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Apostasy
Apostasy
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Apostasy (/əˈpɒstəsi/; Ancient Greek: ἀποστασία, romanizedapostasía, lit.'defection, revolt') is the formal disaffiliation from, abandonment of, or renunciation of a religion by a person. It can also be defined within the broader context of embracing an opinion that is contrary to one's previous religious beliefs.[1] One who undertakes apostasy is known as an apostate. Undertaking apostasy is called apostatizing (or apostasizing – also spelled apostacizing). The term apostasy is used by sociologists to mean the renunciation and criticism of, or opposition to, a person's former religion, in a technical sense, with no pejorative connotation.

Occasionally, the term is also used metaphorically to refer to the renunciation of a non-religious belief or cause, such as a political party, social movement, or sports team.

Apostasy is generally not a self-definition: few former believers call themselves apostates due to the term's negative connotation.

Many religious groups and some states punish apostates; this may be the official policy of a particular religious group or it may simply be the voluntary action of its members. Such punishments may include shunning, excommunication, verbal abuse, physical violence, or even execution.[2]

Sociological definitions

[edit]

The American sociologist Lewis A. Coser (following the German philosopher and sociologist Max Scheler[citation needed]) defines an apostate as not just a person who experienced a dramatic change in conviction but "a man who, even in his new state of belief, is spiritually living not primarily in the content of that faith, in the pursuit of goals appropriate to it, but only in the struggle against the old faith and for the sake of its negation."[3][4]

The American sociologist David G. Bromley defined the apostate role as follows and distinguished it from the defector and whistleblower roles.[4]

  • Apostate role: defined as one that occurs in a highly polarized situation in which an organization member undertakes a total change of loyalties by allying with one or more elements of an oppositional coalition without the consent or control of the organization. The narrative documents the quintessentially evil essence of the apostate's former organization chronicled through the apostate's personal experience of capture and ultimate escape/rescue.
  • Defector role: an organizational participant negotiates exit primarily with organizational authorities, who grant permission for role relinquishment, control the exit process and facilitate role transmission. The jointly constructed narrative assigns primary moral responsibility for role performance problems to the departing member and interprets organizational permission as commitment to extraordinary moral standards and preservation of public trust.
  • Whistle-blower role: defined here as when an organization member forms an alliance with an external regulatory agency through personal testimony concerning specific, contested organizational practices that the external unit uses to sanction the organization. The narrative constructed jointly by the whistle blower and regulatory agency depicts the whistle-blower as motivated by personal conscience, and the organization by defense of the public interest.

Stuart A. Wright, an American sociologist and author, asserts that apostasy is a unique phenomenon and a distinct type of religious defection in which the apostate is a defector "who is aligned with an oppositional coalition in an effort to broaden the dispute, and embraces public claims-making activities to attack his or her former group."[5]

Human rights

[edit]

The United Nations Commission on Human Rights, considers the recanting of a person's religion a human right legally protected by the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights:

The Committee observes that the freedom to 'have or to adopt' a religion or belief necessarily entails the freedom to choose a religion or belief, including the right to replace one's current religion or belief with another or to adopt atheistic views ... Article 18.2[6] bars coercion that would impair the right to have or adopt a religion or belief, including the use of threat of physical force or penal sanctions to compel believers or non-believers to adhere to their religious beliefs and congregations, to recant their religion or belief or to convert.[7]

History

[edit]

As early as the 3rd century AD, apostasy against the Zoroastrian faith in the Sasanian Empire was criminalized. The high priest, Kidir, instigated pogroms against Jews, Christians, Buddhists, and others in an effort to solidify the hold of the state religion.[8]

As the Roman Empire adopted Christianity as its state religion, apostasy became formally criminalized in the Theodosian Code, followed by the Corpus Juris Civilis (the Justinian Code).[9] The Justinian Code went on to form the basis of law in most of Western Europe during the Middle Ages and so apostasy was similarly persecuted to varying degrees in Europe throughout this period and into the early modern period. Eastern Europe similarly inherited many of its legal traditions regarding apostasy from the Romans, but not from the Justinian Code.[citation needed] Medieval sects deemed heretical such as the Waldensians were considered apostates by the Church.[10]

Atrocity story

[edit]

The term atrocity story, also referred to as an atrocity tale, as it is defined by the American sociologists David G. Bromley and Anson D. Shupe refers to the symbolic presentation of action or events (real or imaginary) in such a context that they are made flagrantly to violate the (presumably) shared premises upon which a given set of social relationships should be conducted. The recounting of such tales is intended as a means of reaffirming normative boundaries. By sharing the reporter's disapproval or horror, an audience reasserts normative prescription and clearly locates the violator beyond the limits of public morality. The term was coined in 1979 by Bromley, Shupe, and Joseph Ventimiglia.[11]

Bromley and others define an atrocity as an event that is perceived as a flagrant violation of a fundamental value. It contains the following three elements:

  1. moral outrage or indignation;
  2. authorization of punitive measures;
  3. mobilization of control efforts against the apparent perpetrators.

The term "atrocity story" is controversial as it relates to the differing views amongst scholars about the credibility of the accounts of former members.

Bryan R. Wilson, Reader Emeritus of Sociology of the University of Oxford, says apostates of new religious movements are generally in need of self-justification, seeking to reconstruct their past and to excuse their former affiliations, while blaming those who were formerly their closest associates. Wilson, thus, challenges the reliability of the apostate's testimony by saying that the apostate

must always be seen as one whose personal history predisposes him to bias with respect to both his previous religious commitment and affiliations

and

the suspicion must arise that he acts from a personal motivation to vindicate himself and to regain his self-esteem, by showing himself to have been first a victim but subsequently to have become a redeemed crusader.

Wilson also asserts that some apostates or defectors from religious organisations rehearse atrocity stories to explain how, by manipulation, coercion or deceit, they were recruited to groups that they now condemn.[12]

Jean Duhaime of the Université de Montréal writes, referring to Wilson, based on his analysis of three books by apostates of new religious movements, that stories of apostates cannot be dismissed only because they are subjective.[13]

Danny Jorgensen, Professor at the Department of Religious Studies of the University of Florida, in his book The Social Construction and Interpretation of Deviance: Jonestown and the Mass Media argues that the role of the media in constructing and reflecting reality is particularly apparent in its coverage of cults. He asserts that this complicity exists partly because apostates with an atrocity story to tell make themselves readily available to reporters and partly because new religious movements have learned to be suspicious of the media and, therefore, have not been open to investigative reporters writing stories on their movement from an insider's perspective. Besides this lack of information about the experiences of people within new religious movements, the media is attracted to sensational stories featuring accusations of food and sleep deprivation, sexual and physical abuse, and excesses of spiritual and emotional authority by the charismatic leader.[14]

Michael Langone argues that some will accept uncritically the positive reports of current members without calling such reports, for example, "benevolence tales" or "personal growth tales". He asserts that only the critical reports of ex-members are called "tales", which he considers to be a term that clearly implies falsehood or fiction. He states that it wasn't until 1996 that a researcher conducted a study[15] to assess the extent to which so called "atrocity tales" might be based on fact.[15][16][17]

Apostasy and contemporary criminal law

[edit]
Apostasy laws of various countries.

Apostasy is a criminal offence in the following countries:

  • Afghanistan – criminalized under Article 1 of the Afghan Penal Code, may be punishable by death.[18]
  • Brunei – criminalized under Section 112(1) of the Bruneian Syariah Penal Code, punishable by death.[19][20] However, Brunei has a moratorium on the death penalty.[21]
  • Iran – while there are no provisions that criminalize apostasy in Iran, apostasy may be punishable by death under Iranian Sharia law, in accordance with Article 167 of the Iranian Constitution.[22]
  • Malaysia – while not criminalized on a federal level, apostasy is criminalized in six out of thirteen states: Kelantan, Malacca, Pahang, Penang, Sabah and Terengganu. In Kelantan and Terengganu, apostasy is punishable by death, but this is unenforceable due to restriction in federal law.[23]
  • Maldives – criminalized under Section 1205 of the Maldivian Penal Code, may be punishable by death.[24][25]
  • Mauritania – criminalized under Article 306 of the Mauritanian Penal Code, punishable by death. When discovered, secret apostasy requires capital punishment, irrespective of repentance.[26]
  • Qatar – criminalized under Article 1 of the Qatari Penal Code, may be punishable by death.[26]
  • Saudi Arabia – while there is no penal code in Saudi Arabia, apostasy may be punishable by death under Saudi Sharia law.[26]
  • United Arab Emirates – criminalized under Article 158 of the Emirati Penal Code, may be punishable by death.[27]
  • Yemen – criminalized under Article 259 of the Yemeni Penal Code, punishable by death.[26]

From 1985 to 2006, the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom listed a total of four cases of execution for apostasy in the Muslim world: one in Sudan (1985), two in Iran (1989, 1998), and one in Saudi Arabia (1992).[28]

Baháʼí Faith

[edit]

Both marginal and apostate Baháʼís have existed in the Baháʼí Faith community[29] who are known as nāqeżīn.[30]

Muslims often regard adherents of the Baháʼí Faith as apostates from Islam, and there have been cases in some Muslim countries where Baháʼís have been harassed and persecuted.[31]

Christianity

[edit]
Judas betrays Jesus with a kiss. Judas Iscariot, one of the Twelve Disciples, became an apostate.[32]

The Christian understanding of apostasy is "a willful falling away from, or rebellion against, Christian 'truth.' Apostasy is the rejection of Christ by one who has been a Christian ...", but the Reformed Churches teach that, in contrast to the conditional salvation of Lutheran, Roman Catholic, Methodist, Eastern Orthodox, and Oriental Orthodox theology, salvation cannot be lost once accepted (perseverance of the saints).[33][34][35]

"Apostasy is the antonym of conversion; it is deconversion."[36] B. J. Oropeza states that apostasy is a "phenomenon that occurs when a religious follower or group of followers turn away from or otherwise repudiate the central beliefs and practices they once embraced in a respective religious community."[37] The Ancient Greek noun ἀποστασία apostasia ("rebellion, abandonment, state of apostasy, defection")[38] is found only twice in the New Testament (Acts 21:21; 2 Thessalonians 2:3).[39] However, "the concept of apostasy is found throughout Scripture."[40] The Dictionary of Biblical Imagery states that "There are at least four distinct images in Scripture of the concept of apostasy. All connote an intentional defection from the faith."[41] These images are: Rebellion; Turning Away; Falling Away; Adultery.[42]

