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4th of August Regime
4th of August Regime
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The 4th of August Regime (Greek: Καθεστώς της 4ης Αυγούστου, romanized: Kathestós tis tetártis Avgoústou), commonly also known as the Metaxas regime (Καθεστώς Μεταξά, Kathestós Metaxá), was a dictatorial regime under the leadership of General Ioannis Metaxas that ruled the Kingdom of Greece from 1936 to 1941.

On 4 August 1936, Metaxas, with the support of King George II, suspended the Greek parliament and went on to preside over a conservative, staunchly anti-communist and ultranationalist government under the ideology of Metaxism, which has been described either as an authoritarian conservative system[1] or as a Greek variation of Fascism;[2][3][a] a middle position is that it was a regime with a strong Fascist component[4] or a para-fascist regime.[5] Metaxas himself and some contemporary historians have described the government as totalitarian.[6][7] In its symbolism and rhetoric, the regime took inspiration from Fascist Italy, but it retained close links to Britain and the French Third Republic, rather than the Axis powers.

Being non-partisan, after Metaxas' death in January 1941, the regime hinged entirely on the King. Although Greece was occupied following the German invasion of Greece in April 1941 and the Greek government was forced to go into exile in the British-controlled Kingdom of Egypt, several prominent figures of the regime, notably the notorious security chief Konstantinos Maniadakis, survived in cabinet for several months until the King was forced to dismiss them in accordance with a compromise with the representatives of the old democratic political establishment.

Origins of the regime

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See also: Metaxism

Metaxas imposed his regime primarily to fight the turbulent social situation prevalent in Greece in the 1930s, in which political factionalization had disrupted Greek parliamentary democracy. The sinking credibility of the Parliament was accompanied by several coup attempts; a Venizelist putsch failed in March 1935, and in the following October, elections reinforced the Royalist majority, which allowed the exiled King George II to return to Greece.

The king re-established the monarchy in the country, but the parliament, split into incompatible factions, was unable to shape a clear political majority and form a government. Meanwhile, the increasing activity of the Communists, whose 15 deputies from the 1936 elections held the balance between 143 Monarchists and 142 Liberals, Agrarians, and Republicans, created a deadlock.

In May 1936, widespread agrarian unrest among tobacco farmers and industrial unrest in the north of the country erupted,[8] which eventually brought General Metaxas to suspend the parliament on the eve of a major strike, on 4 August 1936. Endorsed by the King, Metaxas declared a state of emergency, decreed martial law, annulled various articles of the constitution, and established a crisis cabinet to put an end to the unrest and to restore the social order. In one of his first speeches, Metaxas announced: "I have decided to hold all the power I need for saving Greece from the catastrophes which threaten her."

Thus the Metaxas dictatorship was born, and the period of time which would follow was named after the day Metaxas rose to absolute power: 4 August. The new regime was backed by small extremist political parties, and by conservatives expecting a crackdown on the communists.

Classical influences

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Young members of the Greek National Organisation of Youth (EON) give the fascist salute to Ioannis Metaxas.[9]

The roots of Metaxas' "New State" were sought in Greece's classical history. Metaxas thought Greek nationalism would galvanize "the heathen values of ancient Greece, specifically those of Sparta, along with the Eastern Orthodox Christian values of the Medieval empire of Byzantium".[10] Ancient Macedonia was also glorified as the first political unifier of the Hellenes.[11] As its main symbol, the youth organization of the regime chose the labrys/pelekys, the symbol of ancient Minoan Crete.

The traditional Greek values of "Country, Loyalty, Family and Religion", which Metaxas praised repeatedly, were also close to those of the ancient Spartans. The regime promoted the perceived Spartan ideals of self-discipline, militarism and collective sacrifice, while Byzantium provided an emphasis on a centralized state and devotion to the monarchy and Greek Orthodox Church.[12]

External influences

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Metaxas considered António Salazar's Estado Novo of Portugal his main inspiration[citation needed] and surrounded himself with elements from this and other dictatorial regimes of the time. Thus, his main ideological slogan was also "New State" (Neon Kratos) and 4 August regime used its own military-like uniforms, greetings, songs and rituals, including the Roman salute (which Metaxas considered Greek in origin as a salutation to the sun god Apollo, and he referred to it as the "Hellenikos Hairetismos" ("Hellenic Hailing")).[citation needed]

Metaxas' regime also developed characteristics typical of authoritarian states such as 1930s Italy and Germany: the regime's propaganda presented Metaxas as "the First Peasant", "the First Worker" and as "the National Father" of the Greeks. Like his contemporaries Hitler with Führer and Mussolini with Duce, Metaxas adopted the title of Archigos, Greek for "leader" or "chieftain", and claimed that his regime had to lay the foundations for the appearance of a glorious "Third Hellenic Civilization" combining the best of ancient Greece and the Greek Byzantine Empire of the Middle Ages.

Greek totalitarianism

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The Metaxas regime sought to comprehensively change Greece, and therefore instituted controls on Greek society, politics, language, and the economy. In each of these policy areas, the Metaxas government seemed more nearly an anticipation of Francoist Spain than to resemble its contemporaries Nazi Germany or Fascist Italy.

Greece since the 4th of August became an anticommunist State, an antiparliamentary State, a totalitarian State. A State based on its farmers and workers, and so antiplutocratic. There is not, of course, a particular party to govern. This party is all the People, except of the incorrigible communists and the reactionary old parties politicians.

— Ioannis Metaxas[13]

Attempts at social control

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Propaganda poster of the regime

Having come to power intent on restoring public order, Metaxas' state largely achieved this goal, under the supervision of what can be described as its most fascist member, minister of public order Konstantinos Maniadakis. Maniadakis created a second fake "communist party", published a fake Rizospastis and achieved the dissolution of all the communist organizations.

Metaxas' policies such as the censorship of the media, the banning of political parties and prohibition of strikes copied contemporary European authoritarian regimes. As its far-right contemporaries Italy and Germany, the Greek State also had its political police force, the Asfaleia, based upon the Gestapo (its chief Maniadakis maintained a close relationship with Himmler on methods and techniques). The objective of Asfaleia was to secure public order.

The regime also repressed the rebetiko music due to the uncompromising lyrics and favoured the traditional Greek folk music. Hashish dens, baglamas and bouzouki were banned, or at least playing in the eastern-style manner and scales. Probably inspired by the Völkisch movement, a massive promotion of the Greek folk music took place, though the radio and public festivals, mainly because of the animosity of the state towards the bouzoukis and the rebetiko music. On this point the Greek communist left agreed, considering the rebetiko as "reactionary".

