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Uyghur Khaganate
Uyghur Khaganate
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Key Information

Uyghur Khaganate
Bögü Qaghan, third khagan of the Uyghurs, in a suit of armour, converting to Manicheism in 762.[5][6]
Huihu
Traditional Chinese回鶻
Simplified Chinese回鹘
Transcriptions
Standard Mandarin
Hanyu PinyinHuíhú
Wade–GilesHui-hu
Huihe
Traditional Chinese回紇
Simplified Chinese回纥
Transcriptions
Standard Mandarin
Hanyu PinyinHuíhé
Wade–GilesHui-ho
The Nine Clans
Chinese
Literal meaningNine Surnames
Transcriptions
Standard Mandarin
Hanyu PinyinJiǔxìng
Wade–GilesChiu-hsing
Old Turkic name
Old Turkic𐱃𐰆𐰴𐰕:𐰆𐰍𐰕:𐰉𐰆𐰑𐰣
Toquz Oɣuz Budun
"People of the Nine Clans"

The Uyghur Khaganate, Khanate, or Empire, self defined as the Toquz Oghuz ("Nine Clans")[7][8][9] and known to the Tang Chinese as the Jiuxing[10] was a Turkic empire[11] that existed for about a century between the mid 8th and 9th centuries. It was a tribal confederation under the Uyghur nobility.[10]

History

[edit]

Rise

[edit]

In the mid-5th century, Uyghurs were a tribe of the Tiele, which was under the Turkic Khaganate.[12]

In 657, the Western Turkic Khaganate was defeated by the Tang dynasty, after which the Uyghurs defected to the Tang. Prior to this the Uyghurs had already shown an inclination towards alliances with the Tang when they fought with them against the Tibetan Empire and Turks in 627.[13][14]

In 742, the Uyghurs, Karluks, and Basmyls rebelled against the Second Turkic Khaganate.[15]

In 744, the Basmyls captured the Turkic capital of Ötüken and killed the reigning Özmiş Khagan. Later that year, a Uyghur-Karluk alliance formed against the Basmyls and defeated them. Their khagan was killed, and the Basmyls ceased to exist as a people. Hostilities between the Uyghurs and Karluks then forced the Karluks to migrate west into Zhetysu and conflict with the Türgesh, whom they defeated and conquered in 766.[16]

The Uyghur khagan was Kutlug I Bilge Khagan, who claimed to be the supreme ruler of all the tribes. He built his capital at Ordu-Baliq. According the New Book of Tang, the territory of the Uyghur Empire then reached "on its eastern extremity, the territory of Shiwei, on the west the Altai Mountains, on the south it controlled the Gobi Desert, so it covered the entire territory of the ancient Xiongnu".[17]

In 745, the Uyghurs killed the last khagan of the Göktürks, Kulun Beg, and sent his head to the Tang.[18]

Tribal composition

[edit]

The Tang Huiyao, vol. 98, listed nine Toquz Oghuz surname tribes (姓部 xìngbù); another list of tribes (部落 bùluò) was recorded in the Old Book of Tang and the New Book of Tang. According to Japanese scholars Hashimoto, Katayama, and Senga, each name in the lists in the Books of Tang recorded each subtribal surname of each chief, while the other list in Tang Huiyao recorded the names of the Toquz Oghuz tribes proper.[19][20] Walter Bruno Henning (1938)[21] linked nine names recorded in the Saka language "Staël-Holstein Scroll" with those recorded by Han Chinese authors.

Tribal name in Chinese (Mandarin pinyin romanization) Tribal name in Saka Tribal name in Old Turkic Surname in Old Turkic Surname in Saka Surname in Chinese (Mandarin romanization)
迴紇 (Huihe) Uyğur 𐰺𐰍𐰖𐰆 𐰖𐰍𐰞𐰴𐰺 Yağlaqar Yahīdakari 藥羅葛 (Yaoluoge)
僕固 (Pugu) Bākū *Buqu[t] *(H)Uturqar 胡咄葛 (Huduoge)
渾 (Hun) *Qun *Kürebir Kurabīri 咄羅勿 (Guluowu)
拔曳固 (Bayegu) Bayarkāta Bayırku *Boqsıqıt Bāsikātti 貊歌息訖 (Mogexiqi)
同羅 (Tongluo) Ttaugara Tongra *Avučağ 阿勿嘀 (A-Wudi)
思結 (Sijie) Sīkari *Sıqar *Qasar 葛薩 (Gesa)
契苾 (Qibi) Kāribari 斛嗢素 (Huwasu)
阿布思 (A-Busi) *Yabutqar Yabūttikari 藥勿葛 (Yaowuge)
骨倫屋骨(思) (Gulunwugu(si)) [a] *(Q)Ayabir Ayabīri 奚耶勿 (Xiyawu)

Golden Age

[edit]

They are frugal[...] and united with one another, so their power is invincible.

Uyghur princesses from the Bezeklik murals

In 747, Qutlugh Bilge Köl Kaghan died and was succeeded by his youngest son, Bayanchur Khan. After building a number of trading outposts with the Tang, Bayanchur used the profits to construct the capital, Ordu-Baliq, and another city further up the Selenga River, Bai Baliq. He then embarked on a series of campaigns to bring all the steppe peoples under his banner. During this time the empire expanded rapidly and brought the Sekiz Oghuz, Kyrgyz, Karluks, Türgesh, Toquz Tatars, Chiks and the remnants of the Basmyls under Uyghur rule.[citation needed]

In 751, the Tang Empire suffered a strategic defeat against the Arabs at the Battle of Talas. After that, the Tang retreated from Central Asia, allowing the Uyghurs to emerge as the new dominant power.[24]

In 755 An Lushan instigated a rebellion against the Tang dynasty and in 756 Emperor Suzong of Tang turned to Bayanchur for assistance. Bayanchur agreed and ordered his eldest son to provide military service to Suzong. In 757 approximately 4,000 Uyghur horsemen assisted Tang armies in retaking Chang'an and Luoyang. After the battle at Luoyang the Uyghurs looted the city for three days and only stopped after large quantities of silk were extracted. For their aid, the Tang sent 20,000 rolls of silk and bestowed them with honorary titles. In addition the horse trade was fixed at 40 rolls of silk for every horse and Uyghurs were given "guest" status while staying in Tang China.[15][25] The Tang and Uyghurs conducted an exchange marriage. Bayanchur married Princess Ninguo while a Uyghur princess was married to a Tang prince.[18] The Uyghur Khaganate exchanged princesses in marriage with Tang dynasty China in 756 to seal the alliance against An Lushan. Bayanchur had his daughter Uyghur Princess Pijia (毗伽公主) married to the Tang prince Li Chengcai (李承采), Prince of Dunhuang (敦煌王李承采), son of Li Shouli, Prince of Bin. while the Tang princess Ningguo (寧國公主), daughter of Suzong, married Bayanchur.[citation needed]

Uyghur princes wearing Chinese-styled robes and headgear. Bezeklik, Cave 9, 9–12th century.