  • Rebellion: "In classical literature apostasia was used to denote a coup or defection. By extension the Septuagint always uses it to portray a rebellion against God (Joshua 22:22; 2 Chronicles 29:19)."[42]
  • Turning away: "Apostasy is also pictured as the heart turning away from God (Jeremiah 17:5–6) and righteousness (Ezekiel 3:20). In the OT it centers on Israel's breaking covenant relationship with God through disobedience to the law (Jeremiah 2:19), especially following other gods (Judges 2:19) and practicing their immorality (Daniel 9:9–11) ... Following the Lord or journeying with him is one of the chief images of faithfulness in the Scriptures ... The ... Hebrew root (swr) is used to picture those who have turned away and ceased to follow God ('I am grieved that I have made Saul king, because he has turned away from me,' 1 Samuel 15:11) ... The image of turning away from the Lord, who is the rightful leader, and following behind false gods is the dominant image for apostasy in the OT."[42]
  • Falling away: "The image of falling, with the sense of going to eternal destruction, is particularly evident in the New Testament ... In his [Christ's] parable of the wise and foolish builder, in which the house built on sand falls with a crash in the midst of a storm (Matthew 7:24–27) ... he painted a highly memorable image of the dangers of falling spiritually."[43]
  • Adultery: One of the most common images for apostasy in the Old Testament is adultery.[42] "Apostasy is symbolized as Israel the faithless spouse turning away from Yahweh her marriage partner to pursue the advances of other gods (Jeremiah 2:1–3; Ezekiel 16) ... 'Your children have forsaken me and sworn by gods that are not gods. I supplied all their needs, yet they committed adultery and thronged to the houses of prostitutes' (Jeremiah 5:7, NIV). Adultery is used most often to describe the horror of the betrayal and covenant breaking involved in idolatry. Like literal adultery it does include the idea of someone blinded by infatuation, in this case for an idol: 'How I have been grieved by their adulterous hearts ... which have lusted after their idols' (Ezekiel 6:9)."[42]

Speaking with specific regard to apostasy in Christianity, Michael Fink writes:

Apostasy is certainly a biblical concept, but the implications of the teaching have been hotly debated.[44] The debate has centered on the issue of apostasy and salvation. Based on the concept of God's sovereign grace, some hold that, though true believers may stray, they never totally fall away. Others affirm that any who fall away were never really saved. Though they may have "believed" for a while, they never experienced regeneration. Still others argue that the biblical warnings against apostasy are real and that believers maintain the freedom, at least potentially, to reject God's salvation.[45]

In the recent past, in the Roman Catholic Church the word was also applied to the renunciation of monastic vows (apostasis a monachatu), and to the abandonment of the clerical profession for the life of the world (apostasis a clericatu) without necessarily amounting to a rejection of Christianity.[46]

Penalties

[edit]

Apostasy was one of the sins for which the early church imposed perpetual penance and excommunication. Christianity rejected the removal of heretics and apostates by force, leaving the final punishment to God.[47] As a result, the first millennium saw only one single official execution of a heretic, the Priscillian case. Classical canon law viewed apostasy as distinct from heresy and schism. Apostasy a fide, defined as total repudiation of the Christian faith, was considered as different from a theological standpoint and from heresy, but subject to the same penalty of death by fire by decretist jurists.[48] The influential 13th-century theologian Hostiensis recognized three types of apostasy. The first was conversion to another faith, which was considered traitorous and could bring confiscation of property or even the death penalty. The second and third, which was punishable by expulsion from home and imprisonment, consisted of breaking major commandments and breaking the vows of religious orders, respectively.[49]

A decretal by Boniface VIII (pope between 1294-1303) classified apostates together with heretics with respect to the penalties incurred[which?]. Although it mentioned only apostate Jews explicitly, it was applied to all apostates, and the Spanish Inquisition used it to persecute[how?] both the Marrano Jews, who had been converted to Christianity by force, and to the Moriscos who had professed to convert to Christianity from Islam under pressure.[50]

Temporal penalties for Christian apostates have fallen into disuse in the modern era.[50]

Jehovah's Witnesses

[edit]

Jehovah's Witness publications define apostasy as the abandonment of the worship and service of God, constituting rebellion against God, or rejecting "Jehovah's organization".[51] They apply the term to a range of conduct, including open dissent with the denomination's doctrines, celebration of "false religious holidays" (including Christmas and Easter), and participation in activities and worship of other religions.[52] A member of the denomination who is accused of apostasy is typically required to appear before a committee of elders that decides whether the individual is to be shunned by all congregants including immediate family members not living in the same home.[53] Baptized individuals who leave the organization because they disagree with the denomination's teachings are also regarded as apostates and are shunned.[54]

Watch Tower Society literature describes apostates as "mentally diseased" individuals who can "infect others with their disloyal teachings".[55][56] Former members who are defined as apostates are said to have become part of the antichrist and are regarded as more reprehensible than non-Witnesses.[57]

Latter-day Saints (Mormonism)

[edit]

Members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS Church) are considered by church leadership to engage in apostasy when they publicly teach or espouse opinions and doctrines contrary to the teachings of the church, or act in clear and deliberate public opposition to the LDS Church, its doctrines and policies, or its leaders. This includes advocating for or practicing doctrines like those followed in apostate sects, such as plural marriage, more commonly known as polygamy.[58] In such circumstances the church will frequently subject the non-conforming member to a church membership council which may result in membership restrictions (a temporary loss of church participation privileges) or membership withdrawal (a loss of church membership).

Hinduism

[edit]

Hinduism does not have a "unified system of belief encoded in a declaration of faith or a creed",[59] but is rather an umbrella term comprising the plurality of religious phenomena of India. In general Hinduism is more tolerant to apostasy than other faiths based on a scripture or commandments with a lower emphasis on orthodoxy and has a more open view on how a person chooses their faith.[60] Some Hindu sects believe that ethical conversion, without force or reward is completely acceptable, though deserting ones clan guru is considered sinful (Guru droham).[61]

The Vashistha Dharmasastra, the Apastamba Dharmasutra and Yajnavalkya state that a son of an apostate is also considered an apostate.[62] Smr̥ticandrikā lists apostates as one group of people upon touching whom, one should take a bath.[63] Kātyāyana condemns a Brahmin who has apostatised to banishment while a Vaishya or a Shudra to serve the king as a slave.[64][65] Nāradasmṛti and Parasara-samhita states that a wife can remarry if her husband becomes an apostate.[66] The saint Parashara commented that religious rites are disturbed if an apostate witnesses them.[67] He also comments that those who forgo the Rig Veda, Samaveda and Yajurveda are "nagna" (naked) or an apostate.[68]

Buddhism

[edit]

Apostasy is generally not acknowledged in orthodox[definition needed] Buddhism. People are free to leave Buddhism and renounce the religion without any consequence enacted by the Buddhist community.[69]

Despite this marked tolerance, some Buddhist circles hold to a notion of heresy (外道, pinyin: Wàidào; romaji: gedō; lit. "outside path") and teach that one who renounces the Buddha's teachings has the potential of inflicting suffering on themselves.[70]

Many Buddhists take the view that there is no absolute basis for anything. The ideas from some of the Tathāgata schools has been referred to as "hypostasising an absolute",[71] meaning specifically not apostasy (losing belief); hypostasy in that context means "falling into belief".

Islam

[edit]
A 1978 fatwa (nonbinding legal opinion) issued by the Fatawa Council at Al-Azhar, the chief centre of Islamic and Arabic learning in the world.[72] The fatwa was issued in response to a query about an Egyptian Muslim man marrying a German Christian woman and then converting to Christianity. The council ruled that the man committed the crime of apostasy, and should be given a chance to repent and return to Islam. If he refuses, he is to be killed. The same conclusion was given for his children once they reach the age of puberty.

In Islamic literature, apostasy is called irtidād or ridda; an apostate is called murtadd, which literally means 'one who turns back' from Islam.[73] Someone born to a Muslim parent, or who has previously converted to Islam, becomes a murtadd if he or she verbally denies any principle of belief prescribed by the Quran or a Hadith, deviates from approved Islamic belief (ilhad), or if he or she commits an action such as treating a copy of the Qurʾan with disrespect.[74][75][76] A person born to a Muslim parent who later rejects Islam is called a murtad fitri, and a person who converted to Islam and later rejects the religion is called a murtad milli.[77][78][79]

Origin

[edit]

There are multiple verses in the Quran that condemn apostasy.[80][non-primary source needed] In addition, there are multiple verses in the Hadith that condemn apostasy.[81][non-primary source needed] Example quote from the Quran:

They wish you would disbelieve as they disbelieved so you would be alike. So do not take from among them allies until they emigrate for the cause of Allāh. But if they turn away [i.e., refuse], then seize them and kill them [for their betrayal] wherever you find them and take not from among them any ally or helper

The concept and punishment of Apostasy has been extensively covered in Islamic literature since the 7th century.[83] A person is considered apostate if he or she converts from Islam to another religion.[84] A person is an apostate even if he or she believes in most of Islam, but denies one or more of its principles or precepts, both verbally or in writing.

Sunan an-Nasa'i »The Book of Fighting [The Prohibition of Bloodshed] – كتاب تحريم الدم (14) Chapter: The Ruling on Apostates (14)باب الْحُكْمِ فِي الْمُرْتَدِّ Ibn 'Abbas said: "The Messenger of Allah [SAW] said: 'Whoever changes his religion, kill him.'"Grade: Sahih (Darussalam) Reference : Sunan an-Nasa'i 4059 In-book reference  : Book 37, Hadith 94 English translation Vol. 5, Book 37, Hadith 4064.

Muslim historians recognize 632 AD as the year when the first regional apostasy from Islam emerged, immediately after the death of Muhammed.[85] The civil wars that followed are now called the Riddah wars (Wars of Islamic Apostasy).

