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Sephardic Jews
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Sephardic Jews,[a] also known as Sephardi Jews or Sephardim,[b][1] and rarely as Iberian Peninsular Jews,[1] are a Jewish diaspora population associated with the historic Jewish communities of the Iberian Peninsula (Spain and Portugal) and their descendants.[1] The term "Sephardic" comes from Sepharad, the Hebrew word for Iberia. These communities flourished for centuries in Iberia until they were expelled in the late 15th century. Over time, "Sephardic" has also come to refer more broadly to Jews, particularly in the Middle East and North Africa, who adopted Sephardic religious customs and legal traditions, often due to the influence of exiles. In some cases, Ashkenazi Jews who settled in Sephardic communities and adopted their liturgy are also included under this term.[1] Today, Sephardic Jews form a major component of the global Jewish population, with the largest population living in Israel.[2]
Key Information
The earliest documented Jewish presence in the Iberian Peninsula dates to the Roman period, beginning in the first centuries CE. After facing persecution under the Pagan and later Christian Visigothic Kingdom, Jewish communities flourished for centuries under Muslim rule in Al-Andalus following the Umayyad conquest (711–720s), a period often seen as a golden age. Their status declined under the radical Almoravid and Almohad dynasties and during the Christian Reconquista. In 1391, anti-Jewish riots in Castile and Aragon led to massacres and mass forced conversions. In 1492, the Alhambra Decree by the Catholic Monarchs expelled Jews from Spain, and in 1496, King Manuel I of Portugal issued a similar edict.[3] These events led to migrations, forced conversions, and executions. Sephardic Jews dispersed widely: many found refuge in the Ottoman Empire, settling in cities such as Istanbul, Salonica, and İzmir; others relocated to North African centers like Fez, Algiers, and Tunis; Italian ports including Venice and Livorno; and parts of the Balkans, the Levant (notably Safed), and the Netherlands (notably Amsterdam). Smaller communities also emerged in France, England, and the Americas, where Sephardim often played key roles in commerce and diplomacy.
Historically, the vernacular languages of the Sephardic Jews and their descendants have been variants of either Spanish, Portuguese, or Catalan, though they have also adopted and adapted other languages. The historical forms of Spanish that differing Sephardic communities spoke communally were related to the date of their departure from Iberia and their status at that time as either New Christians or Jews. Judaeo-Spanish and Judaeo-Portuguese, also called Ladino, is a Romance language derived from Old Spanish and Old Portuguese that was spoken by the eastern Sephardic Jews who settled in the Eastern Mediterranean after their expulsion from Spain in 1492; Haketia (also known as "Tetuani Ladino" in Algeria), an Arabic-influenced variety of Judaeo-Spanish, was spoken by North African Sephardic Jews who settled in the region after the 1492 Spanish expulsion.
In 2015, more than five centuries after the expulsion, both Spain and Portugal enacted laws allowing Sephardic Jews who could prove their ancestral origins in those countries to apply for citizenship.[4] The Spanish law that offered citizenship to descendants of Sephardic Jews expired in 2019, although subsequent extensions were granted by the Spanish government —due to the COVID-19 pandemic— in order to file pending documents and sign delayed declarations before a notary public in Spain.[5] In the case of Portugal, the nationality law was modified in 2022[6] with very stringent requirements for new Sephardic applicants,[7] effectively ending the possibility of successful applications without evidence of a personal travel history to Portugal —which is tantamount to prior permanent residency— or ownership of inherited property or concerns on Portuguese soil.[8]
Etymology
[edit]The name Sephardi means "Iberian" or "Hispanic", derived from Sepharad (Hebrew: סְפָרַד, Modern: Sfarád, Tiberian: Səp̄āráḏ), a Biblical location.[9] The location of the Biblical Sepharad points to the Iberian peninsula, then the westernmost outpost of Phoenician maritime trade.[10] Jewish presence in Iberia is believed to have started during the reign of King Solomon,[11] whose excise imposed taxes on Iberian exiles. Although the first date of arrival of Jews in Iberia is the subject of ongoing archaeological research, there is evidence of established Jewish communities as early as the 1st century CE.[12]
Modern transliteration of Hebrew romanizes the consonant פ (pe without a dagesh dot placed in its center) as the digraph ph, in order to represent fe or the single phoneme /f/ , the English sound that is voiceless labiodental fricative. In other languages and scripts, "Sephardi" may be translated as plural Hebrew: סְפָרַדִּים, Modern: Sfaraddim, Tiberian: Səp̄āraddîm; Spanish: sefardíes; Portuguese: sefarditas; Catalan: sefardites; Aragonese: safardís; Basque: Sefardiak; French: Séfarades; Galician: sefardís; Italian: sefarditi; Greek: Σεφαρδίτες, romanized: Sephardites; Serbo-Croatian: Сефарди, Sefardi; Ladino: sefaradies, sefaradim; and Arabic: سفارديون, romanized: Safārdiyyūn.
Definition
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Narrow ethnic definition
[edit]In the narrower ethnic definition, a Sephardic Jew is one descended from the Jews who lived in the Iberian Peninsula in the late 15th century, immediately prior to the issuance of the Alhambra Decree of 1492 by order of the Catholic Monarchs in Spain, and the decree of 1496 in Portugal by order of King Manuel I.
In Hebrew, the term "Sephardim Tehorim" (ספרדים טהורים, literally "Pure Sephardim"), derived from a misunderstanding of the initials ס"ט "Samekh Tet" traditionally used with some proper names (which stand for sofo tov, "may his end be good" or "sin v'tin", "mire and mud"[13][14] has in recent times been used in some quarters to distinguish Sephardim proper, "who trace their lineage back to the Iberian/Spanish population", from Sephardim in the broader religious sense.[15] This distinction has also been made in reference to 21st-century genetic findings in research on 'Pure Sephardim', in contrast to other communities of Jews today who are part of the broad classification of Sephardi.[16]
Ethnic Sephardic Jews have had a presence in North Africa and various parts of the Mediterranean and Western Asia due to their expulsion from Spain. There have also been Sephardic communities in South America and India.[citation needed]
Katalanim
[edit]Originally the Jews spoke of Sefarad referring to Al-Andalus[17] and not the entire peninsula, nor as it is understood today, in which the term Sefarad is used in modern Hebrew to refer to Spain.[18] This has caused a long misunderstanding, since traditionally the entire Iberian Diaspora has been included in a single group. But the historiographical research reveals that that word, seen as homogeneous, was actually divided into distinct groups: the Sephardim, coming from the countries of the Castilian crown, Castilian language speakers, and the Katalanim / Katalaní, originally from the Crown of Aragon, Judeo-Catalan speakers.[19][20][21][22]
Broad religious definition
[edit]The modern Israeli Hebrew definition of Sephardi is a much broader, religious based, definition that generally excludes ethnic considerations. In its most basic form, this broad religious definition of a Sephardi refers to any Jew, of any ethnic background, who follows the customs and traditions of Sepharad. For religious purposes, and in modern Israel, "Sephardim" is most often used in this wider sense. It encompasses most non-Ashkenazi Jews who are not ethnically Sephardi, but are in most instances of West Asian or North African origin. They are classified as Sephardi because they commonly use a Sephardic style of liturgy; this constitutes a majority of Mizrahi Jews in the 21st century.
The term Sephardi in the broad sense, describes the nusach (Hebrew language, "liturgical tradition") used by Sephardic Jews in their Siddur (prayer book). A nusach is defined by a liturgical tradition's choice of prayers, order of prayers, text of prayers and melodies used in the singing of prayers. Sephardim traditionally pray using Minhag Sefarad.
The term Nusach Sefard or Nusach Sfarad does not refer to the liturgy generally recited by Sephardim proper or even Sephardi in a broader sense, but rather to an alternative Eastern European liturgy used by many Hasidim, who are Ashkenazi.
Additionally, Ethiopian Jews, whose branch of practiced Judaism is known as Haymanot, have been included under the oversight of Israel's already broad Sephardic Chief Rabbinate.
