders: Enduring patterns like , marked by instability and impulsivity, affecting 1-2% severely.
Evidence-based interventions include pharmacotherapies like selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors for depression (response rates 50-60%) and antipsychotics for (reducing by 60-70% when adherent), alongside psychotherapies such as cognitive-behavioral , which yields moderate effect sizes (0.5-0.8) across disorders but with efficacy potentially overstated in trials due to . Combined approaches outperform monotherapy for many conditions, though long-term outcomes highlight the limits of current paradigms, with 20-30% of patients to standard treatments, prompting into like . Causal realism demands prioritizing interventions targeting identifiable mechanisms, such as genetic risk stratification, over unverified narrative .

Biological Underpinnings

Genetic Influences and Estimates

in behavioral genetics refers to the proportion of observed variation in a psychological trait within a that can be attributed to genetic differences among individuals, estimated primarily through twin, family, and studies. These methods leverage the greater genetic similarity of monozygotic (identical) twins compared to dizygotic (fraternal) twins to partition variance into genetic, shared environmental, and non-shared environmental components. Genome-wide association studies (GWAS) and polygenic scores further identify specific genetic variants, though they typically explain less variance than twin-based estimates due to factors like rare variants and gene-environment interactions. For intelligence, measured as general cognitive ability (g), meta-analyses of twin studies report heritability estimates averaging around 50% across the lifespan, rising linearly to approximately 80% in adulthood as environmental influences equalize. For instance, a synthesis of over 11,000 twin pairs showed heritability increasing from childhood (about 40%) to late adolescence and beyond. GWAS-derived polygenic scores capture roughly half of this twin heritability, confirming intelligence as highly polygenic with thousands of common variants each contributing small effects. Personality traits, particularly the Big Five dimensions (, extraversion, , , ), exhibit moderate to substantial of 40-60% based on twin studies. Broad genetic influences range from 41% for to 61% for , with facets showing similar patterns. Recent GWAS have identified hundreds of associated genes, supporting polygenic architecture, though environmental factors like non-shared experiences account for the remainder. In , is pronounced for disorders like (60-80%) and (70-90%), derived from twin and family studies. These estimates indicate strong genetic liabilities, with GWAS revealing overlapping risk loci across psychotic disorders, though "missing heritability" persists as polygenic scores explain only a fraction of the variance. Such findings underscore genetic predispositions without negating environmental triggers, emphasizing multifactorial causation.

Neural Mechanisms and Brain Structures

The plays a central role in , including , , and , as evidenced by studies showing activation during goal-directed tasks. Lesion studies, such as the 1848 case of , where a tamping iron destroyed much of his s, demonstrate profound changes in , , and , shifting from responsible to profane and unreliable conduct. Modern analyses confirm that Gage's orbitofrontal and ventromedial prefrontal damage disrupted emotional regulation and , supporting causal links between these structures and adaptive behavior without abolishing basic . In memory processes, the hippocampus is essential for forming episodic memories and spatial navigation, with empirical evidence from patient H.M., who underwent bilateral hippocampal resection in 1953 and subsequently exhibited severe anterograde amnesia while retaining pre-surgical knowledge. Single-cell recordings in rodents and humans reveal hippocampal place cells that encode locations and temporal sequences, underpinning relational memory organization. Damage here impairs consolidation of declarative memories but spares procedural learning, indicating specialized neural mechanisms for explicit versus implicit knowledge. The facilitates rapid emotional processing, particularly threat detection and , as shown in studies where its activation correlates with responses to ful faces independent of conscious awareness. Lesions in the reduce emotional reactivity and impair recognition of in others, while functional MRI indicate bilateral involvement in both positive and negative valence stimuli. This structure integrates sensory inputs with autonomic responses, contributing to motivational drives and emotional memory enhancement via connections to the hippocampus. Language production relies on in the left , identified by in 1861 through autopsy of patients with , where damage selectively impairs speech articulation while comprehension remains intact. confirms its role in grammatical processing and motor planning for utterance, with transient mutism following acute lesions underscoring involvement in vocalization. Complementary evidence from complementary in the handles comprehension, forming a dorsal stream for linguistic operations. Psychological processes exhibit distributed neural mechanisms, yet lesion and imaging data establish key hubs: prefrontal regions for higher cognition, limbic structures like the and hippocampus for affect and recollection, and perisylvian areas for communication. These findings derive from causal interventions and correlative activations, revealing how structural integrity underpins behavioral adaptability, though distributed networks modulate functions across contexts.

Hormonal and Physiological Factors

Hormones exert influence on psychological processes by modulating neural activity, , and motivational states, with effects varying by developmental timing and context. Prenatal and pubertal surges in steroids, such as testosterone and , organize and activate differences in , including , , and social preferences. For instance, higher prenatal exposure correlates with male-typical play patterns and reduced in both sexes, as evidenced by studies of individuals with . These organizational effects underscore causal roles in establishing behavioral dimorphisms, though human data rely heavily on naturalistic variations rather than direct manipulations due to ethical constraints. Testosterone, elevated in males from fetal development onward, shows a modest positive association with across meta-analyses of human studies, with effect sizes around r=0.08 for baseline levels but stronger links (r=0.14) during competitive challenges via the "challenge hypothesis." Exogenous administration in healthy yields small increases in self-reported but minimal changes in laboratory measures like the Point Subtraction Aggression Paradigm, suggesting context-dependent rather than direct causal drive. Cognitively, testosterone enhances spatial rotation tasks and risk-taking, particularly in women during menstrual phases of low , while high chronic doses may impair and hierarchy maintenance. fluctuations across the influence and mood, with mid-luteal peaks correlating to improved affect regulation but premenstrual drops linked to in susceptible individuals. The hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal (HPA) axis, culminating in release, mediates acute stress responses that heighten vigilance and mobilization but impair prefrontal-dependent when chronically elevated. Hypercortisolemia, observed in 30-50% of major depression cases, disrupts hippocampal and executive function, contributing to deficits and rumination. Acute administration enhances emotional for negative stimuli but reduces capacity, illustrating inverted-U dose-response curves where moderate levels optimize performance. Physiological disruptions like amplify , exacerbating anxiety and biases, as twin studies estimate 40% for HPA reactivity intertwined with genetic risks. Beyond endocrines, physiological states such as and autonomic arousal directly shape cognitive and emotional outputs. impairs and increases irritability, with blood sugar dips triggering sympathetic activation akin to stress responses. Cardiovascular fitness modulates mood via endorphin release and reduced , with meta-analyses linking to 20-30% reductions in depressive symptoms through enhancements. These factors interact with hormones; for example, dysregulation (hypo- or ) alters serotonin signaling, yielding cognitive slowing or anxiety in 10-15% of untreated cases, independent of overt . Empirical tracking via biomarkers reveals that deviations from —whether caloric restriction or —causally bias toward avoidance behaviors, emphasizing physiological priors in .

Evolutionary Adaptations in Behavior

examines through the lens of adaptations shaped by , positing that many psychological mechanisms evolved to solve specific problems recurrent in ancestral environments, such as predator avoidance, resource acquisition, and mate competition. These mechanisms are often domain-specific, operating as cognitive modules that prioritize fitness-enhancing responses over general learning. Empirical support derives from cross-cultural universality, developmental , and patterns consistent with selection pressures over . In mate selection, sex-differentiated preferences reflect asymmetric reproductive costs: women, facing greater obligatory investment in offspring, favor cues of resource provision and status, while men prioritize indicators of like and physical . David Buss's analysis of preferences among 10,047 participants across 37 cultures in 1989 revealed these patterns held robustly, with women rating financial prospects 1.5 times higher than men on average, and men emphasizing chastity and beauty more strongly, aligning with predictions from theory. Subsequent replications in over 50 societies confirm the effect sizes, with correlations between cultural and preference strength remaining minimal (r < 0.2). Altruism toward kin exemplifies indirect fitness benefits via Hamilton's rule (rB > C), where r denotes genetic relatedness, B the benefit to the recipient, and C the cost to the actor. Behavioral data show humans donate more to full siblings (r=0.5) than half-siblings (r=0.25) or unrelated peers, with experimental allocations in economic games yielding 20-30% higher transfers to relatives, even when is anonymized via cues like shared surnames. This pattern extends to costly aid, such as rates, which peak among identical twins (r=1.0) at over 50% consent rates compared to 30% for fraternal twins. Fear responses to ancestral dangers, including snakes, spiders, and heights, exhibit innate , bypassing extensive conditioning. Infants under six months dilate pupils to snake images but not to modern threats like guns or electrical outlets, indicating evolved modules tuned to Pleistocene hazards that killed disproportionately. Phobic acquisition rates are highest for these stimuli—up to 10 times faster than neutral objects—supporting selection for rapid threat detection over millennia of predation pressure. Cooperation beyond kin arises through reciprocity and dynamics, with human societies showing food sharing that boosts individual caloric intake by 15-20% via tolerated theft or mutualism, stabilized by tracking and of cheaters. Models predict evolves when repeated interactions allow benefit reciprocity exceeding defection payoffs, as evidenced by rejections of unfair splits (average minimum 20-40% offer) across 15 small-scale societies, enforcing norms via costly signaling. While these adaptations explain behavioral universals, critics argue some hypotheses risk unfalsifiability due to unobservable ancestral conditions, though experimental paradigms like mismatch designs—contrasting ancestral vs. modern cues—yield , such as heightened anxiety in urban environments lacking evolutionary novel safety signals. Accumulating genetic and evidence, including activation patterns conserved across , reinforces causal links between selection history and contemporary traits.