Doubting the existence of Allah, making offerings to and worshipping an idol, a stupa or any other image of God, confessing a belief in the rebirth or incarnation of God, disrespecting the Quran or Islam's Prophets are all considered sufficient evidence of apostasy.[86][87][88]

According to some scholars[like whom?], if a Muslim consciously and without coercion declares their rejection of Islam and does not change their mind after the time allocated by a judge for research, then the penalty for apostasy is; for males, death, and for females, life imprisonment.[89][90] However, a Federal Sharia court judge in Pakistan stated "...persecuting any citizen of an Islamic State – whether he is a Muslim, or a dhimmi** – is construed as waging a war against Allah and His Messenger."[91]

Public opinion

[edit]

According to the Ahmadiyya Muslim sect, there is no punishment for apostasy, neither in the Quran nor as it was taught[clarification needed] by Muhammad.[91] The Ahmadiyya Muslim sect's position is not widely accepted by clerics in other sects of Islam, and the Ahmadiyya sect of Islam acknowledges that major sects have a different interpretation and definition of apostasy in Islam.[91]: 18–25  Ulama of major sects of Islam consider the Ahmadi Muslim sect as kafirs (infidels)[91]: 8  and apostates.[92][93]

Apostasy laws

[edit]

Apostasy is subject to the death penalty in some countries, such as Iran and Saudi Arabia, although executions for apostasy are rare. Apostasy is legal in secular Muslim countries such as Turkey.[94] In numerous Islamic majority countries, many individuals have been arrested and punished for the crime of apostasy without any associated capital crimes.[95][96][97][98]

In an effort to circumvent the United Nations Commission on Human Rights's ruling on an individual's right to conversion from and denunciation of a religion, some offenders of the ruling have argued that their "obligations to Islam are irreconcilable with international law."[99] United Nations Special Rapporteur Heiner Bielefeldt recommended to the United Nations Human Rights Council on the issues of freedom of religion or belief that "States should repeal any criminal law provisions that penalize apostasy, blasphemy and proselytism as they may prevent persons belonging to religious or belief minorities from fully enjoying their freedom of religion or belief."[100]

Many Muslims consider the Islamic law on apostasy and the punishment for it to be one of the immutable laws under Islam.[101] It is a hudud crime,[102][103] which means it is a crime against God,[104] and the punishment has been fixed by God. The punishment for apostasy includes[105] state enforced annulment of his or her marriage, seizure of the person's children and property with automatic assignment to guardians and heirs, and death for the apostate.[83][106][107]

Public opinion

[edit]

According to a Pew Research study up to 15% of Muslims in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Russia, Kosovo, Albania, Kyrgyzstan, and Kazakhstan were in favor of a death penalty for converts, 15–30% in Turkey, Thailand, Tajikistan, and Tunisia, 30–50% in Bangladesh, Lebanon, and Iraq, and 50–86% in Pakistan, Afghanistan, Palestine, Jordan, and Egypt.[108] The study included percentages only for Muslims in favor of sharia law and did not include Azerbaijan because it had a small sample size.[108] A similar survey of the Muslim population in the United Kingdom, in 2007, found nearly a third of 16 to 24-year-old faithful believed that Muslims who convert to another religion should be executed, while less than a fifth of those over 55 believed the same.[109] There is disagreement among contemporary Islamic scholars about whether the death penalty is an appropriate punishment for apostasy in the 21st century.[110] A belief among more liberal Islamic scholars is that the apostasy laws were created and are still implemented as a means to consolidate "religio-political" power.[110]

Judaism

[edit]
Mattathias killing a Jewish apostate

The term apostasy is derived from Ancient Greek ἀποστασία from ἀποστάτης, meaning "political rebel", as applied to rebellion against God, its law and the faith of Israel (in Hebrew מרד) in the Hebrew Bible. Other expressions for apostate as used by rabbinical scholars are mumar (מומר, literally "the one that is changed") and poshea yisrael (פושע ישראל, literally, "transgressor of Israel"), or simply kofer (כופר, literally "denier" and heretic).

The Torah states:

If your brother, the son of your mother, your son or your daughter, the wife of your bosom, or your friend who is as your own soul, secretly entices you, saying, 'Let us go and serve other gods,' which you have not known, neither you nor your fathers, of the gods of the people which are all around you, near to you or far off from you, from one end of the earth to the other end of the earth, you shall not consent to him or listen to him, nor shall your eye pity him, nor shall you spare him or conceal him; but you shall surely kill him; your hand shall be first against him to put him to death, and afterward the hand of all the people. And you shall stone him with stones until he dies, because he sought to entice you away from the Lord your God, who brought you out of the land of Egypt, from the house of bondage.[111]

In 1 Kings, King Solomon is warned in a dream which "darkly portray[s] the ruin that would be caused by departure from God":[112]

If you or your sons at all turn from following Me, and do not keep My commandments and My statutes which I have set before you, but go and serve other gods and worship them, then I will cut off Israel from the land which I have given them; and this house which I have consecrated for My name I will cast out of My sight. Israel will be a proverb and a byword among all peoples.[113]

The prophetic writings of Isaiah and Jeremiah provide many examples of defections of faith found among the Israelites (e.g., Isaiah 1:2–4 or Jeremiah 2:19), as do the writings of the prophet Ezekiel (e.g., Ezekiel 16 or 18). Israelite kings were often guilty of apostasy, examples including Ahab (I Kings 16:30–33), Ahaziah (I Kings 22:51–53), Jehoram (2 Chronicles 21:6, 10), Ahaz (2 Chronicles 28:1–4), or Amon (2 Chronicles 33:21–23) among others. Amon's father Manasseh was also apostate for many years of his long reign, although towards the end of his life he renounced his apostasy (cf. 2 Chronicles 33:1–19).

In the Talmud, Elisha ben Abuyah is singled out as an apostate and Epikoros (Epicurean) by the Pharisees.

During the Spanish Inquisition, a systematic conversion of Jews to Christianity took place to avoid expulsion from the crowns of Castille and Aragon as had been the case previously elsewhere in medieval Europe. Although the vast majority of conversos simply assimilated into the Catholic dominant culture, a minority continued to practice Judaism in secret, gradually migrated throughout Europe, North Africa, and the Ottoman Empire, mainly to areas where Sephardic communities were already present as a result of the Alhambra Decree. Tens of thousands of Jews were baptised in the three months before the deadline for expulsion, some 40,000 if one accepts the totals given by Kamen, most of these undoubtedly to avoid expulsion,[114] rather than as a sincere change of faith. These conversos were the principal concern of the Inquisition; being suspected of continuing to practice Judaism put them at risk of denunciation and trial.

Several notorious Inquisitors, such as Tomás de Torquemada, and Don Francisco the archbishop of Coria, were descendants of apostate Jews. Other apostates who made their mark in history by attempting the conversion of other Jews in the 14th century include Juan de Valladolid and Astruc Remoch.

Abraham Isaac Kook,[115][116] first Chief Rabbi of the Jewish community in Palestine, held that atheists were not actually denying God: rather, they were denying one of man's many images of God. Since any man-made image of God can be considered an idol, Kook held that, in practice, one could consider atheists as helping true religion burn away false images of god, thus in the end serving the purpose of true monotheism.

Medieval Judaism was more lenient toward apostasy than the other monotheistic religions. According to Maimonides, converts to other faiths were to be regarded as sinners, but still Jewish. Forced converts were subject to special prayers and Rashi admonished those who rebuked or humiliated them.[49]

There is no punishment today for leaving Judaism, other than being excluded from participating in the rituals of the Jewish community – including leading worship, Jewish marriage or divorce, being called to the Torah and being buried in a Jewish cemetery.

Sikhism

[edit]

Patit is a term in Sikhism for a Sikh who violates the Sikh Code of Conduct. The term is sometimes translated as apostate.[117] Persecution of apostates is prohibited in Sikhism. An apostate can re-initiate into Sikhism by being tankhata (chastised) followed by re-going through the process of Amrit Sanskar.

In Section Six of the Sikh Rehat Maryada (Code of Conduct), it states the four transgressions (kurahit) which lead to a Sikh becoming a patit.

  • Dishonouring, shaving, cutting or trimming the hair;
  • Eating the meat of an animal slaughtered by the Kutha method;
  • Cohabiting with a person other than one's spouse;
  • Using intoxicants (such as smoking, drinking alcohol, using recreational drugs or tobacco)[118]

These four transgressions which lead to apostasy were first listed by Guru Gobind Singh, the final human guru of Sikhs.[119]

Other religious movements

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Controversies over new religious movements (NRMs) have often involved apostates, some of whom join organizations or web sites opposed to their former religions. A number of scholars have debated the reliability of apostates and their stories, often called "apostate narratives".

The role of former members, or "apostates", has been widely studied by social scientists. At times, these individuals become outspoken public critics of the groups they leave. Their motivations, the roles they play in the anti-cult movement, the validity of their testimony, and the kinds of narratives they construct, are controversial. Some scholars like David G. Bromley, Anson Shupe, and Brian R. Wilson have challenged the validity of the testimonies presented by critical former members. Wilson discusses the use of the atrocity story that is rehearsed by the apostate to explain how, by manipulation, coercion, or deceit, he was recruited to a group that he now condemns.[120]

Sociologist Stuart A. Wright explores the distinction between the apostate narrative and the role of the apostate, asserting that the former follows a predictable pattern, in which the apostate uses a "captivity narrative" that emphasizes manipulation, entrapment and being victims of "sinister cult practices". These narratives provide a rationale for a "hostage-rescue" motif, in which cults are likened to POW camps and deprogramming as heroic hostage rescue efforts. He also makes a distinction between "leavetakers" and "apostates", asserting that despite the popular literature and lurid media accounts of stories of "rescued or recovering 'ex-cultists'", empirical studies of defectors from NRMs "generally indicate favorable, sympathetic or at the very least mixed responses toward their former group".[121]

One camp that broadly speaking questions apostate narratives includes David G. Bromley,[122] Daniel Carson Johnson,[123] Dr. Lonnie D. Kliever (1932–2004),[124] Gordon Melton,[125] and Bryan R. Wilson.[126] An opposing camp less critical of apostate narratives as a group includes Benjamin Beit-Hallahmi,[127] Dr. Phillip Charles Lucas,[128][129][130] Jean Duhaime,[131] Mark Dunlop,[132][133] Michael Langone,[134] and Benjamin Zablocki.[135]

Some scholars have attempted to classify apostates of NRMs. James T. Richardson proposes a theory related to a logical relationship between apostates and whistleblowers, using Bromley's definitions,[136] in which the former predates the latter. A person becomes an apostate and then seeks the role of whistleblower, which is then rewarded for playing that role by groups that are in conflict with the original group of membership such as anti-cult organizations. These organizations further cultivate the apostate, seeking to turn him or her into a whistleblower. He also describes how in this context, apostates' accusations of "brainwashing" are designed to attract perceptions of threats against the well-being of young adults on the part of their families to further establish their newfound role as whistleblowers.[137] Armand L. Mauss, defines true apostates as those exiters that have access to oppositional organizations that sponsor their careers as such, and validate the retrospective accounts of their past and their outrageous experiences in new religions – making a distinction between these and whistleblowers or defectors in this context.[138] Donald Richter, a current member of the Fundamentalist Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints (FLDS) writes that this can explain the writings of Carolyn Jessop and Flora Jessop, former members of the FLDS church who consistently sided with authorities when children of the YFZ ranch were removed over charges of child abuse.