In 758, the Uyghurs turned their attention to the northern Yenisei Kyrgyz. Bayanchur destroyed several of their trading outposts before defeating a Kyrgyz army and executing their khan.[25]

On the ren-shen day of the fifth month of the first year of the Qianyuan reign [on March 29, 758 CE], The envoys from Hui-he [Uyghur Khaganate], Duo-yi-hai-a-bo and others, totaling eighty people, and an emir from the Black-robed Dashi [Abbasid Caliphate], Nao-wen and others, totaling eight people, come at the same time to pay a visit [to the Tang court]; when they walk to the side entrance of the palace, [both delegations] argue who should be the first [to see the Emperor]. The interpreters and palace secretaries arrange them as left team and right team, and enter through the Eastern Gate and the Western Gate all at once. [After this,] Wen-she-shi and the Black-robed Dashi envoy pay their visit [to the Chinese Emperor].[26]

In 759 the Uyghurs attempted to assist the Tang in stamping out the rebels but failed. Bayanchur died and his son Tengri Bögü succeeded him as Bögü Qaghan.[25]

In 762 Bögü planned to invade the Tang with 4,000 soldiers but after negotiations switched sides and assisted them in defeating the rebels at Luoyang. After the battle the Uyghurs looted the city. When the people fled to Buddhist temples for protection, the Uyghurs burnt them down, killing over 10,000. For their aid, the Tang were forced to pay 100,000 pieces of silk to get them to leave.[27] During the campaign Bögü encountered Manichaean priests who converted him to Manichaeism. From then on the official religion of the Uyghur Khaganate became Manichaeism.[28]

Decline

[edit]
Campaigns of the Tibetan Empire, 7–9th centuries
Uyghur Khaganate "Durvuljin" tombs, near the Uyghur capital of Khara Balgas, 7th–9th century. Orkhon Valley. National Museum of Mongolia

In 779, Bögü Qaghan planned to invade the Tang dynasty based on the advice of his Sogdian courtiers. However, his uncle, Tun Baga Tarkhan, opposed this plan and killed him and "nearly two thousand people from among the Kaghan's family, his clique and the Sogdians."[29] Tun Bagha Tarkhan ascended the throne, and enforced a new set of laws, which he designed to secure the unity of the khaganate. During his reign, Manichaeism was suppressed, but his successors restored it as the official religion.[30]

In 780, a group of Uyghurs and Sogdians was killed while leaving Chang'an with tribute. Tun demanded 1,800,000 strings of cash in compensation and the Tang agreed to pay this amount in gold and silk.[31] In 789, Tun Bagha Tarkhan died and his son succeeded him as Külüg Qaghan. The Karluks took this opportunity to encroach on Uyghur territory and annexed Futu Valley.[32] In 790, the Uyghurs and Tang forces were defeated by Tibetan Empire at Tingzhou (Beshbalik).[14] Külüg Qaghan died, and his son succeeded him as Qutluq Bilge Qaghan.

In 791, the Tibetans attacked Lingzhou but were driven off by the Uyghurs, who presented captured prisoners and cattle to Emperor Dezong of Tang. The Tibetans and Karluks suffered another defeat against the Uyghurs at Beiting. The captured Tibetan general Zan Rgyal Sum was sent to Dezong.[33] In 792, the Uyghurs, led by Qutluq's son Baoyi Qaghan, defeated the Tibetans and Karluks, taking Gaochang. Not long after the Tibetans attacked Yushu, a fortified town 560 li east of Kucha. They were besieged by Baoyi there and destroyed.[34] In 795, Qutluq Bilge Qaghan died and the Yaghlakar dynasty came to an end. A general, Qutluq II, declared himself the new qaghan,[15] founding a new dynasty, the Ädiz (CN. Adie Chinese: 阿跌氏).[23]

In 803, the Uyghurs captured Gaochang.[35] In 808, Qutluq II died and his son, Baoyi Qaghan, succeeded him. In the same year, the Uyghurs seized Liang Province from the Tibetans.[36] In 816, a Tibetan raid reached within two days' journey of Ordu-Baliq.[37] In 821, Baoyi Qaghan died, and his son, Chongde, succeeded him. Chongde was considered the last great khagan of the Uyghur Khaganate. His achievements included improved trade up with the region of Sogdia, and on the battlefield he repulsed a force of invading Tibetans in 821. After defeating the Tibetan and Karluk force, the Uyghurs entered the Principality of Ushrusana and plundered the region.[38] In 822, the Uyghurs sent troops to help the Tang in quelling rebels. The Tang refused the offer but had to pay them 70,000 pieces of silk to go home.[31] In 823, the Tibetan Empire waged war on the Uyghurs.[39] In 824, Chongde died and was succeeded by a brother, Zhaoli Qaghan. In 832, Zhaoli was murdered. He was succeeded by the son of Chongde, Zhangxin Qaghan. In the same year, the Tibetan Empire failed to make war on the Uyghurs.[39]

Fall

[edit]
Painted silk fragments of men in armour, from a Manichaean Temple near Qocho. Turkic, 8th century or 9th century. Museum für Asiatische Kunst, Berlin.[40]

In 839, Zhangxin Qaghan was forced to commit suicide and a minister named Qasar Qaghan seized the throne with the help of 20,000 Shatuo horsemen from Ordos. In the same year, there was a famine and an epidemic, with a particularly severe winter that killed much of the livestock the Uyghur economy was based on.[41]

In 840, one of nine Uyghur ministers, Kulug Bagha, rival of Qasar, fled to the Yenisei Kyrgyz and invited them to invade from the north. With a force of around 80,000 horsemen, they sacked Ordu-Baliq, razing it to the ground.[42] The Kyrgyz captured Qasar, and promptly beheaded him. They went on to destroy other cities throughout the Uyghur Empire, burning them to the ground. The Uyghurs fled in two groups. A 30,000-strong group led by the aristocrat Ormïzt sought refuge in Tang territory but Emperor Wuzong of Tang ordered the borders to be closed. The other group, 100,000 strong, led by Wujie Qaghan, son of Baoyi and the new khagan, also fled to Tang territory. However Wujie demanded a Tang city for residence as well as the protection of Manichaeans and food. Wuzong found the demands unacceptable and refused. He granted Ormïzt asylum in return for the use of his troops against Wujie. Two years later, Wuzong extended the order to ban Christianity, Zoroastrianism, and especially Buddhism.[43]

Soldiers from Karasahr, 8th century CE

The Yenisei Kyrgyz and Tang dynasty launched a successful war between 840 and 848 against the Uyghur Khaganate using their claimed familial ties as justification for an alliance.[44]

In 841, Wujie led the Uyghurs in an invasion of today's Shaanxi.

In 843, a Tang army led by Shi Xiong attacked the Uyghurs and killed 10,000 on February 13, 843, at "Kill the Barbarians" Mountain (Shahu).[45] Wujie was wounded.[46][45][47][48] After the defeat of Wujie, Wuzong ordered Ormïzt's troops to be broken up and dispersed among different units. Ormïzt refused to obey. His troops were massacred by general Liu Mian. With the defeat of the two major Uyghur groups, Wuzong saw his chance to get rid of the Manichaeans. He ordered Manichaean temples in several cities to be destroyed, the confiscation of their estates, and the execution of the clergy.[49]

In the fourth moon of 843 an Imperial edict was issued [ordering] the Manichaean priests of the empire to be killed. [...] The Manichaean priests are highly respected by the Uighurs.[43]

— Ennin

In 846, Wujie, was killed after having spent his 6-year reign fighting the Kyrgyz, the supporters of his rival Ormïzt, a brother of Qasar, and Tang dynasty troops in Ordos and today Shaanxi.[28] His brother, Enian Qaghan, was decisively defeated by Tang forces in 847.[49]

Successors

[edit]
Uyghur king from Turfan region attended by servants. Mogao cave 409, 11th–13th century.