Research Methodologies

Controlled Experimentation and Causality

Controlled experiments in psychology manipulate an independent variable under standardized conditions to assess its causal impact on a dependent variable, distinguishing them from observational methods by enabling stronger inferences about and effect. Researchers achieve this through of participants to conditions, which minimizes selection biases and equates groups on potential confounds, alongside the use of control groups that receive no treatment or a to isolate the effect of the manipulation. This design satisfies key criteria for : temporal precedence (manipulation precedes measurement), covariation between variables, and elimination of alternative explanations via controls. Essential features include precise measurement of outcomes, often through behavioral observations or self-reports, and efforts to maintain by holding extraneous variables constant, such as environmental factors or participant expectations. and blinding—where participants or experimenters are unaware of conditions—further reduce biases like demand characteristics, where subjects alter to meet perceived expectations. In psychological contexts, settings allow tight control, as seen in Stanley Milgram's 1961 obedience studies, where 65% of participants administered what they believed were lethal shocks to a confederate under instructions, demonstrating situational influences on compliance through variations in proximity to the victim. Field experiments extend this approach to real-world settings for greater , though with reduced control; for instance, Albert Bandura's 1961 Bobo doll experiments exposed children to aggressive models, finding that 88% of those observing violence imitated it, supporting via controlled exposure differences. Historical precedents include Ivan Pavlov's early 20th-century conditioning work, pairing neutral stimuli with food to elicit salivation in dogs, establishing associative learning mechanisms. Such designs underpin causal claims in areas like and behavior, yet require statistical analysis, such as ANOVA, to confirm significant differences attributable to the manipulation rather than chance. Despite strengths, controlled experiments face limitations in psychology, including ethical constraints that preclude harmful manipulations, as critiqued in Milgram's work for inducing stress without full . Artificial lab environments often yield low , where findings fail to generalize beyond contrived scenarios, and participant reactivity—such as Hawthorne effects—can inflate or distort results. Moreover, complex human behaviors resist full isolation, risking overlooked confounds, and high costs limit sample sizes, potentially undermining power to detect subtle effects. These challenges necessitate complementary methods and rigorous replication to validate causal inferences.

Correlational, Observational, and Survey Designs

Correlational designs assess the degree and direction of association between two or more variables as they occur naturally, without manipulating any independent variable. The primary statistic employed is the (r), which ranges from -1.0 indicating a perfect inverse relationship to +1.0 indicating a perfect positive one, with values near zero signifying no linear association. This method originated with , who in 1888 introduced the concept of "co-relation" while studying hereditary traits like height in families, laying groundwork for quantitative analysis of individual differences. later formalized the coefficient in 1895, enabling its widespread use in psychology for variables impractical or unethical to experimentally control, such as the relationship between exposure and incidence, where meta-analyses report r values around 0.3-0.5. Strengths of correlational approaches include their ability to handle real-world data from large samples, revealing patterns like the consistent r ≈ 0.5-0.7 between childhood IQ and adult socioeconomic outcomes across longitudinal cohorts. They facilitate generation for subsequent experiments and avoid ethical issues, as seen in studies linking rates to statistics without intervening in behaviors. However, these designs cannot establish due to three core limitations: the directionality problem (e.g., does depression cause poor or vice versa?), the third-variable problem (confounding factors like mediating apparent links), and the potential for spurious correlations, such as the nonexistent causal tie between per capita cheese consumption and bedsheet tangling deaths, both rising with . Statistical controls like partial s can mitigate some confounds but do not fully resolve inferential ambiguities. Observational designs capture behaviors and events in natural or semi-natural settings without researcher-imposed controls, prioritizing over experimental precision. , for instance, involves unobtrusive recording of subjects in everyday environments, as in studies of social dynamics yielding detailed ethograms of frequencies tied to resource scarcity. embeds the researcher within the group, providing insider perspectives but introducing reactivity risks, while controlled observation occurs in lab-like setups mimicking reality to balance validity and replicability. Case studies exemplify intensive single-subject analysis, such as detailed behavioral logs from clinical patients revealing rare symptom clusters, though generalization remains limited to N=1 or small samples. Advantages encompass rich qualitative insights and minimal disruption to authentic conduct, enabling discoveries like the role of bystander apathy in emergencies, first quantified through field observations in the 1960s showing correlating with group size. Data collection is often cost-effective for initial explorations. Disadvantages include —where expectations influence coding, with coefficients dropping below 0.7 in unstructured protocols—and ethical challenges in covert monitoring, alongside confounds from uncontrolled variables that preclude causal claims. Time intensity is notable; a single naturalistic study may require hundreds of hours for robust event sampling to achieve statistical power. Survey designs rely on self-reported data gathered via questionnaires or interviews to quantify attitudes, experiences, or traits across populations, often using Likert scales for ordinal responses. Structured formats, like those in the American Psychological Association's annual surveys, permit scalable assessment of phenomena such as levels, with response rates historically around 20-30% in mailed formats but higher (50-70%) online. Open-ended items capture nuance, while closed ones facilitate aggregation, as in national polls linking self-rated health to exercise frequency with odds ratios of 1.5-2.0 for positive associations. These methods excel in breadth, accessing private cognitions infeasible via direct measures, but validity is compromised by systematic biases: social desirability inflates reports of virtuous behaviors (e.g., underreporting alcohol use by 20-40% in surveys), acquiescence yields "yes" tendencies regardless of content, and recall inaccuracies distort retrospective data, with test-retest reliabilities as low as 0.4 for episodic memories. Reference group effects further skew results, as self-assessments vary by social context, limiting comparability. with behavioral or physiological correlates, or statistical adjustments like , enhances reliability, yet surveys fundamentally trade depth for volume and cannot verify unreported actions. Collectively, these non-experimental approaches inform descriptive and predictive models but demand cautious interpretation to avoid overattributing , often serving as precursors to randomized trials.

Longitudinal and Twin Studies

Longitudinal studies track the same cohort of individuals across multiple time points, enabling researchers to observe intra-individual changes, trait stability, and developmental trajectories while controlling for between-subject confounds such as cohort effects. This facilitates stronger inferences about in psychological processes compared to cross-sectional designs, as it captures temporal precedence and reduces retrospective bias, though it risks attrition, practice effects, and high costs over decades. For instance, the Multidisciplinary and Development Study, launched in 1972 in , has followed a birth cohort of 1,037 participants through age 50, documenting patterns in cognitive abilities, personality persistence, and onset, with retention rates exceeding 90% in early waves. Similarly, the Harvard , begun in 1938 with 268 Harvard undergraduates, has revealed correlations between early adult adaptations and later-life outcomes, such as the of relationship for over isolated achievement metrics. Twin studies employ a quasi-experimental design contrasting monozygotic (MZ) twins, who share nearly 100% of genetic material, with dizygotic (DZ) twins, who share about 50% on average, to estimate narrow-sense heritability (h²) via the formula h² ≈ 2(r_MZ - r_DZ), where r denotes trait correlations within twin pairs reared together. This approach isolates additive genetic variance from shared and non-shared environmental influences, assuming the equal environments assumption (EEA) holds—that MZ and DZ twins experience equivalently similar trait-relevant environments. Empirical tests, including those manipulating perceived zygosity or examining twins with dissimilar environments, largely support the EEA for cognitive and personality traits, though critics argue potential MZ-specific social influences could inflate heritability estimates, a concern partially addressed by adoption and reared-apart twin data yielding comparable results. A 2015 meta-analysis of 2,748 twin studies encompassing 17,804 traits and over 14 million twin pairs reported a median h² of 49% across phenotypes, with higher values for psychological constructs like intelligence (around 50-80% in adulthood) and personality dimensions. When integrated longitudinally, twin designs reveal age-dependent heritability patterns, such as h² rising from approximately 20-40% in to 70-80% by and adulthood, reflecting diminishing shared environmental impacts and amplifying genetic expression amid diversifying individual experiences. The Study of Twins Reared Apart, spanning data collection from 1979 to 1999, demonstrated MZ twin IQ correlations of 0.70-0.80 despite separate upbringings, underscoring genetic dominance over divergent environments. These methodologies have advanced causal realism in psychology by quantifying genetic contributions to behavioral stability—e.g., 40-60% for most psychiatric disorders—challenging purely environmental etiologies and informing interventions that account for heritable baselines rather than assuming malleability without limits. Despite institutional tendencies in academia to underemphasize due to egalitarian priors, replicated twin-longitudinal findings align with genomic estimates from GWAS, reinforcing their validity for dissecting nature-nurture dynamics.