Ronald Burks, a psychology assistant at the Wellspring Retreat and Resource Center, in a study comparing Group Psychological Abuse Scale (GPA) and Neurological Impairment Scale (NIS) scores in 132 former members of cults and cultic relationships, found a positive correlation between intensity of reform environment as measured by the GPA and cognitive impairment as measured by the NIS. Additional findings were a reduced earning potential in view of the education level that corroborates earlier studies of cult critics (Martin 1993; Singer & Ofshe, 1990; West & Martin, 1994) and significant levels of depression and dissociation agreeing with Conway & Siegelman, (1982), Lewis & Bromley, (1987) and Martin, et al. (1992).[139] Sociologists Bromley and Hadden note a lack of empirical support for claimed consequences of having been a member of a "cult" or "sect", and substantial empirical evidence against it. These include the fact that the overwhelming proportion of people who get involved in NRMs leave, most short of two years; the overwhelming proportion of people who leave do so of their own volition; and that two-thirds (67%) felt "wiser for the experience".[140]

According to F. Derks and psychologist of religion Jan van der Lans, there is no uniform post-cult trauma. While psychological and social problems upon resignation are not uncommon, their character and intensity are greatly dependent on the personal history and on the traits of the ex-member, and on the reasons for and way of resignation.[141]

Examples

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Historical persons

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Recent times

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Logo of The Campaign for Collective Apostasy in Spain, calling for defection from the Catholic Church
  • In 2011, Youcef Nadarkhani, an Iranian pastor who converted from Islam to Christianity at the age of 19, was convicted for apostasy and was sentenced to death, but later acquitted.[142]
  • In 2013, Raif Badawi, a Saudi Arabian blogger, was found guilty of apostasy by the high court, which has a penalty of death.[143] However he was not executed, but was imprisoned and punished by 600 lashes instead.
  • In 2014, Meriam Yehya Ibrahim Ishag (a.k.a. Adraf Al-Hadi Mohammed Abdullah), a pregnant Sudanese woman, was convicted of apostasy for converting to Christianity from Islam. The government ruled that her father was Muslim, a female child takes the father's religion under Sudan's Islamic law.[144] By converting to Christianity, she had committed apostasy, a crime punishable by death. Mrs Ibrahim Ishag was sentenced to death. She was also convicted of adultery on the grounds that her marriage to a Christian man from South Sudan was void under Sudan's version of Islamic law, which says Muslim women cannot marry non-Muslims.[145] The death sentence was not carried out, and she left Sudan in secret.[146]
  • Ashraf Fayadh (born 1980), a Saudi Arabian poet, was imprisoned and lashed for apostasy.
  • Tasleema Nasreen from Bangladesh, the author of Lajja, has been declared apostate – "an apostate appointed by imperialist forces to vilify Islam" – by several clerics and other Muslims in Dhaka.[147]
  • By 2019, atrocities by ISIL have driven many Muslim families in Syria to convert to Christianity, while others chose to become atheists and agnostics.[148]

See also

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Notes

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References

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Apostasy refers to the total desertion or abandonment of one's religion, principles, or faith, typically involving a deliberate renunciation of previously held religious beliefs or affiliations. In Abrahamic traditions, it has historically been regarded as a profound betrayal, often equated with spiritual death or treason against the divine order and community. While the phenomenon occurs across religions, its most severe legal and social repercussions persist in Islamic jurisprudence, where apostasy (riddah) is classified as a hudud offense warranting capital punishment under classical Sharia interpretations derived primarily from hadith rather than explicit Quranic mandates for worldly execution. This penalty, justified by majoritarian scholarly consensus as safeguarding communal integrity against perceived sedition, remains codified in at least ten Muslim-majority countries including Afghanistan, Iran, Mauritania, and Saudi Arabia, though actual executions are infrequent and often require judicial processes like opportunities for repentance. In contrast, post-Enlightenment Christian and secular contexts have largely reframed apostasy as a protected exercise of individual conscience under freedom of religion principles, divesting it of coercive penalties despite earlier historical precedents of persecution during eras like the Inquisition. Key controversies center on tensions between religious freedom as a universal human right and theocratic claims of authority over belief, with empirical data indicating elevated risks of extrajudicial violence, imprisonment, or social ostracism for apostates in enforcement-prone jurisdictions, underscoring causal links between doctrinal absolutism and suppressed exit from faith communities.

Definitions and Concepts

Etymology and Core Meaning

The term apostasy derives from the Late Latin apostasia, first attested in English around 1350–1400 as apostasye, signifying the renunciation or abandonment of religion. This Latin form traces to the Ancient Greek apostasía (ἀποστασία), meaning "defection" or "revolt," composed of apó (ἀπό, "away from") and stásis (στάσις, "standing"), literally connoting a "standing away" or withdrawal from a position, often political or religious allegiance. In classical Greek usage, it denoted rebellion against authority, such as defection from a state or cause, before evolving in early Christian contexts to emphasize departure from faith. At its core, apostasy refers to the deliberate act of renouncing or abandoning one's previously held religious , principles, or doctrinal commitments, distinguishing it from mere or temporary lapses. Theologically, it implies a total desertion, often involving rejection of foundational beliefs, as seen in biblical Greek apostasia (2 Thessalonians 2:3), where it signals a profound separation from or revealed truth. While primarily religious, the term extends analogously to defection from political or ideological loyalties, though encyclopedic treatments prioritize its faith-based to capture the irreversible or conviction central to Abrahamic traditions.

Distinctions from Heresy, Schism, and Backsliding

Apostasy involves the complete and deliberate renunciation of one's religious , encompassing a total rejection of its foundational beliefs and practices, often publicly declared. In contrast, refers to the obstinate adherence to doctrines that contradict established teachings within the same , without abandoning the altogether; for instance, denying a specific tenet like the divinity of Christ while still identifying as Christian. This partial deviation is considered less severe than apostasy in theological assessments, as it preserves some affiliation with the community, albeit in error. Schism differs by focusing on rupture in unity or authority, such as refusing communion with a recognized leader or forming a separate group over disputes in or , without necessarily rejecting core doctrines. Historical examples include the East-West of 1054, where doctrinal disagreements intertwined with jurisdictional conflicts but did not equate to wholesale faith abandonment. Thus, schismatics may retain orthodox beliefs but prioritize division, distinguishing it from apostasy's outright denial of the faith's validity. Backsliding, often termed relapse in biblical contexts like or Proverbs 14:14, describes a temporary weakening or lapse in commitment—such as moral failings or spiritual indifference—without permanent renunciation. Unlike apostasy, which signals irreversible departure (as warned in ), backsliding allows for restoration, as seen in parables like the prodigal son (), where the individual remains within the faith's framework despite wandering. Theological analyses emphasize that true backsliders exhibit genuine prior regeneration, enabling , whereas apostates fully sever ties.

Theological Foundations

In Abrahamic Religions

In , apostasy constitutes a deliberate rejection of monotheistic and covenantal allegiance to the of Abraham, often framed as rebellion against divine revelation and potentially endangering communal fidelity. Scriptural sources emphasize spiritual peril, such as eternal separation from , though interpretations diverge on temporal consequences; laws mandate death for idolatry-linked apostasy, while and Quranic texts shift focus to eschatological judgment without explicit earthly penalties, supplemented in by prophetic traditions prescribing execution. Judaism's theological foundation draws from prescriptions against apostasy as enticement to foreign gods, deeming it a capital offense under law: Deuteronomy 13:6–11 commands for relatives or prophets inducing , viewing such acts as existential threats to Israel's covenantal . Rabbinic exegesis, as in the ( 7a–b), qualifies enforcement by requiring warnings and witnesses, rendering it inapplicable post-Temple era (after 70 CE), with emphasis instead on teshuvah () restoring status, though apostates forfeit ritual privileges like testimony validity until reversion. This reflects a causal of communal preservation over individual coercion, absent empirical enforcement in . Christian theology roots apostasy warnings in both Testaments but abrogates penalties through Christ's fulfillment of the law; 6:4–6 describes enlightened believers tasting the heavenly gift yet falling away as impossible to renew unto , implying irreversible spiritual hardening, while 2 Thessalonians 2:3 prophesies a preceding "falling away" before Christ's return. Early like (c. 110 CE) condemned apostasy as betrayal akin to Judas, but doctrine centers eternal loss (2 Peter 2:20–22) over corporeal punishment, with as disciplinary response per 1 Corinthians 5:5, underscoring free will's role in perseverance amid trials. Islamic theology condemns apostasy (riddah) as nullifying iman (faith), with Quranic verses like 2:217 equating it to killing oneself and 4:137 warning repeated apostates face no forgiveness, though 2:256 asserts "no compulsion in religion" and lacks explicit death prescription, focusing hellfire (3:86–91). The death penalty emerges from consensus, including 9:84:57 ("Whoever changes his religion, kill him"), interpreted by four Sunni madhabs as mandatory for public male apostates after repentance offer (three days per ), protecting integrity against fitna (sedition); Shi'a views align similarly via narrations from . Reformist scholars, prioritizing Quran over , contest this as non-juridical, but classical upholds it as , evidenced by ijma' (scholarly consensus) from the 8th century.

In Dharmic and Other Traditions

In Hinduism, theological perspectives on apostasy emphasize karmic consequences rather than institutional punishment, reflecting the tradition's focus on (cosmic order and duty) over coerced belief. Ancient texts like the Smriti (5.35) prescribe that apostates from become slaves of the king, while the (3.17) references death for abandoning Vedic rites, framing such acts as disruptions to ritual purity and social order that incur rebirth in lower forms. However, these provisions apply primarily to violations within ascetic or frameworks, not formal conversion to another faith, and lack the centralized enforcement seen in monotheistic systems; historical evidence shows conversions to or in faced social or loss of but no widespread execution under Hindu rulers. Rejection of Vedic authority is deemed sinful, potentially leading to (hellish realms) in cyclic samsara, yet Hinduism's pluralistic acceptance of multiple paths to (liberation) mitigates rigid exclusivity. Buddhist doctrine treats apostasy as a personal choice without prescribed penalties, consistent with its non-theistic, non-legalistic emphasis on individual insight into impermanence (anicca) and non-self (anatta). The Pali Canon, such as the Vinaya Pitaka, allows monastics to disrobe voluntarily (pabbajja reversal) and return to lay life, with no doctrinal bar to abandoning the Triple Gem (Buddha, Dharma, Sangha) for another path or none; lay apostasy similarly carries no formal sanction, as adherence stems from conviction (saddha) rather than covenant. This aligns with the Buddha's own Great Renunciation, departing Brahmanical traditions without retribution, and Theravada texts view persistent disbelief as akusala (unwholesome) karma yielding unfavorable rebirths, but not warranting communal violence or eternal damnation. Mahayana and Vajrayana variants similarly prioritize ethical conduct over retention, with historical examples like Japanese Buddhists adopting Shinto syncretism showing fluid boundaries absent punitive theology. Jainism, rooted in extreme ahimsa (non-violence), offers no doctrinal punishment for apostasy, viewing departure from the faith as a self-inflicted karmic burden rather than an offense meriting intervention. Core texts like the Tattvartha Sutra stress personal vows (vrata) and soul purification through asceticism, where abandoning Jain principles—such as rejecting the Tirthankaras or ahimsa—binds additional karma, prolonging samsara, but the tradition's pacifist ethic precludes coercion or harm to apostates. Historical Jain communities enforced social separation from defectors to preserve purity, yet no scriptural mandate for execution exists, distinguishing it from more prescriptive faiths; conversions out, though rare due to cultural insularity, faced familial disapproval but aligned with Jainism's atomistic focus on individual liberation (moksha). In , apostasy (patit status) constitutes rejection of the 's teachings or the Five Ks (articles of faith), treated as a grave ethical lapse leading to spiritual separation from (God), but without theological endorsement of physical punishment. The (e.g., Ang 1240) warns of karmic downfall for abandoning gurmukh (Guru-oriented) living, akin to backsliding into ego (haumai), yet Guru Nanak's emphasis on divine grace and inner transformation rejects coercion, as evidenced by the Gurus' non-violent responses to dissenters. Socially, patits may face community exclusion from gurdwaras or rites until reinstatement via atonement (tanakhah), but no death penalty is mandated, contrasting with historical Sikh resistance to Mughal forced conversions; modern Sikh bodies like the excommunicate for gross violations but prioritize reform over retribution. Across these traditions, apostasy incurs metaphysical repercussions via karma and rebirth cycles, fostering voluntary adherence over enforced orthodoxy, unlike Abrahamic salvation's binary exclusivity.