Soon after its inception the regime severely repressed the communists and leftists. About 15,000 people were arrested and jailed, or exiled for political reasons; some were subjected to torture. Metaxas' regime forced the Communist party underground, and also attempted to dismantle the old system of loyalties of the Royalist and Venizelist parties. Those major forces however remained, as they had for the preceding decades, and re-emerged immediately after the four-year Metaxas regime.

While Metaxas' regime did play up the communist threat in order to justify its repression, the regime is not known to have committed political murders and did not instate the death penalty. Dissidents were, rather, usually banished to tiny islands in the Aegean Sea. For example, the liberal leader George Papandreou was exiled to Andros. The Greek Communist Party (KKE), meanwhile, which had already been outlawed, remained intact. Legal restrictions against it finally were ended in 1974 during metapolitefsi.

Arts and culture

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Metaxas was educated in the German Empire and admired German culture. He supported the arts (theatrical, literary, musical, visual arts, etc.). He collaborated with significant intellectual figures of the era, like Stratis Myrivilis, Nikos Kazantzakis, Angelos Sikelianos, Manolis Kalomoiris, Angelos Terzakis, "Nelly's" (Elli Seraidari), and others, to promote the ideas of the regime, especially to the youth.

Another notable policy was the use and promotion of Demotic Greek (Demotiki) in the educational system (but in a conservative form), instead of Katharevousa. Manolis Triantafyllidis was appointed to create the Demotic grammar used.

The role of the youth

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Main article: National Youth Organisation (Greece)
EON on parade (from its official magazine Neolaia). The double axe, emblem of the organisation, is visible on the standard.
The emblem of EON.
The flag which was used by EON during the Fourth of August regime.

In order to keep and maintain the values of the regime in future years, Metaxas gave birth to the Ethniki Organosi Neolaias (Εθνική Οργάνωση Νεολαίας, National Organisation of Youth, EON).

The EON brought together youths of all economic and social strata into one single body. Boys' education emphasized discipline and physical training, while girls were taught to become supportive wives and caring mothers to breed a stronger, healthier new generation. The EON published a fortnightly magazine called Neolaia (Νεολαία, Greek for "Youth"), which had much influence both in schools and in higher education.

Metaxas' vision was to create, through the youth, the "Third Hellenic Civilization", a continuity of the ancient Greek and Byzantine civilization.

The EON was disbanded by the German-Italian occupying authority in Greece following its vigorous resistance of the invasion.

Nationalism

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As in most other totalitarian regimes, 4 August regime adopted a strong nationalistic program: although Metaxas was opposed to the invasion of Asia Minor as part of the Megali Idea, he used strong nationalist language concerning Greek minorities in neighbouring countries[citation needed] and in answering threats from Greece's neighbours in the still volatile southeast Europe. As with many nation states at the time, he used language exalting his people's race.

Ethnic and linguistic minorities (mainly Slavic-speakers of Greek Macedonia) were persecuted under Metaxas' rule.[14] The regime, however, was tolerant to the Greek Jews, repealing the anti-Semitic laws of previous regimes. A large community of Sephardic Jews was present in the region of Thessaloniki which was annexed by Greece in 1913, and Jews were largely in opposition to Venizelism. Metaxas was firmly opposed to the irredentist factions of the Slavophones of northern Greece (most of whom were Bulgarians), some of whom underwent political persecution due to advocacy of irredentism with regard to neighbouring countries.[14]

Metaxas' regime continued repression of the use of Slavic languages both in public and in private and of expressions of Slavic cultural distinctiveness. During World War II, the Greek-identifying Slavophones fought in the Hellenic Army in defense of Greece, whereas those who didn't, collaborated with the occupational forces following Greece's capitulation.

Again, in contrast to some totalitarian regimes, no mass killings were ever instituted and there is no evidence that any were planned.[14]

Economic policy

[edit]
Poster of the Metaxas regime and the General Confederation of Greek Workers promoting the Social Insurance Institute (IKA)

One of 4 August government's main objectives was the repudiation of the old capitalist system and its replacement with a corporatist economic system in order to promote national and social solidarity. This idea "harmonized perfectly with Metaxas' convictions on social and national solidarity as well as his rejection of individualism and class struggle". The plan for the creation of a corporatist state was manifest in the early days of the regime by public declarations by Metaxas and by government ministers.[15]

To this end, Deputy Premier and Finance Minister Konstantinos Zavitsianos "published details about a horizontal (according to branches of production), not vertical (according to social class), syndicalist organization" of the state. However, due to the external crisis with Italy, the plan had to be temporarily postponed with the result that it never fully materialized.[15]

Metaxas' government, initially unpopular, also gained popularity through an elaborate program to socialize the Greek economy, including:

  • Unemployment insurance.
  • Μaternity leave.
  • A five-day, 40-hour workweek.
  • Guaranteed two-week vacations with pay (or two weeks' double pay in place of vacation).
  • Stricter work safety standards.

Many elements of this program persist in Greek economic policy. Metaxas' regime founded the Workers' Center (Εργατικό Κέντρο), which was established to look after workers' housing and recreation, among other things.

The 4th of August regime initially stabilized the drachma, which had been suffering from high inflation. Exploiting the newfound solidity of the currency, Metaxas' government embarked on large public works programs (such as the Ellinikon International Airport), including land drainage, construction of railways, road improvements, and modernization of the telecommunications infrastructure.

Metaxas' economic program met with initial success, with a marked rise in per capita income and temporary decline in unemployment in Greece between 1936 and 1938 (unemployment skyrocketed after 1938). Capitalizing on this success, the government instituted debt relief for farmers and instituted price floors on some agricultural goods to redistribute wealth to the countryside.

Also, on the legislation sector the Greek civil code, was finally completed by a jurist commission; a plan pending since the years of Otto of Greece.

Other

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Another organization established by the regime was for the first time a state radio station; the YRE (today ERT), suitable also for the propaganda of the regime.

Also, during the years of the regime, the first law was made to establish the National parks of Greece, as an example of the physiolatry, promoted by the regime. However, during these years, Ilissos river was covered in Athens.