Neuroimaging and Direct Brain Interventions

Neuroimaging techniques enable the observation of structure and function in relation to psychological processes, primarily through methods like (fMRI), (PET), and (EEG). fMRI detects changes in blood oxygenation level-dependent (BOLD) signals to infer neural activity with high (approximately 1-3 mm) but limited (seconds), allowing researchers to map brain regions activated during tasks such as or emotional processing. EEG measures electrical activity via scalp electrodes, offering millisecond temporal precision ideal for studying rapid cognitive events like shifts, though is coarser due to volume conduction effects. These tools have been applied in to correlate brain patterns with behaviors, for instance, identifying involvement in executive function. Despite their utility, neuroimaging studies predominantly yield correlational data, complicating causal inferences about brain-behavior relationships. Activation in a region does not prove it causes a specific psychological state, as multiple processes may engage the same area, leading to the "reverse inference" problem where observed activity is over-interpreted as evidence for a hypothesized function. Functional connectivity analyses attempt to model interactions but cannot isolate directionality without interventions, and artifacts like motion or scanner variability further undermine reliability. In psychology, this limits neuroimaging's role to hypothesis generation rather than definitive causal proof, necessitating integration with behavioral or intervention data. Direct brain interventions provide stronger tests of by perturbing neural activity and observing behavioral outcomes, contrasting with neuroimaging's observational nature. Non-invasive techniques like (TMS) use magnetic pulses to induce transient excitation or inhibition in targeted cortical areas, enabling researchers to assess necessity of regions for functions such as language processing or memory retrieval; for example, repetitive TMS over the disrupts performance in healthy subjects. In psychiatric applications, TMS targeting the left has shown response rates of 40-60% in , with meta-analyses reporting odds ratios around 3.17 for symptom improvement, suggesting causal modulation of mood circuits. Invasive methods, including (DBS), involve implanting electrodes to electrically stimulate subcortical targets, offering causal insights in refractory disorders. DBS of the subcallosal cingulate or has yielded response rates up to 90% in open-label studies for obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD) and depression, with sustained Yale-Brown Obsessive Compulsive Scale reductions of at least 35% in some cohorts after 12 months. studies, from historical cases like Phineas Gage's orbitofrontal damage altering personality to modern voxel-based analyses of patients, demonstrate how focal disruptions causally link structures to traits like . However, ethical constraints, individual variability, and effects necessitate randomized controlled trials; DBS adoption remains limited, with fewer than 500 psychiatric cases worldwide as of 2021, prioritizing . These interventions, when combined with , refine models of causal pathways but require cautious interpretation due to off-target effects and incomplete mechanistic understanding.

Animal Models and Comparative Psychology

Animal models in psychology employ non-human species to probe behavioral, cognitive, and emotional processes under controlled conditions, enabling causal inferences about mechanisms often restricted in human studies due to ethical constraints. These models leverage phylogenetic similarities, such as shared neural substrates for learning and responses, to test hypotheses on environmental manipulations, genetic factors, and pharmacological interventions. Historical foundations trace to early 20th-century experiments, including Edward Thorndike's 1898 puzzle-box studies with cats, which quantified trial-and-error learning via escape latencies, laying groundwork for principles. Ivan Pavlov's work with dogs from 1901 onward established , where neutral stimuli elicited conditioned salivation after pairings with unconditioned food rewards, revealing associative learning mechanisms conserved across vertebrates. B.F. Skinner's 1930s paradigms using rats and pigeons in lever-pressing tasks demonstrated reinforcement schedules' effects on response rates, such as variable-ratio producing high, persistent behaviors akin to persistence in humans. Harry Harlow's 1950s rhesus monkey surrogate mother experiments showed infants preferring contact-comfort-providing cloth figures over wire ones dispensing milk, challenging drive-reduction theories and supporting innate attachment needs. Learned helplessness models, pioneered by in 1967 using shocked dogs unable to escape, illustrated how uncontrollable stressors induce passivity, paralleling depression symptoms and informing cognitive theories of helplessness in humans. Rodent models like the Morris water maze, developed in 1982, assess hippocampal-dependent spatial navigation by measuring escape latencies to a hidden platform, yielding insights into disrupted by lesions or aging. Comparative psychology systematically analyzes behavioral homologies and analogies across species to trace evolutionary continuities in psychological functions, applying —causation, , , and phylogeny—to dissect traits like or . Gordon Gallup's 1970 mirror self-recognition test in chimpanzees, where subjects marked and touched anesthetic-induced spots only when visible in mirrors, evidenced in great apes, absent in most monkeys, suggesting cognitive prerequisites for human . Primate studies of deception and cooperation, such as de Waal's chimpanzee reconciliation behaviors observed in the 1980s, reveal proto-moral capacities rooted in , providing empirical bases for evolutionary accounts of human . These approaches yield mechanistic insights, such as amygdala circuits for conditioned fear extinguishable via exposure therapies tested first in rodents, directly informing human PTSD treatments. However, translational limitations persist: species divergences in cortical complexity undermine validity for uniquely human traits like language or abstract reasoning, with reviews estimating low reproducibility of behavioral findings to humans due to overlooked individual variability, sex differences, and ecological contexts. Despite such critiques, animal models remain indispensable for isolating causal variables, as evidenced by their role in validating neurotransmitter hypotheses for anxiety via targeted manipulations infeasible in humans. Ethical oversight, including the 1966 U.S. Animal Welfare Act mandating minimization of suffering, balances scientific utility against welfare concerns.

Computational Simulations and Big Data

Computational simulations in psychology involve algorithmic implementations of theoretical models to replicate and predict human cognitive and behavioral processes. These models, such as cognitive architectures, enable researchers to test hypotheses about mechanisms like memory retrieval or by simulating outcomes under controlled parameters. For instance, the framework, initially developed by John Anderson in the 1970s and refined into its current form by 1993, integrates declarative and procedural knowledge to model tasks ranging from simple reaction times to complex interactive behaviors like driving or software use. Validation occurs by comparing model predictions to empirical human performance data, revealing discrepancies that refine theories. Connectionist models, drawing from parallel distributed processing principles outlined in the 1986 volume by Rumelhart, McClelland, and the PDP Research Group, represent knowledge through interconnected nodes mimicking neural activity, facilitating simulations of learning via mechanisms like . These models have been applied to phenomena such as and category learning, demonstrating emergent behaviors without explicit rules, as seen in simulations of reading acquisition where networks learn phoneme-to-grapheme mappings from exposure. Unlike approaches, connectionist simulations emphasize distributed representations, providing insights into how brain-like structures might underlie psychological functions, though they require careful parameterization to avoid to specific datasets. Big data applications leverage vast, real-time datasets from sources like , , and wearables to uncover psychological patterns at scale unattainable through traditional experiments. For example, analyses of posts have predicted population-level trends, such as depression rates, by quantifying linguistic markers like absolutist , achieving accuracies around 80% in some studies when validated against clinical diagnoses. Similarly, data tracking movement and app usage has enabled models to forecast individual mood fluctuations with correlations exceeding 0.7 to self-reports. These approaches, often employing on terabyte-scale corpora, reveal causal candidates in , such as correlations between patterns and cognitive derived from millions of nightly logs. Integrating computational simulations with enhances predictive power; for instance, agent-based models trained on large behavioral datasets simulate , as in epidemiological spreads of where network parameters derived from real interaction logs forecast diffusion rates with errors under 10%. However, limitations persist: simulations depend on idealized assumptions that may fail to capture idiosyncratic , leading to poor , as evidenced by models excelling in lab tasks but faltering in ecologically valid scenarios. introduces selection biases from self-selecting samples, such as overrepresentation of tech-savvy demographics, and privacy concerns, while remains challenging without experimental controls. Rigorous validation against diverse datasets and sensitivity analyses mitigate these issues, ensuring models prioritize empirical fidelity over theoretical elegance.

Metascience: Replication, Statistics, and Bias Correction

The in psychology emerged prominently in the mid-2010s, highlighting that many published findings fail to reproduce in independent attempts, undermining the reliability of the field's . A landmark effort by the Collaboration in 2015 attempted to replicate 100 experiments from three high-impact psychology journals published in 2008, succeeding in only 39% of cases where the replication effect was statistically significant at p < 0.05 and in the expected direction, with original effect sizes often exaggerating true effects by factors of two or more. Subsequent large-scale projects, such as those involving 28 classic findings replicated by 186 researchers, found that 50% failed to replicate, particularly in social psychology subfields where effect sizes are small and samples modest. Discipline-wide analyses confirm varying replicability across subfields, with cognitive psychology faring better than social psychology due to stronger effects and more rigorous methods. Statistical practices in psychological research have contributed substantially to these failures, primarily through chronic underpowering of studies and misuse of null hypothesis significance testing (NHST). Jacob Cohen's 1962 review of abnormal and social psychology journals revealed that over 80% of studies had power below 0.50 to detect medium-sized effects, a pattern persisting into modern research where typical sample sizes yield power around 0.35, inflating Type II errors and false negatives while encouraging selective reporting. P-hacking, or the flexible analyst degrees of freedom such as optional stopping, covariate inclusion, or outlier removal until p < 0.05, exacerbates this by systematically biasing results toward significance; simulations demonstrate that even modest p-hacking in underpowered designs can produce false discovery rates exceeding 50% in published literature. Questionable research practices (QRPs), including HARKing (hypothesizing after results are known), are self-reported by up to 50% of psychologists, correlating with lower replicability rates across fields. Publication bias further distorts the psychological literature by favoring positive results, leading meta-analyses to overestimate effects; a review found evidence of such bias in 41% of psychological meta-analyses, with severe inflation in about 25%, particularly for small effects prone to null results being suppressed. Ideological biases, stemming from academia's disproportionate left-leaning composition—where surveys show ratios of liberals to conservatives exceeding 10:1 in social psychology—systematically skew research priorities, interpretations, and peer review on politically sensitive topics like gender differences or group inequalities, often suppressing dissenting findings or framing data to align with progressive priors. This institutional homogeneity fosters confirmation bias, as evidenced by admissions from some liberal academics of willingness to discriminate against conservative colleagues, eroding causal inference in value-laden domains. Efforts to correct these issues emphasize preregistration, where hypotheses, methods, and analysis plans are publicly committed before data collection, reducing QRPs by limiting post-hoc flexibility; surveys indicate preregistration alters workflows to prioritize transparency over significance chasing, boosting replicability in adopting labs. Open science practices, including data sharing and Registered Reports (where funding and publication decisions precede results), mitigate publication bias by valuing methodological rigor over outcomes, with meta-analytic corrections like PET-PEESE or trim-and-fill adjusting for selective reporting to yield more conservative effect estimates. Despite progress, adoption remains uneven, as entrenched incentives reward novelty over replication, necessitating cultural shifts toward valuing null results and larger, powered studies to restore empirical robustness.

