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Apostasy
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Apostasy (/əˈpɒstəsi/; Ancient Greek: ἀποστασία, romanized: apostasía, lit. 'defection, revolt') is the formal disaffiliation from, abandonment of, or renunciation of a religion by a person. It can also be defined within the broader context of embracing an opinion that is contrary to one's previous religious beliefs.[1] One who undertakes apostasy is known as an apostate. Undertaking apostasy is called apostatizing (or apostasizing – also spelled apostacizing). The term apostasy is used by sociologists to mean the renunciation and criticism of, or opposition to, a person's former religion, in a technical sense, with no pejorative connotation.
Occasionally, the term is also used metaphorically to refer to the renunciation of a non-religious belief or cause, such as a political party, social movement, or sports team.
Apostasy is generally not a self-definition: few former believers call themselves apostates due to the term's negative connotation.
Many religious groups and some states punish apostates; this may be the official policy of a particular religious group or it may simply be the voluntary action of its members. Such punishments may include shunning, excommunication, verbal abuse, physical violence, or even execution.[2]
Sociological definitions
[edit]The American sociologist Lewis A. Coser (following the German philosopher and sociologist Max Scheler[citation needed]) defines an apostate as not just a person who experienced a dramatic change in conviction but "a man who, even in his new state of belief, is spiritually living not primarily in the content of that faith, in the pursuit of goals appropriate to it, but only in the struggle against the old faith and for the sake of its negation."[3][4]
The American sociologist David G. Bromley defined the apostate role as follows and distinguished it from the defector and whistleblower roles.[4]
- Apostate role: defined as one that occurs in a highly polarized situation in which an organization member undertakes a total change of loyalties by allying with one or more elements of an oppositional coalition without the consent or control of the organization. The narrative documents the quintessentially evil essence of the apostate's former organization chronicled through the apostate's personal experience of capture and ultimate escape/rescue.
- Defector role: an organizational participant negotiates exit primarily with organizational authorities, who grant permission for role relinquishment, control the exit process and facilitate role transmission. The jointly constructed narrative assigns primary moral responsibility for role performance problems to the departing member and interprets organizational permission as commitment to extraordinary moral standards and preservation of public trust.
- Whistle-blower role: defined here as when an organization member forms an alliance with an external regulatory agency through personal testimony concerning specific, contested organizational practices that the external unit uses to sanction the organization. The narrative constructed jointly by the whistle blower and regulatory agency depicts the whistle-blower as motivated by personal conscience, and the organization by defense of the public interest.
Stuart A. Wright, an American sociologist and author, asserts that apostasy is a unique phenomenon and a distinct type of religious defection in which the apostate is a defector "who is aligned with an oppositional coalition in an effort to broaden the dispute, and embraces public claims-making activities to attack his or her former group."[5]
Human rights
[edit]The United Nations Commission on Human Rights, considers the recanting of a person's religion a human right legally protected by the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights:
The Committee observes that the freedom to 'have or to adopt' a religion or belief necessarily entails the freedom to choose a religion or belief, including the right to replace one's current religion or belief with another or to adopt atheistic views ... Article 18.2[6] bars coercion that would impair the right to have or adopt a religion or belief, including the use of threat of physical force or penal sanctions to compel believers or non-believers to adhere to their religious beliefs and congregations, to recant their religion or belief or to convert.[7]
History
[edit]As early as the 3rd century AD, apostasy against the Zoroastrian faith in the Sasanian Empire was criminalized. The high priest, Kidir, instigated pogroms against Jews, Christians, Buddhists, and others in an effort to solidify the hold of the state religion.[8]
As the Roman Empire adopted Christianity as its state religion, apostasy became formally criminalized in the Theodosian Code, followed by the Corpus Juris Civilis (the Justinian Code).[9] The Justinian Code went on to form the basis of law in most of Western Europe during the Middle Ages and so apostasy was similarly persecuted to varying degrees in Europe throughout this period and into the early modern period. Eastern Europe similarly inherited many of its legal traditions regarding apostasy from the Romans, but not from the Justinian Code.[citation needed] Medieval sects deemed heretical such as the Waldensians were considered apostates by the Church.[10]
Atrocity story
[edit]The term atrocity story, also referred to as an atrocity tale, as it is defined by the American sociologists David G. Bromley and Anson D. Shupe refers to the symbolic presentation of action or events (real or imaginary) in such a context that they are made flagrantly to violate the (presumably) shared premises upon which a given set of social relationships should be conducted. The recounting of such tales is intended as a means of reaffirming normative boundaries. By sharing the reporter's disapproval or horror, an audience reasserts normative prescription and clearly locates the violator beyond the limits of public morality. The term was coined in 1979 by Bromley, Shupe, and Joseph Ventimiglia.[11]
Bromley and others define an atrocity as an event that is perceived as a flagrant violation of a fundamental value. It contains the following three elements:
- moral outrage or indignation;
- authorization of punitive measures;
- mobilization of control efforts against the apparent perpetrators.
The term "atrocity story" is controversial as it relates to the differing views amongst scholars about the credibility of the accounts of former members.
Bryan R. Wilson, Reader Emeritus of Sociology of the University of Oxford, says apostates of new religious movements are generally in need of self-justification, seeking to reconstruct their past and to excuse their former affiliations, while blaming those who were formerly their closest associates. Wilson, thus, challenges the reliability of the apostate's testimony by saying that the apostate
must always be seen as one whose personal history predisposes him to bias with respect to both his previous religious commitment and affiliations
and
the suspicion must arise that he acts from a personal motivation to vindicate himself and to regain his self-esteem, by showing himself to have been first a victim but subsequently to have become a redeemed crusader.
Wilson also asserts that some apostates or defectors from religious organisations rehearse atrocity stories to explain how, by manipulation, coercion or deceit, they were recruited to groups that they now condemn.[12]
Jean Duhaime of the Université de Montréal writes, referring to Wilson, based on his analysis of three books by apostates of new religious movements, that stories of apostates cannot be dismissed only because they are subjective.[13]
Danny Jorgensen, Professor at the Department of Religious Studies of the University of Florida, in his book The Social Construction and Interpretation of Deviance: Jonestown and the Mass Media argues that the role of the media in constructing and reflecting reality is particularly apparent in its coverage of cults. He asserts that this complicity exists partly because apostates with an atrocity story to tell make themselves readily available to reporters and partly because new religious movements have learned to be suspicious of the media and, therefore, have not been open to investigative reporters writing stories on their movement from an insider's perspective. Besides this lack of information about the experiences of people within new religious movements, the media is attracted to sensational stories featuring accusations of food and sleep deprivation, sexual and physical abuse, and excesses of spiritual and emotional authority by the charismatic leader.[14]
Michael Langone argues that some will accept uncritically the positive reports of current members without calling such reports, for example, "benevolence tales" or "personal growth tales". He asserts that only the critical reports of ex-members are called "tales", which he considers to be a term that clearly implies falsehood or fiction. He states that it wasn't until 1996 that a researcher conducted a study[15] to assess the extent to which so called "atrocity tales" might be based on fact.[15][16][17]
Apostasy and contemporary criminal law
[edit]
Apostasy is a criminal offence in the following countries:
- Afghanistan – criminalized under Article 1 of the Afghan Penal Code, may be punishable by death.[18]
- Brunei – criminalized under Section 112(1) of the Bruneian Syariah Penal Code, punishable by death.[19][20] However, Brunei has a moratorium on the death penalty.[21]
- Iran – while there are no provisions that criminalize apostasy in Iran, apostasy may be punishable by death under Iranian Sharia law, in accordance with Article 167 of the Iranian Constitution.[22]
- Malaysia – while not criminalized on a federal level, apostasy is criminalized in six out of thirteen states: Kelantan, Malacca, Pahang, Penang, Sabah and Terengganu. In Kelantan and Terengganu, apostasy is punishable by death, but this is unenforceable due to restriction in federal law.[23]
- Maldives – criminalized under Section 1205 of the Maldivian Penal Code, may be punishable by death.[24][25]
- Mauritania – criminalized under Article 306 of the Mauritanian Penal Code, punishable by death. When discovered, secret apostasy requires capital punishment, irrespective of repentance.[26]
- Qatar – criminalized under Article 1 of the Qatari Penal Code, may be punishable by death.[26]
- Saudi Arabia – while there is no penal code in Saudi Arabia, apostasy may be punishable by death under Saudi Sharia law.[26]
- United Arab Emirates – criminalized under Article 158 of the Emirati Penal Code, may be punishable by death.[27]
- Yemen – criminalized under Article 259 of the Yemeni Penal Code, punishable by death.[26]
From 1985 to 2006, the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom listed a total of four cases of execution for apostasy in the Muslim world: one in Sudan (1985), two in Iran (1989, 1998), and one in Saudi Arabia (1992).[28]
Baháʼí Faith
[edit]Both marginal and apostate Baháʼís have existed in the Baháʼí Faith community[29] who are known as nāqeżīn.[30]
Muslims often regard adherents of the Baháʼí Faith as apostates from Islam, and there have been cases in some Muslim countries where Baháʼís have been harassed and persecuted.[31]
Christianity
[edit]
The Christian understanding of apostasy is "a willful falling away from, or rebellion against, Christian 'truth.' Apostasy is the rejection of Christ by one who has been a Christian ...", but the Reformed Churches teach that, in contrast to the conditional salvation of Lutheran, Roman Catholic, Methodist, Eastern Orthodox, and Oriental Orthodox theology, salvation cannot be lost once accepted (perseverance of the saints).[33][34][35]
"Apostasy is the antonym of conversion; it is deconversion."[36] B. J. Oropeza states that apostasy is a "phenomenon that occurs when a religious follower or group of followers turn away from or otherwise repudiate the central beliefs and practices they once embraced in a respective religious community."[37] The Ancient Greek noun ἀποστασία apostasia ("rebellion, abandonment, state of apostasy, defection")[38] is found only twice in the New Testament (Acts 21:21; 2 Thessalonians 2:3).[39] However, "the concept of apostasy is found throughout Scripture."[40] The Dictionary of Biblical Imagery states that "There are at least four distinct images in Scripture of the concept of apostasy. All connote an intentional defection from the faith."[41] These images are: Rebellion; Turning Away; Falling Away; Adultery.[42]
- Rebellion: "In classical literature apostasia was used to denote a coup or defection. By extension the Septuagint always uses it to portray a rebellion against God (Joshua 22:22; 2 Chronicles 29:19)."[42]
- Turning away: "Apostasy is also pictured as the heart turning away from God (Jeremiah 17:5–6) and righteousness (Ezekiel 3:20). In the OT it centers on Israel's breaking covenant relationship with God through disobedience to the law (Jeremiah 2:19), especially following other gods (Judges 2:19) and practicing their immorality (Daniel 9:9–11) ... Following the Lord or journeying with him is one of the chief images of faithfulness in the Scriptures ... The ... Hebrew root (swr) is used to picture those who have turned away and ceased to follow God ('I am grieved that I have made Saul king, because he has turned away from me,' 1 Samuel 15:11) ... The image of turning away from the Lord, who is the rightful leader, and following behind false gods is the dominant image for apostasy in the OT."[42]
- Falling away: "The image of falling, with the sense of going to eternal destruction, is particularly evident in the New Testament ... In his [Christ's] parable of the wise and foolish builder, in which the house built on sand falls with a crash in the midst of a storm (Matthew 7:24–27) ... he painted a highly memorable image of the dangers of falling spiritually."[43]
- Adultery: One of the most common images for apostasy in the Old Testament is adultery.[42] "Apostasy is symbolized as Israel the faithless spouse turning away from Yahweh her marriage partner to pursue the advances of other gods (Jeremiah 2:1–3; Ezekiel 16) ... 'Your children have forsaken me and sworn by gods that are not gods. I supplied all their needs, yet they committed adultery and thronged to the houses of prostitutes' (Jeremiah 5:7, NIV). Adultery is used most often to describe the horror of the betrayal and covenant breaking involved in idolatry. Like literal adultery it does include the idea of someone blinded by infatuation, in this case for an idol: 'How I have been grieved by their adulterous hearts ... which have lusted after their idols' (Ezekiel 6:9)."[42]
Speaking with specific regard to apostasy in Christianity, Michael Fink writes:
Apostasy is certainly a biblical concept, but the implications of the teaching have been hotly debated.[44] The debate has centered on the issue of apostasy and salvation. Based on the concept of God's sovereign grace, some hold that, though true believers may stray, they never totally fall away. Others affirm that any who fall away were never really saved. Though they may have "believed" for a while, they never experienced regeneration. Still others argue that the biblical warnings against apostasy are real and that believers maintain the freedom, at least potentially, to reject God's salvation.[45]
In the recent past, in the Roman Catholic Church the word was also applied to the renunciation of monastic vows (apostasis a monachatu), and to the abandonment of the clerical profession for the life of the world (apostasis a clericatu) without necessarily amounting to a rejection of Christianity.[46]
Penalties
[edit]Apostasy was one of the sins for which the early church imposed perpetual penance and excommunication. Christianity rejected the removal of heretics and apostates by force, leaving the final punishment to God.[47] As a result, the first millennium saw only one single official execution of a heretic, the Priscillian case. Classical canon law viewed apostasy as distinct from heresy and schism. Apostasy a fide, defined as total repudiation of the Christian faith, was considered as different from a theological standpoint and from heresy, but subject to the same penalty of death by fire by decretist jurists.[48] The influential 13th-century theologian Hostiensis recognized three types of apostasy. The first was conversion to another faith, which was considered traitorous and could bring confiscation of property or even the death penalty. The second and third, which was punishable by expulsion from home and imprisonment, consisted of breaking major commandments and breaking the vows of religious orders, respectively.[49]
A decretal by Boniface VIII (pope between 1294-1303) classified apostates together with heretics with respect to the penalties incurred[which?]. Although it mentioned only apostate Jews explicitly, it was applied to all apostates, and the Spanish Inquisition used it to persecute[how?] both the Marrano Jews, who had been converted to Christianity by force, and to the Moriscos who had professed to convert to Christianity from Islam under pressure.[50]
Temporal penalties for Christian apostates have fallen into disuse in the modern era.[50]
Jehovah's Witnesses
[edit]Jehovah's Witness publications define apostasy as the abandonment of the worship and service of God, constituting rebellion against God, or rejecting "Jehovah's organization".[51] They apply the term to a range of conduct, including open dissent with the denomination's doctrines, celebration of "false religious holidays" (including Christmas and Easter), and participation in activities and worship of other religions.[52] A member of the denomination who is accused of apostasy is typically required to appear before a committee of elders that decides whether the individual is to be shunned by all congregants including immediate family members not living in the same home.[53] Baptized individuals who leave the organization because they disagree with the denomination's teachings are also regarded as apostates and are shunned.[54]
Watch Tower Society literature describes apostates as "mentally diseased" individuals who can "infect others with their disloyal teachings".[55][56] Former members who are defined as apostates are said to have become part of the antichrist and are regarded as more reprehensible than non-Witnesses.[57]
Latter-day Saints (Mormonism)
[edit]Members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS Church) are considered by church leadership to engage in apostasy when they publicly teach or espouse opinions and doctrines contrary to the teachings of the church, or act in clear and deliberate public opposition to the LDS Church, its doctrines and policies, or its leaders. This includes advocating for or practicing doctrines like those followed in apostate sects, such as plural marriage, more commonly known as polygamy.[58] In such circumstances the church will frequently subject the non-conforming member to a church membership council which may result in membership restrictions (a temporary loss of church participation privileges) or membership withdrawal (a loss of church membership).