Differences from other far-right regimes

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There is some debate over the regime's relationship to other far-right regimes of the 1930s, especially Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany.[16] Some of the main and important differences of Metaxas' regime as compared to other far-right governments include:

  • The anti-imperialist speech of the regime.
  • The pro-Jewish stance of Metaxas and tolerance to religious minorities.
  • Absence of a mass political base for the regime, in the form of a political party or movement.
  • No representative architecture or monuments.

The end of the 4th of August regime

[edit]
Ioannis Metaxas with King George II and Alexandros Papagos during a meeting of the Anglo-Greek War Council.

Foreign policy was one of the main concerns of 4 August regime. Metaxas, who had studied in Germany as a youth, was pro-German, while the King was pro-British. This caused heated discussions between the two, but the reality of 1930s Europe was that Greece's security depended less on Germany than on her traditional ally and protector, the United Kingdom, which was the Great Power dominating the Eastern Mediterranean Sea with her fleet. In addition, Italian leader Benito Mussolini's grandiose schemes to build a new Roman Empire in the Mediterranean directly clashed with Greek pretensions to control the Aegean Sea and the Dodecanese islands (then under Italian control) and to exert stronger influence in Albania.

As tensions and threat of war increased in Europe just before World War II, the situation was almost exactly the same as the position before World War I, when Greece had strong pro-German affinities in government, but it depended on Great Britain for its security. Most observers were anticipating Greece would attempt to remain neutral. Metaxas indeed attempted to maintain strict neutrality, but Italian expansionism eventually led to an Italian ultimatum and to the Greco-Italian War. However, Greek forces repelled the Italian invasion completely and pushed the Italians back into Albania, where the invasion had been launched. In fact, some territories in Albania where the Greek minority lives were claimed to be 'alliberated' and Metaxas' plans were to unite them with the rest of Greece.

Metaxas died suddenly in January 1941 among dark circumstances. His death raised hopes of a liberalization of his regime and the restoration of parliamentary rule, but King George quashed these hopes when he retained the regime's machinery in place. In the meantime, Germany entered the Battle of Greece through Yugoslavia and Bulgaria on April 6, 1941. Metaxas' successor Prime Minister Alexandros Koryzis, committed suicide on April 18, 1941, when the Germans approached Athens. On April 27, 1941, Athens was occupied by the Germans.

Despite British assistance, by the end of May, the Germans had overrun most of the country. The 4th of August regime collapsed on May 29, 1941. The King and the government escaped to Crete, where they stayed until the end of the Battle of Crete. They then transferred to Egypt, where a Greek government in exile was established. An alternative destination of Cyprus was rejected by the British, who feared that it might reinforce Greek claims on the island.

Meanwhile, in Greece a fascist puppet government was placed into power by the Axis powers.

Legacy

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As the Axis occupation ended, Greece descended into civil war between the communist-dominated forces of the left, operating in Greece and from bases in the south of Yugoslavia, and the U.S.- and UK-aligned forces of the political right. This was the first major protracted combat of the Cold War, one of the first exercises in U.S. policy of Containment, and a subject of the Truman Doctrine of U.S. President Harry S. Truman. The alignments were quite different from the Venizelist-Monarchist National Schism, as most Venizelists supported the right-wing alliance during the civil war.

See also

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Notes

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Citations

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  1. ^ Payne, Stanley G (1995). A History of Fascism, 1914–45. University of Wisconsin Press. ISBN 0-299-14874-2.
  2. ^ Cliadakis, Harry (2014). Fascism in Greece: The Metaxas Dictatorship 1936-1941. Verlag Franz Philipp Rutzen. ISBN 978-3-447-10188-2.
  3. ^ Kallis, Aristotle, Neither 'Fascism' Nor 'Authoritarian'? The '4th of August' Regime in Greece (1936-41) and the Dynamics of 'Fascistisation' in 1930s Europe (PDF), pp. 8–21
  4. ^ Lee, Stephen J. 2000. European Dictatorships, 1918–1945 Routledge; 2 ed. ISBN 0415230462.
  5. ^ Fascism: The 'fascist epoch'. Taylor & Francis. 2004. ISBN 978-0-415-29019-7.
  6. ^ Fascist Interactions: Proposals for a New Approach to Fascism and Its Era, 1919-1945. Berghahn Books. May 2016. ISBN 978-1-78533-130-5.
  7. ^ Kallis, Aristotle A. (June 2007). "Fascism and Religion: The Metaxas Regime in Greece and the 'Third Hellenic Civilisation'. Some Theoretical Observations on 'Fascism', 'Political Religion' and 'Clerical Fascism'". Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions. 8 (2): 229–246. doi:10.1080/14690760701321148. ISSN 1469-0764.
  8. ^ The bloody May of 1936 in Thessaloniki, Greece
  9. ^ Metaxas Jugend – A picture album of the Greek Fascist Youth EON (2009), p. 11
  10. ^ Clogg (1992)
  11. ^ Hamilakis, Y. (2007) The nation and its ruins: antiquity, archaeology, and national imagination in Greece, Oxford University Press, ISBN 0-19-923038-2, p. 177
  12. ^ Hamilakis (2007), pp. 177–178
  13. ^ Metaxas' diary p. 553
  14. ^ a b c Kallis
  15. ^ a b Constantine Sarandis, "The Ideology and Character of the Metaxas Regime", The Metaxas Dictatorship: Aspects of Greece, 1936–1940, pp. 156–157. [ISBN missing]
  16. ^ Clogg (1987), p. 182

References

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Further reading

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[edit]
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4th of August Regime

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The 4th of August Regime was an authoritarian dictatorship established in Greece on 4 August 1936 by Prime Minister Ioannis Metaxas, with the endorsement of King George II, in response to mounting political instability, widespread strikes, and perceived communist threats following inconclusive elections. Metaxas suspended the constitution, dissolved parliament, banned political parties, and imposed censorship to consolidate power, ruling until his death from throat cancer on 29 January 1941, after which the regime persisted under successors until the Axis invasion in April 1941. The regime promoted a vision of the "Third Hellenic Civilization," drawing on ancient Greek, Byzantine, and modern national traditions to foster unity, while rejecting full alignment with Italian fascism or Nazism despite superficial borrowings like uniforms and youth mobilization. Key policies included the creation of the National Organisation of Youth (EON) to instill discipline and patriotism, expansion of social welfare programs such as labor protections and initiatives, and projects that contributed to economic stabilization amid the Great Depression's aftermath. These measures addressed pre-regime unrest by curbing communist influence through arrests and exile of leaders, while preserving the , Greek Orthodox Church, and , distinguishing it from more radical totalitarian models. Notably, Metaxas' famous refusal—"Ochi" (No)—to Mussolini's ultimatum on 28 1940 rallied national resistance, leading to initial Greek victories against Italian forces despite eventual overwhelming Axis intervention. Controversies centered on the regime's repressive apparatus, including a security service that monitored and interned opponents, though scholarly assessments highlight its relative restraint compared to contemporaries, such as protecting Greek Jewry from antisemitic policies until the occupation. Post-Metaxas , influenced by leftist narratives, often equates it with , yet empirical analyses emphasize its conservative rooted in royalist and anti-Bolshevik priorities rather than revolutionary .