Practical Applications

Clinical Diagnosis and Therapy

Clinical diagnosis in psychology primarily relies on categorical systems such as the , published by the in 2013, which operationalizes disorders through symptom checklists and duration criteria assessed via structured clinical interviews like the SCID or ADIS. Inter-rater reliability for DSM-5 diagnoses varies, with field trials reporting kappa coefficients ranging from 0.20 for complex disorders like major depressive disorder to 0.60-0.70 for more circumscribed conditions such as , indicating moderate agreement at best and highlighting challenges in subjective interpretation of symptoms. Diagnostic processes often incorporate self-report questionnaires (e.g., ) and behavioral observations, but these lack biological markers, relying instead on clinician judgment, which contributes to inconsistent application across settings. Critics argue that such systems promote overdiagnosis by lowering thresholds for normality, pathologizing transient distress or adaptive responses; for instance, studies estimate ADHD overdiagnosis rates up to 20-30% in children due to expanded criteria conflating developmental variation with disorder. This expansion, evident in DSM revisions since 1980, correlates with rising prevalence rates—e.g., U.S. depression diagnoses increased 2-3 fold from 1980 to 2010—potentially driven by pharmaceutical interests and diagnostic substitution rather than true incidence rises, though empirical causal links remain debated. Academic sources, often institutionally aligned with these systems, may underemphasize reliability flaws, as evidenced by field trial data showing poorer outcomes for personality disorders (kappa <0.40), underscoring the need for dimensional alternatives like those in DSM-5 Section III, which await broader validation. Overdiagnosis risks unnecessary interventions, stigmatization, and iatrogenic effects, with some analyses suggesting it inflates prevalence without improving outcomes. Therapeutic interventions emphasize evidence-based modalities, with cognitive-behavioral therapy (CBT) demonstrating robust efficacy in randomized controlled trials for anxiety and depression; meta-analyses report effect sizes (Cohen's d) of 0.6-0.8 for CBT versus waitlist controls, outperforming nonspecific supportive therapy in head-to-head comparisons. For generalized anxiety disorder, traditional CBT yields sustained symptom reduction at 12-month follow-ups, with network meta-analyses ranking it above psychodynamic or humanistic approaches for acute episodes. Behavioral therapies, rooted in operant and classical conditioning principles, underpin exposure-based treatments for phobias and OCD, achieving remission rates of 50-70% in empirical studies, though long-term maintenance requires booster sessions. The replication crisis in psychology tempers enthusiasm for some claims, as early psychotherapy efficacy studies suffered from small samples and publication bias, inflating effect sizes; however, large-scale replications and metas (e.g., >100 RCTs) affirm CBT's durability for common disorders, with dropout rates under 20% and relapse reductions of 30-50% versus alone. Less empirically supported therapies, such as , show smaller effects (d ≈0.3-0.5) and higher variability, often failing to surpass in blinded trials, prompting guidelines like those from NICE (2022) to prioritize CBT for cost-effectiveness. Integration with enhances outcomes for severe depression (e.g., combined remission rates >60%), but psychological approaches excel in preventing recurrence through skill-building, with digital CBT variants matching in-person in resource-limited settings. Ongoing challenges include therapist allegiance bias in trials and the dodo bird hypothesis—challenged by recent data favoring structured protocols—and underscore the causal primacy of targeted behavioral change over insight-oriented methods.

Educational Interventions and Learning Sciences

Educational interventions in psychology draw from cognitive and behavioral principles to enhance learning outcomes, emphasizing techniques that leverage empirical evidence on and skill acquisition. The , an interdisciplinary field emerging in the 1990s, integrates , , and to investigate how learners process information across contexts, prioritizing designs that align with human over untested pedagogical fads. Key findings highlight that , or —reviewing material at increasing intervals—produces superior long-term retention compared to massed practice, with meta-analyses confirming effect sizes around 0.5 standard deviations for factual recall tasks. Retrieval practice, involving active recall without cues, further amplifies these gains by strengthening neural pathways for information access, outperforming passive rereading in randomized trials across age groups. Interleaving, mixing related skills during practice, aids discrimination and transfer, particularly in and problem-solving domains. In reading instruction, systematic —teaching grapheme-phoneme correspondences explicitly—demonstrates robust over whole-language approaches, which prioritize contextual guessing and immersion. A of early programs found phonics yielding effect sizes of 0.31 to 0.51 standard deviations greater than whole-word or whole-language methods, with benefits persisting into comprehension for at-risk readers. These advantages stem from causal mechanisms in decoding alphabetic scripts, where training causally precedes fluent reading, as evidenced by longitudinal interventions showing reduced rates by up to 20% in phonics cohorts. Conversely, whole-language emphases, popularized in the 1980s, correlate with stagnant national reading scores in jurisdictions adopting them, underscoring the risks of ideology-driven curricula over data-driven ones. Academic sources advocating often understate these disparities, reflecting institutional preferences for constructivist models despite contradictory evidence. Social-emotional learning (SEL) programs, aimed at fostering resilience and self-regulation, show moderate effects in meta-analyses of school-based universal interventions, with aggregated from over 270,000 students indicating improvements in academic performance equivalent to 11 percentile points. However, growth mindset interventions—encouraging beliefs in ability malleability—yield inconsistent results, with a 2023 of 59 studies finding negligible impacts on achievement ( ~0.01) outside high-achieving samples, plagued by and weak replications. Effective interventions thus prioritize management, such as complex tasks to avoid overload, over motivational platitudes. Challenges persist in scaling these to diverse populations, where individual differences in and prior knowledge mediate outcomes, necessitating personalized approaches informed by diagnostic assessments rather than one-size-fits-all reforms.

Industrial-Organizational Contexts

Industrial-organizational (I-O) psychology applies psychological principles to workplace settings to enhance employee selection, performance, motivation, and organizational effectiveness. Evidence-based practices in this field emphasize meta-analytic findings over anecdotal evidence, prioritizing predictors with demonstrated validity for outcomes like job performance and retention. For instance, general mental ability (GMA) tests exhibit the highest predictive validity for job performance, with corrected validities around 0.65 across occupations, outperforming other methods like unstructured interviews (validity ~0.38) or years of education (0.10). Structured interviews and work sample tests follow closely, with validities of 0.51 and 0.48 respectively, while combinations like GMA plus integrity tests yield even higher utility by reducing turnover costs estimated at 30-200% of annual salary per employee. These methods adhere to standards from the Society for Industrial and Organizational Psychology (SIOP), which stress validation against job-relevant criteria to minimize adverse impact while maximizing merit-based hiring. In personnel selection, I-O psychologists develop assessment procedures that forecast real-world outcomes, countering biases in subjective hiring. Meta-analyses spanning over 100 years of research confirm that cognitive ability dominates prediction due to its with learning and problem-solving demands in most roles, though its use has faced for group differences in scores, prompting compensatory strategies like banded scoring despite reduced . programs, informed by needs assessments, improve skills via deliberate practice and feedback, with meta-analytic evidence showing transfer to job when linked to specific competencies (effect sizes ~0.40-0.60). systems, using behaviorally anchored rating scales, enhance accuracy over trait-based evaluations, reducing leniency errors and linking ratings to objective metrics like volume or error rates. Motivation interventions draw from empirical tests of theories like goal-setting, where specific, challenging goals increase by 10-25% in controlled studies, outperforming vague directives or no goals. supports autonomy-supportive leadership, fostering intrinsic and reducing burnout, with longitudinal data indicating sustained effects on when for competence and relatedness are met. Organizational development efforts, such as team-building, yield mixed results; meta-analyses reveal small positive effects on cohesion (r=0.20) only under high-trust climates, while poorly implemented can provoke backlash and fail to alter demographics or attitudes long-term (effect sizes near zero post-six months). applications reduce injury rates by optimizing human-machine interfaces, with interventions like adjustable workstations cutting musculoskeletal disorders by up to 50% in manufacturing. Workplace diversity initiatives, often mandated by policy, show context-dependent outcomes in meta-analyses. Demographic diversity correlates weakly or negatively with team performance in homogeneous tasks (r=-0.05 to 0.10), benefiting innovation-oriented roles only when moderated by inclusive climates that mitigate conflict; otherwise, it elevates turnover and lowers social integration. These findings underscore causal mechanisms like faultlines—overlapping demographic divides—that amplify subgroup tensions, challenging assumptions of inherent benefits without structural supports. I-O psychology thus advocates utility analyses to weigh diversity goals against validated predictors, prioritizing organizational fit over quotas to sustain productivity gains. Forensic psychology applies empirical methods from psychological science to evaluate individuals involved in legal proceedings, including assessments of mental competency, risk of , and the reliability of accounts. Practitioners conduct evaluations to inform decisions on trial fitness, sentencing, and rehabilitation, drawing on standardized tests and clinical interviews while adhering to standards like the Daubert criterion for admissibility of in U.S. courts. These applications aim to enhance causal understanding of behavior in legal contexts, though predictive accuracy varies and tools must be validated against outcomes to avoid overreliance on correlational data. Eyewitness testimony, a cornerstone of many criminal cases, has been scrutinized through laboratory and field studies revealing its susceptibility to errors from factors like stress, misinformation, and lineup procedures. Meta-analyses indicate a weak correlation between eyewitness confidence and accuracy, with confidence often inflated post-identification due to feedback or repeated questioning. High-stress events, such as violent crimes, can impair memory encoding, as shown in reviews finding reduced recall accuracy under arousal, though initial uncontaminated identifications may retain higher reliability if safeguards like double-blind lineups are used. In practice, faulty eyewitness identifications contribute to approximately 70% of wrongful convictions later exonerated by DNA evidence, underscoring the need for judicial instructions on these limitations. Risk assessment instruments, such as the tool, are employed in sentencing and to predict based on static and dynamic factors like criminal history and antisocial attitudes. Validation studies report moderate (AUC values around 0.65-0.70 for general recidivism), outperforming clinical judgment alone but prone to biases if not adjusted for demographic variables. Ethical concerns arise from false positives, which disproportionately affect certain groups, prompting calls for transparent algorithms and ongoing recalibration against base rates of reoffending, which hover at 40-60% within five years for felons. Courts increasingly require evidence of actuarial validity over unsubstantiated expert opinion to mitigate junk science. Evaluations for competency to stand trial and the rely on psychological assessments of mental state at the time of offense, using criteria like the M'Naghten rule or standards. The is invoked in less than 1% of cases and succeeds in about 25% of attempts, often leading to indefinite commitment rather than release. Success correlates with severe disorders like , but acquittees face high rehospitalization rates (up to 50% within five years), highlighting gaps in post-acquittal . Forensic examiners must differentiate genuine impairment from , employing validity scales in tests like the MMPI-2, though no single measure achieves perfect discrimination. Deception detection methods, including polygraphs, lack scientific consensus for reliability in legal settings. Polygraph tests, measuring physiological responses like heart rate and skin conductance, yield accuracy rates barely above chance (around 50-70% in controlled studies), with high false positive rates for innocent subjects due to anxiety rather than deceit. The National Academy of Sciences concluded in 2003 that polygraphs are insufficient for distinguishing truthful from deceptive individuals in security or forensic contexts, leading to their inadmissibility in most U.S. courts. Alternative approaches, such as statement analysis or neuroimaging, show promise but require further validation against behavioral baselines. Criminal profiling and expert testimony on offender behavior draw from but exhibit limited empirical support for predictive utility. Profiles assist investigations by narrowing suspects based on analysis, yet validation studies reveal hit rates no better than base-rate probabilities, emphasizing the role of probabilistic reasoning over intuitive judgments. In civil applications, such as disputes, psychological evaluations assess parental fitness using and observational data, but courts must weigh these against potential confirmation biases in assessors. Overall, forensic applications advance justice when grounded in replicable evidence, but overextrapolation risks miscarriages, as evidenced by historical reliance on flawed or unchecked testimony.