The Yenisei Kyrgyz which replaced the Uyghur Khaganate had little interest in running the empire which they had destroyed. They held the territory from Lake Baikal in the east to the Irtysh River in the west and left Kulug Bagha, the Uyghur who defected to them, in charge of the Orkhon Valley. During the reign of Emperor Yizong of Tang (860–873), there were three recorded instances of contact between the Tang and Kyrgyz, but the nature of their relationship is unclear. Tang policy makers argued that there was no point in building any relations with the Kyrgyz since the Uyghurs no longer threatened them. The Khitans seized the Orkhon Valley from the Kyrgyz in 890 and no further opposition from the Kyrgyz is recorded.[50][51]

The Khitan ruler Abaoji did extend his influence onto the Mongolian Plateau in 924, but there is no indication whatsoever of any conflict with the Kyrgyz. The only information we have from Khitan (Liao) sources regarding the Kyrgyz indicates that the two powers maintained diplomatic relations. Scholars who write of a Kyrgyz "empire" from about 840 to about 924 are describing a fantasy. All available evidence suggests that despite some brief extensions of their power onto the Mongolian Plateau, the Kyrgyz did not maintain a significant political or military presence there after their victories in the 840s.[52]

— Michael Drompp

After the fall of the Uyghur Khaganate, the Uyghurs migrated south and established the Ganzhou Uyghur Kingdom in modern Gansu[53] and the Kingdom of Qocho near modern Turpan. The Uyghurs in Qocho converted to Buddhism, and, according to Mahmud al-Kashgari, were "the strongest of the infidels", while the Ganzhou Uyghurs were conquered by the Tangut people in the 1030s.[54] Even so, Kashgari praised contemporary Uyghurs as bilingual Turkophones whose Turkic dialect remained "pure" and "most correct" (just like dialects spoken by monolingual Yagmas, and Tuhsis); meanwhile, Kashgari derided other bilingual Turkophones (Qay, Tatars, Basmyls, Chömüls, Yabakus, etc.), for incorporating foreign loanwords and "slurring" in their speech.[55] In 1134, Qocho became a vassal of Yelü Dashi's nascent Qara Khitai empire. In 1209, the Qocho ruler Idiqut ("Lord of happiness") Barchuk Art Tegin declared his allegiance to Genghis Khan, and the Uyghurs became important civil servants in the later Mongol Empire, which adapted the Old Uyghur alphabet as its official script. According to the New Book of Tang, a third group went to seek refuge among the Karluks.[56]

The Karluks, together with other tribes such as the Chigils and Yagmas, later founded the Kara-Khanid Khanate (940–1212). Some historians associate the Karakhanids with the Uyghurs as the Yaghmas were linked to the Toquz Oghuz. Sultan Satuq Bughra Khan, believed to be a Yagma from Artux, converted to Islam in 932 and seized control of Kashgar in 940, giving rise to the new dynasty, known as Karakhanids.[57]

Relationship with the Sogdians

[edit]
Manichean scribes from Qocho, 8th–9th century

To control trade along the Silk Road, the Uyghurs established a trading relationship with the Sogdian merchants who controlled some oases of Central Asia. The Uyghur adoption of Manichaeism was one aspect of this relationship—choosing Manichaeism over Buddhism may have been motivated by a desire to show independence from Tang influence.[58] Not all Uyghurs supported conversion – an inscription at Ordu-Baliq states that Manichaens tried to divert people from their ancient shamanistic beliefs.[59] A rather partisan account from a Uyghur-Manichean text of that period demonstrates the unbridled enthusiasm Bögü Qaghan had for Manichaeism:

"At that time when the divine Bögü Qaghan had thus spoken, we the Elects of all the people living within the land rejoiced. It is impossible to describe this ourjoy. The people told the story to one another and rejoiced. At that time, groups of thousands and tens of thousands assembled and with pastimes of all sorts they entertained themselves even unto dawn. And at the break of the day they made a short fast. The divine ruler Bögü Qaghan and all the elects of his retinue mounted on horses, and all the princes and the princesses led by those of high repute, the big and the small, the whole people, amidst great rejoicing proceeded to the gate of the city. And when the divine ruler had entered the city, he put the crown on his head... and sat upon the golden throne."

— Uyghur-Manichean text.[59]

As conversion was based on political and economic concerns regarding trade with the Sogdians, it was driven by the rulers and often encountered resistance in lower societal strata. Furthermore, as the khaghan's political power depended on his ability to provide economically for his subjects, "alliance with the Sogdians through adopting their religion was an important way of securing this objective."[58] Both the Sogdians and the Uyghurs benefited enormously from this alliance. The Sogdians enabled the Uyghurs to trade in the Western Regions and exchange silk from China for other goods. For the Sogdians it provided their Chinese trading communities with Uyghur protection. The 5th and 6th centuries saw large emigration of Sogdians to China. The Sogdians were the main traders along the Silk Roads, and China was always their biggest market. Among the paper clothing found in the Astana cemetery near Turfan is a list of taxes paid on caravan trade in the Gaochang kingdom in the 620s. The text is incomplete, but out of the 35 commercial operations it lists, 29 involve a Sogdian trader.[60] Ultimately both rulers of nomadic origin and sedentary states recognized the importance of merchants like the Sogdians and made alliances to further their own agendas in controlling the Silk Road.

Ordu-Baliq

[edit]
Ordu-Baliq, capital of the Uyghur Khaganate (744–840) in Mongolia

The Uyghurs created an empire with clear Persian influences, particularly in areas of government.[61] Soon after the empire was founded, they emulated sedentary states by establishing a permanent, settled capital, Ordu-Baliq, built on the site of the former Göktürk imperial capital, northwest of the later Mongol capital, Karakorum. The city was a fully fortified commercial center, typical along the Silk Road, with concentric walls and lookout towers, stables, military and commercial stores, and administrative buildings. Certain areas of the town were allotted for trade and handcrafts, while in the center of the town were palaces and temples, including a monastery. The palace had fortified walls and two main gates, as well as moats filled with water and watchtowers.

