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Psychology
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Psychology is the scientific study of behavior and mind.[1][2] Its subject matter includes the behavior of humans and nonhumans, both conscious and unconscious phenomena, and mental processes such as thoughts, feelings, and motives. Psychology is an academic discipline of immense scope, crossing the boundaries between the natural and social sciences. Biological psychologists seek an understanding of the emergent properties of brains, linking the discipline to neuroscience. As social scientists, psychologists aim to understand the behavior of individuals and groups.[3][4]
A professional practitioner or researcher involved in the discipline is called a psychologist. Some psychologists can also be classified as behavioral or cognitive scientists. Some psychologists attempt to understand the role of mental functions in individual and social behavior. Others explore the physiological and neurobiological processes that underlie cognitive functions and behaviors.
As part of an interdisciplinary field, psychologists are involved in research on perception, cognition, attention, emotion, intelligence, subjective experiences, motivation, brain functioning, and personality. Psychologists' interests extend to interpersonal relationships, psychological resilience, family resilience, and other areas within social psychology. They also consider the unconscious mind.[5] Research psychologists employ empirical methods to infer causal and correlational relationships between psychosocial variables. Some, but not all, clinical and counseling psychologists rely on symbolic interpretation.
While psychological knowledge is often applied to the assessment and treatment of mental health problems, it is also directed towards understanding and solving problems in several spheres of human activity. By many accounts, psychology ultimately aims to benefit society.[6][7][8] Many psychologists are involved in some kind of therapeutic role, practicing psychotherapy in clinical, counseling, or school settings. Other psychologists conduct scientific research on a wide range of topics related to mental processes and behavior. Typically the latter group of psychologists work in academic settings (e.g., universities, medical schools, or hospitals). Another group of psychologists is employed in industrial and organizational settings.[9] Yet others are involved in work on human development, aging, sports, health, forensic science, education, and the media.
Etymology and definitions
[edit]The word psychology derives from the Greek word psyche, for spirit or soul. The latter part of the word psychology derives from -λογία -logia, which means "study" or "research".[10] The word psychology was first used in the Renaissance.[11] In its Latin form psychiologia, it was first employed by the Croatian humanist and Latinist Marko Marulić in his book Psichiologia de ratione animae humanae (Psychology, on the Nature of the Human Soul) in the decade 1510–1520[11][12] The earliest known reference to the word psychology in English was by Steven Blankaart in 1694 in The Physical Dictionary. The dictionary refers to "Anatomy, which treats the Body, and Psychology, which treats of the Soul."[13]
Ψ (psi), the first letter of the Greek word psyche from which the term psychology is derived, is commonly associated with the field of psychology.
In 1890, William James defined psychology as "the science of mental life, both of its phenomena and their conditions."[14] This definition enjoyed widespread currency for decades. However, this meaning was contested, notably by John B. Watson, who in 1913 asserted the methodological behaviorist view of psychology as a purely objective experimental branch of natural science, the theoretical goal of which "is the prediction and control of behavior."[15] Since James defined "psychology", the term more strongly implicates scientific experimentation.[16][15] Folk psychology is the understanding of the mental states and behaviors of people held by ordinary people, as contrasted with psychology professionals' understanding.[17]
History
[edit]The ancient civilizations of Egypt, Greece, China, India, and Persia all engaged in the philosophical study of psychology. In Ancient Egypt the Ebers Papyrus mentioned depression and thought disorders.[18] Historians note that Greek philosophers, including Thales, Plato, and Aristotle (especially in his De Anima treatise),[19] addressed the workings of the mind.[20] As early as the 4th century BC, the Greek physician Hippocrates theorized that mental disorders had physical rather than supernatural causes.[21] In 387 BCE, Plato suggested that the brain is where mental processes take place, and in 335 BCE Aristotle suggested that it was the heart.[22]
In China, the foundations of psychological thought emerged from the philosophical works of ancient thinkers like Laozi and Confucius, as well as the teachings of Buddhism.[23] This body of knowledge drew insights from introspection, observation, and techniques for focused thinking and behavior. It viewed the universe as comprising physical and mental realms, along with the interplay between the two.[24] Chinese philosophy also emphasized purifying the mind in order to increase virtue and power. An ancient text known as The Yellow Emperor's Classic of Internal Medicine identifies the brain as the nexus of wisdom and sensation, includes theories of personality based on yin–yang balance, and analyzes mental disorder in terms of physiological and social disequilibria. Chinese scholarship that focused on the brain advanced during the Qing dynasty with the work of Western-educated Fang Yizhi (1611–1671), Liu Zhi (1660–1730), and Wang Qingren (1768–1831). Wang Qingren emphasized the importance of the brain as the center of the nervous system, linked mental disorder with brain diseases, investigated the causes of dreams and insomnia, and advanced a theory of hemispheric lateralization in brain function.[25]
Influenced by Hinduism, Indian philosophy explored distinctions in types of awareness. A central idea of the Upanishads and other Vedic texts that formed the foundations of Hinduism was the distinction between a person's transient mundane self and their eternal, unchanging soul. Divergent Hindu doctrines and Buddhism have challenged this hierarchy of selves, but have all emphasized the importance of reaching higher awareness. Yoga encompasses a range of techniques used in pursuit of this goal. Theosophy, a religion established by Russian-American philosopher Helena Blavatsky, drew inspiration from these doctrines during her time in British India.[26][27]
Psychology was of interest to Enlightenment thinkers in Europe. In Germany, Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz (1646–1716) applied his principles of calculus to the mind, arguing that mental activity took place on an indivisible continuum. He suggested that the difference between conscious and unconscious awareness is only a matter of degree. Christian Wolff identified psychology as its own science, writing Psychologia Empirica in 1732 and Psychologia Rationalis in 1734. Immanuel Kant advanced the idea of anthropology as a discipline, with psychology an important subdivision. Kant, however, explicitly rejected the idea of an experimental psychology, writing that "the empirical doctrine of the soul can also never approach chemistry even as a systematic art of analysis or experimental doctrine, for in it the manifold of inner observation can be separated only by mere division in thought, and cannot then be held separate and recombined at will (but still less does another thinking subject suffer himself to be experimented upon to suit our purpose), and even observation by itself already changes and displaces the state of the observed object."
In 1783, Ferdinand Ueberwasser (1752–1812) designated himself Professor of Empirical Psychology and Logic and gave lectures on scientific psychology, though these developments were soon overshadowed by the Napoleonic Wars.[28] At the end of the Napoleonic era, Prussian authorities discontinued the Old University of Münster.[28] Having consulted philosophers Hegel and Herbart, however, in 1825 the Prussian state established psychology as a mandatory discipline in its rapidly expanding and highly influential educational system. However, this discipline did not yet embrace experimentation.[29] In England, early psychology involved phrenology and the response to social problems including alcoholism, violence, and the country's crowded "lunatic" asylums.[30]
Beginning of experimental psychology
[edit]


Philosopher John Stuart Mill believed that the human mind was open to scientific investigation, even if the science is in some ways inexact.[31] Mill proposed a "mental chemistry" in which elementary thoughts could combine into ideas of greater complexity.[31] Gustav Fechner began conducting psychophysics research in Leipzig in the 1830s. He articulated the principle that human perception of a stimulus varies logarithmically according to its intensity.[32]: 61 The principle became known as the Weber–Fechner law. Fechner's 1860 Elements of Psychophysics challenged Kant's negative view with regard to conducting quantitative research on the mind.[33][29] Fechner's achievement was to show that "mental processes could not only be given numerical magnitudes, but also that these could be measured by experimental methods."[29] In Heidelberg, Hermann von Helmholtz conducted parallel research on sensory perception, and trained physiologist Wilhelm Wundt. Wundt, in turn, came to Leipzig University, where he established the psychological laboratory that brought experimental psychology to the world. Wundt focused on breaking down mental processes into the most basic components, motivated in part by an analogy to recent advances in chemistry, and its successful investigation of the elements and structure of materials.[34] Paul Flechsig and Emil Kraepelin soon created another influential laboratory at Leipzig, a psychology-related lab, that focused more on experimental psychiatry.[29]
James McKeen Cattell, a professor of psychology at the University of Pennsylvania and Columbia University and the co-founder of Psychological Review, was the first professor of psychology in the United States.[35]
The German psychologist Hermann Ebbinghaus, a researcher at the University of Berlin, was a 19th-century contributor to the field. He pioneered the experimental study of memory and developed quantitative models of learning and forgetting.[36] In the early 20th century, Wolfgang Kohler, Max Wertheimer, and Kurt Koffka co-founded the school of Gestalt psychology of Fritz Perls. The approach of Gestalt psychology is based upon the idea that individuals experience things as unified wholes. Rather than reducing thoughts and behavior into smaller component elements, as in structuralism, the Gestaltists maintain that whole of experience is important, "and is something else than the sum of its parts, because summing is a meaningless procedure, whereas the whole-part relationship is meaningful."[37]
Psychologists in Germany, Denmark, Austria, England, and the United States soon followed Wundt in setting up laboratories.[38] G. Stanley Hall, an American who studied with Wundt, founded a psychology lab that became internationally influential. The lab was located at Johns Hopkins University. Hall, in turn, trained Yujiro Motora, who brought experimental psychology, emphasizing psychophysics, to the Imperial University of Tokyo.[39] Wundt's assistant, Hugo Münsterberg, taught psychology at Harvard to students such as Narendra Nath Sen Gupta—who, in 1905, founded a psychology department and laboratory at the University of Calcutta.[26] Wundt's students Walter Dill Scott, Lightner Witmer, and James McKeen Cattell worked on developing tests of mental ability. Cattell, who also studied with eugenicist Francis Galton, went on to found the Psychological Corporation. Witmer focused on the mental testing of children; Scott, on employee selection.[32]: 60
Another student of Wundt, the Englishman Edward Titchener, created the psychology program at Cornell University and advanced "structuralist" psychology. The idea behind structuralism was to analyze and classify different aspects of the mind, primarily through the method of introspection.[40] William James, John Dewey, and Harvey Carr advanced the idea of functionalism, an expansive approach to psychology that underlined the Darwinian idea of a behavior's usefulness to the individual. In 1890, James wrote an influential book, The Principles of Psychology, which expanded on the structuralism. He memorably described "stream of consciousness." James's ideas interested many American students in the emerging discipline.[40][14][32]: 178–82 Dewey integrated psychology with societal concerns, most notably by promoting progressive education, inculcating moral values in children, and assimilating immigrants.[32]: 196–200
A different strain of experimentalism, with a greater connection to physiology, emerged in South America, under the leadership of Horacio G. Piñero at the University of Buenos Aires.[41] In Russia, too, researchers placed greater emphasis on the biological basis for psychology, beginning with Ivan Sechenov's 1873 essay, "Who Is to Develop Psychology and How?" Sechenov advanced the idea of brain reflexes and aggressively promoted a deterministic view of human behavior.[42] The Russian-Soviet physiologist Ivan Pavlov discovered in dogs a learning process that was later termed "classical conditioning" and applied the process to human beings.[43]
Consolidation and funding
[edit]One of the earliest psychology societies was La Société de Psychologie Physiologique in France, which lasted from 1885 to 1893. The first meeting of the International Congress of Psychology sponsored by the International Union of Psychological Science took place in Paris, in August 1889, amidst the World's Fair celebrating the centennial of the French Revolution. William James was one of three Americans among the 400 attendees. The American Psychological Association (APA) was founded soon after, in 1892. The International Congress continued to be held at different locations in Europe and with wide international participation. The Sixth Congress, held in Geneva in 1909, included presentations in Russian, Chinese, and Japanese, as well as Esperanto. After a hiatus for World War I, the Seventh Congress met in Oxford, with substantially greater participation from the war-victorious Anglo-Americans. In 1929, the Congress took place at Yale University in New Haven, Connecticut, attended by hundreds of members of the APA.[38] Tokyo Imperial University led the way in bringing new psychology to the East. New ideas about psychology diffused from Japan into China.[25][39]
American psychology gained status upon the U.S.'s entry into World War I. A standing committee headed by Robert Yerkes administered mental tests ("Army Alpha" and "Army Beta") to almost 1.8 million soldiers.[44] Subsequently, the Rockefeller family, via the Social Science Research Council, began to provide funding for behavioral research.[45][46] Rockefeller charities funded the National Committee on Mental Hygiene, which disseminated the concept of mental illness and lobbied for applying ideas from psychology to child rearing.[44][47] Through the Bureau of Social Hygiene and later funding of Alfred Kinsey, Rockefeller foundations helped establish research on sexuality in the U.S.[48] Under the influence of the Carnegie-funded Eugenics Record Office, the Draper-funded Pioneer Fund, and other institutions, the eugenics movement also influenced American psychology. In the 1910s and 1920s, eugenics became a standard topic in psychology classes.[49] In contrast to the US, in the UK psychology was met with antagonism by the scientific and medical establishments, and up until 1939, there were only six psychology chairs in universities in England.[50]
During World War II and the Cold War, the U.S. military and intelligence agencies established themselves as leading funders of psychology by way of the armed forces and in the new Office of Strategic Services intelligence agency. University of Michigan psychologist Dorwin Cartwright reported that university researchers began large-scale propaganda research in 1939–1941. He observed that "the last few months of the war saw a social psychologist become chiefly responsible for determining the week-by-week-propaganda policy for the United States Government." Cartwright also wrote that psychologists had significant roles in managing the domestic economy.[51] The Army rolled out its new General Classification Test to assess the ability of millions of soldiers. The Army also engaged in large-scale psychological research of troop morale and mental health.[52] In the 1950s, the Rockefeller Foundation and Ford Foundation collaborated with the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) to fund research on psychological warfare.[53] In 1965, public controversy called attention to the Army's Project Camelot, the "Manhattan Project" of social science, an effort which enlisted psychologists and anthropologists to analyze the plans and policies of foreign countries for strategic purposes.[54][55]
In Germany after World War I, psychology held institutional power through the military, which was subsequently expanded along with the rest of the military during Nazi Germany.[29] Under the direction of Hermann Göring's cousin Matthias Göring, the Berlin Psychoanalytic Institute was renamed the Göring Institute. Freudian psychoanalysts were expelled and persecuted under the anti-Jewish policies of the Nazi Party, and all psychologists had to distance themselves from Freud and Adler, founders of psychoanalysis who were also Jewish.[56] The Göring Institute was well-financed throughout the war with a mandate to create a "New German Psychotherapy." This psychotherapy aimed to align suitable Germans with the overall goals of the Reich. As described by one physician, "Despite the importance of analysis, spiritual guidance and the active cooperation of the patient represent the best way to overcome individual mental problems and to subordinate them to the requirements of the Volk and the Gemeinschaft." Psychologists were to provide Seelenführung [lit., soul guidance], the leadership of the mind, to integrate people into the new vision of a German community.[57] Harald Schultz-Hencke melded psychology with the Nazi theory of biology and racial origins, criticizing psychoanalysis as a study of the weak and deformed.[58] Johannes Heinrich Schultz, a German psychologist recognized for developing the technique of autogenic training, prominently advocated sterilization and euthanasia of men considered genetically undesirable, and devised techniques for facilitating this process.[59]
After the war, new institutions were created although some psychologists, because of their Nazi affiliation, were discredited. Alexander Mitscherlich founded a prominent applied psychoanalysis journal called Psyche. With funding from the Rockefeller Foundation, Mitscherlich established the first clinical psychosomatic medicine division at Heidelberg University. In 1970, psychology was integrated into the required studies of medical students.[60]
After the Russian Revolution, the Bolsheviks promoted psychology as a way to engineer the "New Man" of socialism. Consequently, university psychology departments trained large numbers of students in psychology. At the completion of training, positions were made available for those students at schools, workplaces, cultural institutions, and in the military. The Russian state emphasized pedology and the study of child development. Lev Vygotsky became prominent in the field of child development.[42] The Bolsheviks also promoted free love and embraced the doctrine of psychoanalysis as an antidote to sexual repression.[61]: 84–6 [62] Although pedology and intelligence testing fell out of favor in 1936, psychology maintained its privileged position as an instrument of the Soviet Union.[42] Stalinist purges took a heavy toll and instilled a climate of fear in the profession, as elsewhere in Soviet society.[61]: 22 Following World War II, Jewish psychologists past and present, including Lev Vygotsky, A.R. Luria, and Aron Zalkind, were denounced; Ivan Pavlov (posthumously) and Stalin himself were celebrated as heroes of Soviet psychology.[61]: 25–6, 48–9 Soviet academics experienced a degree of liberalization during the Khrushchev Thaw. The topics of cybernetics, linguistics, and genetics became acceptable again. The new field of engineering psychology emerged. The field involved the study of the mental aspects of complex jobs (such as pilot and cosmonaut). Interdisciplinary studies became popular and scholars such as Georgy Shchedrovitsky developed systems theory approaches to human behavior.[61]: 27–33
Twentieth-century Chinese psychology originally modeled itself on U.S. psychology, with translations from American authors like William James, the establishment of university psychology departments and journals, and the establishment of groups including the Chinese Association of Psychological Testing (1930) and the Chinese Psychological Society (1937). Chinese psychologists were encouraged to focus on education and language learning. Chinese psychologists were drawn to the idea that education would enable modernization. John Dewey, who lectured to Chinese audiences between 1919 and 1921, had a significant influence on psychology in China. Chancellor T'sai Yuan-p'ei introduced him at Peking University as a greater thinker than Confucius. Kuo Zing-yang who received a PhD at the University of California, Berkeley, became President of Zhejiang University and popularized behaviorism.[63]: 5–9 After the Chinese Communist Party gained control of the country, the Stalinist Soviet Union became the major influence, with Marxism–Leninism the leading social doctrine and Pavlovian conditioning the approved means of behavior change. Chinese psychologists elaborated on Lenin's model of a "reflective" consciousness, envisioning an "active consciousness" (pinyin: tzu-chueh neng-tung-li) able to transcend material conditions through hard work and ideological struggle. They developed a concept of "recognition" (pinyin: jen-shih) which referred to the interface between individual perceptions and the socially accepted worldview; failure to correspond with party doctrine was "incorrect recognition."[63]: 9–17 Psychology education was centralized under the Chinese Academy of Sciences, supervised by the State Council. In 1951, the academy created a Psychology Research Office, which in 1956 became the Institute of Psychology. Because most leading psychologists were educated in the United States, the first concern of the academy was the re-education of these psychologists in the Soviet doctrines. Child psychology and pedagogy for the purpose of a nationally cohesive education remained a central goal of the discipline.[63]: 18–24
Women in psychology
[edit]1900–1949
[edit]Women in the early 1900s started to make key findings within the world of psychology. In 1923, Anna Freud,[64] the daughter of Sigmund Freud, built on her father's work using different defense mechanisms (denial, repression, and suppression) to psychoanalyze children. She believed that once a child reached the latency period, child analysis could be used as a mode of therapy. She stated it is important focus on the child's environment, support their development, and prevent neurosis. She believed a child should be recognized as their own person with their own right and have each session catered to the child's specific needs. She encouraged drawing, moving freely, and expressing themselves in any way. This helped build a strong therapeutic alliance with child patients, which allows psychologists to observe their normal behavior. She continued her research on the impact of children after family separation, children with socio-economically disadvantaged backgrounds, and all stages of child development from infancy to adolescence.[65]
Functional periodicity, the belief women are mentally and physically impaired during menstruation, impacted women's rights because employers were less likely to hire them due to the belief they would be incapable of working for 1 week a month. Leta Stetter Hollingworth wanted to prove this hypothesis and Edward L. Thorndike's theory, that women have lesser psychological and physical traits than men and were simply mediocre, incorrect. Hollingworth worked to prove differences were not from male genetic superiority, but from culture. She also included the concept of women's impairment during menstruation in her research. She recorded both women and men performances on tasks (cognitive, perceptual, and motor) for three months. No evidence was found of decreased performance due to a woman's menstrual cycle.[66] She also challenged the belief intelligence is inherited and women here are intellectually inferior to men. She stated that women do not reach positions of power due to the societal norms and roles they are assigned. As she states in her article, "Variability as related to sex differences in achievement: A Critique",[67] the largest problem women have is the social order that was built due to the assumption women have less interests and abilities than men. To further prove her point, she completed another experiment with infants who have not been influenced by the environment of social norms, like the adult male getting more opportunities than women. She found no difference between infants besides size. After this research proved the original hypothesis wrong, Hollingworth was able to show there is no difference between the physiological and psychological traits of men and women, and women are not impaired during menstruation.[68]
The first half of the 1900s was filled with new theories and it was a turning point for women's recognition within the field of psychology. In addition to the contributions made by Leta Stetter Hollingworth and Anna Freud, Mary Whiton Calkins invented the paired associates technique of studying memory and developed self-psychology.[69] Karen Horney developed the concept of "womb envy" and neurotic needs.[70] Psychoanalyst Melanie Klein impacted developmental psychology with her research of play therapy.[71] These great discoveries and contributions were made during struggles of sexism, discrimination, and little recognition for their work.