Hinduism
[edit]Hinduism does not have a "unified system of belief encoded in a declaration of faith or a creed",[59] but is rather an umbrella term comprising the plurality of religious phenomena of India. In general Hinduism is more tolerant to apostasy than other faiths based on a scripture or commandments with a lower emphasis on orthodoxy and has a more open view on how a person chooses their faith.[60] Some Hindu sects believe that ethical conversion, without force or reward is completely acceptable, though deserting ones clan guru is considered sinful (Guru droham).[61]
The Vashistha Dharmasastra, the Apastamba Dharmasutra and Yajnavalkya state that a son of an apostate is also considered an apostate.[62] Smr̥ticandrikā lists apostates as one group of people upon touching whom, one should take a bath.[63] Kātyāyana condemns a Brahmin who has apostatised to banishment while a Vaishya or a Shudra to serve the king as a slave.[64][65] Nāradasmṛti and Parasara-samhita states that a wife can remarry if her husband becomes an apostate.[66] The saint Parashara commented that religious rites are disturbed if an apostate witnesses them.[67] He also comments that those who forgo the Rig Veda, Samaveda and Yajurveda are "nagna" (naked) or an apostate.[68]
Buddhism
[edit]Apostasy is generally not acknowledged in orthodox[definition needed] Buddhism. People are free to leave Buddhism and renounce the religion without any consequence enacted by the Buddhist community.[69]
Despite this marked tolerance, some Buddhist circles hold to a notion of heresy (外道, pinyin: Wàidào; romaji: gedō; lit. "outside path") and teach that one who renounces the Buddha's teachings has the potential of inflicting suffering on themselves.[70]
Many Buddhists take the view that there is no absolute basis for anything. The ideas from some of the Tathāgata schools has been referred to as "hypostasising an absolute",[71] meaning specifically not apostasy (losing belief); hypostasy in that context means "falling into belief".
Islam
[edit]
In Islamic literature, apostasy is called irtidād or ridda; an apostate is called murtadd, which literally means 'one who turns back' from Islam.[73] Someone born to a Muslim parent, or who has previously converted to Islam, becomes a murtadd if he or she verbally denies any principle of belief prescribed by the Quran or a Hadith, deviates from approved Islamic belief (ilhad), or if he or she commits an action such as treating a copy of the Qurʾan with disrespect.[74][75][76] A person born to a Muslim parent who later rejects Islam is called a murtad fitri, and a person who converted to Islam and later rejects the religion is called a murtad milli.[77][78][79]
Origin
[edit]There are multiple verses in the Quran that condemn apostasy.[80][non-primary source needed] In addition, there are multiple verses in the Hadith that condemn apostasy.[81][non-primary source needed] Example quote from the Quran:
They wish you would disbelieve as they disbelieved so you would be alike. So do not take from among them allies until they emigrate for the cause of Allāh. But if they turn away [i.e., refuse], then seize them and kill them [for their betrayal] wherever you find them and take not from among them any ally or helper
— An-Nisa 4:89, [82]
The concept and punishment of Apostasy has been extensively covered in Islamic literature since the 7th century.[83] A person is considered apostate if he or she converts from Islam to another religion.[84] A person is an apostate even if he or she believes in most of Islam, but denies one or more of its principles or precepts, both verbally or in writing.
Sunan an-Nasa'i »The Book of Fighting [The Prohibition of Bloodshed] – كتاب تحريم الدم (14) Chapter: The Ruling on Apostates (14)باب الْحُكْمِ فِي الْمُرْتَدِّ Ibn 'Abbas said: "The Messenger of Allah [SAW] said: 'Whoever changes his religion, kill him.'"Grade: Sahih (Darussalam) Reference : Sunan an-Nasa'i 4059 In-book reference : Book 37, Hadith 94 English translation Vol. 5, Book 37, Hadith 4064.
Muslim historians recognize 632 AD as the year when the first regional apostasy from Islam emerged, immediately after the death of Muhammed.[85] The civil wars that followed are now called the Riddah wars (Wars of Islamic Apostasy).
Doubting the existence of Allah, making offerings to and worshipping an idol, a stupa or any other image of God, confessing a belief in the rebirth or incarnation of God, disrespecting the Quran or Islam's Prophets are all considered sufficient evidence of apostasy.[86][87][88]
According to some scholars[like whom?], if a Muslim consciously and without coercion declares their rejection of Islam and does not change their mind after the time allocated by a judge for research, then the penalty for apostasy is; for males, death, and for females, life imprisonment.[89][90] However, a Federal Sharia court judge in Pakistan stated "...persecuting any citizen of an Islamic State – whether he is a Muslim, or a dhimmi** – is construed as waging a war against Allah and His Messenger."[91]
Public opinion
[edit]According to the Ahmadiyya Muslim sect, there is no punishment for apostasy, neither in the Quran nor as it was taught[clarification needed] by Muhammad.[91] The Ahmadiyya Muslim sect's position is not widely accepted by clerics in other sects of Islam, and the Ahmadiyya sect of Islam acknowledges that major sects have a different interpretation and definition of apostasy in Islam.[91]: 18–25 Ulama of major sects of Islam consider the Ahmadi Muslim sect as kafirs (infidels)[91]: 8 and apostates.[92][93]
Apostasy laws
[edit]Apostasy is subject to the death penalty in some countries, such as Iran and Saudi Arabia, although executions for apostasy are rare. Apostasy is legal in secular Muslim countries such as Turkey.[94] In numerous Islamic majority countries, many individuals have been arrested and punished for the crime of apostasy without any associated capital crimes.[95][96][97][98]
In an effort to circumvent the United Nations Commission on Human Rights's ruling on an individual's right to conversion from and denunciation of a religion, some offenders of the ruling have argued that their "obligations to Islam are irreconcilable with international law."[99] United Nations Special Rapporteur Heiner Bielefeldt recommended to the United Nations Human Rights Council on the issues of freedom of religion or belief that "States should repeal any criminal law provisions that penalize apostasy, blasphemy and proselytism as they may prevent persons belonging to religious or belief minorities from fully enjoying their freedom of religion or belief."[100]
Many Muslims consider the Islamic law on apostasy and the punishment for it to be one of the immutable laws under Islam.[101] It is a hudud crime,[102][103] which means it is a crime against God,[104] and the punishment has been fixed by God. The punishment for apostasy includes[105] state enforced annulment of his or her marriage, seizure of the person's children and property with automatic assignment to guardians and heirs, and death for the apostate.[83][106][107]
Public opinion
[edit]According to a Pew Research study up to 15% of Muslims in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Russia, Kosovo, Albania, Kyrgyzstan, and Kazakhstan were in favor of a death penalty for converts, 15–30% in Turkey, Thailand, Tajikistan, and Tunisia, 30–50% in Bangladesh, Lebanon, and Iraq, and 50–86% in Pakistan, Afghanistan, Palestine, Jordan, and Egypt.[108] The study included percentages only for Muslims in favor of sharia law and did not include Azerbaijan because it had a small sample size.[108] A similar survey of the Muslim population in the United Kingdom, in 2007, found nearly a third of 16 to 24-year-old faithful believed that Muslims who convert to another religion should be executed, while less than a fifth of those over 55 believed the same.[109] There is disagreement among contemporary Islamic scholars about whether the death penalty is an appropriate punishment for apostasy in the 21st century.[110] A belief among more liberal Islamic scholars is that the apostasy laws were created and are still implemented as a means to consolidate "religio-political" power.[110]
Judaism
[edit]
The term apostasy is derived from Ancient Greek ἀποστασία from ἀποστάτης, meaning "political rebel", as applied to rebellion against God, its law and the faith of Israel (in Hebrew מרד) in the Hebrew Bible. Other expressions for apostate as used by rabbinical scholars are mumar (מומר, literally "the one that is changed") and poshea yisrael (פושע ישראל, literally, "transgressor of Israel"), or simply kofer (כופר, literally "denier" and heretic).
The Torah states:
If your brother, the son of your mother, your son or your daughter, the wife of your bosom, or your friend who is as your own soul, secretly entices you, saying, 'Let us go and serve other gods,' which you have not known, neither you nor your fathers, of the gods of the people which are all around you, near to you or far off from you, from one end of the earth to the other end of the earth, you shall not consent to him or listen to him, nor shall your eye pity him, nor shall you spare him or conceal him; but you shall surely kill him; your hand shall be first against him to put him to death, and afterward the hand of all the people. And you shall stone him with stones until he dies, because he sought to entice you away from the Lord your God, who brought you out of the land of Egypt, from the house of bondage.[111]
In 1 Kings, King Solomon is warned in a dream which "darkly portray[s] the ruin that would be caused by departure from God":[112]
If you or your sons at all turn from following Me, and do not keep My commandments and My statutes which I have set before you, but go and serve other gods and worship them, then I will cut off Israel from the land which I have given them; and this house which I have consecrated for My name I will cast out of My sight. Israel will be a proverb and a byword among all peoples.[113]
The prophetic writings of Isaiah and Jeremiah provide many examples of defections of faith found among the Israelites (e.g., Isaiah 1:2–4 or Jeremiah 2:19), as do the writings of the prophet Ezekiel (e.g., Ezekiel 16 or 18). Israelite kings were often guilty of apostasy, examples including Ahab (I Kings 16:30–33), Ahaziah (I Kings 22:51–53), Jehoram (2 Chronicles 21:6, 10), Ahaz (2 Chronicles 28:1–4), or Amon (2 Chronicles 33:21–23) among others. Amon's father Manasseh was also apostate for many years of his long reign, although towards the end of his life he renounced his apostasy (cf. 2 Chronicles 33:1–19).
In the Talmud, Elisha ben Abuyah is singled out as an apostate and Epikoros (Epicurean) by the Pharisees.
During the Spanish Inquisition, a systematic conversion of Jews to Christianity took place to avoid expulsion from the crowns of Castille and Aragon as had been the case previously elsewhere in medieval Europe. Although the vast majority of conversos simply assimilated into the Catholic dominant culture, a minority continued to practice Judaism in secret, gradually migrated throughout Europe, North Africa, and the Ottoman Empire, mainly to areas where Sephardic communities were already present as a result of the Alhambra Decree. Tens of thousands of Jews were baptised in the three months before the deadline for expulsion, some 40,000 if one accepts the totals given by Kamen, most of these undoubtedly to avoid expulsion,[114] rather than as a sincere change of faith. These conversos were the principal concern of the Inquisition; being suspected of continuing to practice Judaism put them at risk of denunciation and trial.
Several notorious Inquisitors, such as Tomás de Torquemada, and Don Francisco the archbishop of Coria, were descendants of apostate Jews. Other apostates who made their mark in history by attempting the conversion of other Jews in the 14th century include Juan de Valladolid and Astruc Remoch.
Abraham Isaac Kook,[115][116] first Chief Rabbi of the Jewish community in Palestine, held that atheists were not actually denying God: rather, they were denying one of man's many images of God. Since any man-made image of God can be considered an idol, Kook held that, in practice, one could consider atheists as helping true religion burn away false images of god, thus in the end serving the purpose of true monotheism.
Medieval Judaism was more lenient toward apostasy than the other monotheistic religions. According to Maimonides, converts to other faiths were to be regarded as sinners, but still Jewish. Forced converts were subject to special prayers and Rashi admonished those who rebuked or humiliated them.[49]
There is no punishment today for leaving Judaism, other than being excluded from participating in the rituals of the Jewish community – including leading worship, Jewish marriage or divorce, being called to the Torah and being buried in a Jewish cemetery.
Sikhism
[edit]Patit is a term in Sikhism for a Sikh who violates the Sikh Code of Conduct. The term is sometimes translated as apostate.[117] Persecution of apostates is prohibited in Sikhism. An apostate can re-initiate into Sikhism by being tankhata (chastised) followed by re-going through the process of Amrit Sanskar.
In Section Six of the Sikh Rehat Maryada (Code of Conduct), it states the four transgressions (kurahit) which lead to a Sikh becoming a patit.
- Dishonouring, shaving, cutting or trimming the hair;
- Eating the meat of an animal slaughtered by the Kutha method;
- Cohabiting with a person other than one's spouse;
- Using intoxicants (such as smoking, drinking alcohol, using recreational drugs or tobacco)[118]
These four transgressions which lead to apostasy were first listed by Guru Gobind Singh, the final human guru of Sikhs.[119]
Other religious movements
[edit]Controversies over new religious movements (NRMs) have often involved apostates, some of whom join organizations or web sites opposed to their former religions. A number of scholars have debated the reliability of apostates and their stories, often called "apostate narratives".