History in Spain and Portugal
[edit]Arrival and early history
[edit]The earliest significant Jewish presence in the Iberian Peninsula is typically traced back to the Roman period, during the first centuries CE. Evidence includes an amphora discovered in Ibiza, stamped with two Hebrew letters in relief, indicating possible trade between Judaea and the Balearics in the first century. Additionally, the Epistle to the Romans records Paul's intent to visit Spain,[23] hinting at a Jewish community in the region during the mid-first century CE.[24] Josephus writes that Herod Antipas was deposed and exiled to Spain, possibly to Lugdunum Convenarum, in 39 CE.[25]
Archaeological evidence of a Jewish presence in Spain prior to the third century CE is limited. However, from the third to sixth centuries, inscriptions confirm the existence of Jewish communities, particularly in the more Romanized regions of the south and east, such as Toledo, Mérida, Seville, and Tarragona. Additionally, these inscriptions suggest a Jewish presence in other locations, including Elche, Tortosa, Adra, and the Balearic Islands.[26] Rabbinic literature from the Amoraic era references Spain as a distant land with a Jewish presence.[26] For example, a tradition passed down by Rabbi Berekiah and Rabbi Shimon bar Yochai, quoting second-century tanna Rabbi Meir, states: "Do not fear, O Israel, for I help you from remote lands, and your seed from the land of their captivity, from Gaul, from Spain, and from their neighbors."[26]
Medieval legends often traced the arrival of Jews in Spain to the First Temple period, with some associating the biblical Tarshish with Tartessus and suggesting Jewish traders were active in Spain during the Phoenician and Carthaginian eras.[24] One such legend from the 16th century claimed that a funeral inscription in Murviedro belonged to Adoniram, a commander of King Solomon, who had supposedly died in Spain while collecting tribute.[24] Another legend spoke of a letter allegedly sent by the Jews of Toledo to Judaea in 30 CE, asking to prevent the crucifixion of Jesus. These legends aimed to establish that Jews had settled in Spain well before the Roman period and to absolve them of any responsibility for the death of Jesus, a charge often leveled at them in later centuries.[24]
Rabbi and scholar Abraham ibn Daud wrote in 1161: "A tradition exists with the [Jewish] community of Granada that they are from the inhabitants of Jerusalem, of the descendants of Judah and Benjamin, rather than from the villages, the towns in the outlying districts [of Israel]."[27] Elsewhere, he writes about his maternal grandfather's family and how they came to Spain after Jerusalem's destruction in 70 CE: "When Titus prevailed over Jerusalem, his officer who was appointed over Hispania appeased him, requesting that he send to him captives made-up of the nobles of Jerusalem, and so he sent a few of them to him, and there were amongst them those who made curtains and who were knowledgeable in the work of silk, and [one] whose name was Baruch, and they remained in Mérida."[28]
Under Late Roman and Visigothic rule (4th–7th century)
[edit]Around 300 CE, the Synod of Elvira, an ecclesiastical council convened in southern Spain, and enacted several decrees to restrict interactions between Christians and Jews.[29] Among the measures were prohibitions on intermarriage between Jews and Christians, communal dining, and the participation of Jews in blessing fields.[29] Despite these efforts, aimed to diminish Jewish influence on Christian communities, evidence indicates that everyday social relations between Jews and Christians continued to be prevalent in various locales.[29]
By the mid-5th century, Spain came under the control of the Visigothic Kingdom, following a period of significant instability caused by Barbarian invasions that led to the collapse of the Western Roman Empire.[30] Initially, the Christian Visigoths practiced Arianism and, while they generally did not engage in the persecution of Jews, they did not extend particular favor to them either.[30] It was not until the reign of Alaric II (484–507) that a Visigothic king concerned himself with the Jews, as evidenced by the publication of the Breviary of Alaric in 506, which incorporated Roman legal precedents into Visigothic law.[citation needed]
The situation for Jews in Spain shifted dramatically after the conversion of the Visigothic monarchs to Catholicism under King Reccared in 587.[30] As the Visigoths sought to unify the realm under their new religion, their policies towards Jews evolved from initial marginalization to increasingly aggressive measures aimed at their complete eradication from the kingdom.[30] Under successive Visigothic kings and under ecclesiastical authority, many orders of expulsion, forced conversion, isolation, enslavement, execution, and other punitive measures were made. By 612–621, the situation for Jews became intolerable and many left Spain for nearby northern Africa. In 711, thousands of Jews from North Africa accompanied the Muslims who invaded Spain, subsuming Catholic Spain and turning much of it into an Arab state, Al-Andalus.[31]
Jewish Life in al-Andalus (711–1085)
[edit]In 711, Muslim forces crossed the Strait of Gibraltar from North Africa and launched a successful military campaign in the Iberian Peninsula. This conquest resulted in the establishment of Muslim rule over much of the region, which they referred to as "Al-Andalus". The territory would remain under varying degrees of Muslim control for several centuries.[32] The Jewish community, having faced persecution under Visigothic rule, largely welcomed the new Muslim rulers who offered greater religious tolerance. Under Islamic rule, Jews, like Christians, were designated as dhimmis—protected but second-class monotheists—permitted to practice their religion with relative autonomy in exchange for paying a special tax.
Within half a century of the Islamic conquest, the Umayyad dynasty—overthrown by the Abbasids in 750—established an independent emirate in al-Andalus, with Córdoba as its capital.[33] In 929, the Umayyad emir 'Abd al-Raḥmān III declared himself caliph, asserting full political and religious independence from eastern Islamic authority and initiating a new era of prosperity that increasingly attracted Jewish migrants from the less stable east.[34] During this period of rising stability and cultural exchange, Ḥasdai ibn Shaprūṭ, a Jewish physician, scholar, and court official, emerged as a trusted advisor to the caliph. He played a key role in the Jewish cultural renaissance of the period, fostering the work of Hebrew poets and scholars such as Menaḥem ben Saruq and Dunash ben Labraṭ. He benefitted world Jewry not only indirectly by creating a favorable environment for scholarly pursuits within Iberia, but also by using his influence to intervene on behalf of foreign Jews: in his letter to Byzantine Princess Helena, he requested protection for the Jews under Byzantine rule, attesting to the fair treatment of the Christians of al-Andalus, and perhaps indicating that such was contingent on the treatment of Jews abroad. During this period, the Jews served as merchants, artisans and craftsmen, and were hired by the government for those services.[35]
By the ninth century, some members of the Sephardic community felt confident enough to take part in proselytizing amongst Christians. This included the heated correspondences sent between Bodo Eleazar, a former Christian deacon who had converted to Judaism in 838, and the Bishop of Córdoba Paulus Albarus, who had converted from Judaism to Christianity. Each man, using such epithets as "wretched compiler", tried to convince the other to return to his former faith, to no avail.[citation needed]
In 1031, the Umayyad Caliphate of Córdoba disintegrated into smaller Muslim principalities known as taifas. Some were ruled by Berber military leaders, and Jewish courtiers often held influential roles. Jewish intellectual life flourished in Spain's major urban centers. Commentaries on the Bible and Talmud were developed, and a vibrant poetic tradition emerged. One of its most prominent figures was Samuel ha-Nagid (Samuel ibn Naghrillah), who served as vizier and military commander of the Muslim principality of Granada between 993 and 1056. A prolific poet and halakhic scholar, Samuel emphasized his Jewish identity and role as a representative of the Jewish community in official correspondence.
The cultural Golden Age of Jewish life in Muslim Spain produced major Hebrew poets whose works spanned from secular themes—such as love, friendship, and nature—to sacred hymns and religious reflection. Among the most prominent were Solomon ibn Gabirol, Moses ibn Ezra, and Judah ha-Levi (c. 1075–1141). Born in Tudela, ha-Levi became renowned for both his secular and liturgical poetry, particularly his celebrated "Zion poems" that express deep yearning for the Land of Israel.[36] He also authored The Kuzari, a philosophical dialogue defending Judaism and critiquing rationalist philosophy and other faiths; in it, he ultimately affirms the centrality of the Land of Israel and reflects that remaining in the diaspora is a form of hypocrisy.[37] One notable contribution to Christian intellectualism from this period is Ibn Gabirol's neo-Platonic Fons Vitae ("The Source of Life;" "Mekor Hayyim"). Thought by many to have been written by a Christian, this work was admired by Christians and studied in monasteries throughout the Middle Ages, though the work of Solomon Munk in the 19th century proved that the author of Fons Vitae was the Jewish ibn Gabirol.[38]

Arabic culture, of course, also made a lasting impact on Sephardic cultural development. General re-evaluation of scripture was prompted by Muslim anti-Jewish polemics and the spread of rationalism, as well as the anti-Rabbanite polemics of Karaites. The cultural and intellectual achievements of the Arabs, and much of the scientific and philosophical speculation of Ancient Greek culture, which had been best preserved by Arab scholars, was made available to the educated Jew. The meticulous regard the Arabs had for grammar and style also had the effect of stimulating an interest in philological matters in general among Jews. Arabic became the main language of Sephardic science, philosophy, and everyday business, as had been the case with Babylonian geonim. This thorough adoption of the Arabic language also greatly facilitated the assimilation of Jews into Moorish culture, and Jewish activity in a variety of professions, including medicine, commerce, finance, and agriculture increased.