1950–1999
[edit]Women in the second half of the 20th century continued to do research that had large-scale impacts on the field of psychology. Mary Ainsworth's work centered around attachment theory. Building off fellow psychologist John Bowlby, Ainsworth spent years doing fieldwork to understand the development of mother-infant relationships. In doing this field research, Ainsworth developed the Strange Situation Procedure, a laboratory procedure meant to study attachment style by separating and uniting a child with their mother several different times under different circumstances. These field studies are also where she developed her attachment theory and the order of attachment styles, which was a landmark for developmental psychology.[72][73] Because of her work, Ainsworth became one of the most cited psychologists of all time.[74] Mamie Phipps Clark was another woman in psychology that changed the field with her research. She was one of the first African-Americans to receive a doctoral degree in psychology from Columbia University, along with her husband, Kenneth Clark. Her master's thesis, "The Development of Consciousness in Negro Pre-School Children," argued that black children's self-esteem was negatively impacted by racial discrimination. She and her husband conduced research building off her thesis throughout the 1940s. These tests, called the doll tests, asked young children to choose between identical dolls whose only difference was race, and they found that the majority of the children preferred the white dolls and attributed positive traits to them. Repeated over and over again, these tests helped to determine the negative effects of racial discrimination and segregation on black children's self-image and development. In 1954, this research would help decide the landmark Brown v. Board of Education decision, leading to the end of legal segregation across the nation. Clark went on to be an influential figure in psychology, her work continuing to focus on minority youth.[75]
As the field of psychology developed throughout the latter half of the 20th century, women in the field advocated for their voices to be heard and their perspectives to be valued. Second-wave feminism did not miss psychology. An outspoken feminist in psychology was Naomi Weisstein, who was an accomplished researcher in psychology and neuroscience, and is perhaps best known for her paper, "Kirche, Kuche, Kinder as Scientific Law: Psychology Constructs the Female." Psychology Constructs the Female criticized the field of psychology for centering men and using biology too much to explain gender differences without taking into account social factors.[76] Her work set the stage for further research to be done in social psychology, especially in gender construction.[77] Other women in the field also continued advocating for women in psychology, creating the Association for Women in Psychology to criticize how the field treated women. E. Kitsch Child, Phyllis Chesler, and Dorothy Riddle were some of the founding members of the organization in 1969.[78][79]
The latter half of the 20th century further diversified the field of psychology, with women of color reaching new milestones. In 1962, Martha Bernal became the first Latina woman to get a Ph.D. in psychology. In 1969, Marigold Linton, the first Native American woman to get a Ph.D. in psychology, founded the National Indian Education Association. She was also a founding member of the Society for Advancement of Chicanos and Native Americans in Science. In 1971, The Network of Indian Psychologists was established by Carolyn Attneave. Harriet McAdoo was appointed to the White House Conference on Families in 1979.[80]
21st century
[edit]In the 21st century, women have gained greater prominence in psychology, contributing significantly to a wide range of subfields. Many have taken on leadership roles, directed influential research labs, and guided the next generation of psychologists. However, gender disparities remain, especially when it comes to equal pay and representation in senior academic positions.[81] The number of women pursuing education and training in psychological science has reached a record high. In the United States, estimates suggest that women make up about 78% of undergraduate students and 71% of graduate students in psychology.[81]
Disciplinary organizations
[edit]Institutions
[edit]In 1920, Édouard Claparède and Pierre Bovet created a new applied psychology organization called the International Congress of Psychotechnics Applied to Vocational Guidance, later called the International Congress of Psychotechnics and then the International Association of Applied Psychology.[38] The IAAP is considered the oldest international psychology association.[82] Today, at least 65 international groups deal with specialized aspects of psychology.[82] In response to male predominance in the field, female psychologists in the U.S. formed the National Council of Women Psychologists in 1941. This organization became the International Council of Women Psychologists after World War II and the International Council of Psychologists in 1959. Several associations including the Association of Black Psychologists and the Asian American Psychological Association have arisen to promote the inclusion of non-European racial groups in the profession.[82]
The International Union of Psychological Science (IUPsyS) is the world federation of national psychological societies. The IUPsyS was founded in 1951 under the auspices of the United Nations Educational, Cultural and Scientific Organization (UNESCO).[38][83] Psychology departments have since proliferated around the world, based primarily on the Euro-American model.[26][83] Since 1966, the Union has published the International Journal of Psychology.[38] IAAP and IUPsyS agreed in 1976 each to hold a congress every four years, on a staggered basis.[82]
IUPsyS recognizes 66 national psychology associations and at least 15 others exist.[82] The American Psychological Association is the oldest and largest.[82] Its membership has increased from 5,000 in 1945 to 100,000 in the present day.[40] The APA includes 54 divisions, which since 1960 have steadily proliferated to include more specialties. Some of these divisions, such as the Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues and the American Psychology–Law Society, began as autonomous groups.[82]
The Interamerican Psychological Society, founded in 1951, aspires to promote psychology across the Western Hemisphere. It holds the Interamerican Congress of Psychology and had 1,000 members in year 2000. The European Federation of Professional Psychology Associations, founded in 1981, represents 30 national associations with a total of 100,000 individual members. At least 30 other international organizations represent psychologists in different regions.[82]
In some places, governments legally regulate who can provide psychological services or represent themselves as a "psychologist."[84] The APA defines a psychologist as someone with a doctoral degree in psychology.[85]
Boundaries
[edit]Early practitioners of experimental psychology distinguished themselves from parapsychology, which in the late nineteenth century enjoyed popularity (including the interest of scholars such as William James). Some people considered parapsychology to be part of "psychology". Parapsychology, hypnotism, and psychism were major topics at the early International Congresses. But students of these fields were eventually ostracized, and more or less banished from the Congress in 1900–1905.[38] Parapsychology persisted for a time at Imperial University in Japan, with publications such as Clairvoyance and Thoughtography by Tomokichi Fukurai, but it was mostly shunned by 1913.[39]
As a discipline, psychology has long sought to fend off accusations that it is a "soft" science. Philosopher of science Thomas Kuhn's 1962 critique implied psychology overall was in a pre-paradigm state, lacking agreement on the type of overarching theory found in mature hard sciences such as chemistry and physics.[86] Because some areas of psychology rely on research methods such as self-reports in surveys and questionnaires, critics asserted that psychology is not an objective science. Skeptics have suggested that personality, thinking, and emotion cannot be directly measured and are often inferred from subjective self-reports, which may be problematic. Experimental psychologists have devised a variety of ways to indirectly measure these elusive phenomenological entities.[87][88][89]
Divisions still exist within the field, with some psychologists more oriented towards the unique experiences of individual humans, which cannot be understood only as data points within a larger population. Critics inside and outside the field have argued that mainstream psychology has become increasingly dominated by a "cult of empiricism", which limits the scope of research because investigators restrict themselves to methods derived from the physical sciences.[90]: 36–7 Feminist critiques have argued that claims to scientific objectivity obscure the values and agenda of (historically) mostly male researchers.[44] Jean Grimshaw, for example, argues that mainstream psychological research has advanced a patriarchal agenda through its efforts to control behavior.[90]: 120
Major schools of thought
[edit]Biological
[edit]
Psychologists generally consider biology the substrate of thought and feeling, and therefore an important area of study. Behaviorial neuroscience, also known as biological psychology, involves the application of biological principles to the study of physiological and genetic mechanisms underlying behavior in humans and other animals. The allied field of comparative psychology is the scientific study of the behavior and mental processes of non-human animals.[92] A leading question in behavioral neuroscience has been whether and how mental functions are localized in the brain. From Phineas Gage to H.M. and Clive Wearing, individual people with mental deficits traceable to physical brain damage have inspired new discoveries in this area.[93] Modern behavioral neuroscience could be said to originate in the 1870s, when in France Paul Broca traced production of speech to the left frontal gyrus, thereby also demonstrating hemispheric lateralization of brain function. Soon after, Carl Wernicke identified a related area necessary for the understanding of speech.[94]: 20–2
The contemporary field of behavioral neuroscience focuses on the physical basis of behavior. Behaviorial neuroscientists use animal models, often relying on rats, to study the neural, genetic, and cellular mechanisms that underlie behaviors involved in learning, memory, and fear responses.[95] Cognitive neuroscientists, by using neural imaging tools, investigate the neural correlates of psychological processes in humans. Neuropsychologists conduct psychological assessments to determine how an individual's behavior and cognition are related to the brain. The biopsychosocial model is a cross-disciplinary, holistic model that concerns the ways in which interrelationships of biological, psychological, and socio-environmental factors affect health and behavior.[96]
Evolutionary psychology approaches thought and behavior from a modern evolutionary perspective. This perspective suggests that psychological adaptations evolved to solve recurrent problems in human ancestral environments. Evolutionary psychologists attempt to find out how human psychological traits are evolved adaptations, the results of natural selection or sexual selection over the course of human evolution.[97]
The history of the biological foundations of psychology includes evidence of racism. The idea of white supremacy and indeed the modern concept of race itself arose during the process of world conquest by Europeans.[98] Carl von Linnaeus's four-fold classification of humans classifies Europeans as intelligent and severe, Americans as contented and free, Asians as ritualistic, and Africans as lazy and capricious. Race was also used to justify the construction of socially specific mental disorders such as drapetomania and dysaesthesia aethiopica—the behavior of uncooperative African slaves.[99] After the creation of experimental psychology, "ethnical psychology" emerged as a subdiscipline, based on the assumption that studying primitive races would provide an important link between animal behavior and the psychology of more evolved humans.[100]
Behaviorist
[edit]
A tenet of behavioral research is that a large part of both human and lower-animal behavior is learned. A principle associated with behavioral research is that the mechanisms involved in learning apply to humans and non-human animals. Behavioral researchers have developed a treatment known as behavior modification, which is used to help individuals replace undesirable behaviors with desirable ones.
Early behavioral researchers studied stimulus–response pairings, now known as classical conditioning. They demonstrated that when a biologically potent stimulus (e.g., food that elicits salivation) is paired with a previously neutral stimulus (e.g., a bell) over several learning trials, the neutral stimulus by itself can come to elicit the response the biologically potent stimulus elicits. Ivan Pavlov—known best for inducing dogs to salivate in the presence of a stimulus previously linked with food—became a leading figure in the Soviet Union and inspired followers to use his methods on humans.[42] In the United States, Edward Lee Thorndike initiated "connectionist" studies by trapping animals in "puzzle boxes" and rewarding them for escaping. Thorndike wrote in 1911, "There can be no moral warrant for studying man's nature unless the study will enable us to control his acts."[32]: 212–5 From 1910 to 1913 the American Psychological Association went through a sea change of opinion, away from mentalism and towards "behavioralism." In 1913, John B. Watson coined the term behaviorism for this school of thought.[32]: 218–27 Watson's famous Little Albert experiment in 1920 was at first thought to demonstrate that repeated use of upsetting loud noises could instill phobias (aversions to other stimuli) in an infant human,[15][101] although such a conclusion was likely an exaggeration.[102] Karl Lashley, a close collaborator with Watson, examined biological manifestations of learning in the brain.[93]
Clark L. Hull, Edwin Guthrie, and others did much to help behaviorism become a widely used paradigm.[40] A new method of "instrumental" or "operant" conditioning added the concepts of reinforcement and punishment to the model of behavior change. Radical behaviorists avoided discussing the inner workings of the mind, especially the unconscious mind, which they considered impossible to assess scientifically.[103] Operant conditioning was first described by Miller and Kanorski and popularized in the U.S. by B.F. Skinner, who emerged as a leading intellectual of the behaviorist movement.[104][105]
Noam Chomsky published an influential critique of radical behaviorism on the grounds that behaviorist principles could not adequately explain the complex mental process of language acquisition and language use.[106][107] The review, which was scathing, did much to reduce the status of behaviorism within psychology.[32]: 282–5 Martin Seligman and his colleagues discovered that they could condition in dogs a state of "learned helplessness", which was not predicted by the behaviorist approach to psychology.[108][109] Edward C. Tolman advanced a hybrid "cognitive behavioral" model, most notably with his 1948 publication discussing the cognitive maps used by rats to guess at the location of food at the end of a maze.[110] Skinner's behaviorism did not die, in part because it generated successful practical applications.[107]
The Association for Behavior Analysis International was founded in 1974 and by 2003 had members from 42 countries. The field has gained a foothold in Latin America and Japan.[111] Applied behavior analysis is the term used for the application of the principles of operant conditioning to change socially significant behavior (it supersedes the term, "behavior modification").[112]
Cognitive
[edit]Green Red Blue
Purple Blue Purple
Blue Purple Red
Green Purple Green
The Stroop effect is the fact that naming the color of the first set of words is easier and quicker than the second.


Cognitive psychology involves the study of mental processes, including perception, attention, language comprehension and production, memory, and problem solving.[113] Researchers in the field of cognitive psychology are sometimes called cognitivists. They rely on an information processing model of mental functioning. Cognitivist research is informed by functionalism and experimental psychology.
Starting in the 1950s, the experimental techniques developed by Wundt, James, Ebbinghaus, and others re-emerged as experimental psychology became increasingly cognitivist and, eventually, constituted a part of the wider, interdisciplinary cognitive science.[114][115] Some called this development the cognitive revolution because it rejected the anti-mentalist dogma of behaviorism as well as the strictures of psychoanalysis.[115]
Albert Bandura helped along the transition in psychology from behaviorism to cognitive psychology. Bandura and other social learning theorists advanced the idea of vicarious learning. In other words, they advanced the view that a child can learn by observing the immediate social environment and not necessarily from having been reinforced for enacting a behavior, although they did not rule out the influence of reinforcement on learning a behavior.[116]
Technological advances also renewed interest in mental states and mental representations. English neuroscientist Charles Sherrington and Canadian psychologist Donald O. Hebb used experimental methods to link psychological phenomena to the structure and function of the brain. The rise of computer science, cybernetics, and artificial intelligence underlined the value of comparing information processing in humans and machines.
A popular and representative topic in this area is cognitive bias, or irrational thought. Psychologists (and economists) have classified and described a sizeable catalog of biases which recur frequently in human thought. The availability heuristic, for example, is the tendency to overestimate the importance of something which happens to come readily to mind.[117]
Elements of behaviorism and cognitive psychology were synthesized to form cognitive behavioral therapy, a form of psychotherapy modified from techniques developed by American psychologist Albert Ellis and American psychiatrist Aaron T. Beck.
On a broader level, cognitive science is an interdisciplinary enterprise involving cognitive psychologists, cognitive neuroscientists, linguists, and researchers in artificial intelligence, human–computer interaction, and computational neuroscience. The discipline of cognitive science covers cognitive psychology as well as philosophy of mind, computer science, and neuroscience.[118] Computer simulations are sometimes used to model phenomena of interest.
Social
[edit]Social psychology is concerned with how behaviors, thoughts, feelings, and the social environment influence human interactions.[119] Social psychologists study such topics as the influence of others on an individual's behavior (e.g. conformity, persuasion) and the formation of beliefs, attitudes, and stereotypes about other people. Social cognition fuses elements of social and cognitive psychology for the purpose of understanding how people process, remember, or distort social information. The study of group dynamics involves research on the nature of leadership, organizational communication, and related phenomena. In recent years, social psychologists have become interested in implicit measures, mediational models, and the interaction of person and social factors in accounting for behavior. Some concepts that sociologists have applied to the study of psychiatric disorders, concepts such as the social role, sick role, social class, life events, culture, migration, and total institution, have influenced social psychologists.[120]
Psychoanalytic
[edit]
Psychoanalysis is a collection of theories and therapeutic techniques intended to analyze the unconscious mind and its impact on everyday life. These theories and techniques inform treatments for mental disorders.[121][122][123] Psychoanalysis originated in the 1890s, most prominently with the work of Sigmund Freud. Freud's psychoanalytic theory was largely based on interpretive methods, introspection, and clinical observation. It became very well known, largely because it tackled subjects such as sexuality, repression, and the unconscious.[61]: 84–6 Freud pioneered the methods of free association and dream interpretation.[124][125]
Psychoanalytic theory is not monolithic. Other well-known psychoanalytic thinkers who diverged from Freud include Alfred Adler, Carl Jung, Erik Erikson, Melanie Klein, D. W. Winnicott, Karen Horney, Erich Fromm, John Bowlby, Freud's daughter Anna Freud, and Harry Stack Sullivan. These individuals ensured that psychoanalysis would evolve into diverse schools of thought. Among these schools are ego psychology, object relations, and interpersonal, Lacanian, and relational psychoanalysis.