Historical Context

Political Instability and Factionalism in Interwar Greece

The defeat in the Greco-Turkish War of 1919–1922, culminating in the Asia Minor Catastrophe of September 1922, intensified the longstanding between Venizelists—supporters of Prime Minister , favoring republicanism and Allied alignment—and anti-Venizelists, who backed the monarchy and greater caution in foreign adventures. The catastrophe, involving the evacuation of over 1.2 million from , discredited Venizelist expansionism while fueling mutual recriminations, as royalist forces blamed Venizelos for the debacle despite King Constantine I's role in resuming the campaign after his 1920 restoration. This polarization manifested in factional violence, including the 11 September 1922 Revolution led by Colonel , which executed six politicians and the Patriarch for alleged treason, and subsequent purges of royalist officers. Interwar Greece experienced chronic governmental instability, marked by repeated military interventions and short-lived cabinets. Between the abolition of the in and its restoration in , the Second Hellenic Republic endured over two dozen government changes, with cabinets averaging less than six months in duration amid economic strain from refugee integration and debts. Notable coups included Theodoros Pangalos's 1925 seizure of power, which dissolved parliament and ruled dictatorially until ousted in 1926; failed monarchist plots in 1933 and ; and Georgios Kondylis's November 1935 coup, which ended the republic via a rigged plebiscite restoring King George II. These events reflected entrenched and military politicization, as officers from the 1912–1922 wars vied for influence, undermining parliamentary legitimacy and fostering perceptions of systemic paralysis. The (KKE), founded in 1918, capitalized on social discontent, gaining traction through labor agitation amid the Great Depression's impact. In the January 1936 elections, the KKE secured 15 seats with 5.8% of the vote, holding the balance in a where neither the Liberal Party (126 seats) nor the People's Party (143 seats) could form a stable majority without compromising on anti-communist reforms. This deadlock empowered caretaker Konstantinos Demertzis's national unity coalition, which struggled to enact emergency decrees against subversive activities. Heightening fears, the KKE-backed tobacco workers' strike in , launched on 29 April 1936 for wage increases and an eight-hour day, escalated into a on 8 May, involving clashes that killed at least 12 and injured hundreds by 9 May—events dubbed "Bloody May" and cited as evidence of Bolshevik-inspired disruption. Such unrest, including reports of production sabotage, amplified conservative demands for decisive action against perceived threats to national order.

Economic Crisis and Social Unrest

The global economic downturn following the 1929 Wall Street Crash severely impacted Greece, an export-dependent economy where tobacco and currants comprised 60-70% of total exports, leading to a sharp contraction in trade balances and foreign exchange reserves. This vulnerability was exacerbated by lingering effects of the 1923 Greco-Turkish population exchange, which resettled approximately 1.2 million Greek Orthodox refugees from Turkey, inflating the national population by 20% and straining resources for housing, employment, and agricultural integration in an already agrarian society. Urban unemployment surged amid industrial stagnation and rural distress from falling commodity prices, fostering widespread discontent that parliamentary governments proved unable to mitigate through fiscal austerity or liberalization efforts. Labor unrest intensified in 1935-1936, marked by a proliferation of strikes driven by wage disputes and organized by communist-led unions, including a nationwide workers' action beginning in 1936 that escalated into a in Salonika by May, paralyzing key sectors and prompting violent clashes known as "Bloody May." These disruptions, often framed by contemporaries as influenced by Soviet-backed agitation rather than solely economic grievances, extended to and other regions, with demonstrations reflecting deeper ideological polarization amid perceived governmental impotence. Over this period, hundreds of work stoppages challenged liberal democratic institutions, highlighting their fragility in addressing causal pressures from economic contraction and refugee-induced demographic shifts. Attempts at stabilization, such as General Georgios Kondylis's dictatorship established on October 10, 1935, following the ouster of Panagis Tsaldaris, imposed and aimed to restore order but failed to quell unrest or restore monarchy-backed legitimacy without further volatility. Kondylis's regime organized a plebiscite in November 1935 that reinstated King George II with reported irregularities, yet persistent strikes and factional infighting underscored the inadequacy of ad hoc authoritarian measures, creating conditions conducive to more resolute intervention. This cycle of crisis and ineffective response eroded public confidence in constitutional , prioritizing empirical exigencies over ideological commitments to pluralism.

Establishment

The Coup of 4 August 1936

On 4 August 1936, , then serving as in Konstantinos Demertzis's , persuaded King George II to authorize the declaration of amid widespread industrial unrest and a planned set for 5 August, which Metaxas portrayed as a prelude to communist insurrection. The king endorsed the suspension of key constitutional articles—including those guaranteeing personal liberties, , and political organization—effectively dissolving the Vouli (), banning all , and granting Metaxas dictatorial powers to avert what was described as an imminent "Bolshevik revolution." The coup unfolded without armed resistance, as Metaxas leveraged the perceived threat of social collapse following the "Bloody May" tobacco worker strikes earlier that year and ongoing economic turmoil. King George II's signature on the enabling decrees provided legal cover, framing the measures as a temporary safeguard for national stability rather than a personal seizure of power, with Metaxas retaining his position but assuming expanded executive authority. Immediate actions under included the arrest of over 15,000 individuals suspected of communist affiliations, targeting leaders of the (KKE), such as General Secretary , who was imprisoned and later exiled to the island of . Press was imposed to suppress "subversive" publications, and all political activities were prohibited to restore public order and neutralize the strike's momentum, which faltered under the preemptive crackdown. In a radio on 4 August, Metaxas addressed the nation, invoking the need for "national salvation" through unity under and traditional values, positioning the as a continuation of monarchical against foreign ideological threats rather than a radical break. This emphasized to preserve the Hellenic state from internal division, with the general strike's failure cited as validation of the measures' necessity.