The first major and most violent persecution in Islamic Spain was the 1066 Granada massacre, which occurred on 30 December, when a Muslim mob stormed the royal palace in Granada, crucified Jewish vizier Joseph ibn Naghrela and massacred most of the Jewish population of the city after rumors spread that the powerful vizier was plotting to kill the weak-minded and drunk King Badis ibn Habus.[39] An estimated 4,000 Jews were reportedly killed during the Granada riots,[40][41] though some historians question this figure, viewing it as a possible exaggeration typical of historical number reporting.[42]
Under Christian and Berber Rule (1085–1215)
[edit]In the late 11th century, Christian kingdoms in northern Iberia intensified their campaign to reconquer Muslim-held territories, known as the "Reconquista". The conquest of Toledo by King Alfonso VI of Castile in 1085 marked a turning point. Facing mounting external pressure, Muslim rulers invited the Almoravids—a fundamentalist Berber group—to defend their lands. The Almoravids established an empire spanning parts of Iberia and West Africa and expelled Jews from administrative positions in Granada and Seville.
Despite relatively better conditions, Jews in Christian Spain also faced restrictions. In 1081, Pope Gregory VII forbade the Castilian king from appointing Jews to positions of power. In 1108, the Jewish advisor Solomon ibn Farusal was murdered, and by 1118, Alfonso VII banned both Jews and recent Jewish converts to Christianity from holding authority in Toledo. Nevertheless, Jewish scholarship persisted. The historian Abraham ibn Daud, active in Toledo during this time, authored the Sefer ha-Qabbalah and translated key works across disciplines.

In 1147–1148, much of Islamic Spain fell to the Almohads, another Berber dynasty, even more intolerant than the Almoravids. They abolished the protected status for Jews and Christians, imposing forced conversions. As a result, many Jews fled to other parts of the Muslim world or sought refuge in Christian Iberia and southern France. Among them were members of the Ibn Tibbon family, who became renowned translators of Jewish and philosophical texts. One of the most significant Jewish figures of this era was Moses ben Maimon, known as Maimonides (or the Rambam). Born in Córdoba, he was forced to flee persecution multiple times—first to Fez, Morocco, later to the Land of Israel, and finally to Egypt, where he settled in Fustat. A towering figure in Jewish thought, Maimonides was a physician, legal codifier, philosopher, and religious leader. His Mishneh Torah systematized Jewish law, earning widespread authority, while his Guide for the Perplexed sought to reconcile Jewish theology with Aristotelian philosophy. His writings influenced both Jewish and broader intellectual traditions across the medieval world.
Meanwhile, Jewish cultural life continued in Christian Spain. Authors such as Yehuda Alharizi, Meshullam da Piera, and Todros Abulafia contributed to a growing body of Hebrew prose and poetry. In Portugal, the Sephardim were given important roles in the sociopolitical sphere and enjoyed a certain amount of protection from the Crown (e.g. Yahia Ben Yahia, first "Rabino Maior" of Portugal and supervisor of the public revenue of the first King of Portugal, D. Afonso Henriques). Even with the increasing pressure from the Catholic Church, this state of affairs remained more or less constant and the number of Jews in Portugal grew with those fleeing from Spain.
Rising pressures (1215–1391)
[edit]
By the 13th century, Jewish life in Spain had largely shifted to Christian territories, following a decline under Almoravid rule and the harsh repression of the Almohads, with only small communities remaining under Muslim control.[43] Alfonso X of Castile, nicknamed The Wise, ruled from 1252 to 1284 and was noted for his patronage of literature, science, and translation. Alfonso surrounded himself with scholars of diverse backgrounds, including Jews, and promoted the School of Translators of Toledo. This institution became a major intellectual hub, facilitating the translation of works from Arabic and Hebrew, thus contributing to the transmission of classical and scientific knowledge in medieval Europe. Under Alfonso's reign, the Siete Partidas, a comprehensive legal code, was compiled and promulgated, imposing significant restrictions on Jews. These included regulations inspired by the Fourth Council of the Lateran (1215), such as the mandatory wearing of distinguishing clothing, prohibitions on the construction of new houses of worship, residential segregation, bans on interfaith marriages and nursing arrangements, and other forms of social and legal marginalization. Additionally, Alfonso's Cantigas de Santa Maria, a celebrated collection of devotional songs, contains several compositions that reflect negative views toward Jews.
A pivotal moment in Jewish–Christian relations during this period was the Barcelona Disputation of 1263, a formal debate convened by royal order between Jewish and Christian scholars. Representing the Jewish side was Nachmanides, a prominent philosopher, kabbalist, and commentator from Girona. The debate, while framed as a theological exchange, was part of broader Church efforts to challenge Jewish beliefs and promote conversion.
Around 1280, Moses de León, a Jewish mystic and writer in Castile, composed or disseminated the Zohar, a foundational work of Kabbalah. Written in Aramaic and attributed pseudepigraphically to the 2nd-century sage Rabbi Shimon bar Yochai, the Zohar became one of the most influential texts in Jewish mystical tradition.
The 14th century witnessed increasing hostility toward Jews, partly fueled by the activities of Dominican preachers, who traveled across the Iberian Peninsula delivering sermons against Judaism and inciting anti-Jewish sentiment among Christian populations. One of the most prominent figures was Vicente Ferrer, a Dominican friar active in the latter half of the century. His preaching played a significant role in the social atmosphere that culminated in the pogroms of 1391, a wave of violent anti-Jewish riots that devastated Jewish communities across Spain.
Waves of violence, forced conversions, and expulsion (1391–1492/1497)
[edit]
In the summer of 1391, a wave of violent anti-Jewish riots swept across the Iberian Peninsula and the Balearic Islands. The unrest began in Seville and rapidly spread to other parts of Castile and Aragon, affecting towns such as Córdoba, Toledo, Cuenca, Burgos, Palma de Mallorca, Barcelona, and Girona.[44] Only the Jews of Portugal and Navarre were spared.[45] During the riots, Jewish quarters were attacked and looted, synagogues were destroyed, thousands of Jews were murdered,[46] and thousands more were forcibly baptized into Christianity. While many Jews fled or resisted, others accepted conversion under extreme duress; some chose martyrdom, and a few prominent figures converted voluntarily.[46] One of those was Solomon ha-Levi, a leading rabbi from Burgos who converted and later became known as Pablo de Santa María, a bishop and vocal opponent of Judaism.[46] The Jewish communities of Valencia and Barcelona were wiped out entirely, while others were severely diminished, prompting many survivors to relocate to rural regions.[46]
The 15th century saw the intensification in the persecution of Jews across the Iberian Peninsula. Beginning in 1411, the Dominican friar Vincent Ferrer led preaching campaigns, prompting both forced conversions and harsh segregation measures.[47] In the 1410s, a new wave of violence and restrictive legislation targeted Jewish communities. The same decade saw the Disputation of Tortosa (1413–1414), a prolonged public spectacle initiated by Pope Benedict XIII and led by the convert Gerónimo de Santa Fe. Though framed as a religious debate, it forced Jewish scholars to defend their faith under duress. The event, lasting nearly two years, led to widespread despair, numerous conversions, and harsh new laws.[48] During this period, the first Limpieza de sangre (Purity of Blood) laws emerged, barring conversos from certain positions based on ancestry. The earliest known case arose in Toledo in 1449, amid a tax revolt that also targeted conversos.[49] Though Pope Nicholas V condemned these laws,[49] certain religious orders, such as the Hieronymites, later received papal permission to enforce them as criteria for entry into monastic life.