Psychologists such as Hans Eysenck and philosophers including Karl Popper sharply criticized psychoanalysis. Popper argued that psychoanalysis was not falsifiable (no claim it made could be proven wrong) and therefore inherently not a scientific discipline,[126] whereas Eysenck advanced the view that psychoanalytic tenets had been contradicted by experimental data. By the end of the 20th century, psychology departments in American universities mostly had marginalized Freudian theory, dismissing it as a "desiccated and dead" historical artifact.[127] Researchers such as António Damásio, Oliver Sacks, and Joseph LeDoux; and individuals in the emerging field of neuro-psychoanalysis have defended some of Freud's ideas on scientific grounds.[128]
Existential-humanistic
[edit]
Humanistic psychology, which has been influenced by existentialism and phenomenology,[130] stresses free will and self-actualization.[131] It emerged in the 1950s as a movement within academic psychology, in reaction to both behaviorism and psychoanalysis.[132] The humanistic approach seeks to view the whole person, not just fragmented parts of the personality or isolated cognitions.[133] Humanistic psychology also focuses on personal growth, self-identity, death, aloneness, and freedom. It emphasizes subjective meaning, the rejection of determinism, and concern for positive growth rather than pathology. Some founders of the humanistic school of thought were American psychologists Abraham Maslow, who formulated a hierarchy of human needs, and Carl Rogers, who created and developed client-centered therapy.[134]
Later, positive psychology opened up humanistic themes to scientific study. Positive psychology is the study of factors which contribute to human happiness and well-being, focusing more on people who are currently healthy. In 2010, Clinical Psychological Review published a special issue devoted to positive psychological interventions, such as gratitude journaling and the physical expression of gratitude. It is, however, far from clear that positive psychology is effective in making people happier.[135][136] Positive psychological interventions have been limited in scope, but their effects are thought to be somewhat better than placebo effects.
The American Association for Humanistic Psychology, formed in 1963, declared:
Humanistic psychology is primarily an orientation toward the whole of psychology rather than a distinct area or school. It stands for respect for the worth of persons, respect for differences of approach, open-mindedness as to acceptable methods, and interest in exploration of new aspects of human behavior. As a "third force" in contemporary psychology, it is concerned with topics having little place in existing theories and systems: e.g., love, creativity, self, growth, organism, basic need-gratification, self-actualization, higher values, being, becoming, spontaneity, play, humor, affection, naturalness, warmth, ego-transcendence, objectivity, autonomy, responsibility, meaning, fair-play, transcendental experience, peak experience, courage, and related concepts.[137]
Existential psychology emphasizes the need to understand a client's total orientation towards the world. Existential psychology is opposed to reductionism, behaviorism, and other methods that objectify the individual.[131] In the 1950s and 1960s, influenced by philosophers Søren Kierkegaard and Martin Heidegger, psychoanalytically trained American psychologist Rollo May helped to develop existential psychology. Existential psychotherapy, which follows from existential psychology, is a therapeutic approach that is based on the idea that a person's inner conflict arises from that individual's confrontation with the givens of existence. Swiss psychoanalyst Ludwig Binswanger and American psychologist George Kelly may also be said to belong to the existential school.[138] Existential psychologists tend to differ from more "humanistic" psychologists in the former's relatively neutral view of human nature and relatively positive assessment of anxiety.[139] Existential psychologists emphasized the humanistic themes of death, free will, and meaning, suggesting that meaning can be shaped by myths and narratives; meaning can be deepened by the acceptance of free will, which is requisite to living an authentic life, albeit often with anxiety with regard to death.[140]
Austrian existential psychiatrist and Holocaust survivor Viktor Frankl drew evidence of meaning's therapeutic power from reflections upon his own internment.[141] He created a variation of existential psychotherapy called logotherapy, a type of existentialist analysis that focuses on a will to meaning (in one's life), as opposed to Adler's Nietzschean doctrine of will to power or Freud's will to pleasure.[142]
Themes
[edit]Personality
[edit]Personality psychology is concerned with enduring patterns of behavior, thought, and emotion. Theories of personality vary across different psychological schools of thought. Each theory carries different assumptions about such features as the role of the unconscious and the importance of childhood experience. According to Freud, personality is based on the dynamic interactions of the id, ego, and super-ego.[143] By contrast, trait theorists have developed taxonomies of personality constructs in describing personality in terms of key traits. Trait theorists have often employed statistical data-reduction methods, such as factor analysis. Although the number of proposed traits has varied widely, Hans Eysenck's early biologically based model suggests at least three major trait constructs are necessary to describe human personality, extraversion–introversion, neuroticism-stability, and psychoticism-normality. Raymond Cattell empirically derived a theory of 16 personality factors at the primary-factor level and up to eight broader second-stratum factors.[144][145][146][147] Since the 1980s, the Big Five (openness to experience, conscientiousness, extraversion, agreeableness, and neuroticism) emerged as an important trait theory of personality.[148] Dimensional models of personality disorders are receiving increasing support, and a version of dimensional assessment, namely the Alternative DSM-5 Model for Personality Disorders, has been included in the DSM-5. However, despite a plethora of research into the various versions of the "Big Five" personality dimensions, it appears necessary to move on from static conceptualizations of personality structure to a more dynamic orientation, acknowledging that personality constructs are subject to learning and change over the lifespan.[149][150]
An early example of personality assessment was the Woodworth Personal Data Sheet, constructed during World War I. The popular, although psychometrically inadequate, Myers–Briggs Type Indicator[151] was developed to assess individuals' "personality types" according to the personality theories of Carl Jung. The Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory (MMPI), despite its name, is more a dimensional measure of psychopathology than a personality measure.[152] California Psychological Inventory contains 20 personality scales (e.g., independence, tolerance).[153] The International Personality Item Pool, which is in the public domain, has become a source of scales that can be used personality assessment.[154]
Unconscious mind
[edit]Study of the unconscious mind, a part of the psyche outside the individual's awareness but that is believed to influence conscious thought and behavior, was a hallmark of early psychology. In one of the first psychology experiments conducted in the United States, C.S. Peirce and Joseph Jastrow found in 1884 that research subjects could choose the minutely heavier of two weights even if consciously uncertain of the difference.[155] Freud popularized the concept of the unconscious mind, particularly when he referred to an uncensored intrusion of unconscious thought into one's speech (a Freudian slip) or to his efforts to interpret dreams.[156] His 1901 book The Psychopathology of Everyday Life catalogs hundreds of everyday events that Freud explains in terms of unconscious influence. Pierre Janet advanced the idea of a subconscious mind, which could contain autonomous mental elements unavailable to the direct scrutiny of the subject.[157]
The concept of unconscious processes has remained important in psychology. Cognitive psychologists have used a "filter" model of attention. According to the model, much information processing takes place below the threshold of consciousness, and only certain stimuli, limited by their nature and number, make their way through the filter. Much research has shown that subconscious priming of certain ideas can covertly influence thoughts and behavior.[157] Because of the unreliability of self-reporting, a major hurdle in this type of research involves demonstrating that a subject's conscious mind has not perceived a target stimulus. For this reason, some psychologists prefer to distinguish between implicit and explicit memory. In another approach, one can also describe a subliminal stimulus as meeting an objective but not a subjective threshold.[158]
The automaticity model of John Bargh and others involves the ideas of automaticity and unconscious processing in our understanding of social behavior,[159][160] although there has been dispute with regard to replication.[161][162] Some experimental data suggest that the brain begins to consider taking actions before the mind becomes aware of them.[163] The influence of unconscious forces on people's choices bears on the philosophical question of free will. John Bargh, Daniel Wegner, and Ellen Langer describe free will as an illusion.[159][160][164]
Motivation
[edit]Some psychologists study motivation or the subject of why people or lower animals initiate a behavior at a particular time. It also involves the study of why humans and lower animals continue or terminate a behavior. Psychologists such as William James initially used the term motivation to refer to intention, in a sense similar to the concept of will in European philosophy. With the steady rise of Darwinian and Freudian thinking, instinct also came to be seen as a primary source of motivation.[165] According to drive theory, the forces of instinct combine into a single source of energy which exerts a constant influence. Psychoanalysis, like biology, regarded these forces as demands originating in the nervous system. Psychoanalysts believed that these forces, especially the sexual instincts, could become entangled and transmuted within the psyche. Classical psychoanalysis conceives of a struggle between the pleasure principle and the reality principle, roughly corresponding to id and ego. Later, in Beyond the Pleasure Principle, Freud introduced the concept of the death drive, a compulsion towards aggression, destruction, and psychic repetition of traumatic events.[166] Meanwhile, behaviorist researchers used simple dichotomous models (pleasure/pain, reward/punishment) and well-established principles such as the idea that a thirsty creature will take pleasure in drinking.[165][167] Clark Hull formalized the latter idea with his drive reduction model.[168]
Hunger, thirst, fear, sexual desire, and thermoregulation constitute fundamental motivations in animals.[167] Humans seem to exhibit a more complex set of motivations—though theoretically these could be explained as resulting from desires for belonging, positive self-image, self-consistency, truth, love, and control.[169][170]
Motivation can be modulated or manipulated in many different ways. Researchers have found that eating, for example, depends not only on the organism's fundamental need for homeostasis—an important factor causing the experience of hunger—but also on circadian rhythms, food availability, food palatability, and cost.[167] Abstract motivations are also malleable, as evidenced by such phenomena as goal contagion: the adoption of goals, sometimes unconsciously, based on inferences about the goals of others.[171] Vohs and Baumeister suggest that contrary to the need-desire-fulfillment cycle of animal instincts, human motivations sometimes obey a "getting begets wanting" rule: the more you get a reward such as self-esteem, love, drugs, or money, the more you want it. They suggest that this principle can even apply to food, drink, sex, and sleep.[172]
Development psychology
[edit]
Developmental psychology is the scientific study of how and why the thought processes, emotions, and behaviors of humans change over the course of their lives.[173] Some credit Charles Darwin with conducting the first systematic study within the rubric of developmental psychology, having published in 1877 a short paper detailing the development of innate forms of communication based on his observations of his infant son.[174] The main origins of the discipline, however, are found in the work of Jean Piaget. Like Piaget, developmental psychologists originally focused primarily on the development of cognition from infancy to adolescence. Later, developmental psychology extended itself to the study cognition over the life span. In addition to studying cognition, developmental psychologists have also come to focus on affective, behavioral, moral, social, and neural development.
Developmental psychologists who study children use a number of research methods. For example, they make observations of children in natural settings such as preschools[175] and engage them in experimental tasks.[176] Such tasks often resemble specially designed games and activities that are both enjoyable for the child and scientifically useful. Developmental researchers have even devised clever methods to study the mental processes of infants.[177] In addition to studying children, developmental psychologists also study aging and processes throughout the life span, including old age.[178] These psychologists draw on the full range of psychological theories to inform their research.[173]
Genes and environment
[edit]All researched psychological traits are influenced by both genes and environment, to varying degrees.[179][180] These two sources of influence are often confounded in observational research of individuals and families. An example of this confounding can be shown in the transmission of depression from a depressed mother to her offspring. A theory based on environmental transmission would hold that an offspring, by virtue of their having a problematic rearing environment managed by a depressed mother, is at risk for developing depression. On the other hand, a hereditarian theory would hold that depression risk in an offspring is influenced to some extent by genes passed to the child from the mother. Genes and environment in these simple transmission models are completely confounded. A depressed mother may both carry genes that contribute to depression in her offspring and also create a rearing environment that increases the risk of depression in her child.[181]
Behavioral genetics researchers have employed methodologies that help to disentangle this confound and understand the nature and origins of individual differences in behavior.[97] Traditionally the research has involved twin studies and adoption studies, two designs where genetic and environmental influences can be partially un-confounded. More recently, gene-focused research has contributed to understanding genetic contributions to the development of psychological traits.
The availability of microarray molecular genetic or genome sequencing technologies allows researchers to measure participant DNA variation directly, and test whether individual genetic variants within genes are associated with psychological traits and psychopathology through methods including genome-wide association studies. One goal of such research is similar to that in positional cloning and its success in Huntington's: once a causal gene is discovered biological research can be conducted to understand how that gene influences the phenotype. One major result of genetic association studies is the general finding that psychological traits and psychopathology, as well as complex medical diseases, are highly polygenic,[182][183][184][185][186] where a large number (on the order of hundreds to thousands) of genetic variants, each of small effect, contribute to individual differences in the behavioral trait or propensity to the disorder. Active research continues to work toward understanding the genetic and environmental bases of behavior and their interaction.
Applications
[edit]Psychology encompasses many subfields and includes different approaches to the study of mental processes and behavior.
Psychological testing
[edit]
Psychological testing has ancient origins, dating as far back as 2200 BC, in the examinations for the Chinese civil service. Written exams began during the Han dynasty (202 BC – AD 220). By 1370, the Chinese system required a stratified series of tests, involving essay writing and knowledge of diverse topics. The system was ended in 1906.[187]: 41–2 In Europe, mental assessment took a different approach, with theories of physiognomy—judgment of character based on the face—described by Aristotle in 4th century BC Greece. Physiognomy remained current through the Enlightenment, and added the doctrine of phrenology: a study of mind and intelligence based on simple assessment of neuroanatomy.[187]: 42–3
When experimental psychology came to Britain, Francis Galton was a leading practitioner. By virtue of his procedures for measuring reaction time and sensation, he is considered an inventor of modern mental testing (also known as psychometrics).[187]: 44–5 James McKeen Cattell, a student of Wundt and Galton, brought the idea of psychological testing to the United States, and in fact coined the term "mental test".[187]: 45–6 In 1901, Cattell's student Clark Wissler published discouraging results, suggesting that mental testing of Columbia and Barnard students failed to predict academic performance.[187]: 45–6 In response to 1904 orders from the Minister of Public Instruction, One example of an observational study was run by Arthur Bandura. This observational study focused on children who were exposed to an adult exhibiting aggressive behaviors and their reaction to toys versus other children who were not exposed to these stimuli. The result shows that children who had seen the adult acting aggressively towards a toy, in turn, were aggressive towards their own toy when put in a situation that frustrated them.[188] psychologists Alfred Binet and Théodore Simon developed and elaborated a new test of intelligence in 1905–1911. They used a range of questions diverse in their nature and difficulty. Binet and Simon introduced the concept of mental age and referred to the lowest scorers on their test as idiots. Henry H. Goddard put the Binet-Simon scale to work and introduced classifications of mental level such as imbecile and feebleminded. In 1916, (after Binet's death), Stanford professor Lewis M. Terman modified the Binet-Simon scale (renamed the Stanford–Binet scale) and introduced the intelligence quotient as a score report.[187]: 50–56 Based on his test findings, and reflecting the racism common to that era, Terman concluded that intellectual disability "represents the level of intelligence which is very, very common among Spanish-Indians and Mexican families of the Southwest and also among negroes. Their dullness seems to be racial."[189]
Following the Army Alpha and Army Beta tests, which was developed by psychologist Robert Yerkes in 1917 and then used in World War 1 by industrial and organizational psychologists for large-scale employee testing and selection of military personnel.[190] Mental testing also became popular in the U.S., where it was applied to schoolchildren. The federally created National Intelligence Test was administered to 7 million children in the 1920s. In 1926, the College Entrance Examination Board created the Scholastic Aptitude Test to standardize college admissions.[187]: 61 The results of intelligence tests were used to argue for segregated schools and economic functions, including the preferential training of Black Americans for manual labor. These practices were criticized by Black intellectuals such a Horace Mann Bond and Allison Davis.[189] Eugenicists used mental testing to justify and organize compulsory sterilization of individuals classified as mentally retarded (now referred to as intellectual disability).[49] In the United States, tens of thousands of men and women were sterilized. Setting a precedent that has never been overturned, the U.S. Supreme Court affirmed the constitutionality of this practice in the 1927 case Buck v. Bell.[191]
Today mental testing is a routine phenomenon for people of all ages in Western societies.[187]: 2 Modern testing aspires to criteria including standardization of procedure, consistency of results, output of an interpretable score, statistical norms describing population outcomes, and, ideally, effective prediction of behavior and life outcomes outside of testing situations.[187]: 4–6 Psychological testing is regularly used in forensic contexts to aid legal judgments and decisions.[192] Developments in psychometrics include work on test and scale reliability and validity.[193] Developments in item-response theory,[194] structural equation modeling,[195] and bifactor analysis[196] have helped in strengthening test and scale construction.