Historical Development

Ancient and Pre-Modern Periods

In ancient , apostasy was equated with and rebellion against the covenant with , as prescribed in the . Deuteronomy 13:6-11 mandates to death for individuals who entice others to worship foreign deities, reflecting the view that such defection threatened communal fidelity to . Enforcement appears limited in practice during the biblical period, but the concept underscored severe social and religious . During the Hellenistic era under Seleucid king around 167 BCE, royal decrees compelled to participate in pagan sacrifices, leading to coerced apostasy among some; this sparked the , exemplified by the priest killing a fellow Jew observed offering sacrifice per the edict ( 2:23-26). In the prior to Christianity's dominance, religious practice was largely civic and polytheistic, lacking formalized apostasy prohibitions; defection from state cults could invite accusations of or but was not systematically punished as abandonment. With Christianity's spread, apostasy emerged prominently during Roman persecutions. The Decian of 250 CE required all citizens to sacrifice to Roman gods and obtain libelli certificates, prompting widespread lapsi—Christians who complied through sacrifice or evasion, renouncing under duress. This led to post-persecution debates on reintegration, with rigorists like denying readmission to apostates without full martyrdom-equivalent , while others advocated graded after . Numbers of lapsi were significant, straining church unity and highlighting apostasy's gravity as total denial of Christ. Following Constantine's legalization of in 313 CE and its elevation to state religion by in 380 CE, apostasy from became criminalized. The Theodosian Code of 438 CE classified reversion to or as , imposing penalties such as , property confiscation, and in severe cases execution, aimed at preserving imperial orthodoxy. Emperor Julian's brief attempt to restore in 361-363 CE was branded apostasy by Christian contemporaries, though his efforts lacked legal enforcement against Christians. In pre-modern contexts like the , such laws persisted, intertwining religious fidelity with political loyalty, though enforcement varied by emperor and region. This shift marked apostasy's transition from personal failing to state offense, influencing subsequent medieval practices.

Medieval and Reformation Eras

In medieval Christian , apostasy—defined as the complete and voluntary abandonment of the Christian faith—was treated as a crime distinct from but often overlapping with , warranting and, in public or relapsed cases, intervention by secular authorities for punishment up to death. The Fourth of 1215 reinforced ecclesiastical oversight by condemning heretics and requiring lay of deviations, setting the stage for inquisitorial processes that equated persistent denial of core doctrines with apostasy. Monastic apostasy, involving flight from vows, was frequent in late medieval , with records showing hundreds of cases prosecuted by bishops, often resulting in recapture, , or fines rather than execution, reflecting concerns over institutional stability more than theological purity. In the Islamic world during the same era, apostasy (riddah) carried a prescribed death penalty under classical schools, rooted in traditions viewing it as against the ummah, though enforcement was inconsistent and context-dependent, with many cases resolved through periods or social rather than execution. Historical records document sporadic executions, particularly of scholars or public figures whose writings challenged , as under Abbasid and later dynasties, where accusations served political ends amid theological disputes; for instance, jurists like Ibn Hanbal faced apostasy charges in the inquisitions of the 9th century, though survival often depended on retraction. This reflected causal priorities of communal cohesion in expansionist polities, where apostasy threatened alliances and fiscal bases tied to . The era, beginning with Martin Luther's 95 Theses in 1517, reframed apostasy debates through mutual recriminations: Protestants claimed the had lapsed into a "" via doctrinal corruptions like indulgences and , necessitating to restore primitive Christianity. Catholics countered that Protestant rejection of sacraments and hierarchy constituted apostasy from , prompting excommunications like that of Luther in 1521 and enforcement via indices of forbidden books. Individual apostasy persisted as a capital offense in confessional states; for example, Anabaptists faced drowning or beheading in Protestant territories for rebaptism seen as renunciation, while realms like Spain under the executed relapsed conversos (forced converts from or reverting), with over 2,000 burnings recorded between 1480 and 1530. Yet, emphasis on sowed seeds for later tolerance by prioritizing personal conviction over coerced uniformity, though full legal abatement awaited Enlightenment reforms.

Enlightenment to Contemporary Times

The Enlightenment era marked a pivotal shift toward in , with philosophers advocating against state enforcement of . John Locke's (1689) argued that civil government has no authority over spiritual matters, rendering punishment for apostasy futile since genuine faith requires voluntary assent rather than coercion. Voltaire's (1763), prompted by the execution of for alleged , decried as barbaric and incompatible with reason, influencing public opinion against penalizing religious dissent. These ideas contributed to the gradual decriminalization of apostasy; for instance, Britain's Toleration Act of 1689 exempted Protestant nonconformists from penalties for nonconformity, though full emancipation for Catholics followed in 1829 via the Roman Catholic Relief Act. By the late 18th and 19th centuries, revolutionary upheavals accelerated the decline of religious penalties across . France's Revolution in 1789 abolished ecclesiastical courts and religious tests, establishing freedom of conscience in the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, which implicitly protected apostasy by guaranteeing liberty of religious opinion. Similar reforms spread: the had long practiced de facto tolerance, while Prussia's 1788 Edict of Tolerance extended rights to non-Lutherans. In the United States, the First Amendment (ratified 1791) barred federal interference in religious exercise, preventing apostasy laws and fostering a precedent for secular governance. By 1870, most European states had eliminated capital or corporal punishments for or apostasy, reflecting broader amid industrialization and scientific advances that eroded clerical authority. In contrast, apostasy retained severe legal consequences in Islamic contexts, where classical Sharia rulings prescribe death for riddah (apostasy from Islam) in cases of public renunciation without repentance. As of 2019, 22 countries—predominantly Muslim-majority—criminalized apostasy, with at least 10 imposing the death penalty, including Afghanistan, Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Somalia. Executions remain infrequent but documented; Iran has carried out at least several since 1979 for apostasy-related offenses, often under blasphemy charges, while vigilante killings occur in Pakistan and elsewhere. Public support persists: a 2013 Pew survey found majorities favoring execution in nations like Egypt (86%), Afghanistan (79%), and Pakistan (76%), underscoring cultural entrenchment despite international human rights critiques. Contemporary developments highlight persistent divides. Western nations treat apostasy as a protected aspect of , with organizations like aiding those fleeing persecution since the 2010s. In Islamic states, reforms are sporadic; decriminalized apostasy in 2020 amid transitional governance, yet enforcement lingers in practice. Social consequences, including family disownment and honor killings—estimated at dozens annually in countries like and —underscore non-legal pressures. In and , apostasy evokes ecclesiastical censure rather than , with modern denominations emphasizing personal faith over coercion. This era's trajectory reveals causal drivers: Enlightenment rationalism dismantled theocratic residues in the West, while in , scriptural fidelity and communal norms sustain punitive frameworks, as evidenced by low apostasy visibility due to deterrence.

Apostasy in Judaism

Scriptural and Rabbinic Views

The Hebrew Bible prescribes capital punishment for apostasy, primarily understood as idolatry or incitement to worship foreign gods, to safeguard the covenant with God. Deuteronomy 13:1–18 commands the stoning of false prophets, family members, or entire cities that promote other deities, requiring communal participation after thorough inquiry to uproot such influences. Deuteronomy 17:2–7 similarly mandates stoning for individuals in Israelite cities convicted of serving other gods, emphasizing execution outside the camp to maintain ritual purity. These statutes frame apostasy as rebellion against divine authority, demanding collective vigilance. Rabbinic literature classifies the apostate as a mumar (rebellious transgressor) or meshumad (one who is self-destroyed), denoting deliberate rejection of commandments, often through idolatry or antinomianism, distinct from the min (heretic or sectarian). While affirming biblical penalties in theory, the Talmud erects procedural barriers to capital punishment, such as mandatory prior warnings, two corroborating witnesses, and a 23-judge court, rendering executions virtually impossible after the Sanhedrin's dissolution around 30 CE. Apostates retain irrevocable Jewish status, obligated to mitzvot and transmitting Jewish identity matrilineally, yet their testimony is invalidated, sacrifices rejected, and they face eternal spiritual consequences like exclusion from the World to Come. Enforcement shifted to social and halakhic rather than physical penalties, with the treating apostates as "dead" for purposes like or participation while preserving ties in cases of . Talmudic narratives, such as that of (Acher), illustrate ambivalence: his apostasy to philosophical prompted mourning and separation, yet his pre-apostasy scholarship endured, reflecting a focus on internal fidelity over punitive retribution. Post-Temple rabbis prioritized persuasion and isolation, acknowledging apostasy's rarity under but decrying it as communal .

Historical Enforcement and Modern Practice

In biblical , apostasy—often equated with or enticement to worship foreign gods—was prescribed under Deuteronomy 13:6-11, mandating for individuals or communities engaging in such acts to deter communal defection. However, enforcement required stringent evidentiary standards, including and prior warnings, and was confined to the Sanhedrin's judicial authority in ancient , ceasing after the Second Temple's destruction in 70 CE, as capital trials became impossible without the requisite institutions. Rabbinic literature, including the Talmud, classified apostates (termed mumar for partial transgressors or meshumad for total rejectors of Torah) as socially and legally marginalized, disqualifying them from testifying in court, holding communal office, or benefiting from certain religious rites, such as invalidating their shechita (ritual slaughter) or phylacteries. Maimonides in the 12th century codified that meshumadim forfeit inheritance rights and their testimony against Jews, treating them akin to willful sinners, yet emphasized repentance (teshuva) as a path to restoration without prescribing execution, reflecting the post-Temple shift toward non-capital sanctions like excommunication (herem). Historical enforcement remained sporadic and communal rather than state-imposed; medieval Jewish communities in and the Islamic world issued herem bans against apostates, particularly those converting to for social advancement, but lacked authority for lethal penalties, relying instead on ostracism amid frequent forced baptisms during pogroms like those in 1391 . In modern Judaism, no legal enforcement of apostasy penalties exists in Israel or diaspora communities, where freedom of religion prevails under secular law; the Israeli Supreme Court in 1962 denied citizenship under the Law of Return to Oswald Rufeisen (Brother Daniel), a Jewish Holocaust survivor who converted to Catholicism, affirming halakhic Jewish identity persists despite apostasy but barring automatic repatriation rights for those practicing another faith. Orthodox and Haredi groups may impose social exclusion, such as shunning or denying ritual participation, to preserve communal norms, but these are voluntary and non-coercive, with halakha viewing apostates as eternally Jewish and eligible for return through sincere repentance rather than punishment. Secular and Reform Judaism largely disregard apostasy as a doctrinal concern, prioritizing individual autonomy, resulting in negligible formal repercussions beyond familial or congregational disapproval.