The khaghan maintained his court there and decided the policies of the empire. With no fixed settlement, the Xiongnu had been limited in their acquisition of Chinese goods to what they could carry. As stated by Thomas Barfield, "the more goods a nomadic society acquired the less mobility it had, hence, at some point, one was more vulnerable trying to protect a rich treasure house by moving it than by fortifying it."[62][page needed] By building a fixed city, the Uyghurs created a protected storage space for trade goods from China. They could hold a stable, fixed court, receive traders, and effectively cement their central role in Silk Road exchange.[62][page needed] However, the vulnerability that came with having a fixed city was to be the downfall of the Uyghurs.[58]

List of Uyghur Khagans

[edit]

The following list is based on Yihong Pan's "Sui-Tang Foreign Policy: Four case studies".[63]

Personal Name Turkic title Chinese title Reign
Kutlug Bilge Qaghan Yaoluoge Yibiaobi Qutlugh Bilge Köl Qaghan Huairen Khagan (懷仁可汗) 744–747
Bayanchur Qaghan Yaoluoge Moyanchuo Tengrida Bolmish El Etmish Bilge Qaghan Yingwu Weiyuan Pijia Qaghan (英武威遠毗伽闕可汗) 747–759
Bogu Qaghan Yaoluoge Yidijian Tengrida Qut Bolmish El Tutmish Alp Külüg Bilge Qaghan Yingyi Qaghan (英義可汗) 759–780
Tun Baga Tarkhan Yaoluoge Dunmohe Alp Qutlugh Bilge Qaghan Wuyi Chenggong Qaghan (武義成功可汗)

Changshou Tianqin Qaghan (長壽天親可汗)

780–789
Kulug Bilge Qaghan Yaoluoge Duoluosi Külüg Bilge Qaghan Zhongzhen Qaghan (忠貞可汗) 789–790
Qutluq Bilge Qaghan Yaoluoge Achuo Qutluq Bilge Qaghan Fengcheng Qaghan (奉誠可汗) 790–795
Qutluq II Bilge Qaghan Adie Guduolu, later

Yaoluoge Guduolu

Ay Tengride Ulugh Bolmish Alp Qutluq Külüg Bilge Qaghan Huaixin Qaghan (懷信可汗) 795–808
Baoyi Qaghan Ay Tengride Qut Bolmish Alp Bilge Qaghan Baoyi Qaghan (保義可汗) 808–821
Chongde Qaghan Kün Tengride Ulugh Bolmish Küçlüg Bilge Qaghan Chonde Qaghan (崇德可汗) 821–824
Zhaoli Qaghan Ay Tengride Qut Bolmish Alp Bilge Qaghan Zhaoli Qaghan (昭禮可汗) 824–833
Zhangxin Qaghan Yaoluoge Hu Ay Tengride Qut Bolmish Alp Külüg Bilge Qaghan Zhangxin Qaghan (彰信可汗) 833–839
Qasar Qaghan (Usurper) Jueluowu or

Yaoluoge Hesa

Qasar Qaghan (㕎馺特勒) 839–840
Uge Qaghan Yaoluoge Wuxi Wujie Qaghan (烏介可汗) 841–846
Enian Qaghan Yaoluoge E'nian Enian Qaghan (遏捻可汗) 846–848

Genetics

[edit]
Uyghur Balbal stele. Burana, Kyrgyzstan[64]

A 2020 study analyzed the genetic ancestry of 12 Uyghur Khaganate individuals c. 9th century from Mongolia. The sample exhibited high (~60%) but variable West Eurasian ancestry, modeled as a mixture of Indo-Iranian Alans and Bactria-Margiana Archaeological Complex ancestry. The sample also carried substantial (~40%) ancestry from an East Asian source, closely related to the Slab Grave culture. The admixture between West and East Eurasian sources was estimated to have occurred around the year 500.[65]

Of the 5 Uyghur males analyzed, 4 (or 80%) carried the West Eurasian paternal haplogroup Haplogroup R1b, while 1 (or 20%) carried the East Eurasian haplogroup Q1a. Of the 12 maternal haplogroups detected, 58% were of East Eurasian origin (A, B, D, G) while 41% were of West Eurasian origin (J T, H).[66]

An Uyghur Male carried East Eurasian Y Haplogroup C2 and mtDNA haplogroup D4.[67]

An Uyghur remain (GD1-3) analysed in a 2024 study was found to have carried primarily ancestry derived from Ancient Northeast Asians (c. 83% ±2–3%) with the remainder of ancestry being derived from Western Steppe Herders (Sarmatians; c. 17% ±2–3%). The authors note that this is "providing a new piece of information on this understudied period".[68]

Buddhist and Manichean Uyghur artifacts

[edit]

Below is a set of images of Buddhist and Manichean Uyghurs, found from the Bezeklik caves and Mogao grottoes.

See also

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Notes

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References

[edit]

Further reading

[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
The Uyghur Khaganate (744–840 CE) was a Turkic steppe empire established by nomadic Uyghur tribes who overthrew the remnants of the Second Turkic Khaganate, consolidating control over the Mongolian Plateau and adjacent regions including southern Siberia, Tuva, Buryatia, eastern Inner Mongolia, and the northern Tarim Basin. Centered on urban capitals like Ordu-Baliq in the Orkhon Valley, the khaganate represented one of the largest medieval states in Inner Asia, inheriting and adapting the political structures of prior Turkic empires while introducing innovations such as settled urban development amid predominantly pastoral nomadic society. Founded under Qutlugh Bilge Kül Qaghan (r. 744–747 CE), the empire expanded through military prowess, including cavalry forces that aided the in suppressing the (755–763 CE), securing economic privileges and cultural exchanges in return. A defining achievement was the adoption of as the state religion by Bögü Qaghan (r. 759–779 CE) in 762 CE, following exposure to Manichaean priests dispatched by the Tang court, which facilitated administrative script adaptations from Sogdian models and promoted religious art and temple construction rare for steppe polities. Economically, it thrived on trade in furs, horses, and luxury goods, supplemented by and oasis , while militarily it repelled Tibetan incursions to safeguard caravan routes. The khaganate's decline accelerated in the early due to internal factionalism, fiscal strains from elite demands, and environmental pressures, culminating in its destruction by a Kyrgyz in 840 CE, which dispersed Uyghur populations southward and ended Turkic dominance on the eastern steppes for centuries. Despite its fall, the Uyghur Khaganate's legacy endures in cultural artifacts like stone stelae, Manichaean manuscripts, and the enduring use of adapted scripts among successor Uyghur states in the .

Origins and Establishment

Tribal Composition and Ethnic Makeup

The Uyghur Khaganate was established as a dominated by the Uyghur tribe, the leading element of the alliance of nine Turkic tribes, also designated in Tang Chinese records as the "Jiu Xing" or Nine Clans. This tribal union emerged from the eastern steppe nomads previously affiliated with the Tiele under the Second Turkic Khaganate. The Uyghur tribe itself was structured around nine principal clans, termed the "inner kinsmen" (nei jiu xing), with the Yaglakar (Yao-luo-ge) clan providing the imperial dynasty and khagans from 744 to 795 CE. These inner Uyghur clans comprised Yaglakar, Huduge (Hu-duo-ge), Guluwu (Gu-luo-wu), Mogexiqi (Mo-ge-xi-qi), Awudi (A-wu-di), Gesa (Ge-sa), Huwensu (Hu-wen-su), Yaowuge (Yao-wu-ge), and Xiyewu (Xi-ye-wu). The broader incorporated allied tribes including Pugu, Hun, Bayegu (Pah-yeh-ku), Tongluo (Tung-lo), Sijie (Ssu-chieh), Xiebi (Ch'i-pi), Abusi, Gulun Oghuz, as well as initially the Basmyl and Karluk groups, though enumerations in sources vary between seven core tribes and up to eleven affiliates. The Yaglakar clan's tamga, a distinctive tribal emblem, symbolized their authority within this structure. Ethnically, the khaganate's ruling and military elites were Turkic-speaking pastoral nomads, reflecting the linguistic and of the Tiele and Oghuz-related groups in the Orkhon and river valleys. While the core tribes maintained nomadic traditions, interactions with sedentary populations, including Sogdian merchants and Tang Chinese tributaries, introduced cultural diversity without altering the predominant Turkic tribal composition. Archaeological and inscriptional evidence from confirms the Turkic identity through runic scripts and tied to these clans.