Royal Support and Constitutional Suspension

The restoration of the Greek monarchy in 1935 provided a foundational element of legitimacy for subsequent authoritarian measures. Following a plebiscite on November 3, 1935, King George II returned to the throne after an official vote tallying 97.88% in favor of restoration, amid ongoing political instability from the Second Hellenic Republic's factionalism and failed republican governance. This outcome, conducted under military oversight after a coup by General , reflected widespread elite and public rejection of republican chaos, though critics noted procedural irregularities including non-secret balloting. In the context of interwar Greece's persistent governmental paralysis, King George II appointed as prime minister on April 13, 1936, bypassing fragmented parliamentary majorities that included a strengthened following inconclusive elections. Metaxas, previously appointed minister of war on March 5, 1936, was selected for his conservative credentials and military background to counter rising social unrest and ideological threats, rejecting unstable democratic coalitions in favor of centralized authority under monarchical auspices. This appointment underscored the king's active role in stabilizing the against liberal, republican, and radical factions, maintaining institutional continuity rather than revolutionary rupture. On August 4, 1936, amid a nationwide workers' strike perceived as communist-orchestrated, Metaxas persuaded King George II to invoke Article 92 of the 1927 Constitution, declaring a that suspended parliamentary and key constitutional articles, including those on and legislative powers. The king retained his position as , with Metaxas exercising dictatorial powers as until his death on January 29, 1941, framing the regime as a royal-authorized safeguard against rather than a usurpation. This arrangement differentiated the 4th of August Regime from contemporaneous revolutionary dictatorships like Mussolini's or Hitler's , emphasizing preservation of the crown's symbolic and legal authority. To consolidate control and avert potential coups from disloyal liberals or radicals, Metaxas implemented stringent loyalty measures, including oaths of allegiance required from civil servants, officers, and public officials to the king and regime, alongside purges of suspected subversives in the armed forces and bureaucracy. These steps, enforced through and administrative reforms, ensured institutional adherence and preempted internal challenges during the regime's formative phase.

Ideological Foundations

Core Principles of the Third Hellenic Civilization

The Third Hellenic Civilization constituted ' ideological framework for 's national regeneration, envisioned as the successor to the ancient Hellenic era and the , integrating elements of classical discipline, Orthodox spirituality, and contemporary to forge a unified state. Metaxas articulated this as a utopian project to transcend the political fragmentation and social divisions plaguing interwar , drawing on historical precedents of communal solidarity and moral rigor rather than foreign totalitarian models. The concept rejected imported ideologies, positioning 's revival as an organic resurgence rooted in its civilizational lineage, with the regime serving as the instrument to realize this synthesis amid threats from and liberal individualism. Central to this vision was the principle of national unity, which Metaxas promoted as the antidote to factionalism and class antagonism, advocating instead for organic social harmony through hierarchical structures guided by the state. He explicitly repudiated Marxist notions of inevitable class struggle, favoring a corporatist approach that subordinated individual and group interests to collective national solidarity, thereby aiming to eliminate divisive economic conflicts. This emphasis on solidarity extended to a rejection of atomistic , which Metaxas viewed as eroding communal bonds, in favor of a state-mediated order preserving traditional hierarchies. The ideology underscored spiritual and moral revival as foundational, prioritizing family integrity, religious , and ethical discipline over materialistic pursuits or egalitarian abstractions. Metaxas' writings, including diary entries and speeches from , traced Greece's pre-regime instability to underlying moral decay—manifest in cultural dilution and institutional weakness—arguing causally that restoring national traditions and spiritual vitality was essential to avert collapse and enable renewal. and were elevated as core pillars, intended to instill a sense of transcendent purpose and cultural continuity against secular ideologies and Western influences perceived as decadent. This anti-materialist orientation sought to cultivate a populace oriented toward higher ideals, with the state enforcing moral standards to counteract the ethical erosion Metaxas linked to economic crises and political .

Influences and Distinctions from Contemporary Regimes

The 4th of August Regime incorporated select elements from the authoritarian models of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany, particularly in organizational structures and mobilization tactics. Ioannis Metaxas admired aspects of Benito Mussolini's corporatist approach to economic management, which influenced the regime's efforts to restructure labor relations through state-supervised syndicates, and Adolf Hitler's emphasis on youth indoctrination, evident in the establishment of the Ethniki Organosis Neoleas (EON) as a compulsory paramilitary youth organization aimed at instilling discipline and national loyalty. These borrowings were adapted superficially in propaganda and symbolism, such as Metaxas adopting the title Archigos (Leader), akin to Duce and Führer, yet without the revolutionary ideological overhaul characteristic of those regimes. Despite these influences, Metaxas explicitly rejected alignment with , positioning his rule as a distinct national renewal rather than importation of foreign ideologies, and the avoided hallmarks of fascist radicalism such as racial , antisemitic pogroms, or aggressive territorial . In place of Nazi Aryan mysticism, the invoked ancient precedents, particularly Spartan communal discipline and the system of rigorous youth training, which shaped EON's programs to foster austerity, obedience, and martial ethos rooted in Hellenic antiquity rather than . Its retention of the under King George II, with the sovereign's endorsement of the , underscored a conservative incompatible with the totalitarian single-party structures and leader cults that supplanted traditional institutions in and . Historians such as Aristotle Kallis have argued that the 4th of August Regime defies simplistic categorization as fascist or even conventional , instead representing a that safeguarded existing social hierarchies and cultural traditions against the destabilizing fascistization trends sweeping Europe, without pursuing the central to fascist movements. This perspective emphasizes the regime's non-revolutionary stasis and lack of mass-mobilizing myth of national rebirth, distinguishing it as a defensive response to internal communist threats and political rather than an emulation of continental totalitarian experiments.