In 1478, the Catholic Monarchs, Ferdinand II of Aragon and Isabella I of Castile, received papal authorization to establish the Spanish Inquisition as a permanent tribunal under royal control. Its purpose was to identify and punish conversos suspected of secretly practicing Judaism. The first tribunal was established in Seville in 1480, and additional ones were gradually established throughout Spain.[50] At the Inquisition's helm stood Tomás de Torquemada,[50] a Dominican friar who led a powerful faction at court advocating for the expulsion of the Jews. In January 1483, likely with royal approval, the Inquisition ordered the expulsion of Jews from Andalusia.[51] In the following years, several murder accusations were leveled against Jews. In 1485, the inquisitor Pedro de Arbués was assassinated at the cathedral of Zaragoza in a plot attributed primarily to conversos;[50][52] although contemporary sources noted the involvement of some old Christians, only conversos were prosecuted, with many tortured, executed, or having their property confiscated, suggesting that the trials were also used to remove influential converso officials.[52] In 1491, the infamous 'Holy Child of La Guardia' blood libel involved the false accusation of Jews and conversos for the ritual murder of a Christian child; confessions were extracted under torture, and all defendants were burned at the stake, despite no evidence that a child had disappeared.[53]
With the fall of the Emirate of Granada, the last Muslim stronghold in Iberia, in January 1492, Ferdinand and Isabella quickly moved to expel the Jewish population from their kingdoms.[54] On March 31, 1492, they issued the Alhambra Decree, mandating that all Jews in Castile and Aragon either convert to Christianity or leave the country within four months. Although Jews were technically allowed to sell their property and take portable goods (excluding gold, silver, and currency), the short timeframe, restrictions, and widespread exploitation made fair transactions nearly impossible.[54] Several thousand chose baptism and remained,[55] and some of them continued to practice Judaism in secret. Others chose exile, but the exact number is unknown.[55] Estimates range from a few tens of thousands to approximately 200,000 expelled. Abraham Senior, the elderly court rabbi of Castile, converted to Christianity under royal sponsorship.[55] In contrast, Don Isaac Abravanel, a leading financier, biblical commentator, and statesman, joined his fellow Jews in leaving Spain. Many Jews fled to the nearby kingdoms of Portugal and Navarre, where they were temporarily welcomed, while others sailed to more distant lands across the Mediterranean and beyond.[55]
In 1497, just five years after the expulsion from Spain, King Manuel I of Portugal issued a decree mandating the forced conversion of all Jews in his realm. Although initially welcoming Jewish refugees from Spain, Manuel reversed course under pressure from the Catholic Monarchs, whose daughter Isabella of Aragon he sought to marry. Rather than permitting Jews to leave the country, as many had planned, Manuel banned emigration and orchestrated mass baptisms. Jewish families were told to bring their children to public squares under the pretense of official registration or medical inspection, only for the children to be taken and baptized without parental consent. In other cases, entire communities were herded into churches and forcibly converted en masse. These coerced converts, known as New Christians (Cristãos-Novos), were legally forbidden from practicing Judaism, yet many continued to observe Jewish customs in secret.
Expulsion and dispersion
[edit]In the Ottoman Empire
[edit]Following the eradication of Jewish life in Spain and Portugal in the late 15th century, many Jews found refuge in the lands of the Ottoman Empire, where they established vibrant communities.[56] Over the course of a few generations, these commuities emerged as the heart of the Sephardic world.[57] Census data confirm a dramatic demographic shift: Istanbul's Jewish population quintupled to around 40,000 people between 1477 and 1535, while Thessaloniki's Jewish community, nonexistent in 1478, grew to over 16,500 by 1519, comprising more than 60% of the city's population by 1567–68.[58] Similar growth occurred in cities such as Edirne and Bursa.[59]

Similarly, Safed expanded rapidly in the 16th century, emerging as a major spiritual and scholarly center that drew scholars from across the Ottoman Empire, Italy, and North Africa.[60] Under the leadership of figures such as Solomon Alkabetz, Moses Cordovero, and Isaac Luria, the town produced influential works of Jewish liturgy and mysticism.[61] The halakhic codification by Joseph Karo in his Beit Yosef and Shulchan Aruch established normative standards across the Jewish world.[61]
In North Africa
[edit]
In Algiers, Sephardic figures such as Simon ben Zemah Duran, who fled Mallorca after 1391, and his son Solomon became prominent leaders in both rabbinic and scientific thought.[62] Meanwhile, Abraham Zacuto, who fled Portugal in 1497, continued his astronomical work in Tunis.[62]
A sizable Sephardic community had settled in Morocco and other Northern African countries, which were colonized by France in the 19th century. Jews in Algeria were given French citizenship in 1870 by the décret Crémieux (previously Jews and Muslims could apply for French citizenship, but had to renounce the use of traditional religious courts and laws, which many did not want to do). When France withdrew from Algeria in 1962, the local Jewish communities largely relocated to France. There are some tensions between some of those communities and the earlier French Jewish population (who were mostly Ashkenazi Jews), and with Arabic-Muslim communities.
The Sephardim distinguished themselves as physicians and statesmen, and won the favor of rulers and princes, in both the Christian and the Islamic world. That the Sephardim were selected for prominent positions in every country where they settled was only in part due to the fact that Spanish had become a world-language through the expansion of Spain into the world-spanning Spanish Empire—the cosmopolitan cultural background after long associations with Islamic scholars of the Sephardic families also made them extremely well educated for the times, even well into the European Enlightenment.
Conversos and Crypto-Jews in Spain and Portugal
[edit]
Following the expulsions of Jews from Spain and Portugal, substantial populations of conversos remained in both kingdoms. While many assimilated over time, others secretly preserved aspects of Jewish life, a phenomenon now known as crypto-Judaism. These individuals were often referred to pejoratively as marranos in Iberian sources. Suspicions of "Judaizing" led to episodes of violence, most notably the 1506 Lisbon Massacre, in which a mob, incited by Dominican friars, murdered up to 2,000 New Christians over three days. Joining the Spanish Inquisition was the Portuguese Inquisition, established in 1536; both targeted conversos for investigation and punishment for centuries to come. As Spain and Portugal expanded their empires, many converso families migrated to colonial territories, where local inquisitorial tribunals continued to investigate and prosecute suspected crypto-Jews.
Inquisition records reveal widespread surveillance and prosecution of conversos for suspected “Judaizing.” Individuals were denounced for actions such as lighting candles on Friday evenings, fasting on Yom Kippur, wearing clean white garments before the Sabbath, or preparing traditional Jewish foods on holidays. Suspects were frequently subjected to torture during interrogations. As ecclesiastical courts lacked the authority to impose capital punishment, those found guilty were transferred to secular authorities, who carried out sentences such as execution by burning—a penalty justified within Church doctrine as the purification of the soul through suffering.[63] The inquisitions staged autos-de-fé—ritualized public ceremonies that included processions, sermons, confessions, and executions—sometimes in the presence of monarchs.[63] Those who confessed were forced to wear sanbenitos, humiliating garments bearing their alleged offenses, with their names publicly displayed in churches for generations.[64] Even the deceased or those who had fled could be condemned in absentia, with effigies burned or graves exhumed and desecrated as symbolic acts of punishment.[64]
Despite these persecutions, many conversos continued to observe aspects of Judaism in secret. In Portugal, emigration of converso families to more tolerant regions continued for centuries. Upon reaching relative safety, such as in parts of the Ottoman Empire, North Africa, or the Netherlands, some families openly returned to Judaism. Others remained in Iberia and preserved their traditions covertly. A notable example is the community of Belmonte in central Portugal, where crypto-Jewish practices were maintained in isolation for generations and only came to light in the early 20th century, after external contact revealed to them the broader Jewish world.
With their social equals they associated freely, without regard to religion and more likely with regard to equivalent or comparative education, for they were generally well read, which became a tradition and expectation. They were received at the courts of sultans, kings, and princes, and often were employed as ambassadors, envoys, or agents. The number of Sephardim who have rendered important services to different countries is considerable as Samuel Abravanel (or "Abrabanel"—financial councilor to the viceroy of Naples) or Moses Curiel (or "Jeromino Nunes da Costa"-serving as Agent to the Crown of Portugal in the United Provinces).[65][66] Among other names mentioned are those of Belmonte, Nasi, Francisco Pacheco, Blas, Pedro de Herrera, Palache, Pimentel, Azevedo, Sagaste, Salvador, Sasportas, Costa, Curiel, Cansino, Schönenberg, Sapoznik (Zapatero), Toledo, Miranda, Toledano, Pereira, and Teixeira.
England
[edit]Sephardic Jews came to England in the mid-17th century. Initially arriving from France and Portugal, often passing through Holland, they were the first Jewish group to settle in England in significant numbers after the Jews had been expelled in 1290. By 1680, there were about 2,000 Sephardic Jews in London.[67]
The Netherlands
[edit]In Amsterdam, where Jews were especially prominent in the 17th century on account of their number, wealth, education, and influence, they established poetical academies after Spanish models; two of these were the Academia de Los Sitibundos and the Academia de Los Floridos. In the same city they also organized the first Jewish educational institution, with graduate classes in which, in addition to Talmudic studies, the instruction was given in the Hebrew language. The most important synagogue, or Esnoga, as it is usually called amongst Spanish and Portuguese Jews, is the Amsterdam Esnoga—usually considered the "mother synagogue", and the historical center of the Amsterdam minhag.