Rebellion and Formation in 744 AD

In 742, the Uyghur tribes, allied with the and Basmyls, initiated a rebellion against the Second Turkic Khaganate under Özmiş Khagan, exploiting the weakening Ashina clan's control over nomads. This uprising stemmed from long-standing subjugation and tribute demands by the , with the three tribes coordinating to challenge the khagan's authority in the . By 744, the alliance defeated the Turkic forces, and the Basmyls initially seized the symbolic capital of Ötüken, proclaiming their leader Alp as . However, tensions arose as the Basmyls sought dominance; the , led by Kutlug Yabgu of the Yaglakar , and their Karluk allies swiftly turned against the Basmyls, defeating them and capturing Ötüken. Kutlug then assumed the of Kutlug I , marking the formal establishment of the Uyghur Khaganate and the end of Ashina Göktürk rule. This rapid consolidation reflected the Yaglakar clan's military prowess and strategic alliances, transitioning Uyghur leadership from vassalage to imperial sovereignty over the eastern steppes. The recognized the new khaganate in 745 by bestowing the title Huairen Khagan on Kutlug, affirming its legitimacy through diplomatic enfeoffment.

Government and Rulers

Administrative Structure

The administrative of the Uyghur Khaganate centered on the as the supreme ruler, selected from the Yaghlakar clan of the tribal confederation. This system was largely modeled after the preceding Göktürk Khaganate, but without the east-west territorial division, allowing centralized control over the steppe territories formerly under Eastern Göktürk rule from 744 to 840 CE. The empire's core comprised the nine tribes, allied with the Basmil and Karluk groups, forming a confederative framework where tribal loyalty underpinned governance. Tribal leaders, known as tutuk, governed the eleven major tribes and were typically close relatives of the , tasked with tax collection and local administration. Other officials held titles such as sängün, ülchi, tarqan, bägi, and älchi, contributing to , diplomatic, and judicial functions, though exact responsibilities are not fully documented. Sogdian elites, leveraging their mercantile networks, managed much of the civil administration, including trade oversight, diplomatic negotiations, and bureaucratic record-keeping, which helped counter Tang Chinese influence. The Khaganate incorporated sedentary elements into its nomadic base, evolving a complex state apparatus with urban administrative centers like , featuring palaces, temples, and offices for governance. This included taxation systems financing commerce, horse-relay networks for communication, and adoption of scripts for decrees, reflecting influences from Sogdian literacy and Tang models.

List of Khagans and Succession Dynamics

The khagans of the , ruling from 744 to 840, belonged to the Yaglakar clan, which assumed imperial status upon the khaganate's founding after the ' rebellion against the . Succession was patrilineal and hereditary within this clan, typically passing from father to son, with the khagan often designating an heir from among his progeny to maintain stability amid nomadic confederation politics; however, short reigns, assassinations, and rival claims—particularly in the later period—reflected underlying tensions from tribal alliances and external pressures, contributing to the khaganate's eventual fragmentation. Chinese historical records, such as the Jiu Tang shu and Xin Tang shu, provide the primary nomenclature for these rulers, often rendering Turkic titles alongside Tang-bestowed honorifics, while inscriptions like the Shine-usu and Karabalgasun stelae corroborate key reigns and achievements. The following table enumerates the khagans based on synchronized accounts from Tang dynastic histories and archaeological inscriptions, noting relations where attested:
ReignKhagan Name (Turkic/Chinese Rendering)Relation to Predecessor
744–747Kutlugh Bilge Köl Qaghan (Qutlugh Bilge Köl / Guli Peiluo, Huairen Khagan)Founder, Yaglakar clan leader
747–759El Etmiş Bilge Qaghan (Bayan Chur / Moyanchuo)Son
759–779 Bögü Qaghan (Qutlugh Sengün / Mou-yü)Son
779–789Tun Bagha Qaghan (A-ch'o / Dunbagha)Son
789–790Külüg Bilge Qaghan (A-ch'o)Son
790Ay (Kürebis / Pan Tien)Likely brother or close kin of predecessor
790–808 Köl Qaghan (Tängriqtin Alp Bilge Qutlug / Chüe-lo-po)Appointed from royal line
808–821 Qaghan (Pratasïn / Chüe-lo-szu)Kin within Yaglakar
821–832Unknown (possibly extension or co-ruler)Hereditary continuation
832–840Ötüken Yaghlaqar Qaghan (Yaghlaqar / Pan-lo-t'o)Yaglakar lineage
Early successions, such as from Kutlugh to Bayanchur and then to Bögü, exemplified smooth father-to-son transitions that consolidated power during the khaganate's expansion phase, bolstered by military victories and Tang alliances. Bögü's reign (759–779) marked a peak, with his adoption of and campaigns against Tibetans, but subsequent rulers faced escalating challenges: Külüg's brief tenure ended amid Karluk incursions, prompting Ay Tegin's installation, possibly through aristocratic selection to avert collapse. Later khagans, including and Yaghlaqar, contended with internal revolts and Kyrgyz raids, where rival claimants within extended Yaglakar branches weakened central authority, as evidenced by the Karabalgasun inscription of 826 commemorating the eighth khagan's efforts to reaffirm legitimacy. The absence of a clear rule allowed for designated heirs or tanistic elements akin to prior Turkic traditions, but without strong institutional checks, this fostered instability, culminating in the khaganate's overthrow by Kyrgyz forces in 840 after Yaghlaqar's death.

Capital and Urban Development

Ordu-Baliq (Karabalghasun)

Ordu-Baliq, also designated by its later Mongol name Karabalghasun, functioned as the primary capital of the Uyghur Khaganate from its founding in the mid-8th century until the empire's collapse in 840 CE. Situated in the Orkhon Valley along the High Orkhon River in central Mongolia, the city occupied a strategically vital location that had previously served as a center for earlier steppe powers, including the Göktürks. Established around 745 CE shortly after the Uyghurs' victory over the Eastern Türks in 744, Ordu-Baliq symbolized the khaganate's consolidation of power and marked an early experiment in urbanism for a predominantly nomadic confederation. The urban layout integrated nomadic organizational principles with influences from sedentary civilizations, featuring a central imperial complex where key structures were arranged in sweeping arcs reminiscent of tent encampments, rather than strict grids. This design supported administrative functions, trade facilitation, and alliances, particularly with the , which provided architectural and technical expertise during construction phases under khagans like Bayanchur (r. 747–759). Archaeological surveys indicate the enclosed area spanned roughly 33 square kilometers, encompassing palaces, workshops, and religious sites that blended Uyghur, Sogdian, and Chinese elements, underscoring the city's role as a multicultural nexus. Contemporary accounts, such as that of the Arab envoy Tamīm ibn Bahr who visited circa 821 CE, portray as a fortified with twelve , vibrant markets offering diverse goods, and adjacent farmlands sustaining a substantial populace skilled in , textiles, and other crafts. A trilingual discovered at the site—bearing inscriptions in Uyghur, Chinese, and Sogdian—further evidences the administrative sophistication and linguistic diversity employed in governance and diplomacy. Excavations initiated by Russian expeditions in 1889 and expanded by international teams in the early unearthed structural remnants, including wall foundations, temple foundations, and artifacts like coins and runic stones, confirming Ordu-Baliq's scale and economic vitality. The city's destruction came in 840 CE when Kyrgyz invaders razed its defenses, scattering the Uyghur elite and terminating the khaganate's centralized authority, though remnants persisted as markers of its historical prominence in the Orkhon region's archaeological landscape.