Domestic Governance

Political Control and Anti-Communist Measures

Following the declaration of the dictatorship on 4 August 1936, Prime Minister Ioannis Metaxas abolished all political parties, including his own Party of Freethinkers, to eliminate factionalism and consolidate state authority under a single national framework. This measure dismantled the patronage networks of royalist and Venizelist groups, though the regime tolerated conservative and monarchist elements that aligned with its anti-parliamentary stance, avoiding the ideological conformity enforced in Nazi Germany or the Soviet Union. Political opposition was curtailed through censorship, press controls, and the empowerment of the Ministry of Public Order under Konstantinos Maniadakis, who oversaw a network of informants and surveillance targeting perceived subversives rather than broad societal purges. Anti-communist policies formed the regime's core repressive apparatus, driven by the perceived threat from the (KKE), which had organized widespread strikes and unrest in the preceding years, including a threatened in 1936 that paralyzed key sectors. The KKE was outlawed and driven underground immediately after the coup, with thousands of its members arrested; by , Emergency Law 1075 facilitated the exile of communists and other leftists to remote such as Ai Stratis, where approximately 230 were interned under gendarme supervision. Similar deportations occurred to (around 220 exiles) and other sites, totaling several thousand political detainees by the late 1930s, focused on neutralizing KKE cadres responsible for violent agitation rather than indiscriminate elimination. These measures yielded measurable stability: labor strikes, numbering in the hundreds annually during the interwar instability of 1935-1936, declined sharply to near zero by 1938, as state and wage adjustments supplanted union militancy, alongside heightened policing that reduced overall crime and . The targeted repression addressed the KKE's tactical use of and economic disruption—evident in pre-regime factory occupations and port blockades—enabling governance continuity without resorting to mass executions or camps comparable to those under Stalinist or Hitlerian regimes, where ideological purges claimed millions. While critics, often from leftist perspectives, decry the exiles as authoritarian overreach, the empirical drop in unrest metrics underscores the causal efficacy of focused countermeasures against a documented for its alignment with Comintern directives advocating overthrow.

Economic Policies and Recovery Efforts

The 4th of August Regime implemented a corporatist economic structure, emphasizing state mediation between labor and capital to foster production harmony and suppress class conflict. Independent trade unions were dissolved, strikes banned, and professional guilds reorganized under government oversight through entities like the National Organization of Social Providence, which coordinated wage policies and . This framework prioritized and reduced industrial disputes, with the regime claiming it resolved pre-1936 labor instability that had exacerbated economic woes. To address , estimated at 135,000 individuals—or roughly 7-10% of the workforce—in a of about 5 million at the regime's outset, Metaxas initiated large-scale programs funded by state borrowing and . These included extensive and bridge construction, initiatives, and hydraulic projects such as and systems, which absorbed labor and modernized . By the late 1930s, these measures yielded a temporary decline in alongside rising , contrasting with persistent global Depression-era stagnation. Critics noted coercive elements in labor mobilization, yet the built assets—such as expanded networks—persisted post-regime, underscoring where prior parliamentary governments had faltered amid fiscal and Venizelist-Pangalos factionalism. Agricultural policy centered on debt relief for farmers via a 1937 moratorium (Law 6771) and incentives for crop diversification toward self-sufficiency, bolstering tobacco output as Greece's primary export despite earlier 1930s declines. Tobacco exports stabilized and grew modestly by 1939, supported by state grading standards and punitive quality controls, while overall agricultural production rose in defiance of international trade contractions. Monetary efforts involved tightening credit through the , which centralized reserves and curtailed speculation following interwar volatility, aiding drachma steadiness without major devaluation until wartime pressures. These reforms, coupled with export earnings from and nascent armaments, enabled budget balancing by 1939 and infrastructure investment exceeding 12 million pounds sterling in related defense-linked projects. Empirical outcomes included reduced urban poverty indicators and industrial expansion, though sustainability hinged on authoritarian controls absent in democratic predecessors.

Social Reforms and Youth Indoctrination

The 4th of August Regime implemented social reforms to enhance national unity and counter perceived threats from and social decay, focusing on youth mobilization and family strengthening as practical means to instill and traditional values. A was the Ethniki Organosis Neoleas (), established in 1936 as the National Youth Organization, which emphasized physical training, anti-materialist ethics, loyalty to the , Orthodox Christianity, family, and regime ideals. EON activities incorporated military drills, sports, and educational camps to foster and resilience, mandatory for school attendees and promoted through extensive drives. Membership surged rapidly under state backing, expanding from 19,000 to 500,000 by 1938 and surpassing 750,000 by late 1939, with over 1 million enrollees—including 328,000 girls—by , encompassing roughly one-sixth of Greece's in . These figures reflect effective amid interwar instability, channeling energy into structured programs that prioritized over , yielding measurable gains in physical preparedness and ideological alignment without documented widespread refusal. Complementing EON, family-oriented policies addressed depopulation anxieties through pronatalist advocacy, elevating motherhood via state propaganda and welfare provisions for maternal and child health, often in tandem with Orthodox Church efforts to reinforce moral education on familial duty and national . While critics later highlighted uniformity's potential to constrain personal , empirical participation data indicates these reforms pragmatically stabilized youth amid unrest, functioning as an anti-communist safeguard with sustained engagement rather than overt suppression.

Cultural and Educational Initiatives

The 4th of August Regime pursued educational reforms that centered on revising school curricula to emphasize classical , , and patriotic themes, with the explicit goal of linking contemporary Greeks to their Hellenic forebears as part of the proclaimed "Third Hellenic Civilization." These changes, implemented shortly after the 1936 coup, mandated greater focus on national heritage in primary and secondary instruction, extending compulsory schooling to foster discipline and cultural continuity amid perceived moral decay from prior liberal governments. Cultural policies emphasized revivalist , sponsoring public spectacles such as mass rallies, torchlight processions, and anniversary commemorations infused with elements of ancient rituals and to evoke unity and pride in Greece's classical and Byzantine legacies. Performances of ancient dramas and promotion of traditional customs served to construct a homogeneous , drawing on archaeological and historical motifs rather than wholesale suppression of artistic output. Censorship, enforced via the Ministry of Press and Tourism established in 1936, targeted "degenerate" modernist influences in , theater, , and , prohibiting content deemed subversive or foreign-corrupting, yet permitted conservative outlets supportive of regime values and Orthodox traditions. , nationalized under regime control, broadcast intertwined with folk songs, historical recitations, and educational segments, achieving broader reach than print media without the totalitarian monopoly seen in contemporaneous . Attendance at regime-orchestrated events, including open-air cultural gatherings, reflected empirically observable surges in , suggesting these initiatives cultivated tangible national sentiment beyond mere , as evidenced by sustained engagement in heritage-themed celebrations through 1941.