Health Promotion and Behavioral Medicine

is an interdisciplinary field that applies knowledge from behavioral, psychological, , and to the understanding, prevention, and management of physical and illness. It emphasizes the role of modifiable behaviors and cognitive processes in and treatment outcomes, grounded in the which posits that biological vulnerabilities interact with psychological factors and environmental influences to produce health disparities. within this domain targets population-level and individual-level strategies to foster adaptive behaviors, such as through campaigns and personalized interventions aimed at reducing risk factors like sedentary lifestyles and poor . Psychological frameworks underpin many interventions in behavioral medicine, including the (HBM), which predicts behavior change based on individuals' perceptions of health threats (susceptibility and severity), anticipated benefits and barriers, cues to action, and self-efficacy. Developed in the 1950s, the HBM has informed vaccination drives and screening programs, with empirical support from studies showing higher adherence when perceived benefits outweigh barriers. The (TTM), or stages-of-change model, describes progression through precontemplation, , preparation, action, and stages, tailoring interventions to readiness levels; meta-analyses indicate TTM-based programs yield modest increases in and dietary improvements, though long-term remains challenging due to relapse rates exceeding 80% in some cohorts. Evidence from randomized controlled trials and meta-analyses demonstrates the efficacy of behavioral interventions in key areas. For , cognitive-behavioral techniques combined with achieve rates of 20-30% at 6 months, outperforming alone by 50-70% in network meta-analyses of over 100 trials. Interventions addressing multiple behaviors, such as diet and exercise, produce small but significant effect sizes (d ≈ 0.2-0.3) in promoting / intake and reducing sedentary time, particularly among low-income populations where baseline risks are higher. Exercise-focused programs integrated with tobacco dependence treatment show mixed results, with short-term reductions in cravings but limited impact on sustained in long-term follow-ups. In chronic disease management, enhances medication adherence and self-management; for instance, yields 10-20% improvements in control via better glycemic monitoring, as evidenced by trials tracking HbA1c reductions. However, effect sizes often diminish over time without ongoing support, highlighting the need for booster sessions and addressing psychological barriers like depression, which correlates with non-adherence in 30-50% of cases. Digital delivery, such as app-based interventions, extends reach but shows comparable modest outcomes to in-person formats, with meta-analyses reporting sustained behavior change in under 25% of participants at one year. These findings underscore causal pathways where targeted psychological techniques modify habits through and , though systemic factors like socioeconomic access limit generalizability.

Military, Intelligence, and Performance Optimization

Psychological assessments have been integral to military selection since , evolving to evaluate traits such as cognitive ability, resilience, and adaptability to predict performance in high-stress environments. In the U.S. Army, tools like the Armed Services Vocational Aptitude Battery incorporate psychological measures to match recruits to roles, with empirical studies showing that higher scores in psychoticism and correlate with successful completion of basic training programs. Modern selection processes also emphasize psychological skills training, where performance experts coach soldiers in cognitive and behavioral strategies to enhance unit readiness and mitigate biases in leader evaluations. In intelligence operations, psychology informs analysis, profiling, and interrogation techniques, drawing on cognitive science to counter biases in uncertain data processing. The CIA's 2006 manual on the Psychology of Intelligence Analysis details how analysts' mental models can distort judgments from incomplete information, advocating structured analytic techniques to improve accuracy. Psychological profiling infers offender characteristics from crime scene behaviors, aiding investigations by linking patterns in victimology and modus operandi to perpetrator traits, though its predictive validity relies on empirical validation rather than intuition. Interrogation methods grounded in rapport-building yield more reliable information than coercive tactics, as meta-analyses indicate that harsh approaches increase resistance and false confessions while reducing actionable intelligence. U.S. psychologists' involvement in CIA post-9/11 enhanced interrogation programs, including techniques like sensory deprivation, has been critiqued for ethical lapses and inefficacy, with admissions from participants highlighting lessons on psychological limits without endorsing the methods' outcomes. Performance optimization in military contexts shifts from mere resilience to holistic human performance enhancement, integrating psychological interventions to boost cognitive function under stress. Programs like the U.S. 's Comprehensive Fitness initiative, launched in 2009, apply principles to foster , with longitudinal data showing reduced PTSD rates among trained units compared to controls. Acceptance and Commitment Training (ACT), a brief two-day intervention, enhances psychological flexibility and readiness, as randomized trials demonstrate improved stress tolerance and task in service members. Cognitive enhancement efforts include for forces, where an 8-hour protocol improved and executive function in high-demand scenarios, outperforming no-intervention groups in empirical tests. Non-pharmacological methods like transcranial electrical stimulation show promise for sustaining vigilance during , with studies reporting modest gains in reaction times and accuracy, though long-term effects require further replication. The 's Cognitive Enhancement Program targets skills like focus control and energy management, equipping with tools that yield measurable improvements in operational . Despite these advances, systematic reviews caution that many interventions, including stimulants like , provide short-term benefits but risk dependency and uneven efficacy across individuals, underscoring the need for personalized, evidence-based approaches over universal applications.

Ethical and Societal Dimensions

Ethical Standards in Human Research

Ethical standards in human research within psychology emerged prominently after , driven by revelations of unethical medical experiments conducted by Nazi physicians, which prompted the of 1947. This code established ten principles, including the requirement for voluntary consent without coercion, avoidance of unnecessary physical or mental suffering, and ensuring that experiments yield scientifically valid results with risks justified by potential benefits. Although initially focused on medical contexts, these principles influenced by emphasizing participant and harm minimization. In the United States, scandals such as the (1932–1972), where treatment was withheld from African American men without , accelerated reforms. The of 1974 created the National Commission for the Protection of Human Subjects, culminating in the of 1979, which articulated three core ethical principles: respect for persons (treating individuals as autonomous agents and protecting those with diminished autonomy), beneficence (maximizing benefits while minimizing harms), and justice (fair distribution of research burdens and benefits). These principles directly shaped federal regulations under 45 CFR 46, mandating Institutional Review Boards (IRBs) to oversee human subjects research, including psychological studies, by evaluating protocols for ethical compliance. The American Psychological Association (APA) formalized these into its Ethical Principles of Psychologists and Code of Conduct, first adopted in 1953 and amended through 2017, with specific standards for research (Section 8). Key requirements include obtaining informed consent detailing procedures, risks, benefits, and the right to withdraw; using deception only when essential and followed by prompt debriefing; and protecting confidentiality while assessing psychological risks such as stress or embarrassment. In practice, IRBs in psychological research review designs for minimal risk, often categorizing studies as exempt, expedited, or full-board based on potential harm levels, with behavioral studies frequently involving surveys or experiments scrutinized for coercion or undue influence. Controversial experiments like Stanley Milgram's obedience studies (1961–1962), where participants administered simulated electric shocks under authority pressure, highlighted ethical pitfalls including deception, lack of full consent, and induced distress—65% of participants obeyed to the maximum 450-volt level, reporting subsequent tension and guilt. Similarly, Philip Zimbardo's Stanford Prison Experiment (1971) demonstrated rapid escalation of abusive behaviors, leading to early termination and critiques of inadequate safeguards against harm. These cases spurred stricter APA guidelines on debriefing to mitigate long-term effects and prohibitions on research likely to cause severe emotional distress without overriding scientific necessity. Modern enforcement involves ongoing monitoring, with violations potentially resulting in professional sanctions, underscoring a balance between advancing knowledge and safeguarding participant welfare.