Recent Archaeological Discoveries

Excavations at Karabalgasun, the ruins of , have been conducted since as part of the Mongolian-German Orkhon Expedition (MONDOrEx), led by the in collaboration with the Mongolian Academy of Sciences. These efforts include geophysical surveys that have produced the first complete map of the site's remains, revealing a larger urban extent than previously estimated, with distinct functional zones including administrative and residential areas. Recent work in the fortified administrative (area HB2), interpreted as a or temple in the northeastern part of the , has uncovered high-status residences dating to the mid-8th to 9th centuries CE. Zooarchaeological analysis of animal remains from these excavations indicates that Uyghur elites provisioned themselves through tethered within or near the urban setting, relying on sheep, , , and for and , often sourced via or gifts. This evidence underscores a continuity of mobile pastoral practices amid , even under Manichaean influences that promoted among the elect but allowed consumption for the and rituals. A partial of a female (Falco rusticolus), recovered from an abandoned well in Karabalgasun and radiocarbon dated to 1044–1214 CE, suggests the persistence of traditions in the post-Khaganate period at the site. Accompanied by other faunal remains, this find highlights the site's role in elite practices potentially inherited from Uyghur customs, though the dating places it after the Khaganate's fall in 840 CE. Ongoing field schools and joint expeditions, such as the 2025 Uyghur Cultural Heritage Project in the , continue to explore related urban features, building on these discoveries to refine understandings of Uyghur sedentarization and infrastructure.

Economy and International Relations

Trade Networks and Sogdian Influence

The Uyghur Khaganate dominated the northern branches of the , leveraging its position in the Mongolian steppes to control overland trade corridors linking Tang China with and beyond from the mid-8th century onward. This control enabled the to extract tribute and facilitate commerce in commodities such as horses, furs, and livestock, which were exported eastward in exchange for silk bolts that served as a along the routes. The khaganate's military leverage over the Tang court, demonstrated through alliances and interventions like the suppression of the in 757 CE, secured favorable terms, including annual silk deliveries that the Uyghurs resold westward for profit. Sogdian merchants from the oases of and Ferghana formed a symbiotic partnership with the , acting as primary agents in negotiating and executing these exchanges due to their established networks in Chinese markets and western hubs. Archaeological and textual evidence, including records of Sogdian caravans reaching the Uyghur capital , confirms their presence in elite delegations, where they handled logistics, valuation, and extension of routes into Sogdian-controlled territories. This collaboration not only amplified Uyghur revenues—funding urban expansion and military campaigns—but also transmitted Sogdian mercantile practices, such as contract-based dealings and multilingual , which enhanced the khaganate's administrative efficiency in commerce. The influx of Sogdian intermediaries fostered cultural and economic hybridization, with Uyghur elites adopting elements of Sogdian urban commerce models in , evidenced by the integration of settled trading quarters alongside . However, this reliance introduced vulnerabilities, as disruptions in Sogdian networks—stemming from conflicts like Tibetan incursions into —occasionally strained Uyghur redistribution, underscoring the causal interdependence of nomadic power on sedentary merchant expertise. By the late , this axis had positioned the khaganate as a pivotal node, channeling goods like Byzantine silver and Indian spices northward while exporting staples southward, thereby sustaining its until internal fractures emerged.

Alliances with Tang China and Military Support

![Soldiers from Karasahr, 8th century.jpg][float-right] The Uyghur Khaganate established a vital military alliance with the (618–907 CE) following its founding in 744 CE, with Tang support aiding the Uyghurs' victory over the remnants of the Second Turkic Khaganate. This partnership intensified during the (755–763 CE), when Tang Emperor Suzong (r. 756–762 CE) sought Uyghur assistance against the rebels. In 756 CE, Bayanchur Qaghan (r. 747–759 CE) responded positively, formalizing the alliance through the marriage of his daughter to a Tang prince and dispatching around 4,000 Uyghur to bolster Tang armies. These forces played a key role in recapturing the Tang capital from rebel control under in 757 CE, demonstrating the Uyghurs' prowess in coordinated operations. Bayanchur's successor, Bögü Qaghan (r. 759–779 CE), further solidified the alliance by intervening decisively in 762 CE. Initially approached by the rebel leader Shi Chaoyi, Bögü opted to support the Tang instead, leading a substantial Uyghur contingent that joined Tang general in defeating Shi Chaoyi's forces at the Battle of Luoyang on 17 October 762 CE, thereby quelling the rebellion's final major threat. In exchange for this aid, the Tang granted the preferential trade rights, including annual deliveries of 20,000 bolts of and the establishment of border markets exempt from duties, fostering economic interdependence. Bögü also requested a Tang for marriage to strengthen ties, receiving a high-ranking surrogate, Xiao Guanyin, in 763 CE. The alliance extended to countering Tibetan expansionism. In 765 CE, amid a rebellion by Tang general Pugu Huai'en backed by Tibetan forces, Bögü dispatched Uyghur troops that routed the Tibetans in November 765 CE near the Tao River, preventing further incursions into Tang territory. Uyghur contingents continued to support Tang campaigns against Tibet from 765 to 768 CE, including operations in the , where their mobility complemented Tang infantry. This military cooperation underscored the pragmatic reciprocity of the partnership, with Uyghurs gaining access to Chinese markets and technologies while bolstering Tang recovery from internal strife. However, the alliance's longevity was tempered by Uyghur demands for , which occasionally strained relations.

Military Expansion and Golden Age

Conquests and Territorial Extent

The Uyghur Khaganate originated from military victories orchestrated by its founder, Kutlug I Bilge Kül Qaghan, who in 744 allied with the to overthrow the Basmyl khagan and remnants of the , thereby establishing Uyghur dominance over the Mongolian steppe. This initial conquest included the capture of Ötüken, the sacred center of Turkic power, solidifying the khaganate's legitimacy as successors to the . By 745, Kutlug's forces defeated and executed the last independent Turkic , Baimei, further eliminating rival claims to hegemony in the region. Successive khagans pursued expansions to secure tribute and buffer zones, subduing tribes such as the in the west and exerting influence over the to the north. Under Mou-yu Khagan (747–759), campaigns reinforced control amid internal strife, while Bayanchur Khagan (759–780) directed military efforts against Tibetan incursions into the Gansu corridor, temporarily checking Tibetan advances. These actions, often in coordination with Tang forces, extended Uyghur military reach but primarily served to defend and consolidate rather than annex vast new lands. At its zenith around 800 AD, the khaganate's territory spanned from the Irtysh River and in the west to in the east, with core holdings in the valley of central extending southward to the fringes. This domain, encompassing approximately 3 million square kilometers, relied on nomadic confederations and tributary relationships rather than direct administration, allowing indirect control over peripheral groups like the Shiwei and Khitans. The khagans commemorated these achievements through inscribed stelae, emphasizing victories that enhanced prestige and economic flows via trade protections.