Foreign Relations and Military Affairs

Neutrality and Alliances in Pre-War Europe

Upon assuming power in August 1936, Ioannis Metaxas pursued a foreign policy of strict neutrality, aiming to shield from the escalating tensions in while bolstering national defenses. This stance was formalized with 's declaration of neutrality on 3 September 1939, following the outbreak of , reflecting Metaxas' longstanding advocacy for non-intervention to preserve sovereignty amid great power rivalries. Despite ideological affinities with authoritarian models in and , Metaxas rejected formal alliances with the , prioritizing economic pragmatism over ideological alignment; maintained significant trade relations with , which absorbed much of its tobacco and currant exports, but eschewed military pacts that could entangle the country in continental conflicts. Metaxas balanced this by cultivating ties with Britain and , securing military and financial assistance to modernize Greece's armed forces without compromising neutrality. In April 1939, Greece accepted the Anglo-French guarantee of , which implicitly aligned it with the Western Allies against potential aggressors, though Metaxas framed it as defensive insurance rather than belligerent commitment. This pro-Western orientation was evident in cooperation and arms procurement from Britain, underscoring a strategic tilt toward traditional maritime partners over continental dictatorships, even as domestic drew superficial comparisons to . A key manifestation of this defensive realism was the construction of the , a fortified defensive network along the Greco-Bulgarian border initiated in 1936 and expanded through 1940, comprising bunkers, artillery positions, and tunnels designed to deter invasion from the north amid lingering Balkan instabilities. Metaxas' personal writings and decisions reveal deep skepticism toward Italian ambitions, rooted in Benito Mussolini's 1923 bombardment of over a border dispute, which he viewed as emblematic of revanchist unpredictability; this historical grievance informed a policy of vigilance against , rejecting overtures that might subordinate Greek interests. Regarding regional frameworks, Metaxas adhered to the 1934 with , , and as a non-aggression accord but resisted pressures to militarize it into an anti-Axis bloc, preserving Greece's and avoiding escalatory commitments that could provoke or . This armed neutrality—combining diplomatic detachment with internal fortification—positioned Greece as a cautious observer, reliant on deterrence rather than entanglement, until direct compelled response.

Defense Against Italian Aggression

On 28 October 1940, delivered an ultimatum to via the Italian ambassador in , demanding the cession of strategic territories and permission for Italian troops to occupy key sites, which Prime Minister rejected outright with the response "Óchi" (No), initiating the . This act of defiance prompted an immediate Italian invasion from , targeting and the , but Greek forces rapidly stabilized the frontlines and transitioned to a counteroffensive by mid-November. Under the Metaxas regime's pre-war preparations, the Greek Army had undergone significant reorganization, expanding to bolster manpower reserves and investing approximately £12 million in defense infrastructure and equipment acquisitions between 1936 and 1940, which enabled the mobilization of five army corps comprising 15 divisions and one division by late 1940. These reforms contrasted with the preceding era of political instability and fragmented military readiness, where chronic government changes had undermined cohesive training and logistics; the regime's centralized control facilitated rapid deployment of over 200,000 troops to the Albanian front within weeks of the . The Greek counteroffensive, launched on 14 November 1940, exploited Italian overextension and poor logistics, resulting in the capture of Korçë (Korytsa) on 22 November after Italian forces abandoned the city amid retreats that yielded thousands of prisoners and substantial materiel. Greek advances pushed into Albanian territory, reaching heights near Pogradec and holding gains through harsh winter conditions until German intervention aided Italy in spring 1941. Italian casualties mounted to over 102,000 combat losses, including 13,755 dead, against Greek figures of approximately 83,500 combat casualties, underscoring disproportionate resilience facilitated by terrain advantages, determined supply lines, and the regime-enforced national cohesion that minimized internal dissent and maximized troop morale.

Downfall

Metaxas' Death and Regime Weakening

died on 29 January 1941 in from , stemming from complications of a that had worsened his preexisting health conditions during the height of the . King George II promptly appointed , a civilian banker and former governor of the , as prime minister, with Koryzis publicly pledging to uphold Metaxas' policies of national unity, , and wartime mobilization. The regime's structure, inherently non-partisan and reliant on Metaxas' personal charisma and military prestige for centralized control, suffered an immediate upon his death, forcing greater dependence on the and exposing latent fractures among competing military factions and royal advisors. Koryzis, lacking Metaxas' authoritarian gravitas or broad institutional loyalty, struggled to maintain policy coherence, as royal influence increasingly mediated decisions amid escalating pressures, gradually eroding the regime's cohesive vision of corporatist and ideological . Wartime exigencies intensified this drift, with resource allocation prioritizing the Albanian front over domestic initiatives, stalling key economic projects like and that had symbolized Metaxas' recovery efforts. Military cohesion faltered as exhaustion from the harsh winter campaign led to rising desertions—estimated at several thousand soldiers by early —undermining troop and signaling the dissipation of Metaxas' ability to enforce discipline through personal authority and . These indicators reflected a causal weakening: without Metaxas' unifying force, the regime's anti-communist rigor softened in practice, as administrative inertia and factional pulls diluted enforcement against internal dissenters.

Axis Invasion and Occupation

The German invasion of Greece, codenamed Operation Marita, began on 6 April 1941, with forces under Field Marshal launching attacks through and a direct assault on the along the Bulgarian frontier. This fortified defense, built under the 4th of August Regime to deter Bulgarian revanchism, featured concrete bunkers, artillery emplacements, and anti-tank obstacles, but German dominance and infantry flanking via the Monastir Gap overwhelmed Greek defenders within three days. Greek armies, already committed to the Albanian theater against , faced encirclement as British Expeditionary Force elements withdrew southward. Prime Minister , successor to following his death on 29 January 1941, shot himself on 18 April amid the disintegrating situation, leaving King George II to authorize surrender terms. General , commanding III Army Corps in , defied orders by signing a unilateral armistice with German General on 20 April 1941 near , halting major combat operations. The Army capitulated the same day, while the Army of Macedonia surrendered on 23 April; residual Greek forces in held positions until early May under combined Italo-German pressure before yielding. Axis forces occupied Athens on 27 April 1941, partitioning into German, Italian, and Bulgarian zones, with the latter annexing and eastern Macedonia. Tsolakoglou formed a puppet administration as on 30 April, nominally under royal oversight but subservient to occupation authorities, handling internal administration while Germans controlled security and economy. This marked the effective dissolution of the 4th of August Regime's centralized control, as pre-surrender authoritarian structures fragmented under military defeat. The regime's operational neutrality—no formal Axis despite Metaxas' early German sympathies—and its defiant response to the 28 October 1940 Italian underscored a pragmatic anti-aggression posture, framing the capitulation as compelled by superior force rather than ideological alignment, which later contextualized collaboration by figures like Tsolakoglou as survivalist rather than fascist. The campaign inflicted heavy losses on Greek forces, with estimates of around 13,000 military fatalities from combat, reflecting defensive tenacity against mechanized tactics despite material shortages. Occupation policies, including resource extraction and reprisals, immediately strained the populace, fostering underground networks that drew partial ideological sustenance from the regime's prior nationalist mobilization, though these were soon eclipsed by broader partisan warfare.