The role of former members, or "apostates", has been widely studied by social scientists. At times, these individuals become outspoken public critics of the groups they leave. Their motivations, the roles they play in the anti-cult movement, the validity of their testimony, and the kinds of narratives they construct, are controversial. Some scholars like David G. Bromley, Anson Shupe, and Brian R. Wilson have challenged the validity of the testimonies presented by critical former members. Wilson discusses the use of the atrocity story that is rehearsed by the apostate to explain how, by manipulation, coercion, or deceit, he was recruited to a group that he now condemns.[120]
Sociologist Stuart A. Wright explores the distinction between the apostate narrative and the role of the apostate, asserting that the former follows a predictable pattern, in which the apostate uses a "captivity narrative" that emphasizes manipulation, entrapment and being victims of "sinister cult practices". These narratives provide a rationale for a "hostage-rescue" motif, in which cults are likened to POW camps and deprogramming as heroic hostage rescue efforts. He also makes a distinction between "leavetakers" and "apostates", asserting that despite the popular literature and lurid media accounts of stories of "rescued or recovering 'ex-cultists'", empirical studies of defectors from NRMs "generally indicate favorable, sympathetic or at the very least mixed responses toward their former group".[121]
One camp that broadly speaking questions apostate narratives includes David G. Bromley,[122] Daniel Carson Johnson,[123] Dr. Lonnie D. Kliever (1932–2004),[124] Gordon Melton,[125] and Bryan R. Wilson.[126] An opposing camp less critical of apostate narratives as a group includes Benjamin Beit-Hallahmi,[127] Dr. Phillip Charles Lucas,[128][129][130] Jean Duhaime,[131] Mark Dunlop,[132][133] Michael Langone,[134] and Benjamin Zablocki.[135]
Some scholars have attempted to classify apostates of NRMs. James T. Richardson proposes a theory related to a logical relationship between apostates and whistleblowers, using Bromley's definitions,[136] in which the former predates the latter. A person becomes an apostate and then seeks the role of whistleblower, which is then rewarded for playing that role by groups that are in conflict with the original group of membership such as anti-cult organizations. These organizations further cultivate the apostate, seeking to turn him or her into a whistleblower. He also describes how in this context, apostates' accusations of "brainwashing" are designed to attract perceptions of threats against the well-being of young adults on the part of their families to further establish their newfound role as whistleblowers.[137] Armand L. Mauss, defines true apostates as those exiters that have access to oppositional organizations that sponsor their careers as such, and validate the retrospective accounts of their past and their outrageous experiences in new religions – making a distinction between these and whistleblowers or defectors in this context.[138] Donald Richter, a current member of the Fundamentalist Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints (FLDS) writes that this can explain the writings of Carolyn Jessop and Flora Jessop, former members of the FLDS church who consistently sided with authorities when children of the YFZ ranch were removed over charges of child abuse.
Ronald Burks, a psychology assistant at the Wellspring Retreat and Resource Center, in a study comparing Group Psychological Abuse Scale (GPA) and Neurological Impairment Scale (NIS) scores in 132 former members of cults and cultic relationships, found a positive correlation between intensity of reform environment as measured by the GPA and cognitive impairment as measured by the NIS. Additional findings were a reduced earning potential in view of the education level that corroborates earlier studies of cult critics (Martin 1993; Singer & Ofshe, 1990; West & Martin, 1994) and significant levels of depression and dissociation agreeing with Conway & Siegelman, (1982), Lewis & Bromley, (1987) and Martin, et al. (1992).[139] Sociologists Bromley and Hadden note a lack of empirical support for claimed consequences of having been a member of a "cult" or "sect", and substantial empirical evidence against it. These include the fact that the overwhelming proportion of people who get involved in NRMs leave, most short of two years; the overwhelming proportion of people who leave do so of their own volition; and that two-thirds (67%) felt "wiser for the experience".[140]
According to F. Derks and psychologist of religion Jan van der Lans, there is no uniform post-cult trauma. While psychological and social problems upon resignation are not uncommon, their character and intensity are greatly dependent on the personal history and on the traits of the ex-member, and on the reasons for and way of resignation.[141]
Examples
[edit]Historical persons
[edit]- Julian the Apostate (331/332 – 363 CE), the Roman emperor, given a Christian education by those who assassinated his family, rejected his upbringing and declared his belief in Neoplatonism once it was safe to do so.
- Mindaugas, the first and only Christian king of Lithuania, accepted Christianity in 1251 but rejected it in 1261 to return to his pagan ways. It is believed that accepting Christianity was a political move on his part and thus after the victory at the battle of Durbe, the king's nephew Treniota convinced him to reject Christianity.
- Sir Thomas Wentworth, 1st Earl of Strafford was declared 'The Great Apostate' by Parliament in 1628 for changing his political support from Parliament to Charles I, thus shifting his religious support from Calvinism to Arminianism.
- Abraham ben Abraham, (Count Valentine (Valentin, Walentyn) Potocki), a Polish nobleman of the Potocki family who is claimed to have converted to Judaism and was burned at the stake in 1749 because he had renounced Catholicism and had become an observant Jew.
- Maria Monk (1816–1849), sometimes considered an apostate of the Catholic Church, though there is little evidence that she ever was a Catholic.
- Lord George Gordon, initially a zealous Protestant and instigator of the Gordon riots of 1780, finally renounced Christianity and converted to Judaism, for which he was ostracized.
Recent times
[edit]
- In 2011, Youcef Nadarkhani, an Iranian pastor who converted from Islam to Christianity at the age of 19, was convicted for apostasy and was sentenced to death, but later acquitted.[142]
- In 2013, Raif Badawi, a Saudi Arabian blogger, was found guilty of apostasy by the high court, which has a penalty of death.[143] However he was not executed, but was imprisoned and punished by 600 lashes instead.
- In 2014, Meriam Yehya Ibrahim Ishag (a.k.a. Adraf Al-Hadi Mohammed Abdullah), a pregnant Sudanese woman, was convicted of apostasy for converting to Christianity from Islam. The government ruled that her father was Muslim, a female child takes the father's religion under Sudan's Islamic law.[144] By converting to Christianity, she had committed apostasy, a crime punishable by death. Mrs Ibrahim Ishag was sentenced to death. She was also convicted of adultery on the grounds that her marriage to a Christian man from South Sudan was void under Sudan's version of Islamic law, which says Muslim women cannot marry non-Muslims.[145] The death sentence was not carried out, and she left Sudan in secret.[146]
- Ashraf Fayadh (born 1980), a Saudi Arabian poet, was imprisoned and lashed for apostasy.
- Tasleema Nasreen from Bangladesh, the author of Lajja, has been declared apostate – "an apostate appointed by imperialist forces to vilify Islam" – by several clerics and other Muslims in Dhaka.[147]
- By 2019, atrocities by ISIL have driven many Muslim families in Syria to convert to Christianity, while others chose to become atheists and agnostics.[148]
See also
[edit]Notes
[edit]- ^ Mallet (Biography), Edme-François (15 September 2012). "Mallet, Edme-François, and François-Vincent Toussaint. "Apostasy". The Encyclopedia of Diderot & d'Alembert Collaborative Translation Project. Translated by Rachel LaFortune. Ann Arbor: Michigan Publishing, University of Michigan Library, 2012. Web. 1 April 2015. Trans. of "Apostasie", Encyclopédie ou Dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers, vol. 1. Paris, 1751". Encyclopedia of Diderot & d'Alembert – Collaborative Translation Project. quod.lib.umich.edu. Retrieved 2015-08-16.
- ^ Muslim apostates cast out and at risk from faith and family, The Times, February 05, 2005
- ^ Lewis A. Coser The Age of the Informer Dissent: 1249–1254, 1954
- ^ a b Bromley, David G., ed. (1998). The Politics of Religious Apostasy: The Role of Apostates in the Transformation of Religious Movements. CT: Praeger Publishers. ISBN 0-275-95508-7.
- ^ Wright, Stuart, A. (1998). "Exploring Factors that Shape the Apostate Role". In Bromley, David G. (ed.). The Politics of Religious Apostasy. Praeger Publishers. p. 109. ISBN 0-275-95508-7.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) - ^
Article 18.2 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.
- ^ "University of Minnesota Human Rights Library | CCPR/C/21/Rev.1/Add.4, General Comment No. 22., 1993". umn.edu. Retrieved 2015-08-16.
- ^ Urubshurow, Victoria (2008). Introducing World Religions. JBE Online Books. p. 78. ISBN 978-0-9801633-0-8.
- ^ Oropeza, B. J. (2000). Paul and Apostasy: Eschatology, Perseverance, and Falling Away in the Corinthian Congregation. Mohr Siebeck. p. 10. ISBN 978-3-16-147307-4.
- ^ Maxwell-Stuart, P.G. (2011). Witch Beliefs and Witch Trials in the Middle Ages: Documents and Readings. Bloomsbury Publishing. p. 95. ISBN 978-1-4411-2805-8. Retrieved 2023-03-23.
- ^ Bromley, David G., Shupe, Anson D., Ventimiglia, G.C.: "Atrocity Tales, the Unification Church, and the Social Construction of Evil", Journal of Communication, Summer 1979, pp. 42–53.
- ^ Wilson, Bryan R. Apostates and New Religious Movements (1994) (Available online) Archived December 12, 2006, at the Wayback Machine
- ^ Duhaime, Jean (Université de Montréal) Les Témoigagnes de Convertis et d'ex-Adeptes (English: The testimonies of converts and former followers, article that appeared in the otherwise English language book New Religions in a Postmodern World edited by Mikael Rothstein and Reender Kranenborg RENNER Studies in New religions Aarhus University press, ISBN 87-7288-748-6
- ^ Jorgensen, Danny. The Social Construction and Interpretation of Deviance: Jonestown and the Mass Media as cited in McCormick Maaga, Mary, Hearing the Voices of Jonestown 1st ed. (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1998) pp. 39, ISBN 0-8156-0515-3
- ^ a b Zablocki, Benjamin, Reliability and validity of apostate accounts in the study of religious communities. Paper presented at the Association for the Sociology of Religion in New York City, Saturday, August 17, 1996.
- ^ Langone, Michael, The Two "Camps" of Cultic Studies: Time for a Dialogue, Cults and Society, Vol. 1, No. 1, 2001 "^ Langone, Michael Ph.D.: "Camps of Cultic Studies: Time for a Dialogue"". Archived from the original on 2007-09-27. Retrieved 2007-11-20.
- ^ Beit-Hallahmi, Benjamin Dear Colleagues: Integrity and Suspicion in NRM Research, 1997, [1][permanent dead link]
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- ^ Apostasy in the Islamic Republic of Iran (2014). Iran Human Rights Documentation Centre. Retrieved 18 February 2021.
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- ^ "Maldives LAW NO 6/2014".
- ^ Kamali, Mohammed Hashim (2019). Crime and Punishment in Islamic Law: A Fresh Interpretation. Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/oso/9780190910648.001.0001. ISBN 978-0-19-091064-8.
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- ^ Butti Sultan Butti Ali Al-Muhairi (1996), The Islamisation of Laws in the UAE: The Case of the Penal Code, Arab Law Quarterly, Vol. 11, No. 4 (1996), pp. 350–371
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- ^ Momen, Moojan (1 September 2007). "Marginality and apostasy in the Baháʼí community". Religion. 37 (3): 187–209. doi:10.1016/j.religion.2007.06.008. S2CID 55630282.
- ^ Afshar, Iraj (August 18, 2011). "ĀYATĪ, ʿABD-AL-ḤOSAYN". Encyclopædia Iranica.
- ^ "Apostates from Islam". The Weekly Standard. Archived from the original on 2010-11-21. Retrieved 2014-10-10.
- ^ Paul W. Barnett, Dictionary of the Later New Testament and its Developments, "Apostasy," 73.
- ^ Richard A. Muller, Dictionary of Greek and Latin Theological Terms: Drawn Principally from Protestant Scholastic Theology, 41. The Tyndale Bible Dictionary defines apostasy as a "Turning against God, as evidenced by abandonment and repudiation of former beliefs. The term generally refers to a deliberate renouncing of the faith by a once sincere believer ..." ("Apostasy," Walter A. Elwell and Philip W. Comfort, editors, 95).
- ^ Koons, Robert C. (23 September 2020). A Lutheran's Case for Roman Catholicism: Finding a Lost Path Home. Wipf and Stock Publishers. ISBN 978-1-7252-5751-1.
Since Lutherans agree with Catholics that we can lose our salvation (by losing our saving faith), the assurance of salvation that Lutheranism provides is a highly qualified one.
- ^ Lipscomb, Thomas Herber (1915). The Things Methodists Believe. Publishing House M.E. Church, South, Smith & Lamar, agents. p. 13.
Methodists hold further, as distinct from Baptists, that, having once entered into a state of grace, it is possible to fall therefrom.
- ^ Paul W. Barnett, Dictionary of the Later New Testament and its Developments, "Apostasy," 73. Scot McKnight says, "Apostasy is a theological category describing those who have voluntarily and consciously abandoned their faith in the God of the covenant, who manifests himself most completely in Jesus Christ" (Dictionary of Theological Interpretation of the Bible, "Apostasy," 58).
- ^ B. J. Oropeza, In the Footsteps of Judas and Other Defectors :Apostasy in the New Testament Communities, vol. 1 (Eugene: Cascade, 2011), p. 1; idem, Jews, Gentiles, and the Opponents of Paul: Apostasy in the New Testament Communities, vol. 2 (2012), p. 1; idem, Churches under Siege of Persecution and Assimilation: Apostasy in the New Testament Communities, vol.3 (2012), p. 1.
- ^ Walter Bauder, "Fall, Fall Away," The New International Dictionary of New Testament Theology (NIDNTT), 3:606.
- ^ Michael Fink, "Apostasy," in the Holman Illustrated Bible Dictionary, 87. In Acts 21:21, "Paul was falsely accused of teaching the Jews apostasy from Moses ... [and] he predicted the great apostasy from Christianity, foretold by Jesus (Matt. 24:10–12), which would precede 'the Day of the Lord' (2 Thess. 2:2f.)" (D. M. Pratt, International Standard Bible Encyclopedia, "Apostasy," 1:192). Some pre-tribulation adherents in Protestantism believe that the apostasy mentioned in 2 Thess. 2:3 can be interpreted as the pre-tribulation Rapture of all Christians. This is because apostasy means departure (translated so in the first seven English translations) (Dr. Thomas Ice, Pre-Trib Perspective, March 2004, Vol.8, No.11).
- ^ Pratt, International Standard Bible Encyclopedia, 1:192.