Key Battles and Strategic Achievements

The Uyghur Khaganate's foundation in 744 CE stemmed from a decisive coalition victory led by Kutlug Bilge Kül Khagan, who allied with the Basmyl and Karluk tribes to overthrow the remnants of the . In a pivotal campaign, Uyghur forces seized the strategic center of Ötüken, beheading the last Göktürk qaghan, Özmiş, and establishing supremacy over the Mongolian steppes. This battle not only ended Göktürk dominance but also positioned the as heirs to Turkic imperial traditions, enabling rapid consolidation of tribal loyalties and territorial control from the to the . A major strategic achievement came through military interventions supporting the during the (755–763 CE), where Uyghur cavalry conducted four campaigns in 756, 757, 759, and 762 CE. In 757 CE, under Bayanchur Khagan, Uyghur troops allied with Tang forces to recapture from rebel control, leveraging their mobile horse archers to break stalemated sieges and restore imperial access to northern . The 762 CE expedition, led by Bögü Qaghan, culminated in the defeat of the rebel leader Shi Chaoyi near , effectively ending the uprising; however, Uyghur demands for tribute—equivalent to 20,000 households' annual payments—highlighted their extraction of economic concessions from the weakened Tang, securing long-term privileges along the . These actions elevated Uyghur prestige and integrated them into East Asian power dynamics, though they strained relations due to reported looting by Uyghur warriors. Conflicts with the in the late 8th and early 9th centuries marked key expansions into the and Tianshan regions. In 791 CE, Uyghur armies under Qutluq Bilge Qaghan assaulted Tibetan and Karluk positions at Beiting (modern Urumqi area), capturing prisoners and disrupting Tibetan supply lines to . The following year, in 792 CE, Baoyi Qaghan's forces decisively defeated a combined Tibetan-Karluk alliance near (Turfan oasis), annexing the city and securing control over vital oases that facilitated dominance of western trade routes. These victories, part of broader campaigns from 789–792 CE, countered Tibetan incursions post their 763 CE sack of and established Uyghur garrisons in former Tang protectorates, enhancing economic leverage through taxation of commerce while preventing encirclement by southern rivals. Overall, these engagements underscored the Khaganate's strategic reliance on mobility, opportunistic alliances, and control of chokepoints like Ötüken and , sustaining an empire spanning over 3 million square kilometers at its peak by balancing steppe warfare with diplomatic tribute systems.

Religion, Culture, and Society

Adoption of Manichaeism as State Religion

Bögü Qaghan (r. 759–779 CE), the third ruler of the Uyghur Khaganate, adopted Manichaeism as the state religion following his personal conversion during a military campaign allied with Tang China against the An Lushan rebellion. In 762 CE, while advancing into Chinese territory, Bögü encountered Manichaean missionaries, likely Sogdian traders or priests embedded with Tang forces, who presented the faith's dualistic cosmology emphasizing light versus darkness. After three days of intensive discussions, Bögü converted in 763 CE, viewing Manichaeism as a means to legitimize his rule and unify the elite amid the khaganate's recent formation from diverse Turkic tribes. Upon returning to the capital , Bögü proclaimed the official religion, dispatching envoys to invite high-ranking (Manichaean ) from Central Asian centers like and establishing temples within the khaganate's urban centers. Chinese sources, including Tang annals, record that by 768 CE, Manichaean institutions received imperial patronage extending to temple construction in Chinese cities under Uyghur influence, reflecting the faith's integration into state administration. Uyghur inscriptions from document royal decrees promoting Manichaean doctrine while attempting to curtail traditional shamanistic practices, though resistance persisted among tribal elements adhering to ancestral Tengrist beliefs. The adoption was top-down, primarily affecting the and court, with state resources allocated to clerical hierarchies comprising electi (ascetic leaders) and audientes (lay followers). Manichaean texts in , adapted to the khaganate's runic-derived script, preserved sermons on Bögü's conversion, underscoring its foundational role in religious policy. This endorsement facilitated Manichaeism's endurance as the dominant faith until the khaganate's collapse in 840 CE, influencing diplomatic ties and cultural exchanges despite incomplete popular adherence.

Cultural Artifacts, Buddhism, and Social Organization

The Uyghur Khaganate's social organization centered on a tribal confederation of nine Oghuz clans, termed , where "Uyghur" denoted their unified alliance, originating as a Turkic pastoral nomadic group that established dominance south of by the mid-8th century. was hierarchical, with the —typically from the Yaglakar clan's nobility—exercising supreme authority, supported by a of tribal begs (leaders) and an administrative incorporating written scripts, , and bureaucratic elements adapted from Tang Chinese and Sogdian influences. exhibited stratification between a aristocracy, common herders engaged in , and emerging sedentary classes in urban hubs, where and craftsmanship supplemented nomadic economies, enabling control over vast territories from to the . Archaeological evidence from the capital and auxiliary sites like dörvöljin complexes yields cultural artifacts attesting to architectural sophistication and intercultural synthesis, including unglazed brown-gray clay roof tiles (12.5–14 cm in diameter for eave-ends) molded with Chinese Tang tunnel-shaft techniques, featuring lotus petal motifs, pearl roundels of probable Sogdian origin, and beast-mask designs (23 × 20 cm) symbolizing protective guardianship. These locally produced items, incorporating silica and for durability, adorned multi-tiered roofs of palatial and administrative structures, signaling elite urbanization and exchanges between 744 and 840 CE. Additional finds from excavations encompass pottery sherds, metalwork, and crafted goods, underscoring advanced artisanal skills in a blending nomadic mobility with fixed settlements. Buddhism maintained a peripheral presence in the Khaganate, confined largely to subject populations in eastern oases like Turfan rather than the core nomadic elite, who prior to the 763 CE adoption of adhered exclusively to pre-Islamic Turkic cults venerating Täŋri (sky god), earth, and natural forces, as evidenced by inscriptions devoid of Buddhist terminology or . Chinese annals corroborate this absence, attributing no doctrinal shifts to among Uyghur rulers, though indirect exposure occurred via Sogdian traders and conquered Buddhist centers, fostering terminological and artistic borrowings that intensified post-840 in migrant kingdoms. Such limited integration is reflected in sparse artifacts, contrasting with dominant Manichaean temple relics, and underscores causal priorities of political utility in religious policy over syncretic expansion during the empire's tenure.