Legacy and Assessment

Contributions to National Stability and Resistance

The 4th of August Regime stabilized Greece following the political turmoil of , including widespread labor unrest and a threatened that had paralyzed the . By declaring a on 4 August and suspending parliamentary democracy, Prime Minister curtailed factional violence and strikes, fostering an environment of enforced order that allowed for administrative reforms and infrastructure development, such as road and bridge construction projects. Economic policies emphasized self-sufficiency and reduced foreign loan dependency, with measures like raising agricultural prices and improving industrial working conditions contributing to recovery from the deficits inherited in 1936. These efforts, including corporatist labor , mitigated the risk of social collapse amid the global depression's aftermath, providing a benchmark for sustained national cohesion. The regime's military enhancements, anticipating European tensions, equipped Greece for defense, notably through border fortifications like the along the Bulgarian frontier and accelerated officer training. This preparation underpinned the Greek Army's initial successes in repelling the Italian invasion launched on 28 October 1940, after Metaxas' famous rejection of Mussolini's ultimatum—immortalized as "Ochi Day" and annually commemorated as a symbol of national resolve. Anti-communist policies, including the suppression of the (KKE) and its forced underground operations, averted the revolutionary threats posed by leftist agitation in the . Metaxas framed these measures as essential to blocking a Soviet-influenced , a stance that, per regime rationale and subsequent analyses, preserved institutional continuity against the backdrop of communist gains elsewhere in . Regarding minorities, the regime repealed prior anti-Semitic legislation and halted discriminatory propaganda, maintaining tolerance toward Greek Jews despite its nationalist orientation. High officials, including the of Macedonia, publicly affirmed Jewish integration, contrasting with rising in other authoritarian states.

Critiques of Repression and Authoritarianism

The regime's authoritarian measures included the arrest and internment of thousands of political opponents, primarily communists and leftists, with estimates ranging from 15,000 to over 30,000 individuals detained, exiled to islands, or incarcerated in camps between 1936 and 1941. Reports documented the use of torture in these facilities to elicit confessions or break resistance, though systematic records remain sparse due to the era's opacity. Political suppression extended to liberals and trade unionists, with strikes outlawed and organizations dissolved, framing dissent as a threat to national unity amid Greece's pre-regime instability marked by frequent government collapses and labor unrest. Censorship stifled public discourse, imposing controls on newspapers, books, theater, and music deemed subversive, while opposition voices in were purged or silenced through arrests. Writers and journalists faced prosecution for criticizing the , contributing to a where independent expression was curtailed to propagate regime ideology. The suppression targeted perceived ideological enemies, including Marxist literature and works challenging traditional values, aligning with Metaxas' vision of moral regeneration but limiting . A elevated Metaxas as the "National Father" and symbolic head of Greek society—farmer, worker, and warrior—through pervasive , posters, statues, and official rhetoric that personalized state authority. This personalization, while fostering loyalty, reinforced authoritarian control by equating regime stability with Metaxas' leadership. These repressive practices drew contemporary and later critiques for violating , yet their scope remained confined compared to contemporaneous European dictatorships, lacking mass executions, genocides, or widespread economic expropriation; no large-scale political killings were recorded, and detentions focused on rather than extermination. In Greece's context of interwar polarization, where communist agitation and royalist-venizelist divides risked civil strife, proponents viewed such measures as a bulwark against Bolshevik-style upheaval, though detractors emphasized their erosion of democratic norms without equivalent safeguards seen in parliamentary systems. Limited amnesties for select prisoners occurred in the regime's final months before Metaxas' death in January 1941, signaling some pragmatic easing amid external pressures, but these did not reverse the broader pattern of coercion.

Modern Scholarly and Political Interpretations

Following the Greek Civil War (1946–1949), leftist historiography predominantly framed the 4th of August Regime as fascist, aligning it with to delegitimize anti-communist forces and justify revolutionary narratives amid ongoing partisan violence by communist guerrillas. This portrayal persisted in post-1974 academic circles influenced by Marxist paradigms, emphasizing superficial borrowings like youth organizations and while downplaying the regime's suppression of actual communist insurgencies and its monarchist-conservative foundations. From the 1990s onward, comparative fascist studies rejected rigid fascist categorization, classifying the regime instead as a conservative authoritarian hybrid that selectively emulated fascist aesthetics without revolutionary mobilization or ideological overhaul. Scholars like Stanley G. Payne highlighted its alignment with traditional right-wing dictatorships, such as Portugal's Salazar regime, prioritizing national stability over mass palingenesis or totalitarianism. Aristotle Kallis argued for its uniqueness as "Metaxism," rooted in pre-fascist Greek monarchism and Orthodox traditionalism, with limited "fascistisation" constrained by royal oversight and pro-British foreign policy, distinguishing it from Italy's or Germany's organic fascist movements. Approximately two-thirds of historians now favor "authoritarian" or "quasi-fascist" descriptors over full fascism, citing empirical lacks in grassroots support and anti-clericalism. Politically, right-leaning Greek factions have rehabilitated Metaxas' image since the 2000s, erecting or restoring statues—such as efforts in Kefalonia in 2012—and centering (October 28) commemorations on his defiant rejection of Mussolini's 1940 ultimatum, which empirical records show averted immediate Italian occupation and enabled Greek counteroffensives. These reevaluations critique leftist historiography for overlooking verifiable communist violence in the 1930s, including strikes and plots that destabilized governance, and for prioritizing EU-aligned abstractions over data on the regime's role in averting civil strife. Ongoing journal debates, such as in Fascism (2022 issues), probe fascist emulation dynamics without generic labels, underscoring causal factors like economic recovery (unemployment drop from 1936 highs) and anti-totalitarian bulwarks against Soviet influence.

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