In a letter dated 25 November 1622, King Christian IV of Denmark invites Jews of Amsterdam to settle in Glückstadt, where, among other privileges, the free exercise of their religion would be assured to them.
Besides merchants, a great number of physicians were among the Spanish Jews in Amsterdam: Samuel Abravanel, David Nieto, Elijah Montalto, and the Bueno family; Joseph Bueno was consulted in the illness of Prince Maurice (April 1623). Jews were admitted as students at the university, where they studied medicine as the only branch of the science of practical use to them, for they were not permitted to practice law, and the oath they would be compelled to take excluded them from the professorships. Neither were Jews taken into the trade-guilds: a resolution passed by the city of Amsterdam in 1632 (the cities being autonomous) excluded them. Exceptions, however, were made in the case of trades that related to their religion: printing, bookselling, and the selling of meat, poultry, groceries, and drugs. In 1655 a Jew was, exceptionally, permitted to establish a sugar-refinery.
Eastern Europe
[edit]The Sephardic kehilla in Zamość in the 16th and 17th centuries was one of its kind in all of Poland at that time. It was an autonomous institution, and until the mid-17th century it was not under the authority of the highest organ of the Jewish self-government in the Republic of Poland - the Council of Four Lands.[68]
In the New World
[edit]
The largest part of Spanish Jews expelled in 1492 fled to Portugal, where they eluded persecution for a few years. The Jewish community in Portugal was perhaps then some 15% of that country's population.[69] They were declared Christians by Royal decree unless they left, but the King hindered their departure, needing their artisanship and working population for Portugal's overseas enterprises and territories. Later Sephardic Jews settled in many trade areas controlled by the Empire of Philip II and others. With various countries in Europe also the Sephardic Jews established commercial relations.
Álvaro Caminha, in Cape Verde islands, who received the land as a grant from the crown, established a colony with Jews forced to stay on the island of São Tomé. Príncipe island was settled in 1500 under a similar arrangement. Attracting settlers proved difficult, however, the Jewish settlement was a success and their descendants settled many parts of Brazil.[70] In 1579 Luis de Carvajal y de la Cueva a Portuguese-born Converso, Spanish-Crown officer, was awarded a large swath of territory in New Spain, known as Nuevo Reino de León. He founded settlements with other conversos that would later become Monterrey.
In particular, Jews established relations between the Dutch and South America. They contributed to the establishment of the Dutch West Indies Company in 1621, and some were members of the directorate. The ambitious schemes of the Dutch for the conquest of Brazil were carried into effect through Francisco Ribeiro, a Portuguese captain, who is said to have had Jewish relations in the Netherlands. Some years afterward, when the Dutch in Brazil appealed to the Netherlands for craftsmen of all kinds, many Jews went to Brazil. About 600 Jews left Amsterdam in 1642, accompanied by two distinguished scholars—Isaac Aboab da Fonseca and Moses Raphael de Aguilar. Jews supported the Dutch in the struggle between the Netherlands and Portugal for possession of Brazil.

In 1642, Aboab da Fonseca was appointed rabbi at Kahal Zur Israel Synagogue in the Dutch colony of Pernambuco (Recife), Brazil. Most of the white inhabitants of the town were Sephardic Jews from Portugal who had been banned by the Portuguese Inquisition to this town at the other side of the Atlantic Ocean. In 1624, the colony had been occupied by the Dutch. By becoming the rabbi of the community, Aboab da Fonseca was the first appointed rabbi of the Americas. The name of his congregation was Kahal Zur Israel Synagogue and the community had a synagogue, a mikveh and a yeshiva as well. However, during the time he was a rabbi in Pernambuco, the Portuguese re-occupied the place again in 1654, after a struggle of nine years. Aboab da Fonseca managed to return to Amsterdam after the occupation of the Portuguese. Members of his community immigrated to North America and were among the founders of New York City, but some Jews took refuge in Seridó.
Jonathan Ray, a professor of Jewish theological studies, has argued that the community of Sephardim was formed more during the 1600s than the medieval period. He explains that prior to expulsion Spanish Jewish communities did not have a shared identity in the sense that developed in diaspora. They did not carry any particular Hispano-Jewish identity into exile with them, but certain shared cultural traits contributed to the formation of the diaspora community from what had historically been independent communities.[71]
Modern history
[edit]The Holocaust
[edit]
The Holocaust that devastated European Jewry and virtually destroyed its centuries-old culture also wiped out the great European population centers of Sephardic Jewry and led to the almost complete destruction of its unique language and traditions. Sephardi Jewish communities from France and the Netherlands in the northwest to Yugoslavia and Greece in the southeast almost disappeared.
On the eve of World War II, the European Sephardi community was concentrated in Southeastern Europe countries of Greece, Yugoslavia, and Bulgaria. Its leading centers were in Salonika, Sarajevo, Belgrade, and Sofia. The experience of Jewish communities in those countries during the war varied greatly and depended on the type of regime under which they fell.
The Jewish communities of Yugoslavia and northern Greece, including the 50,000 Jews of Salonika, fell under direct German occupation in April 1941 and bore the full weight and intensity of Nazi repressive measures from dispossession, humiliation, and forced labor to hostage-taking, and finally deportation to the Auschwitz concentration camp and extermination.[72]
The Jewish population of southern Greece fell under the jurisdiction of the Italians who eschewed the enactment of anti-Jewish legislation and resisted whenever possible German efforts to transfer them to occupied Poland, until the surrender of Italy on 8 September 1943 brought the Jews under German control.
Sephardi Jews in Bosnia and Croatia were ruled by a German-created Independent State of Croatia state from April 1941, which subjected them to pogrom-like actions before herding them into local camps where they were murdered side by side with Serbs and Roma (see Porajmos). The Jews of Macedonia and Thrace were controlled by Bulgarian occupation forces, which after rendering them stateless, rounded them up and turned them over to the Germans for deportation.
Finally, the Jews of Bulgaria proper were under the rule of a Nazi ally that subjected them to ruinous anti-Jewish legislation, but ultimately yielded to pressure from Bulgarian parliamentarians, clerics, and intellectuals not to deport them. More than 50,000 Bulgarian Jews were thus saved.
The Jews in North Africa identified themselves only as Jews or European Jews, having been westernized by French and Italian colonization. During World War II and until Operation Torch, the Jews of Morocco, Algeria, and Tunisia, governed by pro-Nazi Vichy France, suffered the same antisemitic legislation that Jews suffered in France mainland. They did not, however, directly suffer the more extreme Nazi Germany antisemitic policies, and nor did the Jews in Italian Libya. The Jewish communities in those European North Africa countries, in Bulgaria, and in Denmark were the only ones who were spared the mass deportation and mass murder that afflicted other Jewish communities. Operation Torch therefore saved more than 400,000 Jews in European North Africa.
Later history and culture
[edit]The Jews in French Algeria were awarded French citizenship by 1870 Crémieux Decree. They were therefore considered part of the European pieds noirs community in spite of having been established in North Africa for many centuries, rather than subject to the Indigénat status imposed on their Muslim former neighbors. Most consequently moved to France in the late 1950s and early 1960s after Tunisia, Morocco and Algeria became independent, and they now make up a majority of the French Jewish community.[73]
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Today, the Sephardim have preserved the romances and the ancient melodies and songs of Spain and Portugal, as well as a large number of old Portuguese and Spanish proverbs.[74] A number of children's plays, like, for example, El Castillo, are still popular among them, and they still manifest a fondness for the dishes peculiar to Iberia, such as the pastel, or pastelico, a sort of meat-pie, and the pan de España, or pan de León. At their festivals, they follow the Spanish custom of distributing dulces, or dolces, a confection wrapped in paper bearing a picture of the magen David (six-pointed star).