Mental health care
[edit]The provision of psychological health services is generally called clinical psychology in the U.S. Sometimes, however, members of the school psychology and counseling psychology professions engage in practices that resemble that of clinical psychologists. Clinical psychologists typically include people who have graduated from doctoral programs in clinical psychology. In Canada, some of the members of the abovementioned groups usually fall within the larger category of professional psychology. In Canada and the U.S., practitioners get bachelor's degrees and doctorates; doctoral students in clinical psychology usually spend one year in a predoctoral internship and one year in postdoctoral internship. In Mexico and most other Latin American and European countries, psychologists do not get bachelor's and doctoral degrees; instead, they take a three-year professional course following high school.[85] Clinical psychology is at present the largest specialization within psychology.[197] It includes the study and application of psychology for the purpose of understanding, preventing, and relieving psychological distress, dysfunction, and/or mental illness. Clinical psychologists also try to promote subjective well-being and personal growth. Central to the practice of clinical psychology are psychological assessment and psychotherapy although clinical psychologists may also engage in research, teaching, consultation, forensic testimony, and program development and administration.[198]
Credit for the first psychology clinic in the United States typically goes to Lightner Witmer, who established his practice in Philadelphia in 1896. Another modern psychotherapist was Morton Prince, an early advocate for the establishment of psychology as a clinical and academic discipline.[197] In the first part of the twentieth century, most mental health care in the United States was performed by psychiatrists, who are medical doctors. Psychology entered the field with its refinements of mental testing, which promised to improve the diagnosis of mental problems. For their part, some psychiatrists became interested in using psychoanalysis and other forms of psychodynamic psychotherapy to understand and treat the mentally ill.[44][199]
Psychotherapy as conducted by psychiatrists blurred the distinction between psychiatry and psychology, and this trend continued with the rise of community mental health facilities. Some in the clinical psychology community adopted behavioral therapy, a thoroughly non-psychodynamic model that used behaviorist learning theory to change the actions of patients. A key aspect of behavior therapy is empirical evaluation of the treatment's effectiveness. In the 1970s, cognitive-behavior therapy emerged with the work of Albert Ellis and Aaron Beck. Although there are similarities between behavior therapy and cognitive-behavior therapy, cognitive-behavior therapy required the application of cognitive constructs. Since the 1970s, the popularity of cognitive-behavior therapy among clinical psychologists increased. A key practice in behavioral and cognitive-behavioral therapy is exposing patients to things they fear, based on the premise that their responses (fear, panic, anxiety) can be deconditioned.[200]
Mental health care today involves psychologists and social workers in increasing numbers. In 1977, National Institute of Mental Health director Bertram Brown described this shift as a source of "intense competition and role confusion."[44] Graduate programs issuing doctorates in clinical psychology emerged in the 1950s and underwent rapid increase through the 1980s. The PhD degree is intended to train practitioners who could also conduct scientific research. The PsyD degree is more exclusively designed to train practitioners.[85]
Some clinical psychologists focus on the clinical management of patients with brain injury. This subspecialty is known as clinical neuropsychology. In many countries, clinical psychology is a regulated mental health profession. The emerging field of disaster psychology (see crisis intervention) involves professionals who respond to large-scale traumatic events.[201]
The work performed by clinical psychologists tends to be influenced by various therapeutic approaches, all of which involve a formal relationship between professional and client (usually an individual, couple, family, or small group). Typically, these approaches encourage new ways of thinking, feeling, or behaving. Four major theoretical perspectives are psychodynamic, cognitive behavioral, existential–humanistic, and systems or family therapy. There has been a growing movement to integrate the various therapeutic approaches, especially with an increased understanding of issues regarding culture, gender, spirituality, and sexual orientation. With the advent of more robust research findings regarding psychotherapy, there is evidence that most of the major therapies have equal effectiveness, with the key common element being a strong therapeutic alliance.[202][203] Because of this, more training programs and psychologists are now adopting an eclectic therapeutic orientation.[204][205][206][207][208]
Diagnosis in clinical psychology usually follows the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM).[209] The study of mental illnesses is called abnormal psychology.
Education
[edit]
Educational psychology is the study of how humans learn in educational settings, the effectiveness of educational interventions, the psychology of teaching, and the social psychology of schools as organizations. Educational psychologists can be found in preschools, schools of all levels including post secondary institutions, community organizations and learning centers, Government or private research firms, and independent or private consultant.[210] The work of developmental psychologists such as Lev Vygotsky, Jean Piaget, and Jerome Bruner has been influential in creating teaching methods and educational practices. Educational psychology is often included in teacher education programs in places such as North America, Australia, and New Zealand.
School psychology combines principles from educational psychology and clinical psychology to understand and treat students with learning disabilities; to foster the intellectual growth of gifted students; to facilitate prosocial behaviors in adolescents; and otherwise to promote safe, supportive, and effective learning environments. School psychologists are trained in educational and behavioral assessment, intervention, prevention, and consultation, and many have extensive training in research.[211]
Work
[edit]Industrial and organizational (I/O) psychology involves research and practices that apply psychological theories and principles to organizations and individuals' work-lives.[212] In the field's beginnings, industrialists brought the nascent field of psychology to bear on the study of scientific management techniques for improving workplace efficiency. The field was at first called economic psychology or business psychology; later, industrial psychology, employment psychology, or psychotechnology.[213] An influential early study examined workers at Western Electric's Hawthorne plant in Cicero, Illinois from 1924 to 1932. Western Electric experimented on factory workers to assess their responses to changes in illumination, breaks, food, and wages. The researchers came to focus on workers' responses to observation itself, and the term Hawthorne effect is now used to describe the fact that people's behavior can change when they think they are being observed.[214] Although the Hawthorne research can be found in psychology textbooks, the research and its findings were weak at best.[215][216]
The name industrial and organizational psychology emerged in the 1960s. In 1973, it became enshrined in the name of the Society for Industrial and Organizational Psychology, Division 14 of the American Psychological Association.[213] One goal of the discipline is to optimize human potential in the workplace. Personnel psychology is a subfield of I/O psychology. Personnel psychologists apply the methods and principles of psychology in selecting and evaluating workers. Another subfield, organizational psychology, examines the effects of work environments and management styles on worker motivation, job satisfaction, and productivity.[217] Most I/O psychologists work outside of academia, for private and public organizations and as consultants.[213] A psychology consultant working in business today might expect to provide executives with information and ideas about their industry, their target markets, and the organization of their company.[218][219]
Organizational behavior (OB) is an allied field involved in the study of human behavior within organizations.[220] One way to differentiate I/O psychology from OB is that I/O psychologists train in university psychology departments and OB specialists, in business schools.
Military and intelligence
[edit]One role for psychologists in the military has been to evaluate and counsel soldiers and other personnel. In the U.S., this function began during World War I, when Robert Yerkes established the School of Military Psychology at Fort Oglethorpe in Georgia. The school provided psychological training for military staff.[44][221] Today, U.S. Army psychologists perform psychological screening, clinical psychotherapy, suicide prevention, and treatment for post-traumatic stress, as well as provide prevention-related services, for example, smoking cessation.[222] The United States Army's Mental Health Advisory Teams implement psychological interventions to help combat troops experiencing mental problems.[223][224]
Psychologists may also work on a diverse set of campaigns known broadly as psychological warfare. Psychological warfare chiefly involves the use of propaganda to influence enemy soldiers and civilians. This so-called black propaganda is designed to seem as if it originates from a source other than the Army.[225] The CIA's MKULTRA program involved more individualized efforts at mind control, involving techniques such as hypnosis, torture, and covert involuntary administration of LSD.[226] The U.S. military used the name Psychological Operations (PSYOP) until 2010, when these activities were reclassified as Military Information Support Operations (MISO), part of Information Operations (IO).[227] Psychologists have sometimes been involved in assisting the interrogation and torture of suspects, staining the records of the psychologists involved.[228]
Health, well-being, and social change
[edit]Social change
[edit]An example of the contribution of psychologists to social change involves the research of Kenneth and Mamie Phipps Clark. These two African American psychologists studied segregation's adverse psychological impact on Black children. Their research findings played a role in the desegregation case Brown v. Board of Education (1954).[229]
The impact of psychology on social change includes the discipline's broad influence on teaching and learning. Research has shown that compared to the "whole word" or "whole language" approach, the phonics approach to reading instruction is more efficacious.[230]
Medical applications
[edit]Medical facilities increasingly employ psychologists to perform various roles. One aspect of health psychology is the psychoeducation of patients: instructing them in how to follow a medical regimen. Health psychologists can also educate doctors and conduct research on patient compliance.[231][232] Psychologists in the field of public health use a wide variety of interventions to influence human behavior. These range from public relations campaigns and outreach to governmental laws and policies. Psychologists study the composite influence of all these different tools in an effort to influence whole populations of people.[233]
Worker health, safety and wellbeing
[edit]Psychologists work with organizations to apply findings from psychological research to improve the health and well-being of employees. Some work as external consultants hired by organizations to solve specific problems, whereas others are full-time employees of the organization. Applications include conducting surveys to identify issues and designing interventions to make work healthier. Some of the specific health areas include:
- Accidents and injuries: A major contribution is the concept of safety climate, which is employee shared perceptions of the behaviors that are encouraged (e.g., wearing safety gear) and discouraged (not following safety rules) at work.[234] Organizations with strong safety climates have fewer work accidents and injuries.[235]
- Cardiovascular disease: Cardiovascular disease has been related to lack of job control.[236]
- Mental health: Exposure to occupational stress is associated with mental health disorder.[237]
- Musculoskeletal disorder: These are injuries in bones, nerves and tendons due to overexertion and repetitive strain. They have been linked to job satisfaction and workplace stress.[238]
- Physical health symptoms: Occupational stress has been linked to physical symptoms such as digestive distress and headache.[239]
- Workplace violence: Violence prevention climate is related to being physically assaulted and psychologically mistreated at work.[240]
Interventions that improve climates are a way to address accidents and violence. Interventions that reduce stress at work or provide employees with tools to better manage it can help in areas where stress is an important component.
Industrial psychology became interested in worker fatigue during World War I, when government ministers in Britain were concerned about the impact of fatigue on workers in munitions factories but not other types of factories.[241][242] In the U. K. some interest in worker well-being emerged with the efforts of Charles Samuel Myers and his National Institute of Industrial Psychology (NIIP) during the inter-War years.[243] In the U. S. during the mid-twentieth century industrial psychologist Arthur Kornhauser pioneered the study of occupational mental health, linking industrial working conditions to mental health as well as the spillover of an unsatisfying job into a worker's personal life.[244][245] Zickar accumulated evidence to show that "no other industrial psychologist of his era was as devoted to advocating management and labor practices that would improve the lives of working people."[244]
Occupational health psychology
[edit]As interest in the worker health expanded toward the end of the twentieth century, the field of occupational health psychology (OHP) emerged. OHP is a branch of psychology that is interdisciplinary.[52][246] OHP is concerned with the health and safety of workers.[52][246] OHP addresses topic areas such as the impact of occupational stressors on physical and mental health, mistreatment of workers (e.g., bullying and violence), work-family balance, the impact of involuntary unemployment on physical and mental health, the influence of psychosocial factors on safety and accidents, and interventions designed to improve/protect worker health.[52][247] OHP grew out of health psychology, industrial and organizational psychology, and occupational medicine.[248] OHP has also been informed by disciplines outside psychology, including industrial engineering, sociology, and economics.[249][250]
Research methods
[edit]Quantitative psychological research lends itself to the statistical testing of hypotheses. Although the field makes abundant use of randomized and controlled experiments in laboratory settings, such research can only assess a limited range of short-term phenomena. Some psychologists rely on less rigorously controlled, but more ecologically valid, field experiments as well. Other research psychologists rely on statistical methods to glean knowledge from population data.[251] The statistical methods research psychologists employ include the Pearson product–moment correlation coefficient, the analysis of variance, multiple linear regression, logistic regression, structural equation modeling, and hierarchical linear modeling. The measurement and operationalization of important constructs is an essential part of these research designs.
Although this type of psychological research is much less abundant than quantitative research, some psychologists conduct qualitative research. This type of research can involve interviews, questionnaires, and first-hand observation.[252] While hypothesis testing is rare, virtually impossible, in qualitative research, qualitative studies can be helpful in theory and hypothesis generation, interpreting seemingly contradictory quantitative findings, and understanding why some interventions fail and others succeed.[253]
Controlled experiments
[edit]

A true experiment with random assignment of research participants (sometimes called subjects) to rival conditions allows researchers to make strong inferences about causal relationships. When there are large numbers of research participants, the random assignment (also called random allocation) of those participants to rival conditions ensures that the individuals in those conditions will, on average, be similar on most characteristics, including characteristics that went unmeasured. In an experiment, the researcher alters one or more variables of influence, called independent variables, and measures resulting changes in the factors of interest, called dependent variables. Prototypical experimental research is conducted in a laboratory with a carefully controlled environment.
A quasi-experiment is a situation in which different conditions are being studied, but random assignment to the different conditions is not possible. Investigators must work with preexisting groups of people. Researchers can use common sense to consider how much the nonrandom assignment threatens the study's validity.[256] For example, in research on the best way to affect reading achievement in the first three grades of school, school administrators may not permit educational psychologists to randomly assign children to phonics and whole language classrooms, in which case the psychologists must work with preexisting classroom assignments. Psychologists will compare the achievement of children attending phonics and whole language classes and, perhaps, statistically adjust for any initial differences in reading level.
Experimental researchers typically use a statistical hypothesis testing model which involves making predictions before conducting the experiment, then assessing how well the data collected are consistent with the predictions. These predictions are likely to originate from one or more abstract scientific hypotheses about how the phenomenon under study actually works.[257]
Other types of studies
[edit]Surveys are used in psychology for the purpose of measuring attitudes and traits, monitoring changes in mood, and checking the validity of experimental manipulations (checking research participants' perception of the condition they were assigned to). Psychologists have commonly used paper-and-pencil surveys. However, surveys are also conducted over the phone or through e-mail. Web-based surveys are increasingly used to conveniently reach many subjects.
Observational studies are commonly conducted in psychology. In cross-sectional observational studies, psychologists collect data at a single point in time. The goal of many cross-sectional studies is the assess the extent factors are correlated with each other. By contrast, in longitudinal studies psychologists collect data on the same sample at two or more points in time. Sometimes the purpose of longitudinal research is to study trends across time such as the stability of traits or age-related changes in behavior. Because some studies involve endpoints that psychologists cannot ethically study from an experimental standpoint, such as identifying the causes of depression, they conduct longitudinal studies a large group of depression-free people, periodically assessing what is happening in the individuals' lives. In this way psychologists have an opportunity to test causal hypotheses regarding conditions that commonly arise in people's lives that put them at risk for depression. Problems that affect longitudinal studies include selective attrition, the type of problem in which bias is introduced when a certain type of research participant disproportionately leaves a study.
One example of an observational study was run by Arthur Bandura. This observational study focused on children who were exposed to an adult exhibiting aggressive behaviors and their reaction to toys versus other children who were not exposed to these stimuli. The result shows that children who had seen the adult acting aggressively towards a toy, in turn, were aggressive towards their own toy when put in a situation that frustrated them.[188]
Exploratory data analysis includes a variety of practices that researchers use to reduce a great many variables to a small number overarching factors. In Peirce's three modes of inference, exploratory data analysis corresponds to abduction.[258] Meta-analysis is the technique research psychologists use to integrate results from many studies of the same variables and arriving at a grand average of the findings.[259]
Direct brain observation/manipulation
[edit]

A classic and popular tool used to relate mental and neural activity is the electroencephalogram (EEG), a technique using amplified electrodes on a person's scalp to measure voltage changes in different parts of the brain. Hans Berger, the first researcher to use EEG on an unopened skull, quickly found that brains exhibit signature "brain waves": electric oscillations which correspond to different states of consciousness. Researchers subsequently refined statistical methods for synthesizing the electrode data, and identified unique brain wave patterns such as the delta wave observed during non-REM sleep.[260]
Newer functional neuroimaging techniques include functional magnetic resonance imaging and positron emission tomography, both of which track the flow of blood through the brain. These technologies provide more localized information about activity in the brain and create representations of the brain with widespread appeal. They also provide insight which avoids the classic problems of subjective self-reporting. It remains challenging to draw hard conclusions about where in the brain specific thoughts originate—or even how usefully such localization corresponds with reality. However, neuroimaging has delivered unmistakable results showing the existence of correlations between mind and brain. Some of these draw on a systemic neural network model rather than a localized function model.[261][262][263]
Interventions such as transcranial magnetic stimulation and drugs also provide information about brain–mind interactions. Psychopharmacology is the study of drug-induced mental effects.
Computer simulation
[edit]Computational modeling is a tool used in mathematical psychology and cognitive psychology to simulate behavior.[264] This method has several advantages. Since modern computers process information quickly, simulations can be run in a short time, allowing for high statistical power. Modeling also allows psychologists to visualize hypotheses about the functional organization of mental events that could not be directly observed in a human. Computational neuroscience uses mathematical models to simulate the brain. Another method is symbolic modeling, which represents many mental objects using variables and rules. Other types of modeling include dynamic systems and stochastic modeling.
Animal studies
[edit]
Animal experiments aid in investigating many aspects of human psychology, including perception, emotion, learning, memory, and thought, to name a few. In the 1890s, Russian physiologist Ivan Pavlov famously used dogs to demonstrate classical conditioning. Non-human primates, cats, dogs, pigeons, and rats and other rodents are often used in psychological experiments. Ideally, controlled experiments introduce only one independent variable at a time, in order to ascertain its unique effects upon dependent variables. These conditions are approximated best in laboratory settings. In contrast, human environments and genetic backgrounds vary so widely, and depend upon so many factors, that it is difficult to control important variables for human subjects. There are pitfalls, however, in generalizing findings from animal studies to humans through animal models.[265]
Comparative psychology is the scientific study of the behavior and mental processes of non-human animals, especially as these relate to the phylogenetic history, adaptive significance, and development of behavior. Research in this area explores the behavior of many species, from insects to primates. It is closely related to other disciplines that study animal behavior such as ethology.[266] Research in comparative psychology sometimes appears to shed light on human behavior, but some attempts to connect the two have been quite controversial, for example the Sociobiology of E.O. Wilson.[267] Animal models are often used to study neural processes related to human behavior, e.g. in cognitive neuroscience.
Qualitative research
[edit]
Qualitative research is often designed to answer questions about the thoughts, feelings, and behaviors of individuals. Qualitative research involving first-hand observation can help describe events as they occur, with the goal of capturing the richness of everyday behavior and with the hope of discovering and understanding phenomena that might have been missed if only more cursory examinations are made.
Qualitative psychological research methods include interviews, first-hand observation, and participant observation. Creswell (2003) identified five main possibilities for qualitative research, including narrative, phenomenology, ethnography, case study, and grounded theory. Qualitative researchers[269] sometimes aim to enrich our understanding of symbols, subjective experiences, or social structures. Sometimes hermeneutic and critical aims can give rise to quantitative research, as in Erich Fromm's application of psychological and sociological theories, in his book Escape from Freedom, to understanding why many ordinary Germans supported Hitler.[270]
Just as Jane Goodall studied chimpanzee social and family life by careful observation of chimpanzee behavior in the field, psychologists conduct naturalistic observation of ongoing human social, professional, and family life. Sometimes the participants are aware they are being observed, and other times the participants do not know they are being observed. Strict ethical guidelines must be followed when covert observation is being carried out.
Program evaluation
[edit]Program evaluation involves the systematic collection, analysis, and application of information to answer questions about projects, policies and programs, particularly about their effectiveness.[271][272] In both the public and private sectors, stakeholders often want to know the extent which the programs they are funding, implementing, voting for, receiving, or objecting to are producing the intended effects. While program evaluation first focuses on effectiveness, important considerations often include how much the program costs per participant, how the program could be improved, whether the program is worthwhile, whether there are better alternatives, if there are unintended outcomes, and whether the program goals are appropriate and useful.[273]
Contemporary issues
[edit]Metascience
[edit]Metascience involves the application of scientific methodology to study science itself. The field of metascience has revealed problems in psychological research. Some psychological research has suffered from bias,[274] problematic reproducibility,[275] and misuse of statistics.[276] These findings have led to calls for reform from within and from outside the scientific community.[277]
Confirmation bias
[edit]In 1959, statistician Theodore Sterling examined the results of psychological studies and discovered that 97% of them supported their initial hypotheses, implying possible publication bias.[278][279][280] Similarly, Fanelli (2010)[281] found that 91.5% of psychiatry/psychology studies confirmed the effects they were looking for, and concluded that the odds of this happening (a positive result) was around five times higher than in fields such as space science or geosciences. Fanelli argued that this is because researchers in "softer" sciences have fewer constraints to their conscious and unconscious biases.