- ^ "Apostasy," 39.
- ^ a b c d e Dictionary of Biblical Imagery, 39.
- ^ Dictionary of Biblical Imagery, 39. Paul Barnett says, "Jesus foresaw the fact of apostasy and warned both those who would fall into sin as well as those who would cause others to fall (see, e.g., Mark 9:42–49)." (Dictionary of the Later NT, 73).
- ^ McKnight adds: "Because apostasy is disputed among Christian theologians, it must be recognized that ones overall hermeneutic and theology (including ones general philosophical orientation) shapes how one reads texts dealing with apostasy." Dictionary of Theological Interpretation of the Bible, 59.
- ^ Holman Illustrated Bible Dictionary, "Apostasy," 87.
- ^ Chisholm 1911.
- ^ Angenendt, Arnold (2018). Toleranz und Gewalt: das Christentum zwischen Bibel und Schwert (Nachdruck der fünften, aktualisierten Auflage 2009, 22.-24.Tausend ed.). Münster: Aschendorff Verlag. ISBN 978-3-402-00215-5.
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{{cite encyclopedia}}: CS1 maint: publisher location (link) - ^ Reasoning From the Scriptures, Watch Tower Bible & Tract Society, 1989, pp. 34–35.
- ^ Shepherd the Flock of God, Watch Tower Bible and Tract Society of Pennsylvania, 2010, pp. 65–66.
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In some religions, they kill you. They hunt you down and kill you...But in Buddhism, if you leave, we don't have to do anything. There's no punishment for apostasy, because non-Buddhists can be very good people. But, if you go contrary to the Buddha's teaching--it's like God. If God tells you you have to do "this" or "that" and you don't do it, [and] you do the opposite, [then] God punishes you. Well, in Buddhism...he doesn't punish you, because the Buddha's teaching is based on wisdom. There's no need to punish anyone. If you don't do the things the Buddha said, you won't be free from suffering. If you do the things the Buddha told you not to do, you can be assured of suffering.
- ^ S. K. Hookham (1991). The Buddha Within, Tathagatagarbha Doctrine According to the Shentong Interpretation of the Ratnagotravibhaga. SUNY Press. ISBN 0791403572.
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- ^ Rahman, S. A. (2006). Punishment of apostasy in Islam, Institute of Islamic Culture, IBT Books; ISBN 983-9541-49-8
- ^ Mousavian, S. A. A. (2005). "A Discussion on the Apostate's Repentance in Shi'a Jurisprudence". Modarres Human Sciences, 8, TOME 37, pp. 187–210, Mofid University (Iran).
- ^ Advanced Islamic English dictionary Расширенный исламский словарь английского языка (2012), see entry for Fitri Murtad
- ^ Advanced Islamic English dictionary Расширенный исламский словарь английского языка (2012), see entry for Milli Murtad
- ^ See chapters 3, 9 and 16 of Quran; e.g. Quran 3:90 * 9:66 * 16:88
- ^ See Sahih al-Bukhari, Sahih al-Bukhari, 4:52:260 * Sahih al-Bukhari, 9:83:17 * Sahih al-Bukhari, 9:89:271
- ^ An-Nisa 4:89. "An-Nisa 4:89".
They wish you would disbelieve as they disbelieved so you would be alike. So do not take from among them allies until they emigrate for the cause of Allāh. But if they turn away [i.e., refuse], then seize them and kill them [for their betrayal] wherever you find them and take not from among them any ally or helper
{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link) - ^ a b Saeed, A., & Saeed, H. (Eds.). (2004). Freedom of religion, apostasy and Islam. Ashgate Publishing; ISBN 0-7546-3083-8
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- ^ Freedom of Religion, Apostasy and Islam by Abdullah Saeed and Hassan Saeed (Mar 30, 2004), ISBN 978-0-7546-3083-8
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- ^ Wright, Stuart, A. (1998). "Exploring Factors that Shape the Apostate Role". In Bromley, David G. (ed.). The Politics of Religious Apostasy. Praeger Publishers. pp. 95–114. ISBN 0-275-95508-7.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) - ^ Bromley, David G.; et al. (1984). "The Role of Anecdotal Atrocities in the Social Construction of Evil". In Bromley, David G.; et al. (eds.). Brainwashing Deprogramming Controversy: Sociological, Psychological, Legal, and Historical Perspectives (Studies in religion and society). E. Mellen Press. p. 156. ISBN 0-88946-868-0.
- ^ Richardson, James T. (1998). "Apostates Who Never Were: The Social Construction of Absque Facto Apostate Narratives". In Bromley, David G. (ed.). The politics of religious apostasy: the role of apostates in the transformation of religious movements. New York: Praeger. pp. 134–135. ISBN 0-275-95508-7.
- ^ Kliever 1995 Kliever. Lonnie D, Ph.D. The Reliability of Apostate Testimony About New Religious Movements Archived 2007-12-05 at the Wayback Machine, 1995.
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- ^ "Holy Order of MANS". Archived from the original on 2008-01-11. Retrieved 2008-01-04.
- ^ Lucas 1995 Lucas, Phillip Charles, From Holy Order of MANS to Christ the Savior Brotherhood: The Radical Transformation of an Esoteric Christian Order in Timothy Miller (ed.), America's Alternative Religions State University of New York Press, 1995
- ^ Duhaime, Jean (Université de Montréal) Les Témoignages de convertis et d'ex-adeptes (English: The testimonies of converts and former followers, in Mikael Rothstein et al. (ed.), New Religions in a Postmodern World, 2003, ISBN 87-7288-748-6
- ^ "The Culture of Cults". ex-cult.org. Retrieved 2014-10-10.
- ^ Dunlop 2001 The Culture of Cults Archived 2007-12-12 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ The Two "Camps" of Cultic Studies: Time for a Dialogue Archived September 27, 2007, at the Wayback Machine Langone, Michael, Cults and Society, Vol. 1, No. 1, 2001
- ^ Zablocki 1996 Zablocki, Benjamin, Reliability and validity of apostate accounts in the study of religious communities. Paper presented at the Association for the Sociology of Religion in New York City, Saturday, August 17, 1996.
- ^ Richardson, James T. (1998). "Apostates, Whistleblowers, Law, and Social Control". In Bromley, David G. (ed.). in The politics of religious apostasy: the role of apostates in the transformation of religious movements. New York: Praeger. p. 171. ISBN 0-275-95508-7.
Some of those who leave, whatever the method, become "apostates" and even develop into "whistleblowers", as those terms are defined in the first chapter of this volume.
- ^ Richardson, James T. (1998). "Apostates, Whistleblowers, Law, and Social Control". In Bromley, David G. (ed.). in The politics of religious apostasy: the role of apostates in the transformation of religious movements. New York: Praeger. pp. 185–186. ISBN 0-275-95508-7.
- ^ Richardson, James T. (1998). "Apostasy and the Management of Spoiled Identity". In Bromley, David G. (ed.). in The politics of religious apostasy: the role of apostates in the transformation of religious movements. New York: Praeger. pp. 185–186. ISBN 0-275-95508-7.
- ^ Burks, Ronald. "Cognitive Impairment in Thought Reform Environments". Archived from the original on May 14, 2011.
- ^ Hadden, J; Bromley, D, eds. (1993). The Handbook of Cults and Sects in America. Greenwich, CT: JAI Press, Inc. pp. 75–97.
- ^ F. Derks and the professor of psychology of religion Jan van der Lans The post-cult syndrome: Fact or Fiction?, paper presented at conference of Psychologists of Religion, Catholic University Nijmegen, 1981, also appeared in Dutch language as Post-cult-syndroom; feit of fictie?, published in the magazine Religieuze bewegingen in Nederland/Religious movements in the Netherlands nr. 6 pp. 58–75 published by the Free university Amsterdam (1983)
- ^ Banks, Adelle M. (2011-09-28). "Iranian Pastor Youcef Nadarkhani's potential execution rallies U.S. Christians". The Washington Post. Archived from the original on 2019-05-02. Retrieved 2011-10-05.
Religious freedom advocates rallied Wednesday (Sept. 28) around an Iranian pastor who was facing execution because he had refused to recant his Christian faith in the overwhelmingly Muslim country.
- ^ Abdelaziz, Salma (2013-12-25). "Wife: Saudi blogger sentenced to death for apostasy". CNN. NYC.
- ^ Sudanese woman convicted CNN (May 2014)
- ^ "Sudan woman faces death for apostasy". BBC News. 15 May 2014. Retrieved 2014-05-16.
- ^ Service, Religion News (2014-07-26). "Meriam Ibrahim, Woman Freed From Sudan, Announces Plans To Settle In New Hampshire". Huffington Post. Retrieved 2017-05-17.
- ^ Taslima's Pilgrimage Meredith Tax, from The Nation
- ^ Davidson, John (2019-04-16). "Christianity grows in Syrian town once besieged by Islamic State". Reuters. Kobanî. Archived from the original on 2019-04-21.
References
[edit]- Banerji, Sures Chandra (1999). A Brief History of Dharmaśāstra. Abhinav Publications. ISBN 978-81-7017-370-0.
- This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). "Apostasy". Encyclopædia Britannica (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press.
Further reading
[edit]- Bromley, David G. 1988. Falling From the Faith: The Causes and Consequences of Religious Apostasy. Beverly Hills: Sage.
- Dunlop, Mark, The culture of Cults, 2001
- Introvigne, Massimo (1997), Defectors, Ordinary Leavetakers and Apostates: A Quantitative Study of Former Members of New Acropolis in France, Nova Religio 3 (1), 83–99
- The Jewish Encyclopedia (1906). The Kopelman Foundation.
- Lucas, Phillip Charles, The Odyssey of a New Religion: The Holy Order of MANS from New Age to Orthodoxy Indiana University press;
- Lucas, Phillip Charles, Shifting Millennial Visions in New Religious Movements: The case of the Holy Order of MANS in The year 2000: Essays on the End edited by Charles B. Strozier, New York University Press 1997;
- Lucas, Phillip Charles, The Eleventh Commandment Fellowship: A New Religious Movement Confronts the Ecological Crisis, Journal of Contemporary Religion 10:3, 1995:229–241;
- Lucas, Phillip Charles, Social factors in the Failure of New Religious Movements: A Case Study Using Stark's Success Model SYZYGY: Journal of Alternative Religion and Culture 1:1, Winter 1992:39–53
- Oropeza, B. J., Apostasy in the New Testament Communities, 3 Volumes. Eugene, OR: Cascade Books, 2011-12.
- Wright, Stuart A. 1988. "Leaving New Religious Movements: Issues, Theory and Research", pp. 143–165 in David G. Bromley (ed.), Falling From the Faith. Beverly Hills: Sage.
- Wright, Stuart A. 1991. "Reconceptualizing Cult Coercion and Withdrawal: A Comparative Analysis of Divorce and Apostasy." Social Forces 70 (1):125–145.
- Wright, Stuart A. and Helen R. Ebaugh. 1993. "Leaving New Religions", pp. 117–138 in David G. Bromley and Jeffrey K. Hadden (eds.), Handbook of Cults and Sects in America. Greenwich, CT: JAI Press.
- Zablocki, Benjamin et al., Research on NRMs in the Post-9/11 World, in Lucas, Phillip Charles et al. (ed.), NRMs in the 21st Century: legal, political, and social challenges in global perspective, 2004, ISBN 0-415-96577-2
- Testimonies, memoirs, and autobiographies
- Babinski, Edward (editor), Leaving the Fold: Testimonies of Former Fundamentalists. Prometheus Books, 2003. ISBN 978-1-59102-217-6
- Dubreuil, J. P. 1994 L'Église de Scientology. Facile d'y entrer, difficile d'en sortir. Sherbrooke: private edition (ex-Church of Scientology)
- Huguenin, T. 1995 Le 54e Paris Fixot (ex-Order of the Solar Temple, who would be the 54th victim)
- Kaufman, Robert, Inside Scientology: How I Joined Scientology and Became Superhuman, 1972 and revised in 1995.
- Lavallée, G. 1994 L'alliance de la brebis. Rescapée de la secte de Moïse, Montréal: Club Québec Loisirs (ex-Roch Thériault)
- Pignotti, Monica (1989), My nine lives in Scientology
- Remini, Leah, Troublemaker: Surviving Hollywood and Scientology. Ballantine Books, 2015. ISBN 978-1-250-09693-7
- Wakefield, Margery (1996), Testimony
- Lawrence Woodcraft, Astra Woodcraft, Zoe Woodcraft, The Woodcraft Family, Video Interviews
- Writings by others
- Carter, Lewis, F. Lewis, Carriers of Tales: On Assessing Credibility of Apostate and Other Outsider Accounts of Religious Practices published in the book The Politics of Religious Apostasy: The Role of Apostates in the Transformation of Religious Movements edited by David G. Bromley Westport, CT, Praeger Publishers, 1998. ISBN 0-275-95508-7
- Elwell, Walter A. (Ed.) Baker Encyclopedia of the Bible, Volume 1 A–I, Baker Book House, 1988, pp. 130–131, "Apostasy". ISBN 0-8010-3447-7
- Malinoski, Peter, Thoughts on Conducting Research with Former Cult Members , Cultic Studies Review, Vol. 1, No. 1, 2001
- Palmer, Susan J. Apostates and their Role in the Construction of Grievance Claims against the Northeast Kingdom/Messianic Communities Archived 2005-10-23 at the Wayback Machine
- Wilson, S. G., Leaving the Fold: Apostates and Defectors in Antiquity. Augsburg Fortress Publishers, 2004. ISBN 978-0-8006-3675-3
- Wright, Stuart. "Post-Involvement Attitudes of Voluntary Defectors from Controversial New Religious Movements". Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 23 (1984):172–182.