Animal Welfare in Psychological Studies

Animal experimentation has formed a cornerstone of since the discipline's emergence in the late , enabling controlled investigations into learning, , and that human preclude. Ivan Pavlov's 1900s experiments with dogs established principles by inducing salivation responses through repeated stimuli pairings, while B.F. Skinner's 1930s-1950s operant conditioning studies using rats and pigeons in Skinner boxes demonstrated reinforcement's role in behavior shaping, yielding insights applicable to human habit formation. These paradigms advanced causal understanding of behavioral mechanisms via precise variable manipulation, unattainable in human studies due to ethical and logistical constraints. However, early procedures frequently inflicted pain or deprivation, as in Harlow's 1950s rhesus monkey isolation studies revealing attachment bonds but causing enduring distress, fueling welfare concerns amid post-World War II advocacy. Regulatory frameworks emerged to balance scientific utility against animal suffering. The U.S. , enacted in 1966 and amended through 2018, governs care, housing, and transport of warm-blooded vertebrates in , mandating Institutional Animal Care and Use Committees (IACUCs) to approve protocols ensuring minimization of pain via , analgesics, or humane . The supplements federal law with its 2012 Guidelines for Ethical Conduct in the Care and Use of Nonhuman Animals, requiring psychologists to justify animal use via cost-benefit analysis, explore alternatives, adhere to the 3Rs (replacement, reduction, refinement) from Russell and Burch's 1959 framework, and train personnel in species-specific welfare. Noncompliance risks funding loss from bodies like the , which enforce Public Health Service Policy on Humane Care and Use of Laboratory Animals since 1985. Benefits of animal models in psychology include elucidating neural-behavioral causal links, such as navigation tasks in informing circuits homologous to human hippocampus function, and paradigms in modeling dopamine-driven akin to substance use disorders. These have grounded therapies like exposure treatments derived from studies. Yet criticisms highlight limited generalizability: species-specific cognitive architectures often yield non-replicable human outcomes, as behavioral findings from infrequently predict human responses, questioning necessity amid ethical costs like or genetic manipulation-induced pathologies. Controversial cases, including prolonged restraint or , underscore moral tensions over animals' , with detractors arguing intrinsic value precludes utilitarian trade-offs absent compelling human benefit evidence. Ongoing refinements prioritize welfare through enriched habitats reducing stereotypic behaviors and endpoint criteria halting procedures at distress thresholds, while alternatives like computational simulations and organoids gain traction for . persists with animals for irreplaceable insights into developmental and pathological processes, but declining use—down 20-30% in U.S. behavioral studies since —reflects ethical pressures and technological shifts, demanding rigorous justification to sustain credibility.

Professional Ethics and Misconduct Risks

Psychologists adhere to ethical frameworks such as the American Psychological Association's (APA) Ethical Principles of Psychologists and Code of Conduct, which outlines five general principles: beneficence and nonmaleficence (striving to benefit others and avoid harm), fidelity and responsibility (establishing trust and upholding professional standards), (promoting accuracy and honesty), (ensuring fairness and equity), and respect for people's rights and dignity (honoring and ). These principles guide conduct in , , and education, with enforceable standards addressing specific duties like , , and avoiding harm. Violations can lead to disciplinary actions by licensing boards, including license suspension or revocation, as overseen by bodies like the Association of State and Provincial Psychology Boards (ASPPB). In , misconduct risks include fabrication, falsification, and selective reporting, exacerbated by publication pressures. Self-reported among researchers indicates 4.3% admitting to fabrication and 4.2% to falsification of data. Retraction rates due to in psychology journals stand at approximately 0.82 per 10,000 articles, with a noted increase since the late . A prominent case involved social Diederik Stapel, who fabricated data in at least 50 studies, leading to his dismissal from in 2011 after an investigation revealed systemic flaws in lab oversight and incentives favoring sensational results. Such incidents undermine scientific integrity and , often tied to "publish or perish" cultures where career advancement prioritizes novel findings over rigor. Clinical practice carries risks of boundary violations, confidentiality breaches, and incompetence. Common ethical complaints involve sexual or dual relationships with clients (accounting for about 30% of reported disciplinary actions from 1983 to 2005), unprofessional conduct, and failure to obtain . , including physical contact or intercourse, represents a severe violation, with licensing boards prohibiting any such involvement due to inherent power imbalances. In therapeutic contexts, suggestive techniques have led to malpractice claims for implanting false memories of , as seen in lawsuits against therapists employing recovered methods without adequate safeguards, potentially causing and psychological harm. Approximately 1-2% of licensed psychologists face formal complaints annually, though up to 11% may encounter investigations over their careers, often stemming from client dissatisfaction or colleague reports. Mitigation efforts include mandatory ethics training, peer oversight, and board reporting requirements, yet underreporting persists due to fear of retaliation or professional stigma. Licensing boards handle thousands of complaints yearly, with ASPPB compiling data showing consistent patterns in violations like practicing beyond competence or neglecting documentation of risks such as suicidality. Consequences extend to civil liability, with false memory cases highlighting the need for evidence-based practices to avoid iatrogenic effects. Overall, while codes provide structure, individual accountability and institutional reforms are critical to minimizing risks in a field prone to subjective interpretations and high-stakes human interactions.

Public Policy Influences and Critiques

Psychological research has shaped public policy through applications in behavioral economics, mental health reform, and preventive interventions. Governments worldwide have established behavioral insights teams, drawing on findings from cognitive and social psychology to design "nudges" that subtly alter choice architectures without restricting options or imposing costs. For instance, the United Kingdom's Behavioural Insights Team, launched in 2010, applied principles such as default opt-ins and social norms to increase pension enrollments by up to 90% in some trials and recover £200 million annually in unpaid taxes via simplified reminders. Similarly, a 2021 meta-analysis of 212 choice architecture interventions found an average effect size of 8.7% on behavior, supporting their use in areas like organ donation and energy conservation. These policies reflect empirical demonstrations that humans deviate from rational models due to heuristics and biases, as documented in experimental psychology since the 1970s. In , psychological advocacy for community-based care over institutionalization profoundly influenced U.S. policy via the of 1963, which funded outpatient centers to replace asylums, predicated on evidence that long-term hospitalization exacerbated dependency and stigma. populations declined from approximately 558,000 in 1955 to under 100,000 by the 1980s, redirecting funds toward deinstitutionalization. School-based programs rooted in models, emphasizing peer norms over didactic instruction, have informed policies, yielding consistent reductions in initiation rates compared to knowledge-focused alternatives. Critiques highlight unintended consequences and methodological limitations in translating psychological findings to policy. Deinstitutionalization, while reducing inpatient reliance, correlated with rises in homelessness and incarceration among the severely mentally ill, as community supports proved inadequate; by the 1990s, up to 30% of homeless individuals had serious mental illnesses, and prisons absorbed many former patients in a process termed transinstitutionalization. Nudge-based policies face scrutiny for modest, context-specific effects that wane over time and fail to address structural causes, with ethical concerns over paternalism and manipulation despite claims of preserving autonomy. A 2018 analysis argued that psychological research often misconstrues policy processes as linear evidence applications, ignoring political bargaining and implementation barriers, leading to mismatched interventions. Further critiques emphasize overreliance on non-causal, WEIRD-sampled studies amid academia's left-leaning skew, which may prioritize environmental explanations over genetic factors in policies on inequality or , potentially distorting outcomes. In education, psychology-inspired reforms like growth mindset training have influenced curricula, but a 2021 review identified an "evidence crisis," with many interventions showing null or inflated effects due to publication biases and poor replication, widening the gap between lab findings and scalable policy. These issues underscore the need for rigorous, policy-relevant trials to mitigate risks of ineffective or harmful mandates, as psychological input alone cannot override fiscal or ideological constraints.

Contemporary Debates and Challenges

Replication Crisis and Scientific Reproducibility

The in psychology refers to the widespread failure to reproduce many published findings, undermining the reliability of the field's . In a landmark 2015 study by the Collaboration, 270 researchers attempted to replicate 100 experiments published in three leading psychology journals in ; while 97% of the originals reported statistically significant results, only 36% of the replications did, with replicated effect sizes averaging half the magnitude of the originals. This low rate, particularly acute in subfields reliant on behavioral interventions and self-reports, highlighted systemic issues rather than isolated errors, as subsequent meta-analyses confirmed similar patterns across hundreds of studies. Primary causes include favoring novel, positive results over null findings, which incentivizes selective reporting and inflates false positives. Questionable research practices (QRPs), such as optional stopping in , p-hacking through multiple analyses until significance emerges, and hypothesizing after results are known (), further exacerbate the problem, with surveys indicating over 50% of psychologists engaging in at least one QRP. Low statistical power from small sample sizes—often under 100 participants—compounds this, as underpowered studies detect true effects only sporadically while readily producing spurious ones under flexible analytic choices. These issues stem from academic reward structures prioritizing high-impact publications for tenure and funding, rather than rigorous validation, fostering a where is deprioritized. The has eroded public and scientific trust, prompting reforms like pre-registration of studies on platforms such as the Open Science Framework to lock methods before data collection, reducing QRPs. Journals have adopted mandates and badges for transparency, while initiatives like Registered Replication Reports standardize multi-lab attempts to test high-profile claims. Large-scale projects, including many-labs replications, have shown modest improvements in estimation but persistent challenges in achieving consistent success rates above 50%, indicating that while procedural changes mitigate some biases, deeper incentive reforms remain necessary. Despite progress, the underscores psychology's vulnerability to overinterpretation of weak evidence, particularly in domains influenced by researcher .