Replication
[edit]A replication crisis in psychology has emerged. Many notable findings in the field have not been replicated. Some researchers were even accused of publishing fraudulent results.[282][283][284] Systematic efforts, including efforts by the Reproducibility Project of the Center for Open Science, to assess the extent of the problem found that as many as two-thirds of highly publicized findings in psychology failed to be replicated.[285] Reproducibility has generally been stronger in cognitive psychology (in studies and journals) than social psychology[285] and subfields of differential psychology.[286][287] Other subfields of psychology have also been implicated in the replication crisis, including clinical psychology,[288][289][290] developmental psychology,[291][292][293] and a field closely related to psychology, educational research.[294][295][296][297][298]
Focus on the replication crisis has led to other renewed efforts in the discipline to re-test important findings.[299][300] In response to concerns about publication bias and data dredging (conducting a large number of statistical tests on a great many variables but restricting reporting to the results that were statistically significant), 295 psychology and medical journals have adopted result-blind peer review where studies are accepted not on the basis of their findings and after the studies are completed, but before the studies are conducted and upon the basis of the methodological rigor of their experimental designs and the theoretical justifications for their proposed statistical analysis before data collection or analysis is conducted.[301][302] In addition, large-scale collaborations among researchers working in multiple labs in different countries have taken place. The collaborators regularly make their data openly available for different researchers to assess.[303] Allen and Mehler[304] estimated that 61 per cent of result-blind studies have yielded null results, in contrast to an estimated 5 to 20 per cent in traditional research.
Misuse of statistics
[edit]Some critics view statistical hypothesis testing as misplaced. Psychologist and statistician Jacob Cohen wrote in 1994 that psychologists routinely confuse statistical significance with practical importance, enthusiastically reporting great certainty in unimportant facts.[305] Some psychologists have responded with an increased use of effect size statistics, rather than sole reliance on p-values.[306]
WEIRD bias
[edit]In 2008, Arnett pointed out that most articles in American Psychological Association journals were about U.S. populations when U.S. citizens are only 5% of the world's population. He complained that psychologists had no basis for assuming psychological processes to be universal and generalizing research findings to the rest of the global population.[307] In 2010, Henrich, Heine, and Norenzayan reported a bias in conducting psychology studies with participants from "WEIRD" ("Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich, and Democratic") societies.[308][309] Henrich et al. found that "96% of psychological samples come from countries with only 12% of the world's population" (p. 63). The article gave examples of results that differ significantly between people from WEIRD and tribal cultures, including the Müller-Lyer illusion. Arnett (2008), Altmaier and Hall (2008) and Morgan-Consoli et al. (2018) view the Western bias in research and theory as a serious problem considering psychologists are increasingly applying psychological principles developed in WEIRD regions in their research, clinical work, and consultation with populations around the world.[307][310][311] In 2018, Rad, Martingano, and Ginges showed that nearly a decade after Henrich et al.'s paper, over 80% of the samples used in studies published in the journal Psychological Science employed WEIRD samples. Moreover, their analysis showed that several studies did not fully disclose the origin of their samples; the authors offered a set of recommendations to editors and reviewers to reduce WEIRD bias.[312]
STRANGE bias
[edit]Similar to the WEIRD bias, starting in 2020, researchers of non-human behavior have started to emphasize the need to document the possibility of the STRANGE (Social background, Trappability and self-selection, Rearing history, Acclimation and habituation, Natural changes in responsiveness, Genetic makeup, and Experience) bias in study conclusions.[313]
Unscientific mental health training
[edit]Some observers perceive a gap between scientific theory and its application—in particular, the application of unsupported or unsound clinical practices.[314] Critics say there has been an increase in the number of mental health training programs that do not instill scientific competence.[315] Practices such as "facilitated communication for infantile autism"; memory-recovery techniques including body work; and other therapies, such as rebirthing and reparenting, may be dubious or even dangerous, despite their popularity.[316] These practices, however, are outside the mainstream practices taught in clinical psychology doctoral programs.
Ethics
[edit]Ethical standards in the discipline have changed over time. Some famous past studies are today considered unethical and in violation of established codes (e.g., the Canadian Code of Conduct for Research Involving Humans, and the Belmont Report). The American Psychological Association has advanced a set of ethical principles and a code of conduct for the profession.[317]
The most important contemporary standards include informed and voluntary consent. After World War II, the Nuremberg Code was established because of Nazi abuses of experimental subjects. Later, most countries (and scientific journals) adopted the Declaration of Helsinki. In the U.S., the National Institutes of Health established the Institutional Review Board in 1966, and in 1974 adopted the National Research Act (HR 7724). All of these measures encouraged researchers to obtain informed consent from human participants in experimental studies. A number of influential but ethically dubious studies led to the establishment of this rule; such studies included the MIT-Harvard Fernald School radioisotope studies, the Thalidomide tragedy, the Willowbrook hepatitis study, Stanley Milgram's studies of obedience to authority, and the Stanford Prison Experiment.
Ethics with Humans
[edit]The ethics code of the American Psychological Association originated in 1951 as "Ethical Standards of Psychologists." This code has guided the formation of licensing laws in most American states. It has changed multiple times over the decades since its adoption, and contains both aspirational principles and binding ethical standards.
The APA's Ethical Principles of Psychologists and Code of Conduct consists of five General Principles, which are meant to guide psychologists to higher ethical practice where a particular standard does not apply. Those principles are:
A. Beneficence and Nonmaleficence - meaning the psychologists must work to benefit those they work with and "do no harm." This includes awareness of indirect benefits and harms their work might have on others due to personal, social, political, or other factors.
B. Fidelity and Responsibility - an awareness of public trust in the profession and adherence to ethical standards and clarification of roles to preserve that trust. This includes managing conflicts of interest, as well as committing some portion of a psychologist's professional time to low-cost or pro bono work.
C. Integrity - upholding honesty and accuracy in all psychological practices, including avoiding misrepresentations and fraud. In situations where psychologists would use deception (i.e., certain research), psychologists must consider the necessity, benefits, and harms, and mitigate any harms where possible.
D. Justice - an understanding that psychology must be for everyone's benefit, and that psychologists take special care to avoid unjust practices as a result of biases or limitations of expertise.
E. Respect for People's Rights and Dignity - the preservation of people's rights when working with psychologists, including confidentially, privacy, and autonomy. Psychologists should consider a multitude of factors, including a need for special safeguards for protected populations (e.g., minors, incarcerated individuals) and awareness of differences based on numerous factors, including culture, race, age, gender, and socioeconomic status.
In 1989, the APA revised its policies on advertising and referral fees to negotiate the end of an investigation by the Federal Trade Commission. The 1992 incarnation was the first to distinguish between "aspirational" ethical standards and "enforceable" ones. The APA code was further revised in 2010 to prevent the use of the code to justify violating human rights, which was in response to the participation of APA members in interrogations under the administration of United States President George W. Bush.[318] Members of the public have a five-year window to file ethics complaints about APA members with the APA ethics committee; members of the APA have a three-year window.[319]
The Canadian Psychological Association used the APA code until 1986, when it developed its own code drawing from four similar principles: 1) Respect for the Dignity of Persons and Peoples, 2) Responsible Caring, 3) Integrity in Relationships, 4) Responsibility to Society.[320][321] The European Federation of Psychologist's Associations, have adopted a model code using the principles of the Canadian Code, while also drawing from the APA code.[322][323]
Universities have ethics committees dedicated to protecting the rights (e.g., voluntary nature of participation in the research, privacy) and well-being (e.g., minimizing distress) of research participants. University ethics committees evaluate proposed research to ensure that researchers protect the rights and well-being of participants; an investigator's research project cannot be conducted unless approved by such an ethics committee.[324]
The field of psychology also identifies certain categories of people that require additional or special protection due to particular vulnerabilities, unequal power dynamics, or diminished capacity for informed consent. This list often includes, but is not limited to, children, incarcerated individuals, pregnant women, human fetuses and neonates, institutionalized persons, those with physical or mental disabilities, and the educationally or economically disadvantaged.[325]
Some of the ethical issues considered most important are the requirement to practice only within the area of competence, to maintain confidentiality with the patients, and to avoid sexual relations with them. Another important principle is informed consent, the idea that a patient or research subject must understand and freely choose a procedure they are undergoing.[319] Some of the most common complaints against clinical psychologists include sexual misconduct[319] and breaches in confidentiality or privacy.[319]
Psychology ethics apply to all types of human contact in a psychologist's professional capacity, including therapy, assessment, teaching, training, work with research subjects, testimony in courts and before government bodies, consulting, and statements to the public or media pertaining to matters of psychology.[317]
Ethics with other animals
[edit]Research on other animals is governed by university ethics committees. Research on nonhuman animals cannot proceed without permission of the ethics committee, of the researcher's home institution. Ethical guidelines state that using non-human animals for scientific purposes is only acceptable when the harm (physical or psychological) done to animals is outweighed by the benefits of the research.[326] Psychologists can use certain research techniques on animals that could not be used on humans.
Comparative psychologist Harry Harlow drew moral condemnation for isolation experiments on rhesus macaque monkeys at the University of Wisconsin–Madison in the 1970s.[327] The aim of the research was to produce an animal model of clinical depression. Harlow also devised what he called a "rape rack", to which the female isolates were tied in normal monkey mating posture.[328] In 1974, American literary critic Wayne C. Booth wrote that, "Harry Harlow and his colleagues go on torturing their nonhuman primates decade after decade, invariably proving what we all knew in advance—that social creatures can be destroyed by destroying their social ties." He writes that Harlow made no mention of the criticism of the morality of his work.[329]
Animal research is influential in psychology, while still being debated among academics. The testing of animals for research has led to medical breakthroughs in human medicine. Many psychologists argue animal experimentation is essential for human advancement, but must be regulated by the government to ensure ethicality.
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Their importance is hard to overestimate. In fact, in the period between 1914 and 1954, the Rockefellers were almost the sole support of sex research in the United States. The decisions made by their scientific advisers about the nature of the research to be supported and how it was conducted, as well as the topics eligible for research support, shaped the whole field of sex research and, in many ways, still continue to support it.
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- Cina, Carol. "Social Science for Whom? A Structural History of Social Psychology." Doctoral dissertation, accepted by the State University of New York at Stony Brook, 1981.
- Cocks, Geoffrey. Psychotherapy in the Third Reich: The Göring Institute, second edition. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1997. ISBN 1-56000-904-7
- Forgas, Joseph P., Kipling D. Williams, & Simon M. Laham. Social Motivation: Conscious and Unconscious Processes. Cambridge University Press, 2005. ISBN 0-521-83254-3
- Guthrie, Robert. Even the Rat was White: A Historical View of Psychology. Second edition. Boston, Allyn and Bacon (Viacon), 1998. ISBN 0-205-14993-6
- Herman, Ellen. "Psychology as Politics: How Psychological Experts Transformed Public Life in the United States 1940–1970." Doctoral dissertation accepted by Brandeis University, 1993.
- Hock, Roger R. Forty Studies That Changed Psychology: Explorations Into the History of Psychological Research. Fourth edition. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall, 2002. ISBN 978-0-13-032263-0
- Morgan, Robert D., Tara L. Kuther, & Corey J. Habben. Life After Graduate School in Psychology: Insider's Advice from New Psychologists. New York: Psychology Press (Taylor & Francis Group), 2005. ISBN 1-84169-410-X
- Severin, Frank T. (ed.). Humanistic Viewpoints in Psychology: A Book of Readings. New York: McGraw Hill, 1965. ISBN
- Shah, James Y., and Wendi L. Gardner. Handbook of Motivation Science. New York: The Guilford Press, 2008. ISBN 978-1-59385-568-0
- Wallace, Edwin R., IV, & John Gach (eds.), History of Psychiatry and Medical Psychology; New York: Springer, 2008; ISBN 978-0-387-34708-0
- Weiner, Bernard. Human Motivation. Hoboken, NJ: Taylor and Francis, 2013. ISBN 978-0-8058-0711-0
- Weiner, Irving B. Handbook of Psychology. Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, 2003. ISBN 0-471-17669-9
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- Volume 3: Biological Psychology. Michela Gallagher & Randy J. Nelson, eds. ISBN 0-471-38403-8
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- Volume 8: Clinical Psychology. George Stricker, Thomas A. Widiger, eds. ISBN 0-471-39263-4
Further reading
[edit]- Badcock, Christopher R. (2015). "Nature-Nurture Controversy, History of". International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences. Elsevier. pp. 340–344. doi:10.1016/B978-0-08-097086-8.03136-6. ISBN 978-0-08-097087-5.
- Cascio, Wayne F. (2015). "Industrial–Organizational Psychology: Science and Practice". International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences. Elsevier. pp. 879–884. doi:10.1016/B978-0-08-097086-8.22007-2. ISBN 978-0-08-097087-5.
- Chryssochoou, Xenia (2015). "Social Psychology". International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences. Elsevier. pp. 532–537. doi:10.1016/B978-0-08-097086-8.24095-6. ISBN 978-0-08-097087-5.
- Deakin, Nicholas (2015). "Philosophy, Psychiatry, and Psychology". International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences. Elsevier. pp. 31–36. doi:10.1016/B978-0-08-097086-8.27049-9. ISBN 978-0-08-097087-5.
- Demetriou, Andreas (2015). "Intelligence in Cultural, Social and Educational Context". International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences. Elsevier. pp. 313–322. doi:10.1016/B978-0-08-097086-8.92147-0. ISBN 978-0-08-097087-5.
- Gelso, Charles J. (2015). "Counseling Psychology". International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences. Elsevier. pp. 69–72. doi:10.1016/B978-0-08-097086-8.21073-8. ISBN 978-0-08-097087-5.
- Henley, Tracy B. (2015). "Psychology, History of (Early Period)". International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences. Elsevier. pp. 406–411. doi:10.1016/B978-0-08-097086-8.03235-9. ISBN 978-0-08-097087-5.
- Knowland, Victoria C.P.; Purser, Harry; Thomas, Michael S.C. (2015). "Cross-Sectional Methodologies in Developmental Psychology". International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences. pp. 354–360. doi:10.1016/B978-0-08-097086-8.23235-2. ISBN 978-0-08-097087-5.}}
- Louw, Dap (2015). "Forensic Psychology". International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences. Elsevier. pp. 351–356. doi:10.1016/B978-0-08-097086-8.21074-X. ISBN 978-0-08-097087-5.
- McWilliams, Spencer A. (2015). "Psychology, History of (Twentieth Century)". International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences. Elsevier. pp. 412–417. doi:10.1016/B978-0-08-097086-8.03046-4. ISBN 978-0-08-097087-5.
- Pe-Pua, Rogelia (2015). "Indigenous Psychology". International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences. Elsevier. pp. 788–794. doi:10.1016/B978-0-08-097086-8.24067-1. ISBN 978-0-08-097087-5.
- Peterson, Roger L.; Peterson, Donald R.; Abrams, Jules C.; Stricker, George; Ducheny, Kelly (2015). "Training in Clinical Psychology in the United States: Practitioner Model". International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences. pp. 517–523. doi:10.1016/B978-0-08-097086-8.21086-6. ISBN 978-0-08-097087-5.
- Poortinga, Ype H. (2015). "Cross-Cultural Psychology". International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences. Elsevier. pp. 311–317. doi:10.1016/B978-0-08-097086-8.24011-7. ISBN 978-0-08-097087-5. S2CID 220686434.
- Smith, Edward E. (2015). "Cognitive Psychology: History". International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences. Elsevier. pp. 103–109. doi:10.1016/B978-0-08-097086-8.03028-2. ISBN 978-0-08-097087-5.
- Spinath, Frank M.; Spinath, Birgit; Borkenau, Peter (2015). "Developmental Behavioral Genetics and Education". International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences. pp. 320–325. doi:10.1016/B978-0-08-097086-8.92009-9. ISBN 978-0-08-097087-5.
- Staerklé, Christian (2015). "Political Psychology". International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences. Elsevier. pp. 427–433. doi:10.1016/B978-0-08-097086-8.24079-8. ISBN 978-0-08-097087-5.