External links
[edit]
The dictionary definition of apostasy at Wiktionary
Media related to Apostasy at Wikimedia Commons
Quotations related to Apostasy at Wikiquote- Laws Criminalizing Apostasy, Library of Congress (overview of the apostasy laws of 23 countries in Africa, the Middle East, South Asia, and Southeast Asia)
Apostasy
View on GrokipediaDefinitions and Concepts
Etymology and Core Meaning
The term apostasy derives from the Late Latin apostasia, first attested in English around 1350–1400 as apostasye, signifying the renunciation or abandonment of religion.[9][10] This Latin form traces to the Ancient Greek apostasía (ἀποστασία), meaning "defection" or "revolt," composed of apó (ἀπό, "away from") and stásis (στάσις, "standing"), literally connoting a "standing away" or withdrawal from a position, often political or religious allegiance.[11] In classical Greek usage, it denoted rebellion against authority, such as defection from a state or cause, before evolving in early Christian contexts to emphasize departure from faith.[12] At its core, apostasy refers to the deliberate act of renouncing or abandoning one's previously held religious faith, principles, or doctrinal commitments, distinguishing it from mere doubt or temporary lapses.[13][10] Theologically, it implies a total desertion, often involving rejection of foundational beliefs, as seen in biblical Greek apostasia (2 Thessalonians 2:3), where it signals a profound separation from God or revealed truth.[14] While primarily religious, the term extends analogously to defection from political or ideological loyalties, though encyclopedic treatments prioritize its faith-based connotation to capture the irreversible breach of covenant or conviction central to Abrahamic traditions.[15][16]Distinctions from Heresy, Schism, and Backsliding
Apostasy involves the complete and deliberate renunciation of one's religious faith, encompassing a total rejection of its foundational beliefs and practices, often publicly declared.[17][18] In contrast, heresy refers to the obstinate adherence to doctrines that contradict established teachings within the same faith tradition, without abandoning the religion altogether; for instance, denying a specific tenet like the divinity of Christ while still identifying as Christian.[17][19] This partial deviation is considered less severe than apostasy in theological assessments, as it preserves some affiliation with the community, albeit in error.[17] Schism differs by focusing on rupture in ecclesiastical unity or authority, such as refusing communion with a recognized leader or forming a separate group over disputes in governance or ritual, without necessarily rejecting core doctrines.[17][19] Historical examples include the East-West Schism of 1054, where doctrinal disagreements intertwined with jurisdictional conflicts but did not equate to wholesale faith abandonment.[19] Thus, schismatics may retain orthodox beliefs but prioritize division, distinguishing it from apostasy's outright denial of the faith's validity. Backsliding, often termed relapse in biblical contexts like Jeremiah 3:6-22 or Proverbs 14:14, describes a temporary weakening or lapse in commitment—such as moral failings or spiritual indifference—without permanent renunciation.[20][21] Unlike apostasy, which signals irreversible departure (as warned in Hebrews 6:4-6), backsliding allows for restoration, as seen in parables like the prodigal son (Luke 15:11-32), where the individual remains within the faith's framework despite wandering.[20][21] Theological analyses emphasize that true backsliders exhibit genuine prior regeneration, enabling repentance, whereas apostates fully sever ties.[21]Theological Foundations
In Abrahamic Religions
In Abrahamic theology, apostasy constitutes a deliberate rejection of monotheistic faith and covenantal allegiance to the God of Abraham, often framed as rebellion against divine revelation and potentially endangering communal fidelity. Scriptural sources emphasize spiritual peril, such as eternal separation from God, though interpretations diverge on temporal consequences; Old Testament laws mandate death for idolatry-linked apostasy, while New Testament and Quranic texts shift focus to eschatological judgment without explicit earthly penalties, supplemented in Islam by prophetic traditions prescribing execution.[22] Judaism's theological foundation draws from Torah prescriptions against apostasy as enticement to foreign gods, deeming it a capital offense under Mosaic law: Deuteronomy 13:6–11 commands stoning for relatives or prophets inducing idolatry, viewing such acts as existential threats to Israel's covenantal election. Rabbinic exegesis, as in the Talmud (Sanhedrin 7a–b), qualifies enforcement by requiring warnings and witnesses, rendering it inapplicable post-Temple era (after 70 CE), with emphasis instead on teshuvah (repentance) restoring status, though apostates forfeit ritual privileges like testimony validity until reversion. This reflects a causal prioritization of communal preservation over individual coercion, absent empirical enforcement in rabbinic Judaism.[23][24] Christian theology roots apostasy warnings in both Testaments but abrogates Old Testament penalties through Christ's fulfillment of the law; Hebrews 6:4–6 describes enlightened believers tasting the heavenly gift yet falling away as impossible to renew unto repentance, implying irreversible spiritual hardening, while 2 Thessalonians 2:3 prophesies a preceding "falling away" before Christ's return. Early church fathers like Ignatius of Antioch (c. 110 CE) condemned apostasy as betrayal akin to Judas, but doctrine centers eternal loss (2 Peter 2:20–22) over corporeal punishment, with excommunication as disciplinary response per 1 Corinthians 5:5, underscoring free will's role in perseverance amid trials.[2][25] Islamic theology condemns apostasy (riddah) as nullifying iman (faith), with Quranic verses like 2:217 equating it to killing oneself and 4:137 warning repeated apostates face no forgiveness, though 2:256 asserts "no compulsion in religion" and lacks explicit death prescription, focusing hellfire (3:86–91). The death penalty emerges from hadith consensus, including Sahih al-Bukhari 9:84:57 ("Whoever changes his religion, kill him"), interpreted by four Sunni madhabs as mandatory for public male apostates after repentance offer (three days per Abu Hanifa), protecting ummah integrity against fitna (sedition); Shi'a views align similarly via narrations from Ali. Reformist scholars, prioritizing Quran over hadith, contest this as non-juridical, but classical fiqh upholds it as hudud, evidenced by ijma' (scholarly consensus) from the 8th century.[26][27][28]In Dharmic and Other Traditions
In Hinduism, theological perspectives on apostasy emphasize karmic consequences rather than institutional punishment, reflecting the tradition's focus on dharma (cosmic order and duty) over coerced belief. Ancient texts like the Narada Smriti (5.35) prescribe that apostates from asceticism become slaves of the king, while the Vishnu Purana (3.17) references death for abandoning Vedic rites, framing such acts as disruptions to ritual purity and social order that incur rebirth in lower forms.[29] However, these provisions apply primarily to violations within ascetic or caste frameworks, not formal conversion to another faith, and lack the centralized enforcement seen in monotheistic systems; historical evidence shows conversions to Islam or Christianity in medieval India faced social ostracism or loss of inheritance but no widespread execution under Hindu rulers.[30] Rejection of Vedic authority is deemed sinful, potentially leading to naraka (hellish realms) in cyclic samsara, yet Hinduism's pluralistic acceptance of multiple paths to moksha (liberation) mitigates rigid exclusivity.[31] Buddhist doctrine treats apostasy as a personal choice without prescribed penalties, consistent with its non-theistic, non-legalistic emphasis on individual insight into impermanence (anicca) and non-self (anatta). The Pali Canon, such as the Vinaya Pitaka, allows monastics to disrobe voluntarily (pabbajja reversal) and return to lay life, with no doctrinal bar to abandoning the Triple Gem (Buddha, Dharma, Sangha) for another path or none; lay apostasy similarly carries no formal sanction, as adherence stems from conviction (saddha) rather than covenant.[32] This aligns with the Buddha's own Great Renunciation, departing Brahmanical traditions without retribution, and Theravada texts view persistent disbelief as akusala (unwholesome) karma yielding unfavorable rebirths, but not warranting communal violence or eternal damnation.[33] Mahayana and Vajrayana variants similarly prioritize ethical conduct over retention, with historical examples like Japanese Buddhists adopting Shinto syncretism showing fluid boundaries absent punitive theology. Jainism, rooted in extreme ahimsa (non-violence), offers no doctrinal punishment for apostasy, viewing departure from the faith as a self-inflicted karmic burden rather than an offense meriting intervention. Core texts like the Tattvartha Sutra stress personal vows (vrata) and soul purification through asceticism, where abandoning Jain principles—such as rejecting the Tirthankaras or ahimsa—binds additional karma, prolonging samsara, but the tradition's pacifist ethic precludes coercion or harm to apostates.[34] Historical Jain communities enforced social separation from defectors to preserve purity, yet no scriptural mandate for execution exists, distinguishing it from more prescriptive faiths; conversions out, though rare due to cultural insularity, faced familial disapproval but aligned with Jainism's atomistic focus on individual liberation (moksha). In Sikhism, apostasy (patit status) constitutes rejection of the Guru Granth Sahib's teachings or the Five Ks (articles of faith), treated as a grave ethical lapse leading to spiritual separation from Waheguru (God), but without theological endorsement of physical punishment. The Guru Granth Sahib (e.g., Ang 1240) warns of karmic downfall for abandoning gurmukh (Guru-oriented) living, akin to backsliding into ego (haumai), yet Guru Nanak's emphasis on divine grace and inner transformation rejects coercion, as evidenced by the Gurus' non-violent responses to dissenters.[35] Socially, patits may face community exclusion from gurdwaras or rites until reinstatement via atonement (tanakhah), but no death penalty is mandated, contrasting with historical Sikh resistance to Mughal forced conversions; modern Sikh bodies like the Akal Takht excommunicate for gross violations but prioritize reform over retribution.[36] Across these traditions, apostasy incurs metaphysical repercussions via karma and rebirth cycles, fostering voluntary adherence over enforced orthodoxy, unlike Abrahamic salvation's binary exclusivity.Historical Development
Ancient and Pre-Modern Periods
In ancient Judaism, apostasy was equated with idolatry and rebellion against the covenant with God, as prescribed in the Torah. Deuteronomy 13:6-11 mandates stoning to death for individuals who entice others to worship foreign deities, reflecting the view that such defection threatened communal fidelity to monotheism.[7] Enforcement appears limited in practice during the biblical period, but the concept underscored severe social and religious ostracism. During the Hellenistic era under Seleucid king Antiochus IV Epiphanes around 167 BCE, royal decrees compelled Jews to participate in pagan sacrifices, leading to coerced apostasy among some; this sparked the Maccabean Revolt, exemplified by the priest Mattathias killing a fellow Jew observed offering sacrifice per the edict (1 Maccabees 2:23-26).[24] [7] In the Greco-Roman world prior to Christianity's dominance, religious practice was largely civic and polytheistic, lacking formalized apostasy prohibitions; defection from state cults could invite accusations of impiety or treason but was not systematically punished as faith abandonment. With Christianity's spread, apostasy emerged prominently during Roman persecutions. The Decian edict of 250 CE required all citizens to sacrifice to Roman gods and obtain libelli certificates, prompting widespread lapsi—Christians who complied through sacrifice or evasion, renouncing faith under duress.[37] This led to post-persecution debates on reintegration, with rigorists like Novatian denying readmission to apostates without full martyrdom-equivalent penance, while others advocated graded reconciliation after repentance.[37] Numbers of lapsi were significant, straining church unity and highlighting apostasy's gravity as total denial of Christ.[38] Following Constantine's legalization of Christianity in 313 CE and its elevation to state religion by Theodosius I in 380 CE, apostasy from Christianity became criminalized. The Theodosian Code of 438 CE classified reversion to paganism or heresy as sacrilege, imposing penalties such as exile, property confiscation, and in severe cases execution, aimed at preserving imperial orthodoxy.[39] [40] Emperor Julian's brief attempt to restore paganism in 361-363 CE was branded apostasy by Christian contemporaries, though his efforts lacked legal enforcement against Christians. In pre-modern contexts like the Byzantine Empire, such laws persisted, intertwining religious fidelity with political loyalty, though enforcement varied by emperor and region.[39] This shift marked apostasy's transition from personal failing to state offense, influencing subsequent medieval practices.Medieval and Reformation Eras
In medieval Christian Europe, apostasy—defined as the complete and voluntary abandonment of the Christian faith—was treated as a canonical crime distinct from but often overlapping with heresy, warranting excommunication and, in public or relapsed cases, intervention by secular authorities for punishment up to death.[41] The Fourth Lateran Council of 1215 reinforced ecclesiastical oversight by condemning heretics and requiring lay denunciation of deviations, setting the stage for inquisitorial processes that equated persistent denial of core doctrines with apostasy.[42] Monastic apostasy, involving flight from vows, was frequent in late medieval England, with records showing hundreds of cases prosecuted by bishops, often resulting in recapture, imprisonment, or fines rather than execution, reflecting concerns over institutional stability more than theological purity.[43] In the Islamic world during the same era, apostasy (riddah) carried a prescribed death penalty under classical fiqh schools, rooted in hadith traditions viewing it as treason against the ummah, though enforcement was inconsistent and context-dependent, with many cases resolved through repentance periods or social ostracism rather than execution.[44] Historical records document sporadic executions, particularly of scholars or public figures whose writings challenged orthodoxy, as under Abbasid and later dynasties, where accusations served political ends amid theological disputes; for instance, jurists like Ibn Hanbal faced apostasy charges in the mihna inquisitions of the 9th century, though survival often depended on retraction.[45] This reflected causal priorities of communal cohesion in expansionist polities, where apostasy threatened alliances and fiscal bases tied to religious identity. The Reformation era, beginning with Martin Luther's 95 Theses in 1517, reframed apostasy debates through mutual recriminations: Protestants claimed the Catholic Church had lapsed into a "Great Apostasy" via doctrinal corruptions like indulgences and papal supremacy, necessitating schism to restore primitive Christianity.[46] Catholics countered that Protestant rejection of sacraments and hierarchy constituted apostasy from apostolic succession, prompting excommunications like that of Luther in 1521 and enforcement via indices of forbidden books. Individual apostasy persisted as a capital offense in confessional states; for example, Anabaptists faced drowning or beheading in Protestant territories for rebaptism seen as renunciation, while Catholic realms like Spain under the Inquisition executed relapsed conversos (forced converts from Islam or Judaism reverting), with over 2,000 burnings recorded between 1480 and 1530.[44] Yet, Reformation emphasis on sola scriptura sowed seeds for later tolerance by prioritizing personal conviction over coerced uniformity, though full legal abatement awaited Enlightenment reforms.Enlightenment to Contemporary Times