In Mexico, the Sephardic community originates mainly from Syria, Turkey, Greece, and Bulgaria.[75] In 1942 the Colegio Hebreo Tarbut was founded in collaboration with the Ashkenazi family and instruction was in Yiddish. In 1944 the Sephardim community established a separate "Colegio Hebreo Sefaradí" with 90 students where instruction was in Hebrew and complemented with classes on Jewish customs. By 1950 there were 500 students. In 1968 a group of young Sephardim created the group Tnuat Noar Jinujit Dor Jadash in support of the creation of the state of Israel. In 1972 the Majazike Tora institute is created aiming to prepare young male Jews for their Bar Mitzvah.[76]
While the majority of American Jews today are Ashkenazim, in Colonial times Sephardim made up the majority of the Jewish population. For example, the 1654 Jews who arrived in New Amsterdam fled from the colony of Recife, Brazil after the Portuguese seized it from the Dutch. Through most of the 18th century, American synagogues conducted and recorded their business in Portuguese, even if their daily language was English. It was not until widespread German immigration to the United States in the 19th century that the tables turned and Ashkenazim (initially from Germany but by the 20th century from Eastern Europe) began to dominate the American Jewish landscape.
Citizenship laws in Spain and Portugal
[edit]Since April 2013, Sephardim who are descendants of those expelled in the inquisition are entitled to claim Portuguese citizenship provided that they "belong to a Sephardic community of Portuguese origin with ties to Portugal". The amendment to Portugal's "Law on Nationality" was approved unanimously on 11 April 2013,[77] and remains open to applications as of March 2023[update].[78]
A similar law was approved in Spain in 2014[79] and passed in 2015. By the expiry date on 30 September 2019, Spain had received 127,000 applications, mostly from Latin America.[80]
Sephardim in modern Iberia
[edit]Today, around 50,000 recognized Jews live in Spain, according to the Federation of Jewish Communities in Spain.[81][82] The tiny Jewish community in Portugal is estimated between 1,740 and 3,000 people.[83] Although some are of Ashkenazi origin, the majority are Sephardic Jews who returned to Spain after the end of the protectorate over northern Morocco. A community of 600 Sephardic Jews live in Gibraltar.[84][better source needed]
In 2011 Rabbi Nissim Karelitz, a leading rabbi and Halachic authority and chairman of the Beit Din Tzedek rabbinical court in Bnei Brak, Israel, recognized the entire community of Sephardi descendants in Palma de Mallorca, the Chuetas, as Jewish.[85] They number approximately 18,000 people or just over 2% of the entire population of the island.
Of the Bnei Anusim community in Belmonte, Portugal, some officially returned to Judaism in the 1970s. They opened a synagogue, Bet Eliahu, in 1996.[86] The Belmonte community of Bnei Anusim as a whole, however, have not yet been granted the same recognition as Jews that the Chuetas of Palma de Majorca achieved in 2011.
Citizenship laws by descent
[edit]Spanish citizenship by Iberian Sephardic descent
[edit]In 1924, the Dictatorship of Primo de Rivera approved a decree to enable Sephardi Jews to obtain Spanish nationality. Although the deadline was originally the end of 1930, diplomat Ángel Sanz Briz used this decree as the basis for giving Spanish citizenship papers to Hungarian Jews in the Second World War to try to save them from the Nazis.
Today, Spanish nationality law generally requires a period of residency in Spain before citizenship can be applied for. This had long been relaxed from ten to two years for Sephardi Jews, Hispanic Americans, and others with historical ties to Spain. In that context, Sephardi Jews were considered to be the descendants of Spanish Jews who were expelled or fled from the country five centuries ago following the expulsion of the Jews from Spain in 1492.[87]
In 2015 the Government of Spain passed Law 12/2015 of 24 June, whereby Sephardi Jews with a connection to Spain could obtain Spanish nationality by naturalization, without the usual residency requirement. Applicants must provide evidence of their Sephardi origin and some connection with Spain, and pass examinations on the language, government, and culture of Spain.[88]
The Law establishes the right to Spanish nationality of Sephardi Jews with a connection to Spain who apply within three years from 1 October 2015. The law defines Sephardic as Jews who lived in the Iberian Peninsula until their expulsion in the late fifteenth century, and their descendants.[89] The law provides for the deadline to be extended by one year, to 1 October 2019; it was extended in March 2018.[90] It was modified in 2015 to remove a provision that required persons acquiring Spanish nationality by law 12/2015 must renounce any other nationality held.[91] Most applicants must pass tests of knowledge of the Spanish language and Spanish culture, but those who are under 18, or handicapped, are exempted. A Resolution in May 2017 also exempted those aged over 70.[92]
The Sephardic citizenship law was set to expire in October 2018 but was extended for an additional year by the Spanish government.[93]
The Law states that Spanish citizenship will be granted to "those Sephardic foreign nationals who prove that [Sephardic] condition and their special relationship with our country, even if they do not have legal residence in Spain, whatever their [current] ideology, religion or beliefs."
Eligibility criteria for proving Sephardic descent include: a certificate issued by the Federation of Jewish Communities of Spain, or the production of a certificate from the competent rabbinic authority, legally recognized in the country of habitual residence of the applicant, or other documentation which might be considered appropriate for this purpose; or by justifying one's inclusion as a Sephardic descendant, or a direct descendant of persons included in the list of protected Sephardic families in Spain referred to in the Decree-Law of 29 December 1948, or descendants of those who obtained naturalization by way of the Royal Decree of 20 December 1924; or by the combination of other factors including surnames of the applicant, spoken family language (Spanish, Ladino, Haketia), and other evidence attesting descent from Sephardic Jews and a relationship to Spain. Surnames alone, language alone, or other evidence alone will not be determinative in the granting of Spanish nationality.
The connection with Spain can be established, if kinship with a family on a list of Sephardic families in Spain is not available, by proving that Spanish history or culture have been studied, proof of charitable, cultural, or economic activities associated with Spanish people, or organizations, or Sephardic culture.[88]
The path to Spanish citizenship for Sephardic applicants remained costly and arduous.[94] The Spanish government took about 8–10 months to decide on each case.[95] By March 2018, some 6,432 people had been granted Spanish citizenship under the law.[93] A total of about 132,000[96] applications were received, 67,000 of them in the month before the 30 September 2019 deadline. Applications for Portuguese citizenship for Sephardis remained open.[97] The deadline for completing the requirements was extended until September 2021 due to delays due to the COVID-19 pandemic, but only for those who had made a preliminary application by 1 October 2019.[96]
In what appeared to be a reciprocal gesture, Natan Sharansky, chairman of the quasi-governmental Jewish Agency for Israel, said "the state of Israel must ease the way for their return", referring to the millions of descendants of conversos around Latin America and Iberia. Some hundreds of thousands maybe exploring ways to return to the Jewish people.[98]
Portuguese citizenship by Portuguese Sephardic descent
[edit]In April 2013 Portugal amended its Law on Nationality to confer citizenship to descendants of Portuguese Sephardic Jews who were expelled from the country five centuries ago following the Portuguese Inquisition.
The amended law gave descendants of Portuguese Sephardic Jews the right to become Portuguese citizens, wherever they lived, if they "belong to a Sephardic community of Portuguese origin with ties to Portugal."[99] Portugal thus became the first country after Israel to enact a Jewish Law of Return.
On 29 January 2015, the Portuguese Parliament ratified the legislation offering dual citizenship to descendants of Portuguese Sephardic Jews. Like the law later passed in Spain, the newly established legal rights in Portugal apply to all descendants of Portugal's Sephardic Jews, regardless of the current religion of the descendant, so long as the descendant can demonstrate "a traditional connection" to Portuguese Sephardic Jews. This may be through "family names, family language, and direct or collateral ancestry."[100] Portuguese nationality law was amended to this effect by Decree-Law n.º 43/2013, and further amended by Decree-Law n.º 30-A/2015, which came into effect on 1 March 2015.[101] «Applicants for Portuguese citizenship via this route are assessed by experts at one of Portugal's Jewish communities in either Lisbon or Porto».[102]
In a reciprocal response to the Portuguese legislation, Michael Freund, Chairman of Shavei Israel told news agencies in 2015 that he "call[s] on the Israeli government to embark on a new strategic approach and to reach out to the [Sephardic] Bnei Anousim, people whose Spanish and Portuguese Jewish ancestors were compelled to convert to Catholicism more than five centuries ago."[103]
By July 2017 the Portuguese government had received about 5,000 applications, mostly from Brazil, Israel, and Turkey. 400 had been granted, with a period between application and resolution of about two years.[95] In 2017 a total of 1,800 applicants had been granted Portuguese citizenship.[104] By February 2018, 12,000 applications were in process.[104]
Divisions
[edit]The divisions among Sephardim and their descendants today are largely a result of the consequences of the royal edicts of expulsion. Both the Spanish and Portuguese crowns ordered their respective Jewish subjects to choose one of two options:
- to convert to Catholicism and be allowed to remain within the kingdom, or
- to remain Jewish and leave or be expelled by the stipulated deadline.