External links
[edit]Psychology
View on GrokipediaPsychology is the scientific study of the mind and behavior, encompassing empirical investigations into mental processes such as cognition, emotion, perception, and motivation, as well as observable actions in humans and animals.[1][2] Emerging from philosophical inquiries into the nature of consciousness, the discipline formalized as an independent science in 1879 when Wilhelm Wundt established the first experimental psychology laboratory at the University of Leipzig, emphasizing controlled introspection and physiological measures to dissect conscious experience.[3] Early schools like structuralism sought to break down mental states into basic elements, while functionalism examined adaptive purposes of behavior; these gave way to behaviorism, which prioritized observable responses over internal states, enabling rigorous experimental paradigms exemplified by Pavlov's conditioning and Skinner's operant principles.[4] The mid-20th-century cognitive revolution integrated information-processing models, drawing parallels to computational systems, and spurred advances in understanding memory, decision-making, and neural correlates via tools like EEG and neuroimaging.[2] Key achievements include evidence-based interventions such as cognitive-behavioral therapy for treating disorders like depression and anxiety, grounded in controlled trials demonstrating causal efficacy, and foundational insights into learning mechanisms that inform education and animal behavior studies.[5] However, psychology has grappled with significant controversies, notably the replication crisis since the 2010s, where large-scale efforts found that roughly half of prominent studies in social psychology failed to reproduce, attributing issues to publication bias, p-hacking, and underpowered samples rather than fraud in most cases, though this has eroded trust and prompted methodological reforms like preregistration and open data.[6][7] Despite systemic biases in academic institutions favoring certain ideological priors over falsifiable hypotheses, empirical progress persists through integration with neuroscience and genetics, revealing causal pathways in traits like intelligence and personality while underscoring the need for causal realism in experimental design.[2]
Definition and Scope
Etymology and Terminology
The term psychology derives from the Ancient Greek ψυχή (psychē), denoting breath, life, soul, or mind, combined with λόγος (logos), signifying study, discourse, or reason. This etymological root reflects an initial focus on the soul or immaterial essence of living beings, as articulated in classical texts by philosophers such as Plato and Aristotle, who explored psychic faculties like perception and intellect without using the compound term itself.[8][9] The Latinized form psychologia emerged in the early 16th century, with the earliest documented uses appearing around 1510–1520 in the Republic of Ragusa (modern Croatia), potentially in Marko Marulić's treatise on the rational soul, though the term gained traction as a title for academic lectures on spiritual aspects of human nature by mid-century figures like Rudolf Göckel (Goclenius). By the late 16th century, it denoted systematic inquiry into the soul's attributes, often within scholastic theology, as evidenced in Philipp Melanchthon's writings, though claims of his coinage lack direct textual support. English adoption occurred later, with initial print references in the 1650s via Modern Latin psychologia, evolving to encompass mental processes by the 18th century.[10][11][12] In contemporary usage, psychology designates the empirical science of behavior and mental phenomena, diverging from its soul-centric origins to prioritize observable data and causal mechanisms over metaphysical speculation. Core terminology includes mind (encompassing cognitive faculties like thought and perception, distinct from the broader historical psyche), behavior (measurable actions or responses), and cognition (information processing), which operationalize abstract concepts for experimental validation. This shift, formalized in the late 19th century, rejected vitalistic interpretations, favoring mechanistic explanations grounded in physiology and statistics, as pioneered by Wilhelm Wundt's introspectionist methods in 1879. Terms like unconscious (Freud's latent mental content) or schema (organized knowledge structures) emerged within specific paradigms, illustrating psychology's terminological pluralism, where definitions vary by subfield—e.g., behaviorism's exclusion of internal states versus cognitive science's inclusion.[13][14][15]Core Concepts and Definitions
Psychology is the scientific study of mind and behavior, utilizing empirical observation, experimentation, and statistical analysis to investigate mental processes and observable actions in humans and other animals.[16][17] This definition emphasizes psychology's commitment to the scientific method, distinguishing it from philosophical speculation by requiring testable hypotheses and replicable evidence, though replication rates in some subfields have been estimated at around 36-50% in large-scale audits conducted between 2015 and 2018.[18] Behavior denotes any observable and measurable response of an organism to internal or external stimuli, encompassing motor actions, verbal expressions, and physiological reactions, as studied through controlled experiments and naturalistic observation.[19] Mental processes, often synonymous with cognition, include unobservable phenomena such as perception, attention, memory, reasoning, and decision-making, inferred from behavioral data and neurophysiological correlates.[20] Mind is conceptualized as the aggregate of cognitive and affective faculties enabling awareness, thought, and volition, though its precise boundaries remain debated, with some definitions tying it closely to brain function while others allow for emergent properties beyond neural activity.[17] Consciousness refers to the state of subjective awareness of one's thoughts, sensations, emotions, and surroundings, serving adaptive functions like integrating sensory input for coherent action; it encompasses levels from minimal wakefulness to reflective self-awareness, with empirical measures including response latency and neural activation patterns observed via EEG and fMRI since the 1990s.[21][22] Core to psychology is distinguishing conscious from unconscious processes, as evidenced by priming experiments showing implicit influences on behavior without reported awareness, challenging earlier introspective methods.[23] Other foundational concepts include learning, the relatively permanent change in behavior resulting from experience, quantified through associative conditioning paradigms established in the early 20th century; motivation, the internal drives or external incentives propelling goal-directed activity, often modeled via drive-reduction theories; and emotion, brief, automatic psychophysiological responses to stimuli, characterized by arousal, valence (the positive or negative hedonic tone indicating pleasantness or unpleasantness), and expressive components, with cross-cultural data indicating universality in basic types like fear and joy.[24] These concepts underpin psychology's subdisciplines, grounded in causal mechanisms linking environmental inputs, biological substrates, and outputs.[25]Boundaries with Philosophy, Biology, and Neuroscience
Psychology emerged as a distinct empirical discipline from philosophy in the late 19th century, primarily through the adoption of experimental methods to investigate mental processes, contrasting with philosophy's reliance on logical argumentation and metaphysical speculation.[26] While philosophy addresses foundational questions such as the nature of consciousness, free will, and epistemology through a priori reasoning, psychology prioritizes observable data from controlled studies to test hypotheses about cognition and behavior.[27] This boundary is evident in historical shifts, such as Wilhelm Wundt's establishment of the first psychological laboratory in 1879, which marked psychology's commitment to scientific measurement over philosophical introspection.[28] Overlaps persist in areas like philosophy of mind, where debates on qualia or intentionality inform psychological theories, but psychology rejects unsubstantiated speculation in favor of replicable evidence.[29] In relation to biology, psychology maintains boundaries by focusing on emergent psychological phenomena—such as learning, motivation, and decision-making—rather than the underlying physiological or genetic mechanisms that biology examines at cellular or organismal levels.[30] Biopsychology integrates biological factors, like neurotransmitter activity or evolutionary adaptations, to explain behavioral predispositions, yet psychology does not reduce mental states solely to biological processes, recognizing higher-level causal influences from environment and experience.[31] For instance, while biology elucidates hormonal influences on aggression via studies of testosterone levels in animal models (e.g., elevations correlating with 20-30% increased attack frequency in rodents), psychology investigates how social learning modulates these effects in humans through longitudinal behavioral analyses.[32] This distinction avoids subsuming psychology under biology, as psychological constructs like self-efficacy involve integrative processes beyond mere organic functions.[33] The demarcation with neuroscience centers on psychology's emphasis on functional outcomes of mental activity—behavioral responses and subjective reports—versus neuroscience's concentration on neural substrates, including brain anatomy, electrophysiology, and synaptic plasticity.[34] Neuroscience employs techniques like fMRI to map activations (e.g., amygdala hyperactivity in fear conditioning, with BOLD signal increases of 1-2% during threat exposure), providing mechanistic insights that psychology uses to validate models but does not equate with explanatory completeness.[35] Cognitive neuroscience bridges the fields, as in studies linking hippocampal volume reductions (averaging 10-15% in PTSD patients) to memory impairments, yet psychology critiques overreliance on neuroimaging for ignoring ecological validity and confounding variables like individual variability.[36] Empirical boundaries are reinforced by psychology's broader scope, incorporating non-neural factors such as cultural norms, which neuroscience addresses less directly.[37] Despite convergences, such as in predicting behavior from EEG patterns (e.g., alpha wave desynchronization preceding errors in attention tasks), psychology upholds that neural correlates do not fully account for intentional or adaptive behaviors without behavioral validation.[38]Historical Development
Ancient and Pre-Modern Contributions
In ancient Greece, Hippocrates (c. 460–370 BCE) advanced early understandings of mental disorders by attributing them to physiological imbalances in the body rather than supernatural forces, proposing that the brain served as the organ of intelligence and sensation. He developed the theory of four humors—blood, phlegm, yellow bile, and black bile—whose disequilibrium was thought to cause conditions like melancholia (excess black bile) or mania (excess yellow bile), influencing diagnostic and therapeutic practices for centuries.[39] Aristotle (384–322 BCE), in his treatise De Anima, treated psychology as the study of the soul (psuchê), defining it as the principle of life encompassing nutrition, sensation, movement, and intellect, with empirical observations on perception, memory, and habit formation laying groundwork for later empirical approaches. He emphasized the soul's functions as actualizations of bodily potentials, analyzing processes like imagination and reasoning through dissection and behavioral analysis, though his teleological view prioritized purpose over strict mechanism.[40][41] Roman physician Galen (c. 129–c. 216 CE) extended humoral theory by integrating anatomical experiments, including vivisections on animals, to argue that the brain was the seat of higher cognition while ventricles processed sensory data, linking temperament traits—sanguine (sociable), choleric (ambitious), melancholic (analytical), phlegmatic (calm)—to humoral dominance and influencing personality assessments into the modern era.[42][43] During the Islamic Golden Age, Avicenna (Ibn Sina, 980–1037 CE) synthesized Greek ideas in works like The Book of Healing, positing the soul's independence from the body via thought experiments such as the "floating man" (awareness without sensory input), and detailing inner senses (common sense, imagination, estimation, memory, intellect) alongside recognitions of psychological disorders like melancholia transitioning to mania through anger. He viewed psychology as integral to medicine, emphasizing empirical observation of desires, dreams, and prophecy.[44][45][46] In medieval Europe, Thomas Aquinas (1225–1274 CE) reconciled Aristotelian psychology with Christian theology, describing the soul's powers as vegetative (growth), sensitive (perception and appetite), and intellective (abstract reasoning), with intelligible species as mental representations bridging senses and understanding, while rejecting pure materialism to affirm the soul's immortality. Scholastic thinkers preserved and critiqued ancient texts, maintaining mind-body hylomorphism against reductive brain-localization theories.[47][48][49]19th-Century Foundations
In the early 19th century, advances in physiology laid groundwork for psychology as an empirical science, shifting focus from philosophical speculation to measurable sensory processes. Johannes Peter Müller formulated the doctrine of specific nerve energies around 1835, positing that the quality of sensation depends on the specific nerve stimulated rather than the external stimulus itself, as demonstrated by phenomena like pressure phosphenes or color perception in the blind. This principle underscored the brain's role in perception, influencing later sensory research. Concurrently, Ernst Heinrich Weber's investigations into tactile sensitivity, culminating in the formulation of Weber's law by the 1840s, established that the just noticeable difference in stimulus intensity is a constant proportion of the original stimulus magnitude, providing a quantitative basis for studying perceptual thresholds. [50] Gustav Theodor Fechner built on Weber's empirical findings to pioneer psychophysics in 1860 with Elements of Psychophysics, mathematically relating physical stimuli to subjective sensations via the Weber-Fechner law, which proposed a logarithmic relationship between stimulus intensity and perceived magnitude. [51] Hermann von Helmholtz further advanced understanding of perception through his 1856 treatise Handbuch der physiologischen Optik, detailing unconscious inferences in visual processing and the speed of nerve impulses, measured at approximately 61 meters per second. [52] These works emphasized experimental methods, bridging physiology and mental phenomena, though Fechner's idealistic philosophy tempered his materialism. Alexander Bain's texts, The Senses and the Intellect (1855) and The Emotions and the Will (1859), offered comprehensive analyses of associationism, integrating physiological mechanisms with mental functions like habit formation and voluntary action. Charles Darwin's evolutionary theory profoundly shaped psychological inquiry, with On the Origin of Species (1859) introducing natural selection as a mechanism explaining adaptive behaviors, and The Descent of Man (1871) extending it to human mental faculties, emotions, and instincts. [53] This framework encouraged functional analyses of mind, prioritizing survival value over structural introspection. Francis Galton, inspired by Darwin—his cousin—applied statistical methods to individual differences in Hereditary Genius (1869), arguing for the inheritance of intellectual abilities based on biographical data from eminent families, and developed early anthropometric techniques for measuring reaction times and sensory acuity, founding differential psychology. [54] Galton's innovations in regression and correlation laid quantitative foundations, though his eugenic implications drew later controversy; his empirical approach prioritized measurable traits over speculative introspection.[55]Birth of Experimental Psychology (1870s–1900)
The establishment of experimental psychology as a distinct scientific discipline in the late 19th century marked a shift from philosophical introspection to empirical methods grounded in controlled observation and measurement. Gustav Theodor Fechner's development of psychophysics, detailed in his 1860 work Elements of Psychophysics, provided foundational quantitative techniques for relating physical stimuli to sensory experiences, such as the just noticeable difference and Weber's law, which profoundly influenced subsequent experimental approaches despite predating the 1870s.[56] Fechner's methods emphasized precise measurement of thresholds and scaling, enabling psychology to adopt rigorous, mathematical standards akin to physics.[57] Wilhelm Wundt is credited with formalizing experimental psychology through the founding of the first dedicated laboratory at the University of Leipzig in 1879, where systematic investigations into sensation, perception, reaction times, and consciousness began.[58][59] Building on physiological research by Hermann von Helmholtz and Fechner, Wundt's Principles of Physiological Psychology (1873–1874) outlined a program to analyze the immediate elements of consciousness via introspection under controlled conditions, distinguishing psychology from metaphysics.[60] The Leipzig laboratory trained numerous students, including Edward Titchener and James McKeen Cattell, who disseminated these methods internationally, fostering replication and standardization of apparatus like chronoscopes and tachistoscopes for timing responses.[61] In parallel, Hermann Ebbinghaus conducted pioneering memory experiments using nonsense syllables, publishing Memory: A Contribution to Experimental Psychology in 1885, which introduced the savings method and demonstrated the exponential curve of forgetting, independent of Wundt's structuralist focus.[62] This work highlighted individual learning curves and retention over time, relying solely on self-observation without reliance on associationist theory.[62] Concurrently, experimental psychology spread to the United States: William James established a rudimentary demonstration laboratory at Harvard around 1875, G. Stanley Hall opened the first American research lab at Johns Hopkins in 1883, and Cattell assumed the first U.S. professorship in psychology at the University of Pennsylvania in 1888, adapting anthropometric testing for mental abilities.[63][64] By 1900, over 15 laboratories operated in North America, emphasizing reaction times, individual differences, and applied testing, though debates persisted over introspection's reliability versus objective measures.[64]Early 20th-Century Expansion and Schools
The early 20th century saw rapid institutional expansion of psychology, particularly in the United States, where the discipline transitioned from European roots to a distinct American enterprise. By 1904, the U.S. hosted 49 psychological laboratories, up from just a handful two decades earlier, alongside 169 members in the American Psychological Association (APA), founded in 1892 with 31 charter members.[65] This growth reflected increasing academic integration, with 62 institutions offering three or more psychology courses by the same year.[65] APA membership surged to 1,101 by 1930, driven by applied interests in education, industry, and clinical practice.[66] Functionalism emerged as a prominent American school, emphasizing psychology's practical role in adaptation and mental processes' functions rather than their structure. Pioneered by William James in Principles of Psychology (1890), it gained traction through James Rowland Angell's 1906 Chicago address defining psychology as the study of mental operations for organism-environment adjustment.[67] Figures like John Dewey and Harvey Carr advanced functionalism at the University of Chicago, linking it to educational reform and behavior in real-world contexts, though it lacked unified methodology and waned by the 1920s.[68] Behaviorism, declared by John B. Watson in his 1913 manifesto "Psychology as the Behaviorist Views It," rejected introspection and subjective mental states, insisting on observable stimuli and responses as the sole data for scientific psychology.[64] Influenced by Ivan Pavlov's classical conditioning experiments published around 1906, Watson applied it to human learning, animal studies, and even advertising, famously claiming in 1924 that he could shape any infant's behavior given control.[64] This school dominated American psychology through the 1920s–1940s, prioritizing environmental determinism over innate factors, though later critiques highlighted its neglect of internal cognition.[69] Gestalt psychology arose in Germany around 1912 with Max Wertheimer's demonstration of the phi phenomenon, asserting that perceptions form holistic configurations (Gestalten) irreducible to sensory elements, countering both structuralism and behaviorism's atomism.[67] Kurt Koffka and Wolfgang Köhler expanded it through studies on problem-solving in apes and perceptual organization principles like proximity and closure, emphasizing innate perceptual laws over learned associations.[67] Transplanted to the U.S. by émigrés fleeing Nazism in the 1930s, Gestalt influenced perception research but struggled against behaviorism's hegemony.[70] Psychoanalysis, developed by Sigmund Freud from the 1890s, gained U.S. foothold via his 1909 Clark University lectures, attended by figures like G. Stanley Hall and Carl Jung, introducing concepts of unconscious drives, repression, and psychosexual development.[64] Freud's topographic model (id, ego, superego formalized later) and therapeutic free association prioritized causal explanations from early experiences, diverging from experimental empiricism; critics noted its reliance on case studies over controlled data, yet it spurred clinical psychology's growth.[64] By the 1920s, psychoanalytic societies formed, blending with cultural analyses despite empirical challenges.[71] Applied advancements complemented theoretical schools, notably Alfred Binet's 1905 intelligence scale with Théodore Simon, designed to identify French schoolchildren needing aid, laying groundwork for standardized testing amid debates on innate versus environmental intelligence factors.[64] These developments diversified psychology beyond labs, fostering subfields in education and assessment, though source biases in testing toward cultural assumptions later emerged.[71]Post-World War II Growth and Specialization