The Enlightenment era marked a pivotal shift toward religious toleration in Europe, with philosophers advocating against state enforcement of orthodoxy. John Locke's A Letter Concerning Toleration (1689) argued that civil government has no authority over spiritual matters, rendering punishment for apostasy futile since genuine faith requires voluntary assent rather than coercion. Voltaire's Treatise on Tolerance (1763), prompted by the execution of Jean Calas for alleged heresy, decried religious persecution as barbaric and incompatible with reason, influencing public opinion against penalizing religious dissent. These ideas contributed to the gradual decriminalization of apostasy; for instance, Britain's Toleration Act of 1689 exempted Protestant nonconformists from penalties for nonconformity, though full emancipation for Catholics followed in 1829 via the Roman Catholic Relief Act. By the late 18th and 19th centuries, revolutionary upheavals accelerated the decline of religious penalties across Europe. France's Revolution in 1789 abolished ecclesiastical courts and religious tests, establishing freedom of conscience in the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, which implicitly protected apostasy by guaranteeing liberty of religious opinion. Similar reforms spread: the Netherlands had long practiced de facto tolerance, while Prussia's 1788 Edict of Tolerance extended rights to non-Lutherans. In the United States, the First Amendment (ratified 1791) barred federal interference in religious exercise, preventing apostasy laws and fostering a precedent for secular governance. By 1870, most European states had eliminated capital or corporal punishments for heresy or apostasy, reflecting broader secularization amid industrialization and scientific advances that eroded clerical authority. In contrast, apostasy retained severe legal consequences in Islamic contexts, where classical Sharia rulings prescribe death for riddah (apostasy from Islam) in cases of public renunciation without repentance. As of 2019, 22 countries—predominantly Muslim-majority—criminalized apostasy, with at least 10 imposing the death penalty, including Afghanistan, Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Somalia.[47][8] Executions remain infrequent but documented; Iran has carried out at least several since 1979 for apostasy-related offenses, often under blasphemy charges, while vigilante killings occur in Pakistan and elsewhere. Public support persists: a 2013 Pew survey found majorities favoring execution in nations like Egypt (86%), Afghanistan (79%), and Pakistan (76%), underscoring cultural entrenchment despite international human rights critiques.[48] Contemporary developments highlight persistent divides. Western nations treat apostasy as a protected aspect of freedom of thought, with organizations like Ex-Muslims of North America aiding those fleeing persecution since the 2010s. In Islamic states, reforms are sporadic; Sudan decriminalized apostasy in 2020 amid transitional governance, yet enforcement lingers in practice.[49] Social consequences, including family disownment and honor killings—estimated at dozens annually in countries like Bangladesh and Jordan—underscore non-legal pressures. In Judaism and Christianity, apostasy evokes ecclesiastical censure rather than state action, with modern denominations emphasizing personal faith over coercion. This era's trajectory reveals causal drivers: Enlightenment rationalism dismantled theocratic residues in the West, while in Islam, scriptural fidelity and communal norms sustain punitive frameworks, as evidenced by low apostasy visibility due to deterrence.Apostasy in Judaism
Scriptural and Rabbinic Views
The Hebrew Bible prescribes capital punishment for apostasy, primarily understood as idolatry or incitement to worship foreign gods, to safeguard the covenant with God. Deuteronomy 13:1–18 commands the stoning of false prophets, family members, or entire cities that promote other deities, requiring communal participation after thorough inquiry to uproot such influences.[50] Deuteronomy 17:2–7 similarly mandates stoning for individuals in Israelite cities convicted of serving other gods, emphasizing execution outside the camp to maintain ritual purity.[51] These statutes frame apostasy as rebellion against divine authority, demanding collective vigilance.[24] Rabbinic literature classifies the apostate as a mumar (rebellious transgressor) or meshumad (one who is self-destroyed), denoting deliberate rejection of commandments, often through idolatry or antinomianism, distinct from the min (heretic or sectarian).[24] While affirming biblical penalties in theory, the Talmud erects procedural barriers to capital punishment, such as mandatory prior warnings, two corroborating witnesses, and a 23-judge court, rendering executions virtually impossible after the Sanhedrin's dissolution around 30 CE.[7] Apostates retain irrevocable Jewish status, obligated to mitzvot and transmitting Jewish identity matrilineally, yet their testimony is invalidated, sacrifices rejected, and they face eternal spiritual consequences like exclusion from the World to Come.[24] Enforcement shifted to social and halakhic ostracism rather than physical penalties, with the community treating apostates as "dead" for purposes like inheritance or ritual participation while preserving ties in cases of repentance.[7] Talmudic narratives, such as that of Elisha ben Abuyah (Acher), illustrate ambivalence: his apostasy to philosophical paganism prompted mourning and separation, yet his pre-apostasy scholarship endured, reflecting a focus on internal fidelity over punitive retribution.[24] Post-Temple rabbis prioritized persuasion and isolation, acknowledging apostasy's rarity under persecution but decrying it as communal treason.[7]Historical Enforcement and Modern Practice
In biblical Judaism, apostasy—often equated with idolatry or enticement to worship foreign gods—was prescribed capital punishment under Deuteronomy 13:6-11, mandating stoning for individuals or communities engaging in such acts to deter communal defection.[7] However, enforcement required stringent evidentiary standards, including two witnesses and prior warnings, and was confined to the Sanhedrin's judicial authority in ancient Israel, ceasing after the Second Temple's destruction in 70 CE, as capital trials became impossible without the requisite institutions.[24] Rabbinic literature, including the Talmud, classified apostates (termed mumar for partial transgressors or meshumad for total rejectors of Torah) as socially and legally marginalized, disqualifying them from testifying in court, holding communal office, or benefiting from certain religious rites, such as invalidating their shechita (ritual slaughter) or phylacteries.[24] Maimonides in the 12th century codified that meshumadim forfeit inheritance rights and their testimony against Jews, treating them akin to willful sinners, yet emphasized repentance (teshuva) as a path to restoration without prescribing execution, reflecting the post-Temple shift toward non-capital sanctions like excommunication (herem).[52] Historical enforcement remained sporadic and communal rather than state-imposed; medieval Jewish communities in Europe and the Islamic world issued herem bans against apostates, particularly those converting to Christianity for social advancement, but lacked authority for lethal penalties, relying instead on ostracism amid frequent forced baptisms during pogroms like those in 1391 Spain.[7] In modern Judaism, no legal enforcement of apostasy penalties exists in Israel or diaspora communities, where freedom of religion prevails under secular law; the Israeli Supreme Court in 1962 denied citizenship under the Law of Return to Oswald Rufeisen (Brother Daniel), a Jewish Holocaust survivor who converted to Catholicism, affirming halakhic Jewish identity persists despite apostasy but barring automatic repatriation rights for those practicing another faith.[7] Orthodox and Haredi groups may impose social exclusion, such as shunning or denying ritual participation, to preserve communal norms, but these are voluntary and non-coercive, with halakha viewing apostates as eternally Jewish and eligible for return through sincere repentance rather than punishment.[53] Secular and Reform Judaism largely disregard apostasy as a doctrinal concern, prioritizing individual autonomy, resulting in negligible formal repercussions beyond familial or congregational disapproval.[7]Apostasy in Christianity
Biblical Basis and Early Church Responses
The Old Testament establishes a strict prohibition against apostasy, viewing it as a grave offense against the covenant with Yahweh, often equated with idolatry and punishable by death. Deuteronomy 13:6-10 mandates stoning for anyone, including close relatives, who entices others to serve foreign gods, emphasizing collective execution to purge evil from Israel.[54] Similarly, Deuteronomy 17:2-7 prescribes stoning for those found worshiping other deities after thorough investigation, underscoring the theocratic enforcement of monotheism under Mosaic law.[55] These provisions reflect a causal link between apostasy and national calamity, as seen in prophetic rebukes of Israel's repeated turnings, such as in Jeremiah 2:19, where departing from God brings self-inflicted harm.[56] In the New Testament, apostasy is framed less as a civil crime and more as a personal and eschatological peril, with warnings emphasizing spiritual consequences rather than temporal penalties. Hebrews 6:4-6 describes those who have tasted enlightenment, received the Holy Spirit, and then fallen away as impossible to renew to repentance, likening them to ground bearing thorns fit only for burning.[57] 1 Timothy 4:1 foretells that in later times, some will depart from the faith by devoting themselves to deceitful spirits and teachings of demons.[58] 2 Peter 2:20-22 warns that individuals who escape worldly corruptions through knowledge of Christ but become entangled again are worse off than before, comparing their state to a dog returning to vomit.[59] These passages, alongside 2 Thessalonians 2:3's prediction of a "falling away" preceding the Antichrist, highlight apostasy as a defection from orthodox doctrine and Christ, with eternal judgment as the implied outcome rather than execution.[60] Early Christian responses to apostasy, particularly during Roman persecutions, focused on ecclesiastical discipline rather than capital punishment, as the church lacked civil authority. The Decian persecution of 250 AD, requiring libelli certificates of pagan sacrifice, produced numerous lapsi—Christians who lapsed under duress—and sparked debates on their reintegration. Cyprian of Carthage (c. 200–258 AD), in his treatise On the Lapsed (251 AD), advocated graded penance for readmission, distinguishing voluntary apostates from those coerced, while urging bishops to balance mercy with purity. In contrast, Novatian (c. 200–258 AD), a Roman presbyter who claimed the papal see in opposition to Cornelius in 251 AD, insisted on permanent exclusion for lapsi guilty of idolatry, arguing that post-baptismal mortal sins like apostasy forfeited salvation irrecoverably, leading to the Novatian schism.[61] This rigorist stance, echoed earlier by Tertullian (c. 155–240 AD) in his Montanist phase, prioritized doctrinal purity but fractured unity, as evidenced by councils like Arles (314 AD) permitting limited readmissions under Constantine's influence. Church fathers like Ignatius of Antioch (c. 35–107 AD) warned against heretics as apostates dividing the church, advocating shunning in his epistles to maintain eucharistic fellowship. Overall, pre-Constantinian responses emphasized excommunication and penance over violence, reflecting Christianity's minority status and Jesus' teachings on forgiveness (e.g., Matthew 18:15-17), though warnings persisted against false teachers as wolves in sheep's clothing (Acts 20:29-30).[62] No early sources advocate state execution for apostasy, distinguishing Christian practice from Old Testament theocracy.[63]Medieval Penalties and Inquisition
In medieval canon law, apostasy a fide—defined as the total and public renunciation of the Christian faith by a baptized person—was distinguished from heresy but treated with equivalent gravity as a grave external delict warranting ecclesiastical penalties such as excommunication, infamy, and deprivation of clerical privileges or benefices.[64] These sanctions aimed to isolate the apostate from the sacramental life of the Church, reflecting the theological view that such abandonment endangered not only the individual's soul but the communal integrity of the faith. Persistence in apostasy after admonition could lead to "relaxation to the secular arm," whereby the Church, prohibited by canon law from directly imposing capital punishment (Ecclesia non novit sanguinem), transferred the offender to civil authorities for judgment, often resulting in execution by fire as a deterrent against relapse.[65] The establishment of the Medieval Inquisition, formalized by Pope Gregory IX's bull Excommunicamus in 1231, extended papal oversight to apostasy prosecutions, building on earlier episcopal inquisitions and imperial decrees like the 1184 Ad abolendam of Lucius III and Frederick I, which targeted heretics and apostates alike.[66] Inquisitors, typically Dominican or Franciscan friars, investigated cases involving public acts of apostasy, such as conversion to Judaism or Islam, ritual denial of Christ, or aiding others in renunciation—offenses frequently encountered in regions like southern France, Spain, and the Byzantine frontier. Procedures emphasized confession through interrogation (permitted torture after 1252 via Innocent IV's Ad extirpanda), with opportunities for abjuration and penance for first-time offenders; however, relapsed or obstinate apostates faced condemnation without mercy, their cases handed to secular powers for burning alive, as documented in inquisitorial manuals like Bernard Gui's Practica inquisitionis (c. 1324).[67] This practice aligned apostasy with heresy in punitive logic, viewing both as existential threats to Christian society amid crusades and reconquests. Enforcement varied by jurisdiction but intensified post-Third Lateran Council (1179), which urged princes to eradicate heresy under pain of excommunication, implicitly including apostasy. In practice, fewer apostasy trials survive in records compared to Cathar or Waldensian heresies, yet notable cases—such as the execution of converted Jews reverting to Judaism or Christians adopting "saracen" rites—illustrate the system's rigor, with secular rulers like those in the Holy Roman Empire or Aragon enforcing death penalties to affirm orthodoxy and political alliance with the papacy. While academic sources note the Inquisition's focus on internal dissent over outright apostasy, contemporary chronicles confirm that unrepentant apostates were "abandoned" to flames, underscoring a causal chain from doctrinal purity to social coercion in maintaining medieval Christendom's unity.[65]Post-Reformation Shifts and Denominational Practices
Following the Protestant Reformation in the 16th century, enforcement of penalties for apostasy in Christian contexts shifted away from widespread civil punishments toward ecclesiastical discipline, influenced by confessional divisions, religious wars, and emerging principles of individual conscience. Protestant reformers critiqued pre-Reformation Catholic practices as coercive corruptions, advocating instead for voluntary adherence to scripture (sola scriptura), which diminished state-backed executions or inquisitorial trials for defection from the faith. In Protestant polities like England and Scotland, initial conformity acts—such as the 1559 Act of Supremacy requiring rejection of papal authority—imposed fines or imprisonment for nonconformity rather than death, with such measures easing by the 17th century amid toleration edicts like the 1689 Act of Toleration excluding Catholics but permitting Protestant dissenters. This trend accelerated during the Enlightenment, as philosophers like John Locke argued in A Letter Concerning Toleration (1689) that faith cannot be compelled, leading to de facto decriminalization of apostasy in most Western Christian nations by the 19th century. In the Roman Catholic Church, apostasy retained formal canonical status as a severe offense post-Trent (1545–1563), defined as the total repudiation of Christian faith itself, distinct from heresy or schism. The 1917 Code of Canon Law (Canon 2314) prescribed excommunication and other censures for apostates, barring them from sacraments and ecclesiastical offices. The 1983 Code of Canon Law (Canon 1364 §1) maintains latae sententiae excommunication for apostasy, automatically incurred without judicial process, though it emphasizes medicinal intent to prompt repentance rather than permanent exclusion; affected individuals lose rights to receive sacraments or participate in church governance until absolved. This spiritual penalty persists, as evidenced by rare but documented cases, such as formal declarations against public apostates in diocesan tribunals. Protestant denominational practices vary widely due to non-hierarchical structures, often treating apostasy as a theological warning of potential damnation rather than grounds for uniform discipline. In Reformed traditions, such as Presbyterianism, church courts may excommunicate for public apostasy under standards like the Westminster Confession of Faith (1646, Chapter 30), viewing persistent denial of essentials like the Trinity as justifying removal to protect the congregation's purity. Baptist and independent evangelical churches typically handle apostasy through congregational discipline, expelling unrepentant members who renounce core beliefs, as outlined in polity documents emphasizing Matthew 18:15–17; however, many interpret New Testament apostasy warnings (e.g., Hebrews 6:4–6) as describing false professors, not true believers, per the doctrine of perseverance of the saints. Mainline Protestant bodies, including some Lutherans and Methodists, rarely invoke formal excommunication, prioritizing inclusivity; for instance, the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America focuses on doctrinal education over censure for personal disbelief. Among stricter groups like certain Anabaptist communities, shunning approximates excommunication for apostasy, but across broader Protestantism, responses emphasize pastoral counseling over punitive measures, reflecting post-Reformation individualism.Apostasy in Islam