Apostasy in Christianity

Biblical Basis and Early Church Responses

The Old Testament establishes a strict prohibition against apostasy, viewing it as a grave offense against the covenant with Yahweh, often equated with idolatry and punishable by death. Deuteronomy 13:6-10 mandates stoning for anyone, including close relatives, who entices others to serve foreign gods, emphasizing collective execution to purge evil from Israel. Similarly, Deuteronomy 17:2-7 prescribes stoning for those found worshiping other deities after thorough investigation, underscoring the theocratic enforcement of monotheism under Mosaic law. These provisions reflect a causal link between apostasy and national calamity, as seen in prophetic rebukes of Israel's repeated turnings, such as in Jeremiah 2:19, where departing from God brings self-inflicted harm. In the , apostasy is framed less as a civil and more as a personal and eschatological peril, with warnings emphasizing spiritual consequences rather than temporal penalties. 6:4-6 describes those who have tasted enlightenment, received the , and then fallen away as impossible to renew to repentance, likening them to ground bearing thorns fit only for burning. 1 Timothy 4:1 foretells that in later times, some will depart from the faith by devoting themselves to deceitful spirits and teachings of demons. 2 Peter 2:20-22 warns that individuals who escape worldly corruptions through knowledge of Christ but become entangled again are worse off than before, comparing their state to a returning to vomit. These passages, alongside 2 Thessalonians 2:3's prediction of a "falling away" preceding the , highlight apostasy as a from orthodox and Christ, with eternal as the implied outcome rather than execution. Early Christian responses to apostasy, particularly during Roman persecutions, focused on ecclesiastical discipline rather than capital punishment, as the church lacked civil authority. The Decian persecution of 250 AD, requiring libelli certificates of pagan sacrifice, produced numerous lapsi—Christians who lapsed under duress—and sparked debates on their reintegration. Cyprian of Carthage (c. 200–258 AD), in his treatise On the Lapsed (251 AD), advocated graded penance for readmission, distinguishing voluntary apostates from those coerced, while urging bishops to balance mercy with purity. In contrast, Novatian (c. 200–258 AD), a Roman presbyter who claimed the papal see in opposition to Cornelius in 251 AD, insisted on permanent exclusion for lapsi guilty of idolatry, arguing that post-baptismal mortal sins like apostasy forfeited salvation irrecoverably, leading to the Novatian schism. This rigorist stance, echoed earlier by Tertullian (c. 155–240 AD) in his Montanist phase, prioritized doctrinal purity but fractured unity, as evidenced by councils like Arles (314 AD) permitting limited readmissions under Constantine's influence. Church fathers like (c. 35–107 AD) warned against heretics as apostates dividing the church, advocating in his epistles to maintain eucharistic fellowship. Overall, pre-Constantinian responses emphasized and over violence, reflecting Christianity's minority status and ' teachings on forgiveness (e.g., Matthew 18:15-17), though warnings persisted against false teachers as wolves in sheep's clothing (Acts 20:29-30). No early sources advocate state execution for apostasy, distinguishing Christian practice from theocracy.

Medieval Penalties and Inquisition

In medieval , apostasy a fide—defined as the total and public renunciation of the Christian by a baptized person—was distinguished from but treated with equivalent gravity as a grave external warranting penalties such as , , and deprivation of clerical privileges or benefices. These sanctions aimed to isolate the apostate from the sacramental life of the Church, reflecting the theological view that such abandonment endangered not only the individual's but the communal integrity of the . Persistence in apostasy after could lead to "relaxation to the secular arm," whereby the Church, prohibited by from directly imposing (Ecclesia non novit sanguinem), transferred the offender to civil authorities for judgment, often resulting in execution by fire as a deterrent against . The establishment of the , formalized by Gregory IX's bull Excommunicamus in 1231, extended papal oversight to apostasy prosecutions, building on earlier episcopal inquisitions and imperial decrees like the 1184 Ad abolendam of Lucius III and Frederick I, which targeted heretics and apostates alike. Inquisitors, typically Dominican or Franciscan friars, investigated cases involving public acts of apostasy, such as or , ritual denial of Christ, or aiding others in renunciation—offenses frequently encountered in regions like , , and the Byzantine frontier. Procedures emphasized confession through interrogation (permitted after 1252 via Innocent IV's Ad extirpanda), with opportunities for and for first-time offenders; however, relapsed or obstinate apostates faced condemnation without mercy, their cases handed to secular powers for burning alive, as documented in inquisitorial manuals like Bernard Gui's Practica inquisitionis (c. 1324). This practice aligned apostasy with in punitive logic, viewing both as existential threats to Christian society amid and reconquests. Enforcement varied by jurisdiction but intensified post-Third Lateran Council (1179), which urged princes to eradicate under pain of , implicitly including apostasy. In practice, fewer apostasy trials survive in records compared to Cathar or Waldensian , yet notable cases—such as the execution of converted reverting to or adopting "" rites—illustrate the system's rigor, with secular rulers like those in the or enforcing death penalties to affirm and political alliance with the papacy. While academic sources note the Inquisition's focus on internal dissent over outright apostasy, contemporary chronicles confirm that unrepentant apostates were "abandoned" to flames, underscoring a causal chain from doctrinal purity to social coercion in maintaining medieval Christendom's unity.

Post-Reformation Shifts and Denominational Practices

Following the Protestant Reformation in the , enforcement of penalties for apostasy in Christian contexts shifted away from widespread civil punishments toward ecclesiastical discipline, influenced by confessional divisions, religious wars, and emerging principles of individual conscience. Protestant reformers critiqued pre-Reformation Catholic practices as coercive corruptions, advocating instead for voluntary adherence to scripture (), which diminished state-backed executions or inquisitorial trials for defection from the faith. In Protestant polities like and , initial conformity acts—such as the 1559 Act of Supremacy requiring rejection of papal authority—imposed fines or imprisonment for nonconformity rather than death, with such measures easing by the 17th century amid toleration edicts like the 1689 Act of Toleration excluding Catholics but permitting Protestant dissenters. This trend accelerated during the Enlightenment, as philosophers like argued in (1689) that faith cannot be compelled, leading to decriminalization of apostasy in most Western Christian nations by the 19th century. In the , apostasy retained formal canonical status as a severe offense post-Trent (1545–1563), defined as the total repudiation of Christian faith itself, distinct from or . The (Canon 2314) prescribed and other censures for apostates, barring them from sacraments and ecclesiastical offices. The (Canon 1364 §1) maintains latae sententiae for apostasy, automatically incurred without judicial process, though it emphasizes medicinal intent to prompt rather than permanent exclusion; affected individuals lose rights to receive sacraments or participate in church governance until absolved. This spiritual penalty persists, as evidenced by rare but documented cases, such as formal declarations against public apostates in diocesan tribunals. Protestant denominational practices vary widely due to non-hierarchical structures, often treating apostasy as a theological warning of potential rather than grounds for uniform . In Reformed traditions, such as , church courts may excommunicate for public apostasy under standards like the (1646, Chapter 30), viewing persistent denial of essentials like the as justifying removal to protect the congregation's purity. Baptist and independent evangelical churches typically handle apostasy through congregational , expelling unrepentant members who renounce core beliefs, as outlined in documents emphasizing Matthew 18:15–17; however, many interpret New Testament apostasy warnings (e.g., Hebrews 6:4–6) as describing false professors, not true believers, per the doctrine of . Mainline Protestant bodies, including some Lutherans and Methodists, rarely invoke formal excommunication, prioritizing inclusivity; for instance, the focuses on doctrinal education over for personal disbelief. Among stricter groups like certain Anabaptist communities, approximates excommunication for apostasy, but across broader , responses emphasize over punitive measures, reflecting post-Reformation .

Apostasy in Islam

Quranic Origins and Hadith Evidence

The Quran does not explicitly mandate worldly punishment for apostasy, emphasizing instead spiritual and eschatological consequences. Surah Al-Baqarah 2:217, revealed in the context of inquiries about fighting in , describes apostasy as causing one's deeds to become void and leading to eternal abode in the Fire, but frames the harm as self-inflicted without communal enforcement. Similarly, Surah 4:137 addresses repeated turning away from , warning of divine curse and barring paradise, yet prescribes no earthly penalty. Verses such as 4:89, which command seizing and killing those who "turn away" after seeking alliance with disbelievers, occur amid discussions of hypocrites (munafiqun) in Medina's wartime tensions, where apostasy intertwined with against the nascent Muslim polity; classical exegeses like those of interpret this as conditional on active hostility rather than private disbelief. Hadith collections provide the explicit basis for , overriding the Quran's silence on temporal sanctions in orthodox Sunni jurisprudence. 6922 records the Prophet Muhammad stating, "Whoever changed his Islamic religion, then kill him," narrated through a chain including Ikrima from and graded sahih (authentic). Parallel narrations appear in 1676 and Sunan Abu Dawud, reinforcing the directive as a general ruling applied during the Prophet's lifetime to cases like the execution of apostate tribes post-Ridda Wars (632-633 CE). These traditions, authenticated via rigorous isnad scrutiny, reflect early Islamic prioritization of communal fidelity amid existential threats, where renunciation often signaled alliance with Meccan or adversaries; jurists like and al-Shafi'i later codified execution after a three-day period for adult males, exempting women or those under . While some contemporary scholars, drawing on Quran 2:256's "no compulsion in religion," contend the targets wartime rather than belief alone, traditional consensus—spanning the four Sunni madhabs—derives the penalty from prophetic as divinely sanctioned, absent Quranic abrogation. This evidentiary primacy of over quranic ambiguity underscores causal realism in development: apostasy threatened the ummah's survival in 7th-century Arabia, justifying deterrence beyond spiritual warnings.