Following World War II, psychology experienced explosive growth in the United States, driven by the need to address mental health issues among returning veterans and broader societal applications of psychological knowledge gained during the war. The Servicemen’s Readjustment Act of 1944, commonly known as the GI Bill, provided educational benefits to over 20 million veterans, enabling many to pursue degrees in psychology and swelling university enrollments.[72] The Veterans Administration established clinical psychology training programs requiring PhD-level preparation with practical fieldwork, training thousands of psychologists in VA hospitals and clinics to treat war-related trauma, which affected over 1 million servicemen with psychiatric admissions during the conflict.[72] By 1948, the total number of psychologists in the U.S. reached approximately 4,000, reflecting a sharp increase from pre-war levels.[72] The National Mental Health Act of 1946 expanded federal support for mental health research and services, leading to the creation of the National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH) in 1949, which disbursed research grants rising from $374,000 in 1949 to $42.6 million by 1962, alongside training grants peaking at $38.6 million.[72] This funding catalyzed the professionalization of clinical psychology, shifting it from a nascent field with virtually no formal practitioners in 1940 to one of the fastest-growing professions by the 1950s, emphasizing assessment, psychotherapy, and integration with emerging psychotropic medications and group therapies in VA settings.[73] Private practice among clinical psychologists also expanded, with 9% operating independently by the early 1950s despite jurisdictional disputes with psychiatrists.[74] The American Psychological Association (APA), which had 821 members in 1946, grew its membership by about 300% to 2,376 by 1960, reflecting broader institutional expansion and the merger in 1944 with the American Association of Applied Psychology to bridge academic and practical orientations.[75] [72] This unification facilitated the development of ethical guidelines, credentialing standards, and specialized divisions within the APA—eventually numbering 54 by later decades—to accommodate subspecialties such as clinical, counseling, and industrial-organizational psychology.[76] Specialization accelerated as psychology diversified beyond laboratory research into applied domains, with industrial psychology gaining traction in organizational settings for personnel selection and human factors engineering, building on wartime applications.[76] Counseling psychology emerged to address vocational and adjustment needs, while forensic psychology expanded through increased courtroom testimony by experts.[77] These shifts marked psychology's transition to a multifaceted profession, though rapid growth introduced intradisciplinary tensions over scientific rigor versus practical efficacy.[78] The Community Mental Health Centers Act of 1963 further institutionalized this by funding 452 centers that treated nearly 700,000 patients annually by 1971, embedding psychological services in community care.[72]Late 20th to Early 21st-Century Shifts
The integration of neuroscience with psychological inquiry accelerated in the late 1980s and 1990s, driven by technological advances in brain imaging such as functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI), which allowed non-invasive observation of brain activity during cognitive tasks.[79] This period, dubbed the "Decade of the Brain" by the U.S. Congress in 1990, fostered cognitive neuroscience as a distinct interdisciplinary field, emphasizing neural correlates of mental processes over purely behavioral or introspective methods.[64] Empirical studies increasingly linked psychological phenomena like decision-making and emotion to specific brain regions, challenging earlier dualistic separations and promoting a more reductionist, biologically grounded understanding of the mind.[80] Parallel to these biological emphases, evolutionary psychology emerged in the late 1980s and gained prominence in the 1990s, applying Darwinian principles to explain universal human behaviors such as mate selection and fear responses as adaptations shaped by natural selection.[81] Key works, including the 1992 volume The Adapted Mind edited by Jerome Barkow, Leda Cosmides, and John Tooby, argued for domain-specific mental modules evolved to solve ancestral problems, countering blank-slate environmentalism dominant in mid-century social sciences.[82] Despite empirical support from cross-cultural data and behavioral experiments, the approach encountered resistance in academic circles, often labeled as speculative or politically charged due to its implications for innate sex differences and group variations.[83] In 1998, Martin Seligman, as president of the American Psychological Association, formalized positive psychology, redirecting research from disorder remediation to factors promoting human flourishing, such as resilience and optimism, with quantifiable interventions like gratitude exercises showing measurable well-being gains in randomized trials.[84] This shift complemented the era's computational modeling advances, including parallel distributed processing and neural networks, which simulated cognitive functions via interconnected units mimicking brain architecture.[85] By the early 2000s, however, mounting evidence of low reproducibility rates—exemplified by failed replications of high-profile social priming effects—exposed systemic issues like p-hacking and publication bias, prompting methodological reforms such as preregistration and open data to enhance empirical reliability.[86] These developments underscored a broader pivot toward causal mechanisms verifiable through genetics, neuroimaging, and large-scale replication efforts, diminishing reliance on untestable theoretical constructs.[87]Major Theoretical Frameworks
Biological and Evolutionary Perspectives
Biological perspectives in psychology investigate the physiological, neural, and genetic mechanisms underlying behavior, cognition, and emotion. Behavioral genetics provides empirical evidence that genetic variation accounts for substantial portions of individual differences in psychological traits. Heritability estimates for intelligence range from 0.4 to 0.8 across studies, rising linearly to approximately 80% in adulthood as environmental influences equalize.[88][89] The Minnesota Study of Twins Reared Apart, conducted from 1979 to 1999, examined monozygotic twins separated at birth and reared in different environments, revealing IQ correlations of about 0.70—similar to those of twins reared together—and attributing roughly 70% of IQ variance to genetic factors rather than shared or unique environments.[90][91] Personality traits exhibit moderate heritability, typically 20% to 50%, with meta-analyses of twin studies confirming genetic influences on dimensions like extraversion and neuroticism, though gene-environment interactions modulate expression.[92][93] Neural substrates further anchor biological explanations, with brain regions and neurotransmitters mediating specific functions. For instance, dopamine pathways influence reward processing and motivation, while disruptions in serotonin systems correlate with impulsivity and aggression, as evidenced by pharmacological interventions that alter behavioral outcomes.[94] These mechanisms operate through causal pathways from genetic expression to neural circuitry, emphasizing that behaviors emerge from bodily interactions rather than abstract environmental determinism alone.[95] Evolutionary perspectives frame psychological traits as adaptations forged by natural selection to recurrent ancestral challenges. Core principles posit that the human mind comprises domain-specific cognitive modules, evolved to handle problems like foraging, social exchange, and threat detection, with behaviors reflecting solutions to fitness-relevant dilemmas.[96][97] Empirical support includes cross-cultural consistencies in mating preferences, where men favor cues of fertility such as youth and physical symmetry, while women prioritize status and resource-acquisition ability—patterns traceable to differential reproductive costs and parental investment.[81] Aggression, often male-biased, evolves as a tactic for resource co-option, mate guarding, and status competition, with proximate triggers like testosterone amplifying ancestral strategies for survival and reproduction.[98][99] Such adaptations persist despite modern environments, explaining phenomena like reactive violence in intergroup conflicts, though cultural overlays can suppress or redirect them; critiques dismissing these as post-hoc often overlook converging evidence from comparative primatology and cognitive experiments.[100]Behaviorist Approaches
Behaviorism posits that psychology should study only observable and measurable aspects of behavior, dismissing introspection and unobservable mental processes as unscientific. John B. Watson established this framework in his 1913 article "Psychology as the Behaviorist Views It," declaring psychology a "purely objective experimental branch of natural science" aimed at predicting and controlling behavior via environmental stimuli and responses.[101] Watson argued that habits formed through conditioned reflexes could explain all behavior, rejecting innate ideas or consciousness as explanatory constructs.[102] Classical conditioning, demonstrated by Ivan Pavlov in experiments from the late 1890s, formed a cornerstone of behaviorist methodology. Pavlov observed that dogs salivated not only to food but eventually to a previously neutral stimulus like a metronome sound when repeatedly paired with unconditioned stimuli eliciting salivation, establishing the conditioned reflex by the early 1900s.[103] Watson extended this to humans in the 1920 Little Albert experiment, where an infant was conditioned to fear a white rat by pairing it with a loud noise, illustrating emotional conditioning and stimulus generalization.[104] B.F. Skinner advanced behaviorism into radical form through operant conditioning, emphasizing voluntary behaviors shaped by consequences rather than antecedents. In the 1930s, Skinner developed the operant conditioning chamber (Skinner box), where animals like rats pressed levers for rewards, quantifying reinforcement schedules' effects on response rates; he coined "operant" in 1938.[105] Positive reinforcement strengthens behaviors preceding it, while punishment weakens them, enabling precise environmental control over actions.[106] Behaviorism influenced applied fields, including behavioral therapies like systematic desensitization for phobias and token economies in institutional settings, which use contingent rewards to modify maladaptive behaviors.[107] In education, Skinner's programmed learning and teaching machines, introduced in the 1950s, applied operant principles to deliver immediate feedback and reinforcement for incremental skill acquisition.[108] Critics, notably Noam Chomsky in his 1959 review of Skinner's Verbal Behavior, argued that behaviorist accounts failed to explain complex phenomena like language acquisition, citing the "poverty of the stimulus" where children produce novel sentences beyond reinforced inputs, thus undermining stimulus-response reductionism.[109] Despite contributing to empirical rigor and effective interventions, behaviorism waned amid the cognitive revolution of the 1950s–1960s, which reintroduced mental processes as necessary for understanding cognition, though its legacy persists in experimental analysis of behavior and evidence-based therapies.[110]Cognitive Revolution
The cognitive revolution in psychology refers to the paradigm shift during the 1950s and 1960s that redirected focus from behaviorism's emphasis on observable stimuli and responses to internal mental processes such as perception, memory, and problem-solving.[111] This movement arose from growing dissatisfaction with behaviorism's inability to account for complex human cognition, including language acquisition and reasoning, which could not be fully explained by environmental conditioning alone.[112] Influenced by advances in computer science, information theory, and cybernetics, psychologists began modeling the mind as an information-processing system analogous to digital computers.[113] A pivotal event occurred on September 11, 1956, at a symposium in Cambridge, Massachusetts, where George A. Miller presented his paper "The Magical Number Seven, Plus or Minus Two: Some Limits on Our Capacity for Processing Information," highlighting human short-term memory constraints and laying groundwork for cognitive models of attention and capacity.[114] Noam Chomsky's 1959 review of B.F. Skinner's Verbal Behavior further catalyzed the shift by critiquing behaviorist explanations of language as overly simplistic and empirically inadequate, arguing instead for innate grammatical structures in the human brain that enable rapid language learning beyond mere reinforcement.[115] These critiques exposed behaviorism's methodological limitations, such as its rejection of introspection and untestable internal states, prompting a return to studying cognition through experimental methods like reaction-time tasks and verbal protocols.[116] Key contributors included Jerome Bruner, who founded the Harvard Center for Cognitive Studies in 1960 to integrate psychology with linguistics and computer science, and Allen Newell and Herbert Simon, whose 1956 Logic Theorist program demonstrated problem-solving as heuristic search, bridging psychology and artificial intelligence.[115] Ulric Neisser's 1967 publication of Cognitive Psychology, the first dedicated textbook, formalized the field by defining it as the study of how organisms acquire, process, and store information, solidifying its status as a distinct approach.[113] Empirical support came from laboratory experiments demonstrating phenomena like chunking in memory and schema-driven perception, which behaviorism could not predict or explain without invoking mental representations.[112] The revolution's impact extended to interdisciplinary cognitive science, fostering collaborations across psychology, linguistics, philosophy, and neuroscience, and enabling advancements in areas like artificial intelligence and human-computer interaction.[117] While behaviorism's rigorous experimentalism persisted in applied domains, the cognitive approach dominated academic psychology by the 1970s, emphasizing verifiable models of mental operations over black-box stimulus-response chains.[118] Critics, including some behaviorists, argued that cognitive constructs risked being unobservable and circular, but proponents countered with predictive successes, such as simulations of decision-making that outperformed purely associative models.[119]Psychodynamic Theories
Psychodynamic theories originated with Sigmund Freud's development of psychoanalysis in the late 19th century, positing that human behavior is largely driven by unconscious motives, conflicts, and early childhood experiences.[120] Freud's model divides the psyche into three structures: the id, representing instinctual drives; the ego, mediating reality; and the superego, enforcing moral standards.[121] These elements often conflict, leading to anxiety resolved through defense mechanisms such as repression and projection.[122] Freud outlined psychosexual stages of development—oral, anal, phallic, latency, and genital—where fixation due to unresolved conflicts could shape adult personality and psychopathology.[123] Therapeutic techniques, including free association and dream analysis, aim to bring unconscious material to awareness, facilitating insight and resolution.[124] Early followers like Carl Jung introduced concepts such as the collective unconscious and archetypes, diverging into analytical psychology, while Alfred Adler emphasized inferiority complexes and social striving in individual psychology.[120] Post-Freudian developments include ego psychology, focusing on adaptive functions of the ego as advanced by Anna Freud and Heinz Hartmann in the mid-20th century, and object relations theory, which highlights early relational patterns influencing internal representations, as elaborated by Melanie Klein and Donald Winnicott.[125] Self-psychology, developed by Heinz Kohut in the 1970s, stresses the role of empathy in treating narcissistic vulnerabilities.[122] Empirical support for psychodynamic psychotherapy exists, with meta-analyses showing effect sizes comparable to other therapies for disorders like depression and anxiety, and sustained benefits post-treatment.[126][127] However, core theoretical constructs, such as the unconscious dynamics and psychosexual stages, face criticism for lacking falsifiability, as predictions can be retrofitted to any outcome, rendering them unscientific per Karl Popper's criteria.[128][120] Studies confirm unconscious influences on behavior and use of defenses, but causal links to Freudian mechanisms remain weakly evidenced and difficult to test experimentally.[122] Academic sources often reflect institutional preferences for interpretive over mechanistic paradigms, potentially overlooking parsimony in favor of narrative coherence.[129] Despite these limitations, psychodynamic approaches persist in clinical practice, influencing brief therapies and informing understanding of relational pathologies.[130]Humanistic and Existential Views
Humanistic psychology emerged in the mid-20th century as an alternative to behaviorism and psychoanalysis, emphasizing human potential, free will, and self-actualization rather than deterministic or reductive explanations of behavior.[131] Abraham Maslow, born in 1908 and deceased in 1970, proposed a hierarchy of needs in his 1943 paper "A Theory of Human Motivation," positing that human motivation progresses from basic physiological needs, through safety, love and belonging, esteem, to self-actualization at the apex.[132] This model, later expanded in his 1954 book Motivation and Personality, suggested that lower needs must be met before higher ones motivate behavior, though Maslow acknowledged flexibility in the hierarchy.[132] Carl Rogers, a contemporary of Maslow, developed client-centered therapy, stressing the therapist's role in providing unconditional positive regard, empathy, and congruence to facilitate the client's innate tendency toward growth and self-realization.[131] Rogers' approach, outlined in works like his 1951 book Client-Centered Therapy, viewed humans as inherently good and capable of achieving congruence between their real and ideal selves when supported in a non-directive environment.[132] These ideas positioned humanistic psychology as a "third force," prioritizing subjective experience and personal agency over empirical measurement or unconscious drives.[133] Existential psychology, drawing from philosophers like Søren Kierkegaard and Friedrich Nietzsche, focuses on confronting human existence's core concerns: freedom, responsibility, isolation, meaninglessness, and death.[134] Viktor Frankl, a Holocaust survivor, founded logotherapy in the 1940s, arguing in his 1946 book Man's Search for Meaning—based on experiences in concentration camps—that the primary human drive is the will to meaning, enabling resilience even in suffering.[135] Rollo May integrated existential themes into psychotherapy, emphasizing anxiety as a signal of potential growth in his 1950 book The Meaning of Anxiety and later works like The Courage to Create (1975).[136] Irvin Yalom advanced existential psychotherapy by identifying four ultimate concerns—death, freedom, isolation, and meaninglessness—in his 1980 book Existential Psychotherapy, advocating therapeutic exploration of these to alleviate existential anxiety.[137] Unlike humanistic optimism, existential approaches acknowledge life's inherent absurdity and finitude, urging authentic choices amid uncertainty.[134] Overlaps exist, as figures like May contributed to both paradigms, but existential psychology maintains a darker emphasis on dread and limits to freedom.[136] Critics argue that humanistic and existential views lack empirical rigor, relying on anecdotal or subjective evidence rather than testable hypotheses, which has diminished their influence in mainstream psychology favoring quantifiable data.[131] For instance, Maslow's hierarchy, while intuitively appealing, shows limited predictive power in experimental settings, with needs often pursued non-hierarchically.[131] Existential therapies demonstrate some efficacy in reducing anxiety and enhancing meaning, per meta-analyses, but evidence remains sparser than for cognitive-behavioral methods, partly due to philosophical rather than scientific foundations.[138] Academic sources, often aligned with these paradigms, may overstate their universality, yet causal realism demands scrutiny of their alignment with observable human behaviors under constraint.[139]Social and Cultural Theories
Social learning theory, developed by Albert Bandura in the 1960s, posits that individuals acquire behaviors through observation and imitation of others, rather than solely through direct reinforcement. In the 1961 Bobo doll experiments, children exposed to adults aggressively interacting with an inflatable doll subsequently displayed similar aggressive actions, including punching and kicking the doll, at rates significantly higher than children who observed non-aggressive models or no model.[140][141] These findings demonstrated observational learning's role in transmitting behaviors like aggression, challenging strict behaviorist views and emphasizing cognitive processes such as attention, retention, and motivation in modeling. Subsequent replications and extensions, including media violence studies, have provided mixed but generally supportive evidence, though effect sizes vary with contextual factors like perceived model status.[142] Social identity theory, formulated by Henri Tajfel and John Turner in the 1970s, explains intergroup behavior through individuals' categorization into groups, leading to in-group favoritism and out-group discrimination to enhance self-esteem. Tajfel's minimal group experiments in 1971 assigned participants to arbitrary groups based on trivial criteria, such as estimating dot quantities, yet subjects allocated more rewards to in-group members, even at personal cost, revealing bias emergence without prior conflict or realistic interests.[143] This framework accounts for phenomena like prejudice and conformity, with empirical support from field studies on ethnic and national identities, though laboratory effects often prove smaller in real-world applications requiring sustained motivation.[144] Sociocultural theory, advanced by Lev Vygotsky in the 1930s, asserts that cognitive development arises from social interactions within cultural contexts, mediated by tools like language and symbols. Central concepts include the zone of proximal development—the gap between independent performance and potential with guidance—and scaffolding, where more knowledgeable others facilitate learning. Empirical studies, such as those on collaborative problem-solving in diverse cultural settings, show children advance faster with adult or peer assistance tailored to their capabilities, as evidenced in cross-linguistic research on memory tasks where cultural narrative styles influence recall strategies.[145] Vygotsky's ideas, disseminated post-1960s, underpin educational practices but rely more on qualitative observations than large-scale quantifications, with modern neuroimaging adding indirect support for social modulation of brain activity in learning.[146] Cultural psychology highlights systematic variations in cognition shaped by societal norms, as explored by Richard Nisbett in the early 2000s. East Asian cultures foster holistic thinking—attending to context and relationships—while Western cultures emphasize analytic thinking—focusing on objects and rules—as demonstrated in perceptual experiments where Americans more readily noticed focal changes in scenes, whereas Chinese participants integrated backgrounds holistically.[147] These differences extend to social inference, with evidence from attribution studies showing collectivistic societies prioritizing situational factors over dispositional ones, supported by cross-national surveys and eye-tracking data. However, such generalizations face critiques for oversimplifying within-group diversity and potential confounds like urbanization.[148] The field grapples with a replication crisis, particularly in social psychology, where many landmark findings fail to reproduce under rigorous conditions. A 2015 multi-lab effort replicated only 36% of 100 studies from top journals, with social effects averaging half the original size, attributed to factors like small samples, p-hacking, and publication bias favoring novelty over reliability.[7] This undermines confidence in theories reliant on fragile effects, such as certain priming or stereotype threat paradigms, prompting shifts toward larger datasets and preregistration, though core frameworks like social learning retain stronger convergent validity from diverse methodologies.[149] Academic incentives prioritizing positive results exacerbate these issues, often sidelining null findings despite their informativeness for causal realism.[6]Central Research Domains
Consciousness and Unconscious Processes