Quranic Origins and Hadith Evidence
The Quran does not explicitly mandate worldly punishment for apostasy, emphasizing instead spiritual and eschatological consequences. Surah Al-Baqarah 2:217, revealed in the context of inquiries about fighting in sacred months, describes apostasy as causing one's deeds to become void and leading to eternal abode in the Fire, but frames the harm as self-inflicted without communal enforcement.[68] Similarly, Surah An-Nisa 4:137 addresses repeated turning away from faith, warning of divine curse and barring paradise, yet prescribes no earthly penalty. Verses such as An-Nisa 4:89, which command seizing and killing those who "turn away" after seeking alliance with disbelievers, occur amid discussions of hypocrites (munafiqun) in Medina's wartime tensions, where apostasy intertwined with treason against the nascent Muslim polity; classical exegeses like those of al-Tabari interpret this as conditional on active hostility rather than private disbelief.[69][70] Hadith collections provide the explicit basis for capital punishment, overriding the Quran's silence on temporal sanctions in orthodox Sunni jurisprudence. Sahih al-Bukhari 6922 records the Prophet Muhammad stating, "Whoever changed his Islamic religion, then kill him," narrated through a chain including Ikrima from Ibn Abbas and graded sahih (authentic).[71] Parallel narrations appear in Sahih Muslim 1676 and Sunan Abu Dawud, reinforcing the directive as a general ruling applied during the Prophet's lifetime to cases like the execution of apostate tribes post-Ridda Wars (632-633 CE). These traditions, authenticated via rigorous isnad scrutiny, reflect early Islamic prioritization of communal fidelity amid existential threats, where renunciation often signaled alliance with Meccan or Bedouin adversaries; jurists like Abu Hanifa and al-Shafi'i later codified execution after a three-day repentance period for adult males, exempting women or those under coercion.[26] While some contemporary scholars, drawing on Quran 2:256's "no compulsion in religion," contend the hadith targets wartime sedition rather than belief alone, traditional consensus—spanning the four Sunni madhabs—derives the hudud penalty from prophetic sunnah as divinely sanctioned, absent Quranic abrogation.[72] This evidentiary primacy of hadith over quranic ambiguity underscores causal realism in fiqh development: apostasy threatened the ummah's survival in 7th-century Arabia, justifying deterrence beyond spiritual warnings.[73]Classical Fiqh Rulings
Classical fiqh rulings on apostasy (irtidad or ridda) across the four Sunni schools—Hanafi, Maliki, Shafi'i, and Hanbali—establish it as a hudud offense punishable primarily by death for adult, sane male Muslims who voluntarily renounce Islam and refuse to repent. This consensus (ijma) stems from prophetic hadith, such as the narration in Sahih al-Bukhari: "Whoever changes his religion, kill him," interpreted by jurists as mandating execution after an opportunity for tawba (repentance).[26][72] The punishment applies irrespective of whether the apostasy is public or private, though some Hanafi texts emphasize public declaration for enforcement. Conditions include discernment (puberty and sanity), excluding minors, the coerced, or mentally incompetent individuals.[72] Jurists stipulate a repentance period, often three days, during which the apostate is confined and exhorted to return to Islam; failure to recant leads to qatl (killing) by the state authority, typically via sword. For female apostates, the schools diverge: Hanafi and Maliki fiqh prescribe indefinite imprisonment and flogging until repentance, sparing execution to preserve life for potential return, whereas Shafi'i and Hanbali schools extend the death penalty to women as well, viewing apostasy's gravity as gender-neutral.[74][26] These rulings treat apostasy not merely as personal disbelief but as a breach of the social contract (bay'a) in the Islamic polity, akin to treason in wartime contexts where murtadd harbi (hostile apostates) may be fought immediately without repentance delay.[72]| School | Male Apostate Punishment | Female Apostate Punishment | Repentance Period |
|---|---|---|---|
| Hanafi | Death after refusal | Imprisonment until repentance | 3 days |
| Maliki | Death after refusal | Imprisonment or death (variant views) | 3 days |
| Shafi'i | Death after refusal | Death after refusal | 3 days |
| Hanbali | Death after refusal | Death after refusal | 3 days |
Modern Legal Applications and Public Opinion
In several Muslim-majority countries, apostasy from Islam is codified as a capital offense under Sharia-influenced legal systems, with death penalties prescribed in 10-13 jurisdictions including Afghanistan, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Mauritania, Qatar, Yemen, Somalia, Sudan, the Maldives, and Brunei.[5] [75] Brunei implemented such provisions in its Syariah Penal Code effective April 2019, marking one of the most recent formal adoptions.[47] In northern Nigeria, 12 states apply Sharia courts where apostasy can warrant execution, though federal law supersedes in capital cases.[75] Executions remain infrequent, often deterred by procedural requirements like a repentance period of three days, with documented state punishments typically limited to imprisonment, flogging, or property confiscation.[8] Recent applications illustrate selective enforcement tied to public expressions of disbelief. In Saudi Arabia, a Yemeni resident received a 15-year prison sentence for apostasy in October 2021 after courts reviewed his anonymous social media posts questioning Islam.[76] Iran's judiciary has issued apostasy-related death sentences sporadically, such as the 2022 case of YouTuber Hossein Ronaghi, charged alongside other offenses but spared execution amid international pressure.[77] In Afghanistan under Taliban rule since August 2021, apostasy falls under hudud crimes punishable by death, though reports indicate no verified executions by 2025, with extrajudicial killings by militants more common.[8] Malaysia's state-level Sharia enactments impose fines or detention for apostasy, as seen in repeated court rejections of conversion applications, reinforcing de facto criminalization without federal death penalties.[8] Public opinion surveys reveal widespread endorsement of harsh penalties in many Muslim societies, correlating with adherence to classical fiqh interpretations. A 2013 Pew Research Center study across 39 countries found majorities or pluralities favoring execution for apostasy in South Asia, the Middle East, and North Africa: 86% in Egypt, 79% in Afghanistan, 76% in Pakistan, 62% in Malaysia, and 58% in Iraq.[78] Support dropped sharply in Central Asia and Southeast Europe, with only 4% in Kazakhstan and 5% in Turkey agreeing.[78] These figures, drawn from face-to-face interviews with over 38,000 Muslims, highlight regional variances influenced by education, urbanization, and exposure to reformist thought, though no comprehensive global update has emerged by 2025.[78] Reformist voices, including some clerics, argue for non-capital interpretations emphasizing personal faith over coercion, yet polls indicate persistent majoritarian backing for punitive measures in conservative contexts.[73]Apostasy in Other Religions
Hinduism and Caste Implications
In Hinduism, apostasy—understood as the abandonment of Vedic dharma or adoption of non-Vedic beliefs—lacks the formal doctrinal or legal punishments found in Abrahamic traditions, reflecting the decentralized nature of Hindu practice without a centralized ecclesiastical authority. Ancient Dharmashastras, such as the Narada Smriti (5.35), prescribe enslavement for apostates, particularly Brahmins renouncing ascetic vows or Vedic rites, while interpretations of texts like the Vishnu Purana suggest potential capital penalties for severe heresy among priestly classes.[29] [79] The Manusmriti condemns non-Vedic scriptures as spurious, framing apostasy as a moral failing that degrades one's spiritual status to patita (fallen), but enforcement historically relied on customary social mechanisms rather than state intervention.[80] The caste (varna and jati) system profoundly shapes apostasy's implications, as svadharma—personal duty—is inextricably linked to birth-assigned caste roles, with deviation viewed as a rupture in cosmic order (rita). Abandoning Hinduism typically triggers bahishkarana (outcasting) by the jati panchayat, severing communal ties, ritual participation, and endogamous marriage rights, effectively reducing the individual to chandala-like status outside the four varnas.[81] This social exclusion enforces conformity through family disownment and economic isolation, as seen in historical cases where upper-caste apostates faced ritual impurity accusations, while lower-caste individuals sought conversion to evade entrenched hierarchies. Empirical patterns show Dalit (Scheduled Caste) apostasy often motivated by caste oppression, yet resulting in intensified marginalization absent community support.[30] In contemporary India, legal ramifications amplify caste-linked disincentives: the Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order, 1950, confines Scheduled Caste affirmative action benefits—quotas in education, employment, and politics—to adherents of Hinduism, Sikhism, or Buddhism, stripping converts to Christianity or Islam of these protections immediately upon religious change.[82] The Andhra Pradesh High Court ruled in May 2025 that Scheduled Caste individuals lose status upon converting to Christianity, underscoring that religious exit severs ties to caste-based redress for historical discrimination.[83] The Supreme Court has upheld similar denials, rejecting reconversion claims where caste identity persists informally but eligibility lapses legally, thus perpetuating a socioeconomic barrier to apostasy for disadvantaged castes.[84] This framework, rooted in preserving caste-specific upliftment, contrasts with egalitarian aims of conversion movements like B.R. Ambedkar's 1956 mass shift to Buddhism by over 500,000 Dalits, which retained benefits by aligning with recognized faiths.[30]Buddhism and Monastic Disrobing
In Buddhist monastic traditions, disrobing refers to the formal process by which a monk (bhikkhu) or nun (bhikkhuni) relinquishes their ordained status and returns to lay life, as regulated primarily by the Vinaya Pitaka, the scriptural basket governing monastic discipline.[85] This procedure is distinct from apostasy in Abrahamic faiths, as Buddhism lacks doctrinal mandates for punishment or coercion against departure; instead, it emphasizes voluntary commitment and the karmic consequences of personal choices, with no institutional violence or legal penalties for renunciation.[33] The Vinaya permits disrobing at any time without stigma beyond the loss of monastic privileges, reflecting the tradition's non-theistic focus on individual enlightenment rather than eternal damnation or communal retribution.[86] The Vinaya outlines two primary paths to disrobing: voluntary renunciation and expulsion for grave offenses. For voluntary disrobing, a monk or nun approaches the sangha (monastic community) to declare their intent, often reciting a formula such as "I spread out my hands in homage to the sangha and withdraw from the training," after which they remove the robes and are released from precepts. This act severs formal ties but does not preclude continued lay adherence to Buddhist teachings, as ordination is viewed as a temporary vehicle for practice rather than an irrevocable covenant. In contrast, the four parajika offenses—sexual intercourse, theft of valuables exceeding a specified threshold (e.g., five masakas in ancient terms), intentional killing of a human, and falsely claiming spiritual attainments—result in automatic "defeat" (parajika), entailing immediate disrobing and lifelong ineligibility for reordination in most traditions.[86] These rules, attributed to the Buddha's early formulations around the 5th century BCE, aim to preserve the sangha's ethical integrity, with expulsion serving as a self-regulating mechanism rather than punitive retribution.[87] Historically, disrobing has been common in Buddhist societies, particularly in Theravada countries like Thailand and Sri Lanka, where temporary ordination for young men allows for later disrobing without social penalty; for instance, Thai census data from 2000 indicated over 60,000 monks disrobing annually, often for economic or familial reasons.[88] Nuns face stricter barriers, with many Vinaya recensions prohibiting reordination post-disrobing, reflecting gendered asymmetries in monastic lineages.[88] Unlike apostasy prosecutions in theistic religions, Buddhist texts such as the Mahavagga document cases of disrobed individuals reintegrating into society, underscoring the absence of heresy trials or excommunication equivalents; deviations incur personal karmic debt, not communal enforcement. In Mahayana and Vajrayana contexts, similar flexibility persists, though tantric vows may impose esoteric sanctions like vows of secrecy, but these rarely extend to physical penalties.[33] Empirical studies of modern apostasy from Buddhism, such as in Japan where affiliation rates dropped from 80% in 1965 to 35% by 2015 per government surveys, show no correlated persecution, affirming the tradition's tolerance for exit.[89]Sikhism, Baháʼí, and New Movements
In Sikhism, apostasy—known as patit, referring to one who has rejected the Gurus' teachings—carries no prescribed legal or religious penalties, such as excommunication, shunning, or corporal punishment.[35] The faith's foundational texts, including the Guru Granth Sahib, emphasize voluntary adherence and personal spiritual accountability without coercive enforcement, reflecting the Gurus' teachings on compassion and free will.[36] While family and community members may respond with emotional distress or disapproval upon an individual's departure, Sikh institutions lack formal mechanisms to impose sanctions, distinguishing the tradition from religions with institutionalized responses to defection.[36] The Baháʼí Faith similarly imposes no formal penalties on individuals who quietly withdraw their declaration of belief or cease participation, allowing passive apostasy without community censure or pursuit.[90] Official guidance from the Universal House of Justice, the faith's administrative body, permits such withdrawals to protect communal harmony, provided they do not involve active opposition to core institutions.[90] However, those labeled covenant-breakers for promoting schism or rejecting the faith's covenant—such as denying the authority of Baháʼu'lláh's successors—face declaration of their status, resulting in mandatory shunning by adherents to safeguard doctrinal unity, a practice rooted in the Kitáb-i-Aqdas's emphasis on collective protection from divisive influences.[91] This differentiation highlights a causal link between perceived threats to institutional integrity and social isolation, rather than mere personal disbelief.[91] New religious movements (NRMs) exhibit varied but often stringent responses to apostasy, frequently employing social ostracism to preserve group boundaries and mitigate perceived risks from ex-members. In Scientology, for example, apostates designated as "suppressive persons" trigger a policy of disconnection, requiring members—including relatives—to sever ties, justified as a defense against antisocial behavior that could undermine the organization's auditing processes and hierarchical structure.[92] Empirical patterns across NRMs, including Jehovah's Witnesses' disfellowshipping and the Amish's Meidung, demonstrate shunning's role in enforcing conformity, with data from disaffiliation studies indicating it reduces defection rates by leveraging familial and social pressures, though it correlates with higher psychological distress among those affected.[93] Such practices stem from first-principles concerns over causal contagion of doubt, yet critiques note their amplification in media via apostate narratives, which academic analyses describe as selectively biased toward sensationalism rather than representative of typical exits.[92] In Mormonism, individual apostasy prompts potential disfellowshipment or excommunication for doctrinal dissent, but lacks mandatory familial shunning, relying instead on informal community withdrawal to maintain retention amid historical emphases on the "Great Apostasy" as a cautionary paradigm.[94]Global Legal Status