Ideological Biases in Research and Academia

Surveys of social and psychologists reveal a pronounced ideological imbalance, with liberals substantially outnumbering conservatives. A 2012 study of members of the Society for Personality and Social Psychology (SPSP) found that only 6% identified as conservative overall, resulting in a liberal-to-conservative of approximately 14:1; this skew was even more extreme on social issues, where conservatives comprised just 3.9%. Such homogeneity exceeds that in the general , where Gallup polls from around the same period indicated conservatives at about 42%, moderates at 35%, and liberals at 20%. This disparity has intensified over decades, as transitioned from relative political diversity in mid-20th-century research to near-uniform today. Ideological homogeneity contributes to biases in , interpretation, and dissemination. Researchers embedded in liberal environments tend to prioritize hypotheses aligning with progressive values, such as framing as a form of motivated or , while under-exploring alternatives like system-justifying tendencies from a conservative perspective. is amplified, as evidenced by reluctance to test politically sensitive claims, including those on group differences in or findings that challenge blank-slate environmentalism. Dissenting views face : the same SPSP survey showed 37.5% of respondents willing to some degree to favor conservatives less in hiring decisions, with liberals exhibiting greater against conservative candidates ( r = -0.44). This environment promotes among non-liberals, eroding viewpoint diversity essential for rigorous . Conservatives in the SPSP sample reported perceiving a far more hostile climate (mean score 4.7 vs. 1.9 for liberals), correlating strongly with (r = 0.50), leading to suppressed pursuit of certain lines of inquiry. A 2024 study of U.S. psychology professors confirmed widespread on topics, such as biological influences on , with those more confident in controversial truths still withholding due to career risks. Political uniformity threatens research quality by fostering unjustified consensus on ideologically favored conclusions and limiting adversarial testing, as diverse teams better detect errors and innovate. Professional organizations like the reflect this skew, potentially undermining when outputs align more with advocacy than neutral .

Sampling Biases: WEIRD, STRANGE, and Diversity Issues

Psychological research has historically relied heavily on participants from societies, leading to sampling biases that undermine the generalizability of findings to broader human populations. This overrepresentation was quantified in a analysis, which found that 96% of psychological samples in top journals from 2003–2007 originated from WEIRD countries, with 68% from the alone and 67% consisting of undergraduates. Such samples are unrepresentative, as WEIRD individuals exhibit atypical traits in domains like spatial reasoning, where they are more susceptible to certain illusions; moral decision-making, favoring impartial over relational obligations; and self-perception, emphasizing over interdependence. These differences arise from cultural evolutionary processes, including historical institutions like the Catholic Church's marriage prohibitions in , which fostered analytic thinking and reduced kin-based —traits not universal across societies. The persistence of WEIRD sampling reflects logistical conveniences, such as proximity to universities, but exacerbates a generalizability crisis, where theories derived from narrow samples are erroneously extrapolated. For instance, experiments on fairness and often fail to replicate in small-scale societies, where reciprocity norms prioritize kin over strangers. Critiques emphasize that WEIRD populations, comprising only about 12% of the global population, are psychological outliers, with even young WEIRD children diverging from non-WEIRD peers in fairness judgments and tasks. Despite calls for reform since 2010, a 2018 review indicated that 97% of samples in remained WEIRD-dominated, highlighting slow progress amid institutional inertia in academia. STRANGE sampling extends these concerns by critiquing not just demographic narrowness but situational artificiality in experimental designs, though it garners less empirical scrutiny than . Proposed as an acronym encompassing Situated (context-stripped tasks), Tasked (motivated performance), Restricted (limited variability), Artificial (lab-bound stimuli), Narrow (few traits measured), Generated (computer-simulated responses), and Experienced (convenience-sampled) conditions, STRANGE highlights how paradigms like scenario-based dilemmas introduce biases akin to WEIRD demographics. This framework underscores that even diverse demographics may yield misleading results if tested in unnaturally constrained environments, as real-world emerges from embedded, dynamic interactions rather than isolated prompts. Evidence from replications shows that lab-induced behaviors, such as in Asch-line tasks, attenuate in naturalistic settings across societies. Diversity initiatives in sampling aim to mitigate these biases but face challenges in balancing representation with scientific rigor. While non-WEIRD studies reveal variability—e.g., East Asians showing holistic rather than analytic visual processing—efforts to include underrepresented groups often prioritize demographic quotas over causal controls, potentially cultural effects with variables like . A 2021 analysis of psycholinguistic research across 5,500 studies found persistent underrepresentation of non-Western samples, with only incremental gains post-2010 despite journal policies urging diversity statements. Systemic biases in and , concentrated in WEIRD institutions, perpetuate this, as evidenced by 80% of psychology faculty in the U.S. being from similar backgrounds, limiting generation attuned to global variation. Truthful assessment requires testing universality claims against diverse data, not assuming equivalence; unsubstantiated generalizations from WEIRD samples have misled applications in and , such as exporting individualist therapies to collectivist contexts with poor fit.

Controversies in Intelligence, Sex Differences, and Heritability

Twin and family studies consistently estimate the of intelligence, often measured as IQ, at 50% to 80%, with meta-analyses of thousands of twin pairs yielding figures around 50% in childhood rising to 70-80% in adulthood. These estimates derive from comparing monozygotic twins, who share nearly 100% of genetic material, with dizygotic twins sharing about 50%, controlling for shared environments. Adoption studies further support genetic influence, showing IQ correlations between biological parents and adoptees higher than with adoptive parents. Controversies arise from misinterpretations of as implying fixed, non-malleable traits, despite evidence that high coexists with environmental responsiveness, as seen in gains of 3 IQ points per decade uncorrelated with genetic changes. Genome-wide association studies (GWAS) provide direct genetic evidence, identifying polygenic scores explaining 10-20% of IQ variance, with projections suggesting up to 50% as sample sizes grow, aligning with twin estimates while highlighting the polygenic involving thousands of variants. Critics, often from environments skeptical of , argue overestimates by conflating gene-environment interactions, yet failure to find substantial shared environmental effects in large datasets undermines this, pointing to non-shared environments and measurement error. Institutional biases in academia, favoring over explanations, have historically suppressed publication of high- findings, as evidenced by rejections of rigorous studies on ideological grounds. Regarding sex differences, meta-analyses of millions of IQ tests show no reliable mean difference in general between males and females, with both sexes averaging around 100 IQ points. However, males exhibit greater variance, approximately 10-20% higher standard deviation, resulting in more males at both high and low extremes, consistent with overrepresentation in fields requiring exceptional ability and in . Specific cognitive domains reveal consistent differences: males outperform in spatial rotation and mechanical reasoning by 0.5-1 standard deviation, while females excel in verbal fluency and perceptual speed by similar margins, reflecting evolutionary pressures like versus gathering. These sex differences persist across cultures and ages, with brain imaging showing structural correlates like larger intracranial volume (10-15% adjusted for body size) linked to spatial advantages, resolving paradoxes where larger male brains might predict higher IQ but do not due to differences. contributes, with twin studies indicating genetic factors underlie much of the variance differences, though environmental influences like preferences amplify traits. Controversies intensify over implications for policy, such as ignoring variance, and resistance in biased academic circles to acknowledging innate components, leading to underfunding of research and of dissenting meta-analyses. Empirical from longitudinal cohorts affirm stability, urging recognition of biological realism over egalitarian assumptions unsupported by evidence.

Pseudoscience, Overreach, and Cultural Impacts

, developed by in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, has been widely critiqued as due to its unfalsifiable claims, reliance on interpretive narratives over empirical testing, and failure to generate predictive hypotheses that withstand scrutiny. Karl Popper's demarcation criterion highlighted its non-scientific nature, as concepts like the resist disconfirmation by evidence. Although some practitioners cite clinical anecdotes for efficacy, randomized controlled trials indicate yields outcomes comparable to or less effective than evidence-based therapies like cognitive-behavioral approaches, with core tenets lacking neuroscientific or experimental validation. Parapsychology, encompassing claims of (ESP), , and , represents another domain where psychological research has veered into through persistent failure to replicate under controlled conditions. Daryl Bem's 2011 studies purporting precognitive effects, published in a mainstream journal, initially garnered attention but collapsed upon replication attempts; multiple labs, including three direct follow-ups, found no statistical , attributing initial positives to methodological flaws like optional stopping and p-hacking. Over a century of parapsychological experiments, including those by J.B. in , have yielded inconsistent results, with meta-analyses showing effect sizes diminishing to zero under rigorous protocols, underscoring the absence of a coherent theoretical framework or reproducible phenomena. Overreach occurs when psychological findings, often preliminary or context-specific, are extrapolated to inform broad policy or institutional practices without sufficient causal evidence. The self-esteem movement, popularized in the through works like Nathaniel Branden's and state task forces, posited that boosting unconditional would enhance academic performance, reduce delinquency, and foster resilience; however, longitudinal studies by and others revealed no causal link between and achievement, with inflated self-views correlating instead with , , and poor coping under failure. This led to widespread adoption in , including praise inflation and reduced feedback on errors, yet meta-analyses confirmed as a consequence rather than driver of success, prompting critiques of its pseudoscientific overgeneralization from correlational data. Implicit bias training, rooted in social psychology measures like the Implicit Association Test (IAT) developed in 1998, exemplifies overreach in organizational and policy contexts, where it is mandated despite weak predictive validity for behavior and negligible long-term effects. The IAT detects millisecond associations but correlates poorly (r ≈ 0.14) with discriminatory actions, and training interventions—deployed in corporations, governments, and schools since the 2010s—show no sustained reduction in bias or improved outcomes, with some studies reporting backlash or increased resentment. A 2020 review of over 50 evaluations concluded such programs often fail due to reliance on awareness-raising without behavioral reinforcement, yet they persist, costing billions annually while diverting resources from evidence-based alternatives like structural reforms. Recovered memory therapy, prominent in the 1980s and 1990s, illustrates pseudoscientific overreach with severe cultural repercussions, as therapists employed , , and sodium amytal to "uncover" repressed childhood abuse, often implanting false narratives. Techniques exploited 's suggestibility, leading to thousands of unsubstantiated accusations during the Satanic ritual abuse panic; patients experienced worsened , with follow-up studies showing fabricated events indistinguishable from genuine trauma in subjective recall but lacking corroboration. Legal fallout included over 100 lawsuits against therapists by 2000, exposing the pseudoscience's harm, yet residual beliefs persist, complicating legitimate trauma care. These elements have permeated culture via "cultural epidemiology," where counterintuitive or emotionally resonant pseudoscientific ideas spread through media, self-help industries, and policy, exploiting cognitive heuristics like confirmation bias. The self-esteem ethos contributed to "everyone gets a trophy" norms and therapy-speak in parenting, fostering entitlement documented in rising narcissism scores among youth from 1982 to 2006 (effect size d=0.33). Implicit bias narratives, amplified post-2010s, shape hiring quotas and curricula despite inefficacy, entrenching division by framing disparities as primarily attitudinal rather than systemic or merit-based. Overall, such influences risk eroding trust in genuine psychology, as overreliance on unverified claims diverts from causal mechanisms like incentives and biology, while pseudoscience's allure sustains via institutional inertia amid academia's documented ideological skews.