In the case of the Alhambra Decree of 1492, the primary purpose was to eliminate Jewish influence on Spain's large converso population, and ensure they did not revert to Judaism. Over half of Spain's Jews had converted in the 14th century as a result of the religious persecution and pogroms which occurred in 1391. They and their Catholic descendants were not subject to the decree or to expulsion, yet were surveilled by the Spanish Inquisition. British scholar Henry Kamen has said that
"the real purpose of the 1492 edict likely was not expulsion, but compulsory conversion and assimilation of all Spanish Jews, a process which had been underway for a number of centuries. Indeed, a further number of those Jews who had not yet joined the converso community finally chose to convert and avoid expulsion as a result of the edict. As a result of the Alhambra decree and persecution during the prior century, between 200,000 and 250,000 Jews converted to Catholicism and between one third and one half of Spain's remaining 100,000 non-converted Jews chose exile, with an indeterminate number returning to Spain in the years following the expulsion."[105]

The Portuguese king John II welcomed the Jewish refugees from Spain with the purpose of obtaining specialized artisans, which the Portuguese population lacked, imposing over them, however, a hefty fee for the right to stay in the country. His successor King Manuel I proved, at first, to also tolerate the Jewish population. However, King Manuel I issued his own expulsion decree four years later, presumably to satisfy a precondition that the Spanish monarchs had set for him in order to allow him to marry their daughter Isabella. While the stipulations were similar in the Portuguese decree, King Manuel largely prevented Portugal's Jews from leaving, by blocking Portugal's ports of exit, foreseeing a negative economic effect of a similar Jewish flight from Portugal. He decided that the Jews who stayed accepted Catholicism by default, proclaiming them New Christians by royal decree. Physical forced conversions, however, were also suffered by Jews throughout Portugal. These persecutions led to several recently converted families to flee Portugal, such as the family of Francisco Sanches who fled to Bordeaux.
Sephardi Jews encompass Jews descended from those Jews who left the Iberian Peninsula as Jews by the expiration of the respective decreed deadlines. This group is further divided between those who fled south to North Africa, as opposed to those who fled eastwards to the Balkans, West Asia and beyond. Others fled east into Europe, with many settling in northern Italy and the Low Countries. Also included among Sephardi Jews are those who descend from "New Christian" conversos, but returned to Judaism after leaving Iberia, largely after reaching Southern and Western Europe.[citation needed]
From these regions, many later migrated again, this time to the non-Iberian territories of the Americas. Additional to all these Sephardic Jewish groups are the descendants of those New Christian conversos who either remained in Iberia, or moved from Iberia directly to the Iberian colonial possessions in what are today the various Latin American countries. For historical reasons and circumstances, most of the descendants of this group of conversos never formally returned to the Jewish religion.
All these sub-groups are defined by a combination of geography, identity, religious evolution, language evolution, and the timeframe of their reversion (for those who had in the interim undergone a temporary nominal conversion to Catholicism) or non-reversion back to Judaism.
These Sephardic sub-groups are separate from any pre-existing local Jewish communities they encountered in their new areas of settlement. From the perspective of the present day, the first three sub-groups appeared to have developed as separate branches, each with its own traditions.
In earlier centuries, and as late as the editing of the Jewish Encyclopedia at the beginning of the 20th century, the Sephardim were usually regarded as together forming a continuum. The Jewish community of Livorno, Italy acted as the clearing-house of personnel and traditions among the first three sub-groups; it also developed as the chief publishing centre.[improper synthesis?]
Eastern Sephardim
[edit]
Eastern Sephardim comprise the descendants of the expellees from Spain who left as Jews in 1492 or earlier. This sub-group of Sephardim settled mostly in various parts of the Ottoman Empire, which then included areas in West Asia's Near East such as Anatolia, the Levant and Egypt; in Southeastern Europe, some of the Dodecanese islands and the Balkans. They settled particularly in European cities ruled by the Ottoman Empire, including Salonica in present-day Greece; Constantinople, which today is known as Istanbul on the European portion of modern Turkey; and Sarajevo, in what is today Bosnia and Herzegovina. Sephardic Jews also lived in Bulgaria, where they absorbed into their community the Romaniote Jews they found already living there. They had a presence as well in Walachia in what is today southern Romania, where there is still a functioning Sephardic Synagogue.[106] Their traditional language is referred to as Judezmo ("Jewish [language]"). It is Judaeo-Spanish, also known as Ladino, which consisted of the medieval Spanish and Portuguese they spoke in Iberia, with admixtures of Hebrew, and the languages around them, especially Turkish. It was often written in Rashi script.

Regarding the Middle East, some Sephardim went further east into the West Asian territories of the Ottoman Empire, settling among the long-established Arabic-speaking Jewish communities in Damascus and Aleppo in Syria, as well as in the Land of Israel, and as far as Baghdad in Iraq. Although technically Egypt was a North African Ottoman region, those Jews who settled in Alexandria are included in this group, due to Egypt's cultural proximity to the other West Asian provinces under Ottoman rule.
For the most part, Eastern Sephardim did not maintain their own separate Sephardic religious and cultural institutions from pre-existing Jews. Instead the local Jews came to adopt the liturgical customs of the recent Sephardic arrivals. Eastern Sephardim in European areas of the Ottoman Empire, as well as in Palestine, retained their culture and language, but those in the other parts of the West Asian portion gave up their language and adopted the local Judeo-Arabic dialect. This latter phenomenon is just one of the factors which have today led to the broader and eclectic religious definition of Sephardi Jews.
Thus, the Jewish communities in Palestine, Lebanon, Syria, and Egypt are partly of Spanish Jewish origin and they are counted as Sephardim proper. The great majority of the Jewish communities in Iraq, and all of those in Iran, Eastern Syria, Yemen, and Eastern Turkey, are descendants of pre-existing indigenous Jewish populations. They adopted the Sephardic rites and traditions through cultural diffusion, and are properly termed Mizrahi Jews.[citation needed]
Going even further into South Asia, a few of the Eastern Sephardim followed the spice trade routes as far as the Malabar coast of southern India, where they settled among the established Cochin Jewish community. Their culture and customs were absorbed by the local Jews. [citation needed]. Additionally, there was a large community of Jews and crypto-Jews of Portuguese origin in the Portuguese colony of Goa. Gaspar Jorge de Leão Pereira, the first archbishop of Goa, wanted to suppress or expel that community, calling for the initiation of the Goa Inquisition against the Sephardic Jews in India.
In recent times, principally after 1948, most Eastern Sephardim have since relocated to Israel, and others to the US and Latin America.
Eastern Sephardim still often carry common Spanish surnames, as well as other specifically Sephardic surnames from 15th-century Spain with Arabic or Hebrew language origins (such as Azoulay, Abulafia, Abravanel) which have since disappeared from Spain when those that stayed behind as conversos adopted surnames that were solely Spanish in origin. Other Eastern Sephardim have since also translated their Hispanic surnames into the languages of the regions they settled in, or have modified them to make them sound more local.
North African Sephardim
[edit]
North African Sephardim consists of the descendants of the expellees from Spain who also left as Jews in 1492. This branch settled in North Africa (except Egypt, see Eastern Sephardim above). Settling mostly in Morocco and Algeria, they spoke a variant of Judaeo-Spanish known as Haketia. They also spoke Judeo-Arabic in a majority of cases. They settled in the areas with already established Arabic-speaking Jewish communities in North Africa and eventually merged with them to form new communities based solely on Sephardic customs.[citation needed]
Several of the Moroccan Jews emigrated back to the Iberian Peninsula to form the core of the Gibraltar Jews.[citation needed]
In the 19th century, modern Spanish, French and Italian gradually replaced Haketia and Judeo-Arabic as the mother tongue among most Moroccan Sephardim and other North African Sephardim.[107]
In recent times, with the Jewish exodus from Arab and Muslim countries, principally after the creation of Israel in 1948, most North African Sephardim have relocated to Israel (total pop. est. 1,400,000 in 2015), and most others to France (361,000)[108] and the US (300,000), as well as other countries. As of 2015 there was a significant community still in Morocco (10,000).[109] In 2021, among Arab countries, the largest Jewish community now exists in Morocco with about 2,000 Jews and in Tunisia with about 1,000.[110]
North African Sephardim still also often carry common Spanish surnames, as well as other specifically Sephardic surnames from 15th century Spain with Arabic or Hebrew language origins (such as Azoulay, Abulafia, Abravanel) which have since disappeared from Spain when those that stayed behind as conversos adopted surnames that were solely Spanish in origin. Other North African Sephardim have since also translated their Hispanic surnames into local languages or have modified them to sound local.[citation needed]
Western Sephardim
[edit]

Western Sephardim (also known more ambiguously as "Spanish and Portuguese Jews", "Spanish Jews", "Portuguese Jews" and "Jews of the Portuguese Nation") are the community of Jewish ex-conversos whose families initially remained in Spain and Portugal as ostensible New Christians,[111][112] that is, as Anusim or "forced [converts]". Western Sephardim are further sub-divided into an Old World branch and a New World branch.