Countries Enforcing Punishments
Punishments for apostasy are enforced primarily in Muslim-majority countries where Sharia law prescribes severe penalties, including death, for leaving Islam. As of 2025, 10-13 Muslim-majority nations maintain laws allowing the death penalty for apostasy, in contrast to zero countries enforcing such penalties associated with Christianity, though actual executions remain rare and often occur under overlapping charges like blasphemy or enmity against the state. Enforcement typically involves judicial proceedings, imprisonment, or extrajudicial actions by authorities or Islamist groups, deterring public renunciation of faith.[95][5][96] In Afghanistan, under Taliban rule since 2021, apostasy is punishable by death per Hanafi jurisprudence integrated into state law. Converts from Islam face immediate execution risks, with reports of targeted killings and forced recantations; the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom notes eradication of religious freedom, including for apostates.[97] Iran codifies apostasy as a capital offense under Article 220 of the Islamic Penal Code, with fatwas mandating death for public apostates. Judicial enforcement includes death sentences, such as those against individuals like Yousef Nadarkhani, though international pressure has led to occasional acquittals; prevailing practice applies the penalty variably by sect, with Sunni apostates more likely to face execution.[98] Saudi Arabia enforces apostasy under uncodified Sharia, where renunciation of Islam warrants death after a repentance period. While no official court executions for apostasy alone have been recorded recently, converts endure arrests, interrogations, and pressure to recant, with the death penalty upheld in principle.[99][100] Other countries with death penalties on the books include Mauritania, where a 2018 law mandates execution for apostasy-related blasphemy, resulting in reported imprisonments and lashings; Somalia, where federal law prescribes death and al-Shabaab actively executes apostates; Yemen, with Sharia-based hudud punishments enforced sporadically amid conflict; and Qatar, UAE, Maldives, and Brunei, where laws exist but enforcement is limited to threats or civil disabilities rather than frequent capital application.[95][101]| Country | Prescribed Penalty | Notable Enforcement |
|---|---|---|
| Afghanistan | Death | Taliban executions and killings of converts[97] |
| Iran | Death | Judicial sentences, occasional executions[98] |
| Mauritania | Death | Imprisonments and few reported cases since 2018[95] |
| Saudi Arabia | Death | Arrests and recantation pressure, no recent executions[99] |
| Somalia | Death | Al-Shabaab executions in controlled areas[101] |
International Law and Human Rights Critiques
Article 18 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) guarantees freedom of thought, conscience, and religion, explicitly including the right to change one's religion or belief. Similarly, Article 18 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR, 1966) protects the same freedoms, with the UN Human Rights Committee interpreting it to encompass the right to apostasy as a core aspect of religious liberty, prohibiting state-imposed penalties for renouncing faith.[103] Apostasy laws in several countries, prescribing punishments ranging from imprisonment to death, directly contravene these provisions by criminalizing the manifestation of belief through conversion or renunciation.[1] The UN Human Rights Council has repeatedly urged states to repeal such laws, viewing them as incompatible with international standards on freedom of religion or belief, as they stifle dissent and target minorities, atheists, and converts.[104][105] For instance, in 2017, the Council condemned death penalties for apostasy, emphasizing their role in emboldening persecution.[104] Many states enforcing apostasy penalties, predominantly Muslim-majority nations, have entered reservations to ICCPR Article 18, arguing compatibility with Islamic Sharia, which often deems apostasy a capital offense.[106] Saudi Arabia, for example, rejected the right to change religion during ICCPR negotiations, citing doctrinal prohibitions on apostasy.[106] The Organisation of Islamic Cooperation's Cairo Declaration on Human Rights in Islam (1990) subordinates individual rights to Sharia principles, effectively excluding protection for apostasy and prioritizing collective religious adherence over personal freedom.[107][108] Human rights bodies, including the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, critique these reservations and alternative frameworks as undermining universal norms, noting that anti-apostasy measures disproportionately affect women, ex-Muslims, and religious minorities, fostering fear and suppressing open discourse.[105][109] Despite ratification of ICCPR by over 40 Muslim-majority states, enforcement gaps persist, with reports documenting executions and imprisonments—such as in Sudan and Iran—as violations warranting international condemnation and sanctions.[110][1] Critics from secular perspectives argue that such laws prioritize theological conformity over empirical evidence of individual autonomy, while proponents of Sharia-based systems contend they preserve social order, though without substantiating causal links to stability amid documented human rights abuses.[106]Recent Developments and Cases (2020-2025)
In Saudi Arabia, a Yemeni resident named Ali Abu Luhom was sentenced by the Najran Criminal Court on October 21, 2021, to 15 years in prison for apostasy, after being convicted of promoting atheism and blasphemy through anonymous Twitter accounts containing comments critical of Islam.[76][111] The court records indicated the posts advocated ideas contrary to Islamic doctrine, though no execution followed, aligning with the rarity of capital punishments for apostasy despite its legal basis under Sharia.[112] In Iran, where apostasy remains punishable by death under uncodified Sharia provisions, often prosecuted via related charges like "enmity against God," enforcement intensified against Christian converts viewed as apostates. Imprisonments of Christians rose six-fold from prior years, with many facing apostasy-linked accusations for private worship or online expression by 2025.[113] A proposed revision to the penal code around 2021 aimed to mandate death for online apostasy, though not enacted by 2025.[98] In a rare leniency, January 2024 indictments dismissed apostasy charges against eleven defendants, per prosecutorial review, amid broader crackdowns.[114] Following the Taliban's August 2021 takeover of Afghanistan, apostasy—deemed a capital offense under their Hanafi Sharia interpretation—prompted heightened risks for converts, with authorities conducting door-to-door searches for Christians and issuing fatwas mandating death without trial.[115][116] No verified executions occurred by 2025, but reports documented extrajudicial killings and forced recantations, exacerbating flight among suspected apostates.[117] In Pakistan, apostasy lacks statutory death penalty but is socially equated with blasphemy under Section 295-C, punishable by death, leading to vigilante attacks and family ostracism. Between 2020 and 2023, at least 23 blasphemy cases involved apostasy allegations against converts, often resulting in arrests or mob violence rather than formal execution.[118] No legal reforms decriminalized it during this period, with enforcement driven by Islamist pressures.[119] Globally, executions for apostasy remained exceptional, with ten Muslim-majority states retaining theoretical death penalties by 2025, but documented punishments favored imprisonment or social coercion over lethal enforcement.[98] Human rights monitors noted underreporting due to fear, underscoring causal links between strict laws and suppressed dissent.[115]Controversies and Empirical Impacts
Arguments Justifying Penalties from First Principles
Proponents of penalties for apostasy contend that such measures arise from foundational considerations of societal cohesion in communities where religious adherence forms the bedrock of collective identity and governance. In theocratic systems, where law and faith are intertwined, an individual's public renunciation of the dominant religion is viewed not merely as a personal choice but as a direct challenge to the communal covenant that underpins social stability. This perspective posits that unchecked apostasy could erode the shared moral framework, leading to fragmented loyalties and potential civil discord, akin to treason in secular nation-states where defection undermines national unity.[72][4] From a causal standpoint, penalties serve as a deterrent mechanism to preserve the integrity of the religious polity, preventing the spread of doubt that might cascade into widespread disbelief or rebellion. Historical precedents, such as the Ridda Wars following the Prophet Muhammad's death in 632 CE, illustrate how apostasy often correlated with tribal secession and armed uprising, threatening the nascent Islamic state's survival; thus, severe punishments were instituted to reinforce allegiance and avert existential threats to the ummah.[72][26] Traditional jurists, including those from the Hanafi and Shafi'i schools, rationalized execution for male apostates as a proportionate response to this risk, distinguishing it from mere private disbelief by emphasizing public acts that incite division.[120] Another first-principles justification emphasizes the reciprocal obligations inherent in religious membership: conversion or upbringing within the faith entails implicit acceptance of its doctrines and communal duties, rendering apostasy a breach of trust that harms dependents and the collective welfare. In this view, without repercussions, opportunistic exits could destabilize resource allocation, family structures, and ethical norms, as religion functions as a self-enforcing system of incentives for cooperation. Shi'i jurisprudence, for instance, extends this to lifelong imprisonment for female apostates to mitigate similar disruptions while accounting for gender-specific roles in society.[120][121] Empirical observations from pre-modern Islamic polities suggest that such penalties correlated with sustained religious homogeneity, arguably fostering internal peace amid external pressures, though critics note selection biases in historical records favoring enforcement narratives.[72] These arguments prioritize causal realism over individual autonomy, asserting that the long-term viability of truth-based societies necessitates safeguarding core beliefs against defection, much as constitutions penalize sedition to protect democratic orders. While hadith traditions provide scriptural backing—such as the Prophet's reported directive to kill those who revert after affirming faith—defenders extend this to rational grounds, arguing that divine wisdom aligns with human needs for ordered liberty within bounds.[72][26]Secular and Rights-Based Objections
The right to freedom of religion or belief, as enshrined in Article 18 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), explicitly includes the freedom to "have or to adopt" a religion or belief of one's choice, encompassing the right to change or abandon prior affiliations without penalty.[103] The UN Human Rights Committee, in General Comment No. 22 (1993), clarifies that this protection extends to replacing one's religion with another or adopting atheistic views, rendering state-imposed punishments for apostasy incompatible with the covenant's non-derogable core protections against coercion in matters of conscience.[122] [1] Similarly, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (Article 18) affirms freedom to change religion, a standard echoed in critiques by bodies like the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom, which holds that criminalizing apostasy undermines the voluntary nature of belief and invites arbitrary enforcement against dissenters.[123] Secular objections emphasize the impossibility of coercing authentic belief, as convictions arise from personal reason and evidence rather than external threats, which instead foster outward compliance and inward resentment.[124] John Locke, in his Letter Concerning Toleration (1689), argued that civil magistrates lack authority over souls, and punishing apostasy or heresy equates to tyrannizing conscience, yielding insincere professions rather than true adherence—a view rooted in the observation that force cannot alter the involuntary formation of belief.[125] This aligns with Enlightenment principles of individual autonomy, where apostasy penalties are seen as antithetical to rational inquiry and societal progress, potentially stifling innovation by deterring critical examination of doctrines. From a causal standpoint, apostasy laws demonstrably prioritize communal retention over individual agency, correlating with documented cases of extrajudicial violence and migration pressures in enforcing states, as noted in U.S. State Department reports on countries where such provisions enable discrimination against converts or skeptics.[126] Critics contend this erodes trust in governance, as enforced orthodoxy invites selective application against minorities, contradicting secular ideals of equal legal standing irrespective of belief.[127] While proponents may invoke social cohesion, empirical patterns show such measures sustain hypocrisy over conviction, as individuals conceal doubts to evade repercussions rather than engage doctrines voluntarily.[124]Effects on Religious Retention and Societal Stability
Apostasy penalties correlate with elevated nominal religious retention rates, as severe punishments deter public declarations of leaving the faith, resulting in switching rates of 3% or fewer adults into or out of Islam across surveyed countries, including Muslim-majority nations like Indonesia and Tunisia. [128] Over 90% of individuals raised Muslim in these contexts remain affiliated as adults, reflecting minimal net change from religious switching. [128] This suppression of exit contrasts with higher apostasy rates in secular societies without such penalties, such as Spain and Sweden, where young adults exhibit greater propensity to disaffiliate. [129] However, high nominal retention under coercion may foster shallow adherence rather than deep conviction, as sociological analyses of religious monopolies indicate that enforced uniformity reduces incentives for religious organizations to compete for voluntary commitment, leading to lower overall vitality compared to pluralistic markets. [130] Despite deterring overt apostasy, penalties do not eliminate underlying disbelief, with surveys in Muslim-majority countries revealing generational declines in religious participation and private irreligiosity, as seen in Senegal where younger cohorts are 14% less likely to attend worship weekly while identity remains high. [131] In the Arab world, self-reported non-religiosity has risen, with a 2019 Arab Barometer survey indicating 13% of respondents across 10 countries identifying as not religious, up from prior decades, suggesting penalties maintain surface-level retention but permit hidden dissent. [132] This dynamic aligns with observations that apostasy prohibitions inflate adherent counts by discouraging defection, potentially masking erosion in genuine belief and contributing to long-term religious decline akin to patterns in historical state-sponsored monopolies. [133] Regarding societal stability, proponents of penalties frame apostasy as a threat to communal integrity, equating it to treason that undermines the social and political order in theocratic systems, thereby justifying capital punishment to preserve cohesion. [134] Empirical patterns, however, link religious coercion to authoritarian governance structures, where suppression of exit correlates with broader restrictions and hostilities that hinder national security, as freer religious environments foster innovation and resilience absent in coercive regimes. [135] In competitive religious markets without monopoly enforcement, voluntary retention sustains more adaptive institutions, potentially enhancing stability through genuine social capital rather than enforced homogeneity, which risks hypocrisy and subterranean unrest. [130] Limited direct causation data exists, but declining participation under penalties foreshadows fragility, as coerced systems exhibit slower adaptation to secular pressures compared to pluralistic ones. [131]References
- https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/apostasy
- https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/A_History_of_the_Inquisition_of_the_Middle_Ages/Volume_I/Chapter_V
- https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Apostasy_laws_world_map.svg