Recent Developments (Post-2020)

Integration of AI and Machine Learning

Machine learning techniques have increasingly been applied in to analyze large datasets, identify patterns in behavior, and model cognitive processes such as and . For instance, researchers have used ML algorithms to examine and behavioral outcomes by processing multimodal data from experiments, achieving higher predictive accuracy than traditional statistical methods in some cases. Post-2020, advancements in computational power and data availability have enabled ML to complement experimental workflows, maximizing the utility of psychological data while addressing limitations in sample sizes. In , AI-driven tools support diagnostics, prognosis, and personalized treatment by analyzing electronic health records and predictive modeling for mental disorders. models have demonstrated potential in early detection of conditions like depression through of patient speech or text, with studies reporting accuracies exceeding 80% in controlled settings. AI chatbots, such as those deployed in telepsychology post-COVID-19, provide scalable interventions for underserved populations, offering elements with reported reductions in symptoms for mild anxiety in randomized trials conducted since 2021. However, these applications remain adjunctive, as AI lacks the and contextual nuance essential for complex therapeutic alliances. Integration faces significant challenges, including the "" nature of many ML models, which prioritizes predictive performance over interpretability, complicating clinical trust and regulatory approval. Biases in training data, often derived from non-representative samples, can perpetuate errors in diagnostics, particularly for diverse populations. Recent studies from 2024-2025 highlight that AI chatbots may provide superficial reassurance without sufficient probing, potentially exacerbating stigma or delaying professional care. risks from data handling and the absence of standardized ethical guidelines further limit deployment, with no licensing equivalent to human practitioners. underscores that while AI enhances efficiency in administrative and screening tasks, it underperforms human therapists in fostering deep emotional support or handling crises.

Digital Therapeutics and Telepsychology

Digital therapeutics refer to evidence-based software applications designed to prevent, manage, or treat psychological conditions through structured interventions, often functioning as standalone medical devices without requiring clinician oversight. These interventions typically employ cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) principles, mindfulness training, or behavioral activation algorithms delivered via mobile apps or web platforms. In the United States, the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) has cleared several such products as Software as a Medical Device (SaMD), including applications targeting substance use disorders and attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), with expansions into depression and anxiety by 2025. Clinical trials and meta-analyses indicate moderate efficacy for digital therapeutics in addressing conditions like (MDD) and , with effect sizes comparable to traditional in some cases, particularly when used adjunctively to enhance standard treatments. For instance, randomized controlled trials have shown reductions in depressive symptoms by 20-30% among users adhering to app-based protocols, though dropout rates exceed 50% due to usability issues and lack of engagement. Regulatory approvals in regions like the , , and have accelerated since 2023, driven by post-pandemic demand, but long-term outcomes remain understudied, with concerns over data and algorithmic biases potentially undermining causal efficacy. Telepsychology encompasses the provision of psychological assessment, , and through telecommunication technologies, such as video conferencing or secure messaging, enabling remote access to services. Adoption surged post-2020 amid restrictions, with telehealth utilization for visits increasing 78-fold from February to April 2020 in the ; by 2023, 89% of psychologists incorporated telepsychology into their practice, often in hybrid models combining remote and in-person sessions. Comparative studies demonstrate that telepsychology yields outcomes equivalent to in-person for depressive symptoms and overall , with no significant differences in symptom reduction rates across randomized trials conducted during and after the . Patient satisfaction remains high, with 67% rating as equal to or superior to face-to-face care due to convenience and reduced travel barriers, though challenges persist, including the affecting rural or low-income populations and potential limitations in building rapport or assessing nonverbal cues. Post-2023 developments include integration with AI for session transcription and personalized feedback, alongside regulatory shifts toward permanent parity in several countries, fostering sustained growth projected at 11-12% annually through 2025. The convergence of and telepsychology has to evidence-based interventions, particularly for underserved groups, but empirical scrutiny reveals gaps: while short-term data support scalability, causal mechanisms—such as sustained behavioral change—require rigorous longitudinal validation beyond industry-sponsored trials, which often exhibit optimistic reporting. Privacy regulations like HIPAA in the mitigate data risks, yet breaches in app ecosystems highlight vulnerabilities, underscoring the need for independent audits over self-reported efficacy claims from developers.

Advances in Genomics and Personalized Interventions

Genomic research has illuminated the substantial hereditary basis of psychological traits and mental disorders, with twin and adoption studies estimating average heritability at approximately 50% across behavioral phenotypes, including personality dimensions like extraversion and neuroticism (30-50% heritable) and psychopathologies such as schizophrenia (around 80%). Genome-wide association studies (GWAS) have advanced this field by identifying thousands of common genetic variants associated with traits like educational attainment, subjective well-being, and risk for major depressive disorder, enabling the construction of polygenic risk scores (PRS) that aggregate these effects to forecast individual liability. PRS have transitioned from research tools to potential clinical aids, particularly in , where they predict onset or severity of disorders like and in prospective cohorts, though their discriminative accuracy remains modest (e.g., explaining 1-10% of variance in general populations). For instance, elevated PRS for correlates with earlier illness onset and poorer functional outcomes, informing stratification in high-risk families. These scores also interact with environmental factors, such as childhood adversity, to modulate disorder , underscoring causal pathways beyond alone. Personalized interventions leverage pharmacogenomics to tailor psychotropic medications, focusing on cytochrome P450 enzymes (e.g., CYP2D6, CYP2C19) that metabolize antidepressants like SSRIs and antipsychotics. Clinical guidelines from bodies like the Clinical Pharmacogenetics Implementation Consortium recommend testing for variants predicting poor metabolism, which affects up to 10% of patients and increases side effect risks such as toxicity from tricyclic antidepressants. Preemptive pharmacogenomic testing in psychiatric settings has reduced adverse drug reactions by 30-50% and shortened time to therapeutic response in randomized trials, as seen in implementations for depression and anxiety treatment. Post-2020 developments include integration of PRS with and electronic health records for prognostic models, as in precision psychiatry initiatives predicting response trajectories. However, challenges persist: PRS portability across ancestries is limited due to European-biased training data, potentially exacerbating inequities, and combinatorial commercial tests lack robust evidence for broad treatment selection in . Emerging applications extend to non-pharmacological realms, such as genetically informed adaptations, though empirical validation remains preliminary. Ongoing Psychiatric Genomics Consortium efforts continue to expand locus discovery, promising refined interventions despite ideological resistances in some academic circles that historically minimized genetic influences on behavior.

Responses to Global Mental Health Crises

The precipitated a 25% rise in the global prevalence of anxiety and depression during its first year, from 2019 to , exacerbating underlying vulnerabilities through isolation, economic disruption, and fears. This surge contributed to over one billion individuals worldwide living with a by 2025, underscoring the scale of the crisis amid ongoing stressors like geopolitical conflicts and inflation. Responses have centered on emergency integration of support, with the proportion of countries incorporating services into protocols climbing from 39% in to over 80% by 2025. Internationally, the (WHO) has spearheaded initiatives like the Special Initiative for Mental Health, launched to bridge treatment gaps in ten countries spanning its six regions, emphasizing community-based care and workforce training since 2019 but accelerated post-2020. WHO's broader framework promotes prevention through addressing social determinants, such as and stigma, while calling for policy reforms including equitable funding allocation—mental health budgets remain under 2% of total health expenditures in most low- and middle-income countries—and protections against abuses. These efforts build on evidence that early interventions reduce PTSD and rates in affected populations, though longitudinal data indicate persistent long-term symptoms in subgroups like healthcare workers. Nationally, governments have enacted targeted policies; in the United States, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) outlined a 2023 mental health strategy prioritizing , to high-burden groups, and integration with substance use prevention, amid reports of anxiety symptoms reaching 50% and depression 44% by late 2020. The Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA) advanced a national behavioral health crisis care model in 2023, standardizing 24/7 response systems and mobile units to divert non-violent cases from emergency departments. In and the , regional bodies like the have scaled outpatient facilities and screening, yet implementation lags in resource-poor areas, with service coverage below 10% for severe disorders globally. Evaluations suggest these measures have boosted access—such as a 20-30% uptick in utilization during peaks—but have not reversed prevalence trends, highlighting causal factors like separation and as requiring structural, non-clinical interventions.

References

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