Decline and Fall

Internal Factors and Weaknesses

The Uyghur Khaganate experienced chronic political instability in its later decades, characterized by frequent assassinations, coups, and succession disputes that eroded central authority. Following the death of in 779, who was killed by his general Tun Bagha Tarkhan amid disputes over military policy toward Tang China, subsequent rulers faced similar challenges; for instance, Alp Qutlugh (r. 779–789) saw familial infighting culminate in the of his brother Külüg around 789–790. This pattern intensified in the 830s, with Zhaoli murdered by his own ministers in 833, paving the way for Zhangxin Khagan's brief and turbulent reign. Such rapid turnover, often driven by elite rivalries, fragmented loyalty among tribal confederates and diminished the khagan's mandate of heaven-like legitimacy (qut). Aristocratic factionalism further compounded these issues, pitting powerful clans like the Yaghlakar against emerging influences from Sogdian merchants and . The adoption of as the in 762, while fostering cultural ties to Central Asian trade networks, introduced doctrinal tensions; the religion's elect (chosen ones) adhered to pacifist and vegetarian precepts that conflicted with the nomadic imperative for hunting, herding, and warfare, potentially sapping martial vigor among the ruling class and fostering resentment among traditionalist warriors. By the 820s, these divisions enabled peripheral groups, such as the , to assert autonomy without immediate reprisal, signaling weakened coercive capacity. Economic vulnerabilities, rooted in overreliance on silk-for-horses tribute from Tang and urban sedentarization at , exposed the khaganate to internal fiscal strains and . Elite accumulation of wealth led to perceived and detachment from realities, while the confederate structure's dependence on aristocratic levies faltered amid these fissures. A severe winter and epizootic in 839–840 devastated herds, but underlying failures—exemplified by Zhangxin Khagan's 839 execution of plotting ministers, sparking a led by Kürebir that installed the short-lived Kasar Khagan—prevented effective response, amplifying the crisis. These internal dynamics, rather than isolated events, progressively hollowed out the khaganate's resilience.

Kyrgyz Invasion and Collapse in 840 AD

The , who had been subjugated as tributaries by the Uyghur Khaganate since the mid-8th century and subjected to raids and tribute demands, exploited internal Uyghur instability in 840 AD to launch a decisive from their Yenisei River homeland in southern . This instability stemmed from prolonged succession crises following the death of Bayanchur in 782 AD, including civil wars between rival clans such as the Yaghlakar and Terkhin, compounded by economic pressures from droughts, famines, and heavy taxation that eroded loyalty among peripheral tribes. A critical factor was the of high-ranking Uyghur officials, including minister Kulug Bagha, who fled to the Kyrgyz and urged them to attack, providing intelligence on Uyghur vulnerabilities amid ongoing palace intrigues. The Kyrgyz forces, led by Aju (or Aču), mobilized an estimated 80,000 horsemen and rapidly advanced into the , overwhelming Uyghur defenses weakened by divided command structures. They besieged and captured the fortified capital (also known as Karabalgasun), subjecting it to plunder and systematic destruction by fire, which razed much of the city's palaces, temples, and infrastructure spanning over 30 square kilometers. During the assault, the Kyrgyz captured and beheaded the reigning Uyghur Kürebir (also called Hesa or in some accounts), symbolizing the regime's total overthrow and demoralizing remaining loyalists. The invasion precipitated the immediate collapse of the Khaganate's centralized authority, as news of the capital's fall triggered widespread desertions and opportunistic revolts among Uyghur vassals, including and other Oghuz tribes. Without a viable successor state in , Uyghur elites and populations dispersed southward in mass migrations, seeking refuge in oases like Turfan and , where fragmented principalities emerged under Kyrgyz oversight in the core. The Kyrgyz consolidated control over the Orkhon heartland, establishing their own khaganate, but the Uyghur defeat marked the end of their dominance in the eastern steppes after nearly a century of rule.

Successors, Diaspora, and Legacy

Migrations and Post-Khaganate Kingdoms

Following the Kyrgyz destruction of the 's capital in 840 CE, surviving Uyghur elites and tribes dispersed southward and westward, fleeing the invaders who seized control of the Mongolian . One major group migrated to the in , establishing the around 850 CE, centered in modern . This polity maintained semi-independence through alliances and tribute to neighboring powers like the , sending missions recorded between 913 and 1053 CE, before succumbing to Tangut Xixia forces by 1036 CE. A second significant migration led Uyghur remnants to the Turim Basin, where they founded the Kingdom of , also known as the Idiqut State, between 843 and 866 CE, with capitals at Qocho (winter) and Beshbalik (summer). This kingdom preserved Uyghur script, Manichaean and later Buddhist traditions, and Turkic governance amid Tocharian and Chinese influences, enduring as an independent entity until submitting to Mongol overlordship in 1209 CE under Idiqut Barchuq, after which it persisted under the until the 14th century. Smaller Uyghur groups integrated into Karluk confederations or sought refuge in Tibetan borderlands, contributing to hybrid polities but without forming distinct khaganate successors. These migrations preserved Uyghur identity through localized kingdoms, shifting from nomadic hegemony to sedentary oases amid intensifying pressures from Tanguts, Tibetans, and later .

Genetic Evidence and Ancestry Debates

Genetic analyses of ancient remains from Mongolian sites linked to the (744–840 CE) indicate a predominantly eastern Eurasian ancestry, characterized by high proportions of (ANA)-related components. In a 2024 study of nine medieval individuals from eastern , including one dated to the Uyghur period, the Uyghur-era sample (GD1-3) was modeled with 73–83% ANA ancestry (proxied by sources) and 17–27% western Eurasian admixture, alongside a Y-chromosome J2a suggestive of Central Asian paternal influence. Mitochondrial haplogroups in the broader medieval set included eastern Eurasian lineages such as A, B, D4, and G, reinforcing overall homogeneity and continuity with earlier steppe nomads like the , who similarly featured 85–100% eastern Eurasian profiles. Genome-wide data from a of 214 ancient individuals further elucidates Uyghur-period dynamics, showing increased through admixture between local Mongolian pastoralist lineages—descended from Late groups with dairy-related adaptations—and inputs from peripheral regions, yet maintaining a core of eastern ancestry without major shifts toward western components. Y-chromosome haplogroups in related Turkic-era samples often include C2b and D, aligning with Northeast Asian origins prevalent among pre-Uyghur nomads. Modern Uyghurs, however, exhibit a distinct admixture profile, with autosomal studies estimating 40% East Asian and 60% West Eurasian ancestry, the latter incorporating substantial Iranian-related and Indo-European elements traceable to populations. Paternal lineages reflect this, with West Eurasian haplogroups (e.g., R1a, J) comprising 65–70% of Y-DNA, contrasted by more East Asian-dominant maternal mtDNA. These contrasts underpin ongoing debates regarding ancestral continuity. While fragmentary post-Khaganate migrations to western oases like Turfan introduced some Turkic genetic input, peer-reviewed syntheses highlight discontinuity, as the Khaganate's core population—largely ANA-derived and assimilated by successors like the Kyrgyz—bears limited resemblance to the admixed Tarim profile that coalesced by the 10th–11th centuries CE amid Karluk Turkic expansions. Proponents of partial descent emphasize cultural-linguistic persistence and minor Yugur-lineage holdouts, yet empirical data prioritize admixture models over mass replacement, cautioning against conflating ethnonyms with unbroken genetic lineages amid steppe volatility. Limited sampling from Khaganate heartlands (e.g., ) constrains resolution, but available evidence aligns with causal patterns of elite-driven migrations yielding diluted legacies rather than wholesale population transfer.

References

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