Classical Fiqh Rulings

Classical rulings on (irtidad or ridda) across the four Sunni schools—Hanafi, Maliki, Shafi'i, and Hanbali—establish it as a offense punishable primarily by death for adult, sane male Muslims who voluntarily renounce and refuse to . This () stems from prophetic , such as the narration in : "Whoever changes his religion, kill him," interpreted by jurists as mandating execution after an opportunity for tawba (). The punishment applies irrespective of whether the apostasy is or private, though some Hanafi texts emphasize for enforcement. Conditions include discernment ( and ), excluding minors, the coerced, or mentally incompetent individuals. Jurists stipulate a period, often three days, during which the apostate is confined and exhorted to return to ; failure to recant leads to (killing) by the state authority, typically via sword. For female apostates, the schools diverge: Hanafi and Maliki prescribe indefinite imprisonment and flogging until , sparing execution to preserve life for potential return, whereas Shafi'i and Hanbali schools extend the death penalty to women as well, viewing apostasy's gravity as gender-neutral. These rulings treat apostasy not merely as personal disbelief but as a breach of (bay'a) in the Islamic , akin to in wartime contexts where murtadd harbi (hostile apostates) may be fought immediately without delay.
SchoolMale Apostate PunishmentFemale Apostate PunishmentRepentance Period
HanafiDeath after refusalImprisonment until repentance3 days
MalikiDeath after refusalImprisonment or death (variant views)3 days
Shafi'iDeath after refusalDeath after refusal3 days
HanbaliDeath after refusalDeath after refusal3 days
Classical texts, such as al-Mawardi's Al-Ahkam al-Sultaniyya for Shafi'is and Ibn Qudama's Al-Mughni for Hanbalis, detail procedural safeguards like judicial verification of apostasy via explicit denial of core tenets (e.g., rejecting or prophethood). Property of the apostate reverts to Muslim heirs, and dissolves immediately. Enforcement required caliphal or authority, with rare historical application outside rebellion contexts like the (632–633 CE). In several Muslim-majority countries, apostasy from is codified as a capital offense under -influenced legal systems, with death penalties prescribed in 10-13 jurisdictions including , , , , , , , , the , and . Brunei implemented such provisions in its Syariah Penal Code effective April 2019, marking one of the most recent formal adoptions. In northern , 12 states apply courts where apostasy can warrant execution, though federal law supersedes in capital cases. Executions remain infrequent, often deterred by procedural requirements like a repentance period of three days, with documented state punishments typically limited to , flogging, or property confiscation. Recent applications illustrate selective enforcement tied to public expressions of disbelief. In , a Yemeni resident received a 15-year prison sentence for apostasy in October 2021 after courts reviewed his anonymous social media posts questioning Islam. has issued apostasy-related death sentences sporadically, such as the 2022 case of Hossein Ronaghi, charged alongside other offenses but spared execution amid international pressure. In under rule since August 2021, apostasy falls under crimes punishable by death, though reports indicate no verified executions by 2025, with extrajudicial killings by militants more common. Malaysia's state-level enactments impose fines or detention for apostasy, as seen in repeated court rejections of conversion applications, reinforcing criminalization without federal death penalties. Public opinion surveys reveal widespread endorsement of harsh penalties in many Muslim societies, correlating with adherence to classical interpretations. A 2013 Pew Research Center study across 39 countries found majorities or pluralities favoring execution for apostasy in , the : 86% in , 79% in , 76% in , 62% in , and 58% in . Support dropped sharply in and , with only 4% in and 5% in agreeing. These figures, drawn from face-to-face interviews with over 38,000 , highlight regional variances influenced by , , and exposure to reformist thought, though no comprehensive global update has emerged by 2025. Reformist voices, including some clerics, argue for non-capital interpretations emphasizing personal faith over , yet polls indicate persistent majoritarian backing for punitive measures in conservative contexts.

Apostasy in Other Religions

Hinduism and Caste Implications

In Hinduism, apostasy—understood as the abandonment of Vedic dharma or adoption of non-Vedic beliefs—lacks the formal doctrinal or legal punishments found in Abrahamic traditions, reflecting the decentralized nature of Hindu practice without a centralized ecclesiastical authority. Ancient Dharmashastras, such as the Narada Smriti (5.35), prescribe enslavement for apostates, particularly Brahmins renouncing ascetic vows or Vedic rites, while interpretations of texts like the Vishnu Purana suggest potential capital penalties for severe heresy among priestly classes. The Manusmriti condemns non-Vedic scriptures as spurious, framing apostasy as a moral failing that degrades one's spiritual status to patita (fallen), but enforcement historically relied on customary social mechanisms rather than state intervention. The (varna and jati) system profoundly shapes apostasy's implications, as svadharma—personal duty—is inextricably linked to birth-assigned roles, with deviation viewed as a rupture in cosmic order (rita). Abandoning typically triggers bahishkarana (outcasting) by the jati panchayat, severing communal ties, ritual participation, and endogamous marriage rights, effectively reducing the individual to chandala-like status outside the four varnas. This enforces through family disownment and economic isolation, as seen in historical cases where upper- apostates faced ritual impurity accusations, while lower- individuals sought conversion to evade entrenched hierarchies. Empirical patterns show (Scheduled Caste) apostasy often motivated by oppression, yet resulting in intensified marginalization absent community support. In contemporary , legal ramifications amplify caste-linked disincentives: the Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order, 1950, confines Scheduled affirmative action benefits—quotas in , employment, and politics—to adherents of , , or , stripping converts to or of these protections immediately upon religious change. The ruled in May 2025 that Scheduled individuals lose status upon converting to , underscoring that religious exit severs ties to caste-based redress for historical . The has upheld similar denials, rejecting reconversion claims where caste identity persists informally but eligibility lapses legally, thus perpetuating a socioeconomic barrier to apostasy for disadvantaged castes. This framework, rooted in preserving caste-specific upliftment, contrasts with egalitarian aims of conversion movements like B.R. Ambedkar's 1956 mass shift to by over 500,000 Dalits, which retained benefits by aligning with recognized faiths.

Buddhism and Monastic Disrobing

In Buddhist monastic traditions, disrobing refers to the formal process by which a monk (bhikkhu) or nun (bhikkhuni) relinquishes their ordained status and returns to lay life, as regulated primarily by the Vinaya Pitaka, the scriptural basket governing monastic discipline. This procedure is distinct from apostasy in Abrahamic faiths, as Buddhism lacks doctrinal mandates for punishment or coercion against departure; instead, it emphasizes voluntary commitment and the karmic consequences of personal choices, with no institutional violence or legal penalties for renunciation. The Vinaya permits disrobing at any time without stigma beyond the loss of monastic privileges, reflecting the tradition's non-theistic focus on individual enlightenment rather than eternal damnation or communal retribution. The Vinaya outlines two primary paths to disrobing: voluntary renunciation and expulsion for grave offenses. For voluntary disrobing, a or approaches the (monastic community) to declare their intent, often reciting a formula such as "I spread out my hands in homage to the sangha and withdraw from the training," after which they remove the robes and are released from precepts. This act severs formal ties but does not preclude continued lay adherence to Buddhist teachings, as is viewed as a temporary vehicle for practice rather than an irrevocable covenant. In contrast, the four parajika offenses—, of valuables exceeding a specified threshold (e.g., five masakas in ancient terms), intentional killing of a , and falsely claiming spiritual attainments—result in automatic "defeat" (parajika), entailing immediate disrobing and lifelong ineligibility for reordination in most traditions. These rules, attributed to the Buddha's early formulations around the 5th century BCE, aim to preserve the 's ethical integrity, with expulsion serving as a self-regulating mechanism rather than punitive retribution. Historically, disrobing has been common in Buddhist societies, particularly in countries like and , where temporary ordination for young men allows for later disrobing without social penalty; for instance, Thai census data from 2000 indicated over 60,000 monks disrobing annually, often for economic or familial reasons. Nuns face stricter barriers, with many recensions prohibiting reordination post-disrobing, reflecting gendered asymmetries in monastic lineages. Unlike apostasy prosecutions in theistic religions, such as the Mahavagga document cases of disrobed individuals reintegrating into society, underscoring the absence of trials or equivalents; deviations incur personal karmic debt, not communal enforcement. In and contexts, similar flexibility persists, though tantric vows may impose esoteric sanctions like vows of secrecy, but these rarely extend to physical penalties. Empirical studies of modern apostasy from , such as in where affiliation rates dropped from 80% in 1965 to 35% by 2015 per government surveys, show no correlated , affirming the tradition's tolerance for exit.

Sikhism, Baháʼí, and New Movements

In , apostasy—known as patit, referring to one who has rejected the Gurus' teachings—carries no prescribed legal or religious penalties, such as , , or . The faith's foundational texts, including the , emphasize voluntary adherence and personal spiritual accountability without coercive enforcement, reflecting the Gurus' teachings on compassion and . While and members may respond with emotional distress or disapproval upon an individual's departure, Sikh institutions lack formal mechanisms to impose sanctions, distinguishing the tradition from religions with institutionalized responses to defection. The similarly imposes no formal penalties on individuals who quietly withdraw their of belief or cease participation, allowing passive apostasy without community censure or pursuit. Official guidance from the Universal House of Justice, the faith's administrative body, permits such withdrawals to protect communal harmony, provided they do not involve active opposition to core institutions. However, those labeled covenant-breakers for promoting or rejecting the faith's covenant—such as denying the authority of Baháʼu'lláh's successors—face declaration of their status, resulting in mandatory by adherents to safeguard doctrinal unity, a practice rooted in the Kitáb-i-Aqdas's emphasis on collective protection from divisive influences. This differentiation highlights a causal link between perceived threats to institutional integrity and , rather than mere personal disbelief. New religious movements (NRMs) exhibit varied but often stringent responses to apostasy, frequently employing social ostracism to preserve group boundaries and mitigate perceived risks from ex-members. In , for example, apostates designated as "suppressive persons" trigger a policy of disconnection, requiring members—including relatives—to sever ties, justified as a defense against antisocial behavior that could undermine the organization's auditing processes and hierarchical structure. Empirical patterns across NRMs, including ' disfellowshipping and the Amish's Meidung, demonstrate 's role in enforcing conformity, with data from disaffiliation studies indicating it reduces defection rates by leveraging familial and social pressures, though it correlates with higher psychological distress among those affected. Such practices stem from first-principles concerns over causal contagion of doubt, yet critiques note their amplification in media via apostate narratives, which academic analyses describe as selectively biased toward rather than representative of typical exits. In , individual apostasy prompts potential disfellowshipment or for doctrinal dissent, but lacks mandatory familial , relying instead on informal community withdrawal to maintain retention amid historical emphases on the "" as a cautionary paradigm.

Countries Enforcing Punishments

Punishments for apostasy are enforced primarily in Muslim-majority countries where law prescribes severe penalties, including death, for leaving . As of 2025, 10-13 Muslim-majority nations maintain laws allowing the death penalty for apostasy, in contrast to zero countries enforcing such penalties associated with Christianity, though actual executions remain rare and often occur under overlapping charges like or enmity against the state. Enforcement typically involves judicial proceedings, , or extrajudicial actions by authorities or Islamist groups, deterring public renunciation of . In Afghanistan, under Taliban rule since 2021, apostasy is punishable by death per Hanafi jurisprudence integrated into state law. Converts from Islam face immediate execution risks, with reports of targeted killings and forced recantations; the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom notes eradication of religious freedom, including for apostates. Iran codifies apostasy as a capital offense under Article 220 of the Islamic Penal Code, with fatwas mandating death for public apostates. Judicial enforcement includes death sentences, such as those against individuals like Yousef Nadarkhani, though international pressure has led to occasional acquittals; prevailing practice applies the penalty variably by sect, with Sunni apostates more likely to face execution. enforces apostasy under uncodified , where renunciation of warrants death after a repentance period. While no official court executions for apostasy alone have been recorded recently, converts endure arrests, interrogations, and pressure to recant, with the death penalty upheld in principle. Other countries with death penalties on the books include , where a 2018 law mandates execution for apostasy-related blasphemy, resulting in reported imprisonments and lashings; , where federal law prescribes death and al-Shabaab actively executes apostates; , with Sharia-based punishments enforced sporadically amid conflict; and , UAE, , and , where laws exist but enforcement is limited to threats or civil disabilities rather than frequent capital application.
CountryPrescribed PenaltyNotable Enforcement
DeathTaliban executions and killings of converts
DeathJudicial sentences, occasional executions
DeathImprisonments and few reported cases since 2018
DeathArrests and recantation pressure, no recent executions
DeathAl-Shabaab executions in controlled areas
In northern , twelve states apply penalties including death for apostasy, with mob violence and occasional stonings supplementing judicial processes. Such enforcement reflects classical interpretations prioritizing communal religious unity over individual choice, though international scrutiny has prompted moratoriums or revisions in places like , which abolished the death penalty in 2020.