Consciousness refers to the state of being aware of and able to report on one's internal states, thoughts, and external stimuli, encompassing both phenomenal experience (subjective qualia) and access consciousness (availability for cognitive control and report).[150] In psychology, it is studied through contrasts with unconscious processing, where mental operations occur without introspective access or voluntary control. Empirical investigations, primarily via neuroimaging and behavioral paradigms, reveal consciousness as a limited-capacity process amid vast parallel unconscious computations.[151] Global Workspace Theory, proposed by Bernard Baars in 1988, posits consciousness as the global broadcast of selected information from specialized unconscious modules to a central "workspace" for integration, enabling flexible control and reportability.[152] This theory predicts that conscious contents dominate working memory and trigger widespread neural ignition, contrasting with modular unconscious events. Supporting evidence includes functional MRI studies showing prefrontal and parietal activation during conscious perception but not unconscious processing of masked stimuli.[153] Key empirical findings include Benjamin Libet's 1983 experiments, which measured a readiness potential (RP)—a negative brain wave—emerging approximately 350-400 milliseconds before subjects reported conscious intent to move, suggesting unconscious initiation precedes awareness.[154] Subsequent replications and extensions, such as those using fMRI, indicate predictive brain activity up to 10 seconds prior for simple choices, challenging intuitive notions of conscious volition as the origin of action.[155] However, critics argue these timings reflect preparation rather than causation, preserving room for conscious veto power.[156] Unconscious processes encompass automatic perceptual, motivational, and behavioral mechanisms operating outside awareness, influencing outcomes like priming effects where subthreshold stimuli bias subsequent judgments.[157] Studies demonstrate unconscious semantic processing, such as faster responses to congruent masked words, persisting even under attentional load, as cataloged in databases like UnconTrust aggregating over 100 experiments.[158] Blindsight patients, with V1 damage, navigate obstacles unconsciously despite denying vision, evidencing dissociable unconscious visual pathways.[159] Sigmund Freud's dynamic unconscious, centered on repressed sexual and aggressive drives inaccessible due to anxiety, shaped early views but faces criticism for unfalsifiability and lack of direct empirical support beyond introspection.[160] Modern psychology favors a cognitive unconscious—non-repressed, adaptive systems for pattern recognition and habit formation—validated by replicable lab paradigms rather than clinical anecdote.[161] Integration of conscious and unconscious reveals consciousness as an emergent editor, refining but not originating most mental activity, with implications for illusions of agency in decision-making.[162]Learning, Memory, and Conditioning
Learning refers to the process by which organisms acquire new behaviors or knowledge through experience, adapting to environmental demands via changes in neural connections and synaptic strengths.[163] Empirical studies demonstrate that learning occurs through associative mechanisms, where stimuli or responses become linked, as well as non-associative forms like habituation, where repeated exposure diminishes response to a stimulus, and sensitization, which heightens it.[164] Observational learning, involving imitation of modeled behaviors, further expands associative paradigms, as evidenced by experiments showing children replicating aggressive actions after viewing adult models.[163] Conditioning represents a core associative learning pathway, divided into classical and operant variants. Classical conditioning, pioneered by Ivan Pavlov in experiments from the late 1890s to early 1900s, pairs a neutral stimulus with an unconditioned stimulus to elicit a conditioned response; for instance, dogs learned to salivate to a bell previously associated with food presentation, with results published in 1897.[103] This reflexive process underscores involuntary learning, supported by physiological measures of salivation and reinforced by subsequent animal studies confirming temporal contiguity and extinction dynamics.[103] Operant conditioning, developed by B.F. Skinner starting in the 1930s and formalized in 1937, links voluntary behaviors to consequences via reinforcement or punishment; Skinner's operant chamber, or "Skinner box," quantified response rates in rats and pigeons, revealing schedules like fixed-ratio yielding high persistence.[105][165] Memory sustains learning by encoding, storing, and retrieving information, with models delineating distinct stages. Hermann Ebbinghaus's 1885 self-experiments using nonsense syllables established the forgetting curve, showing retention drops rapidly—reaching about 58% after 20 minutes and 21% after a day without rehearsal—quantified via savings in relearning time.[166] The Atkinson-Shiffrin multi-store model of 1968 posits sensory memory (lasting milliseconds to seconds), short-term memory (capacity around 7 items, duration 20-30 seconds), and long-term memory (potentially unlimited), with rehearsal transferring information between stores.[167] Alan Baddeley and Graham Hitch's 1974 working memory model refines short-term processes, comprising a central executive for attention control, phonological loop for verbal data, and visuospatial sketchpad for visual-spatial information, later augmented by an episodic buffer integrating multimodal inputs.[168] These frameworks integrate conditioning with memory, as reinforced behaviors consolidate into long-term stores through repetition and relevance, evidenced by neural imaging revealing hippocampal involvement in encoding and prefrontal cortex in retrieval.[169] Disruptions, such as in amnesia patients, highlight causal roles: anterograde deficits impair new learning while sparing conditioned reflexes, affirming modular yet interactive systems grounded in empirical dissociations rather than holistic interpretations favored in less rigorous psychoanalytic traditions.[170]Emotion, Motivation, and Drives
Emotions are adaptive psychological states that coordinate physiological, cognitive, and behavioral responses to environmental challenges, with empirical evidence supporting the existence of discrete basic emotions such as happiness, sadness, fear, anger, surprise, and disgust, recognized universally through facial expressions across cultures.[171] [172] These emotions evolved as mechanisms to solve recurrent adaptive problems, such as detecting threats or forming social bonds, with neural circuits like the amygdala facilitating rapid fear responses to promote survival.[173] [174] Two prominent physiological theories contrast in explaining emotion generation: the James-Lange theory posits that bodily arousal precedes and causes the emotional experience, as in trembling leading to the perception of fear, while the Cannon-Bard theory argues that thalamic signals simultaneously trigger both arousal and emotion, evidenced by uniform autonomic responses across different emotions that do not fully differentiate subjective feelings.[175] [176] Motivation refers to the processes initiating, directing, and sustaining goal-oriented behaviors, distinguished empirically between intrinsic forms—driven by inherent satisfaction, such as curiosity or mastery—and extrinsic forms, fueled by external rewards or punishments, with studies showing intrinsic motivation predicts sustained engagement and better performance in tasks like learning, whereas excessive extrinsic incentives can undermine it via overjustification effects.[177] [178] Self-determination theory, developed by Deci and Ryan, integrates these by emphasizing fulfillment of innate needs for autonomy, competence, and relatedness as causal drivers of intrinsic motivation, supported by meta-analyses linking need satisfaction to enhanced well-being and persistence across domains like education and work, though cultural variations in need prioritization warrant caution against universalizing Western-centric findings.[179] [180] Drives represent internal states of tension arising from biological disequilibria, as in Clark Hull's drive-reduction theory, where primary drives like hunger or thirst motivate behaviors to restore homeostasis, with habit strength (learned associations) amplifying drive-induced actions, evidenced by animal experiments showing reinforced eating to alleviate caloric deficits.[181] [182] Homeostatic drives, such as hunger triggered by low blood glucose or thirst by hyperosmolarity, engage hypothalamic circuits to prioritize ingestion, with neuroimaging confirming distinct neural pathways for these versus secondary drives like sex, though Hull's model underemphasizes cognitive appraisals in complex human motivation.[183] [184] Interconnections among emotions, motivation, and drives manifest in phenomena like fear-motivated avoidance reducing threat exposure or appetite suppression during stress, underscoring their role in adaptive regulation rather than isolated functions.[185]Personality Traits and Individual Differences
Trait theories in psychology conceptualize personality as consisting of stable, enduring dispositions that vary across individuals and predict behavior consistently over time and situations.[186] These traits meet three criteria: consistency in expression, stability across the lifespan, and systematic differences between people.[186] Early trait research drew from the lexical hypothesis, positing that important personality differences are encoded in natural language, leading to analyses of trait-descriptive adjectives.[187] Raymond Cattell applied factor analysis to thousands of trait terms, identifying 16 primary personality factors in the 1940s, such as warmth, reasoning, emotional stability, dominance, liveliness, rule-consciousness, social boldness, sensitivity, vigilance, abstractedness, privateness, apprehension, openness to change, self-reliance, perfectionism, and tension.[188] These were measured via the 16PF Questionnaire, emphasizing empirical derivation over theoretical constructs.[188] Hans Eysenck proposed a hierarchical model with three broad dimensions: extraversion (sociability vs. reserve), neuroticism (emotional instability vs. stability), and psychoticism (aggressiveness vs. empathy), linking them to biological arousal and cortical inhibition.[189] Eysenck's dimensions anticipated higher-order factors in later models and emphasized heritability and physiological correlates.[189] The dominant contemporary framework is the Big Five, or five-factor model (FFM), comprising openness to experience (curiosity and creativity), conscientiousness (organization and dependability), extraversion (sociability and energy), agreeableness (cooperation and compassion), and neuroticism (emotional volatility).[190] Developed through factor-analytic studies from the 1960s onward, including work by Tupes and Christal, and refined by Costa and McCrae via the NEO Personality Inventory in 1978 (revised 1992), the model emerged from lexical and questionnaire data across cultures.[190] [191] Meta-analyses confirm its robustness, with traits showing moderate to high test-retest reliability (r > 0.70 over years) and predictive validity for outcomes like job performance (conscientiousness, r ≈ 0.30) and relationship satisfaction.[192] Behavioral genetic studies, primarily twin and adoption designs, estimate personality trait heritability at approximately 40%, with the remainder attributable to nonshared environment; shared environment contributes negligibly after adolescence.[193] A 2015 meta-analysis of over 2,000 studies found broad heritability for personality facets around 0.40, consistent across Big Five domains, supporting additive genetic influences over dominance or epistasis.[193] [194] These estimates derive from comparing monozygotic (100% genetic similarity) and dizygotic (50%) twin correlations, where MZ intraclass correlations exceed DZ by roughly double, implying h² ≈ 2(r_MZ - r_DZ).[195] Despite ideological resistance in some academic quarters favoring environmental determinism, replication across large samples (e.g., >14 million twin pairs in broader trait meta-analyses) affirms genetic contributions to individual differences.[196] Sex differences in traits are observed globally, with women scoring higher on average in neuroticism (d ≈ 0.40), agreeableness (d ≈ 0.50), and aspects of conscientiousness and extraversion (e.g., warmth), while men score higher in assertiveness facets of extraversion and lower in neuroticism.[197] [198] These gaps, small to moderate in magnitude, widen in more gender-egalitarian nations, suggesting reduced social pressures allow innate differences to manifest more fully, countering expectations of convergence under equality. Cross-cultural meta-analyses of millions confirm consistency, with effect sizes stable over decades.[199] Trait stability increases with age, plateauing in adulthood, though mean-level changes occur, such as rising conscientiousness and declining neuroticism from 20s to 60s.[200] Individual differences extend to situational variability, where traits moderate behavior across contexts, but core dispositions persist; for instance, extraverts remain more outgoing in social settings despite fluctuations.[201] The FFM outperforms narrower models in comprehensiveness, though critics note potential cultural biases in lexical derivation favoring Western individualism.[192] Empirical support from longitudinal and cross-national data underscores traits' role in explaining variance in life outcomes beyond socioeconomic or cognitive factors.[202]Developmental Trajectories Across Lifespan
Developmental psychology examines systematic changes in cognitive, emotional, social, and behavioral domains from prenatal periods through senescence, emphasizing lifelong plasticity, multidirectionality of gains and losses, and contextual influences on trajectories. Unlike earlier views confining development to childhood, the lifespan perspective posits ongoing adaptation influenced by biological maturation, historical events, and individual agency, with empirical support from longitudinal cohorts showing heterogeneous pathways rather than uniform progression.[203][204] Debates center on continuity versus discontinuity: continuity models describe gradual, quantitative accumulations of abilities, as in incremental skill refinement, while discontinuity posits qualitative shifts or stages, such as abrupt reorganizations in reasoning. Evidence from neuroimaging and behavioral studies reveals a hybrid pattern, with gradual neural refinements (e.g., synaptic pruning) punctuated by sensitive periods, like puberty's hormonal surges altering social cognition; however, strict stage theories like Piaget's often overestimate uniformity, with cross-cultural data indicating variability.[205][206][207] In infancy and early childhood (birth to age 5), trajectories feature rapid sensorimotor and attachment formation, with secure attachments correlating to better emotional regulation longitudinally; brain volume doubles by age 3, supporting foundational trust versus mistrust per Erikson's model, empirically linked to cortisol responses in stress paradigms. Childhood (ages 6-12) involves concrete operational advances in logic and peer socialization, though executive function growth shows heritability estimates around 50%, underscoring genetic-environmental interplay over purely experiential accounts.[208][209] Adolescence (ages 13-19) marks identity exploration versus role confusion, with prefrontal cortex maturation extending into the mid-20s, explaining heightened risk-taking via delayed reward discounting; social cognition trajectories accelerate, enabling theory-of-mind refinements, but vulnerability to peer influence peaks due to limbic hypersensitivity. Early adulthood (20s-40s) exhibits relative stability in fluid intelligence alongside gains in crystallized knowledge, with personality traits like conscientiousness rising until midlife, driven by occupational demands and mate selection pressures.[208][210][211] Middle adulthood (40s-60s) often sees emotional trajectories favoring positivity, with negative affect declining linearly across cohorts, attributed to improved regulation and stressor reappraisal rather than denial; empirical meta-analyses confirm extraversion peaks then plateaus, while agreeableness increases, reflecting adaptive social investments. Late adulthood (65+) involves fluid ability declines (e.g., processing speed drops 1-2% annually post-60) offset by emotional wisdom and selective optimization, with longitudinal data from studies like MIDUS showing resilient life satisfaction in 66% of trajectories despite physical losses.[212][211][212] Overall, heritability moderates trajectories, with twin studies estimating 40-60% genetic influence on cognitive stability, challenging nurture-dominant narratives in some academic sources.[213]Intelligence, Abilities, and Cognitive Assessment
Francis Galton initiated the scientific study of individual differences in mental abilities in the 1880s through early psychometric experiments measuring sensory discrimination and reaction times, laying foundational principles for quantitative assessment of human cognition.[214] In 1904, Charles Spearman introduced the concept of a general intelligence factor, or g, via factor analysis of cognitive test correlations, positing that a single underlying ability accounts for the positive manifold observed across diverse mental tasks.[215] Empirical evidence from large-scale factor analyses consistently supports g as the highest-order factor extracting shared variance from batteries of tests, explaining 40-50% of individual differences in cognitive performance.[216] Alfred Binet developed the first practical intelligence scale in 1905 to identify children needing educational support, using age-normed tasks to compute a mental age.[217] Lewis Terman revised it into the Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scale in 1916, introducing the intelligence quotient (IQ) as mental age divided by chronological age multiplied by 100, standardizing scores with a mean of 100 and standard deviation of 15-16.[218] David Wechsler created adult-focused scales starting in 1939, such as the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale (WAIS), emphasizing deviation IQ based on population norms rather than age ratios, which remains the basis for modern assessments.[219] Cognitive abilities encompass broad factors beyond g, as synthesized in John B. Carroll's three-stratum theory from a 1993 meta-analysis of over 460 datasets spanning 70 years of factor-analytic studies.[220] Stratum III represents g; stratum II includes eight broad abilities like fluid reasoning (Gf), crystallized knowledge (Gc), quantitative knowledge (Gq), and visual-spatial processing (Gv); stratum I comprises hundreds of narrow, task-specific skills.[221] This hierarchical model integrates Spearman's g with multifaceted abilities, informing comprehensive test batteries like the Woodcock-Johnson and Differential Ability Scales. Twin and adoption studies estimate intelligence heritability at 50-80% in adulthood, with meta-analyses showing increases from about 40% in childhood to 70-80% by late adolescence, reflecting gene-environment interactions where genetic influences amplify as individuals select environments matching their genotypes.[88][222] These figures derive from comparisons of monozygotic twins reared apart (correlations ~0.75) versus dizygotic twins or siblings (~0.45), controlling for shared environments.[223] IQ scores demonstrate robust predictive validity for real-world outcomes, with meta-analyses reporting correlations of 0.51 with job performance, 0.56 with educational attainment, and 0.27-0.38 with income after controlling for socioeconomic status.[224][225] Longitudinal data confirm childhood IQ predicts adult socioeconomic success more strongly than parental SES or motivation measures, underscoring causal links from cognitive ability to achievement via reasoning, learning speed, and problem-solving efficiency.[226] Tests maintain high reliability (test-retest >0.90) and internal consistency (Cronbach's alpha >0.95), though cultural loading in verbal subtests necessitates non-verbal alternatives like Raven's Progressive Matrices for diverse populations.[227]Psychopathology and Mental Disorders
Psychopathology encompasses the scientific study of mental disorders, focusing on their etiology, symptomatology, progression, diagnosis, and treatment.[228] It examines deviations from typical psychological functioning that impair adaptive behavior, often involving cognitive, emotional, or behavioral dysfunctions leading to distress or disability.[229] Mental disorders are classified using systems like the DSM-5, published by the American Psychiatric Association in 2013, which organizes conditions into categories such as neurodevelopmental disorders, schizophrenia spectrum and other psychotic disorders, bipolar and depressive disorders, anxiety disorders, obsessive-compulsive and related disorders, trauma- and stressor-related disorders, and personality disorders.[230] The International Classification of Diseases (ICD-11), maintained by the World Health Organization, provides a parallel global framework emphasizing functional impairment and cultural context. Prevalence data indicate mental disorders affect substantial portions of populations worldwide. In the United States, approximately 23.1% of adults—over 59 million individuals—experienced a mental illness in 2022, with serious mental illness impacting 6.0% or about 15.4 million adults.[231] Globally, nearly 1 in 7 people (1.1 billion) lived with a mental disorder in 2021, dominated by anxiety and depressive disorders, which accounted for the majority of the disease burden.[232] Common conditions include major depressive disorder (8.3% U.S. adult prevalence in recent estimates), generalized anxiety disorder, and schizophrenia (lifetime prevalence around 0.3-0.7%).[233] These rates vary by demographics, with higher incidences in females for mood disorders and in urban or low-income settings, though diagnostic expansion in manuals like DSM-5 has contributed to rising reported prevalences.[234] Etiological research reveals mental disorders arise from multifactorial interactions between genetic vulnerabilities and environmental influences, with twin and adoption studies providing robust evidence for heritability. For schizophrenia, heritability estimates from twin studies range from 44% to 87%, averaging 81%, indicating strong genetic contributions alongside environmental triggers like prenatal infections or urban upbringing.[235] Bipolar disorder shows similar patterns, with heritability of 60-85% based on twin data, while major depressive disorder's heritability is lower at 36-51%, suggesting greater environmental modulation such as stress or trauma.[236] [237] Gene-environment interactions are evident, where genetic predispositions amplify responses to adversity, as seen in studies of childhood maltreatment exacerbating risk in carriers of certain serotonin transporter variants; however, claims minimizing genetic roles often stem from institutionally biased sources favoring social determinants over polygenic evidence from genome-wide association studies.[238] Neurobiological mechanisms, including dopaminergic dysregulation in psychosis and hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal axis hyperactivity in depression, further underscore causal pathways beyond purely psychosocial models.[239]- Mood Disorders: Characterized by persistent low mood or manic episodes; major depression involves anhedonia, sleep disturbances, and suicidality, with episode recurrence in 50-85% of cases.[233]
- Anxiety Disorders: Encompass excessive fear responses, such as in panic disorder (lifetime prevalence 2-3%), often comorbid with depression.[240]
- Psychotic Disorders: Schizophrenia features hallucinations and delusions, with negative symptoms like avolition impairing daily function; early intervention reduces chronicity.[241]
- Personality Disorders: Enduring patterns like borderline personality disorder, marked by instability and impulsivity, affecting 1-2% severely.