International and Human Rights Critiques

Article 18 of the Universal Declaration of (1948) guarantees , , and , explicitly including the right to change one's or . Similarly, Article 18 of the International Covenant on (ICCPR, 1966) protects the same freedoms, with the UN Human Rights Committee interpreting it to encompass the right to apostasy as a core aspect of religious liberty, prohibiting state-imposed penalties for renouncing faith. Apostasy laws in several countries, prescribing punishments ranging from to , directly contravene these provisions by criminalizing the manifestation of through conversion or renunciation. The UN has repeatedly urged states to repeal such laws, viewing them as incompatible with international standards on or , as they stifle and target minorities, atheists, and converts. For instance, in 2017, the condemned penalties for apostasy, emphasizing their role in emboldening . Many states enforcing apostasy penalties, predominantly Muslim-majority nations, have entered reservations to ICCPR Article 18, arguing compatibility with Islamic Sharia, which often deems apostasy a capital offense. Saudi Arabia, for example, rejected the right to change religion during ICCPR negotiations, citing doctrinal prohibitions on apostasy. The Organisation of Islamic Cooperation's Cairo Declaration on Human Rights in Islam (1990) subordinates individual rights to Sharia principles, effectively excluding protection for apostasy and prioritizing collective religious adherence over personal freedom. Human rights bodies, including the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, critique these reservations and alternative frameworks as undermining universal norms, noting that anti-apostasy measures disproportionately affect women, ex-Muslims, and religious minorities, fostering fear and suppressing open discourse. Despite ratification of ICCPR by over 40 Muslim-majority states, enforcement gaps persist, with reports documenting executions and imprisonments—such as in Sudan and Iran—as violations warranting international condemnation and sanctions. Critics from secular perspectives argue that such laws prioritize theological conformity over empirical evidence of individual autonomy, while proponents of Sharia-based systems contend they preserve social order, though without substantiating causal links to stability amid documented human rights abuses.

Recent Developments and Cases (2020-2025)

In , a Yemeni resident named Ali Abu Luhom was sentenced by the Criminal Court on October 21, 2021, to 15 years in prison for apostasy, after being convicted of promoting and through anonymous accounts containing comments critical of . The court records indicated the posts advocated ideas contrary to Islamic doctrine, though no execution followed, aligning with the rarity of capital punishments for apostasy despite its legal basis under . In , where apostasy remains punishable by under uncodified provisions, often prosecuted via related charges like "enmity against ," enforcement intensified against Christian converts viewed as apostates. Imprisonments of rose six-fold from prior years, with many facing apostasy-linked accusations for private worship or expression by 2025. A proposed revision to the penal code around 2021 aimed to mandate for apostasy, though not enacted by 2025. In a rare leniency, January 2024 indictments dismissed apostasy charges against eleven defendants, per prosecutorial review, amid broader crackdowns. Following the Taliban's August 2021 takeover of , apostasy—deemed a capital offense under their Hanafi interpretation—prompted heightened risks for converts, with authorities conducting door-to-door searches for and issuing fatwas mandating death without trial. No verified executions occurred by 2025, but reports documented extrajudicial killings and forced recantations, exacerbating flight among suspected apostates. In , apostasy lacks statutory death penalty but is socially equated with under Section 295-C, punishable by death, leading to vigilante attacks and family . Between 2020 and 2023, at least 23 cases involved apostasy allegations against converts, often resulting in arrests or mob violence rather than formal execution. No legal reforms decriminalized it during this period, with enforcement driven by Islamist pressures. Globally, executions for apostasy remained exceptional, with ten Muslim-majority states retaining theoretical death penalties by 2025, but documented punishments favored imprisonment or social coercion over lethal enforcement. monitors noted underreporting due to , underscoring causal links between strict laws and suppressed .

Controversies and Empirical Impacts

Arguments Justifying Penalties from First Principles

Proponents of penalties for apostasy contend that such measures arise from foundational considerations of societal cohesion in communities where religious adherence forms the bedrock of and . In theocratic systems, where and are intertwined, an individual's public renunciation of the dominant is viewed not merely as a personal choice but as a direct challenge to the communal covenant that underpins social stability. This perspective posits that unchecked apostasy could erode the shared moral framework, leading to fragmented loyalties and potential civil discord, akin to in secular nation-states where undermines national unity. From a causal standpoint, penalties serve as a deterrent mechanism to preserve the integrity of the religious polity, preventing the spread of doubt that might cascade into widespread disbelief or rebellion. Historical precedents, such as the Ridda Wars following the Prophet Muhammad's death in 632 CE, illustrate how apostasy often correlated with tribal secession and armed uprising, threatening the nascent Islamic state's survival; thus, severe punishments were instituted to reinforce allegiance and avert existential threats to the ummah. Traditional jurists, including those from the Hanafi and Shafi'i schools, rationalized execution for male apostates as a proportionate response to this risk, distinguishing it from mere private disbelief by emphasizing public acts that incite division. Another first-principles justification emphasizes the reciprocal obligations inherent in religious membership: conversion or upbringing within the entails implicit acceptance of its doctrines and communal duties, rendering apostasy a breach of trust that harms dependents and the collective welfare. In this view, without repercussions, opportunistic exits could destabilize , family structures, and ethical norms, as functions as a self-enforcing system of incentives for . Shi'i , for instance, extends this to lifelong for female apostates to mitigate similar disruptions while accounting for gender-specific roles in . Empirical observations from pre-modern Islamic polities suggest that such penalties correlated with sustained religious homogeneity, arguably fostering internal peace amid external pressures, though critics note selection biases in historical records favoring enforcement narratives. These arguments prioritize causal realism over individual , asserting that the long-term viability of truth-based societies necessitates safeguarding core beliefs against , much as constitutions penalize to protect democratic orders. While traditions provide scriptural backing—such as the Prophet's reported directive to kill those who revert after affirming faith—defenders extend this to rational grounds, arguing that divine wisdom aligns with human needs for ordered within bounds.

Secular and Rights-Based Objections

The right to or belief, as enshrined in Article 18 of the (ICCPR), explicitly includes the freedom to "have or to adopt" a or belief of one's choice, encompassing the right to change or abandon prior affiliations without penalty. The UN Committee, in General Comment No. 22 (1993), clarifies that this protection extends to replacing one's with another or adopting atheistic views, rendering state-imposed punishments for apostasy incompatible with the covenant's non-derogable core protections against in matters of . Similarly, the Universal Declaration of (Article 18) affirms freedom to change , a standard echoed in critiques by bodies like the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom, which holds that criminalizing apostasy undermines the voluntary nature of belief and invites arbitrary enforcement against dissenters. Secular objections emphasize the impossibility of coercing authentic belief, as convictions arise from personal reason and evidence rather than external threats, which instead foster outward compliance and inward resentment. , in his Letter Concerning Toleration (1689), argued that civil magistrates lack authority over souls, and punishing apostasy or equates to tyrannizing , yielding insincere professions rather than true adherence—a view rooted in the observation that force cannot alter the involuntary formation of belief. This aligns with Enlightenment principles of individual , where apostasy penalties are seen as antithetical to rational inquiry and societal progress, potentially stifling innovation by deterring critical examination of doctrines. From a causal standpoint, apostasy laws demonstrably prioritize communal retention over individual agency, correlating with documented cases of extrajudicial and migration pressures in enforcing states, as noted in U.S. State Department reports on countries where such provisions enable against converts or skeptics. Critics contend this erodes trust in , as enforced invites selective application against minorities, contradicting secular ideals of equal legal standing irrespective of belief. While proponents may invoke social cohesion, empirical patterns show such measures sustain over conviction, as individuals conceal doubts to evade repercussions rather than engage doctrines voluntarily.

Effects on Religious Retention and Societal Stability

Apostasy penalties correlate with elevated nominal religious retention rates, as severe punishments deter public declarations of leaving the , resulting in switching rates of 3% or fewer adults into or out of across surveyed countries, including Muslim-majority nations like and . Over 90% of individuals raised Muslim in these contexts remain affiliated as adults, reflecting minimal net change from religious switching. This suppression of exit contrasts with higher apostasy rates in secular societies without such penalties, such as and , where young adults exhibit greater propensity to disaffiliate. However, high nominal retention under may foster shallow adherence rather than deep conviction, as sociological analyses of religious monopolies indicate that enforced uniformity reduces incentives for religious organizations to compete for , leading to lower overall vitality compared to pluralistic markets. Despite deterring overt apostasy, penalties do not eliminate underlying disbelief, with surveys in Muslim-majority countries revealing generational declines in religious participation and private irreligiosity, as seen in where younger cohorts are 14% less likely to attend worship weekly while identity remains high. In the , self-reported non-religiosity has risen, with a Arab Barometer survey indicating 13% of respondents across 10 countries identifying as not religious, up from prior decades, suggesting penalties maintain surface-level retention but permit hidden dissent. This dynamic aligns with observations that apostasy prohibitions inflate adherent counts by discouraging , potentially masking in genuine belief and contributing to long-term religious decline akin to patterns in historical state-sponsored monopolies. Regarding societal stability, proponents of penalties frame apostasy as a to communal , equating it to that undermines the social and political order in theocratic systems, thereby justifying to preserve cohesion. Empirical patterns, however, link religious coercion to authoritarian governance structures, where suppression of exit correlates with broader restrictions and hostilities that hinder , as freer religious environments foster and resilience absent in coercive regimes. In competitive religious markets without monopoly enforcement, voluntary retention sustains more adaptive institutions, potentially enhancing stability through genuine rather than enforced homogeneity, which risks hypocrisy and subterranean unrest. Limited direct causation data exists, but declining participation under penalties foreshadows fragility, as coerced systems exhibit slower adaptation to secular pressures compared to pluralistic ones.

References

  1. https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/apostasy
  2. https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/A_History_of_the_Inquisition_of_the_Middle_Ages/Volume_I/Chapter_V
  3. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Apostasy_laws_world_map.svg
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