Henry Kamen and Joseph Perez estimate that of the total Jewish origin population of Spain at the time of the issuance of the Alhambra Decree, those who chose to remain in Spain represented the majority, up to 300,000 of a total Jewish origin population of 350,000.[113] Furthermore, a significant number returned to Spain in the years following the expulsion, on condition of converting to Catholicism, the Crown guaranteeing they could recover their property at the same price at which it was sold.
Discrimination against this large community of conversos nevertheless remained, and those who secretly practiced the Jewish faith specifically suffered severe episodes of persecution by the Inquisition. The last such episode of persecution occurred in the mid-18th century. External migrations out of the Iberian peninsula coincided with these episodes of increased persecution by the Inquisition.
As a result of this discrimination and persecution, a small number of marranos (conversos who secretly still practiced Judaism) later emigrated to more religiously tolerant Old World countries outside the Iberian cultural sphere, such as the Netherlands, Belgium, France, Italy, Germany and England.[citation needed] In these lands conversos reverted to Judaism, rejoining the Jewish community sometimes up to the third or even fourth generations after the initial decrees stipulating conversion, expulsion, or death. It is these returnees to Judaism that represent Old World Western Sephardim. Among this community of Sephardic Jews, the philosopher Baruch de Spinoza was born from a Portuguese Jewish family. He was also, famously, expelled from said community over his religious and philosophical views.
New World Western Sephardim, on the other hand, are the descendants of those Jewish-origin New Christian conversos who accompanied the millions of Old Christian Spaniards and Portuguese that emigrated to the Americas. More specifically, New World Western Sephardim are those Western Sephardim whose converso ancestors migrated to various of the non-Iberian colonies in the Americas in whose jurisdictions they could return to Judaism.
New World Western Sephardim are juxtaposed to yet another group of descendants of conversos who settled in the Iberian colonies of the Americas who could not revert to Judaism. These comprise the related but distinct group known as Sephardic Bnei Anusim (see the section below).
Due to the presence of the Spanish and Portuguese Inquisition in the Iberian American territories, initially, converso immigration was barred throughout much of Ibero-America. Because of this, very few converso immigrants in Iberian American colonies ever reverted to Judaism. Of those conversos in the New World who did return to Judaism, it was principally those who had come via an initial respite of refuge in the Netherlands or who were settling the New World Dutch colonies such as Curaçao and the area then known as New Holland (also called Dutch Brazil). Dutch Brazil was the northern portion of the colony of Brazil ruled by the Dutch for under a quarter of a century before it also fell to the Portuguese who ruled the remainder of Brazil. Jews who had only recently reverted in Dutch Brazil then again had to flee to other Dutch-ruled colonies in the Americas, including joining brethren in Curaçao, but also migrating to New Amsterdam, in what is today Lower Manhattan in New York City.
The oldest congregations in the non-Iberian colonial possessions in the Americas were founded by Western Sephardim, many who arrived in the then Dutch-ruled New Amsterdam, with their synagogues being in the tradition of "Spanish and Portuguese Jews".
In the United States in particular, Congregation Shearith Israel, established in 1654, in what is now New York City, is the oldest Jewish congregation in the United States. Its present building dates from 1897. Congregation Jeshuat Israel in Newport, Rhode Island, is dated to sometime after the arrival of Western Sephardim there in 1658 and prior to the 1677 purchase of a communal cemetery, now known as Touro Cemetery. See also List of the oldest synagogues in the United States.
The intermittent period of residence in Portugal (after the initial fleeing from Spain) for the ancestors of many Western Sephardim (whether Old World or New World) is a reason why the surnames of many Western Sephardim tend to be Portuguese variations of common Spanish surnames, though some are still Spanish.
Among a few notable figures with roots in Western Sephardim are the current president of Venezuela, Nicolás Maduro, and former Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, Benjamin N. Cardozo. Both descend from Western Sephardim who left Portugal for the Netherlands, and in the case of Maduro, from the Netherlands to Curaçao, and ultimately Venezuela.
Sephardic Bnei Anusim
[edit]The Sephardic Bnei Anusim consists of the contemporary and largely nominal Christian descendants of assimilated 15th century Sephardic anusim. These descendants of Spanish and Portuguese Jews forced or coerced to convert to Catholicism remained, as conversos, in Iberia or moved to the Iberian colonial possessions across various Latin American countries during the Spanish colonization of the Americas.
Due to historical reasons and circumstances, Sephardic Bnei Anusim had not been able to return to the Jewish faith over the last five centuries,[114] although increasing numbers have begun emerging publicly in modern times, especially over the last two decades. Except for varying degrees of putatively rudimentary Jewish customs and traditions which had been retained as family traditions among individual families, Sephardic Bnei Anusim became a fully assimilated sub-group within the Iberian-descended Christian populations of Spain, Portugal, Hispanic America and Brazil. In the last 5 to 10 years,[when?] however, "organized groups of [Sephardic] Benei Anusim in Brazil, Colombia, Costa Rica, Chile, Ecuador, Mexico, Puerto Rico, Venezuela, Dominican Republic and in Sefarad [Iberia] itself"[115] have now been established, some of whose members have formally reverted to Judaism, leading to the emergence of Neo-Western Sephardim (see group below).
The Jewish Agency for Israel estimates the Sephardic Bnei Anusim population to number in the millions.[98] Their population size is several times larger than the three Jewish-integrated Sephardi descendant sub-groups combined, consisting of Eastern Sephardim, North African Sephardim, and the ex-converso Western Sephardim (both New World and Old World branches).
Although numerically superior, Sephardic Bnei Anusim is, however, the least prominent or known sub-group of Sephardi descendants. Sephardic Bnei Anusim are also more than twice the size of the total world Jewish population as a whole, which itself also encompasses Ashkenazi Jews, Mizrahi Jews and various other smaller groups.
Unlike the Anusim ("forced [converts]") who were the conversos up to the third, fourth or fifth generation (depending on the Jewish responsa) who later reverted to Judaism, the Bnei Anusim ("[later] sons/children/descendants [of the] forced [converts]") were the subsequent generations of descendants of the Anusim who remained hidden ever since the Inquisition in the Iberian Peninsula and its New World franchises. At least some Sephardic Anusim in the Hispanosphere (in Iberia, but especially in their colonies in Ibero-America) had also initially tried to revert to Judaism, or at least maintain crypto-Jewish practices in privacy. This, however, was not feasible long-term in that environment, as Judaizing conversos in Iberia and Ibero-America remained persecuted, prosecuted, and liable to conviction and execution. The Inquisition itself was only finally formally disbanded in the 19th century.
Historical documentation shedding new light on the diversity in the ethnic composition of the Iberian immigrants to the Spanish colonies of the Americas during the conquest era suggests that the number of New Christians of Sephardi origin that actively participated in the conquest and settlement was more significant than previously estimated. A number of Spanish conquerors, administrators, settlers, have now been confirmed to have been of Sephardi origin. [citation needed] Recent revelations have only come about as a result of modern DNA evidence and newly discovered records in Spain, which had been either lost or hidden, relating to conversions, marriages, baptisms, and Inquisition trials of the parents, grandparents and great-grandparents of the Sephardi-origin Iberian immigrants.
Overall, it is now estimated that up to 20% of modern-day Spaniards and 10% of colonial Latin America's Iberian settlers may have been of Sephardic origin, although the regional distribution of their settlement was uneven throughout the colonies. Thus, Iberian settlers of New Christian Sephardi-origin ranged anywhere from none in most areas to as high as 1 in every 3 (approx. 30%) Iberian settlers in other areas. With Latin America's current population standing at close to 590 million people, the bulk of which consists of persons of full or partial Iberian ancestry (both New World Hispanics and Brazilians, whether they're criollos, mestizos or mulattos), it is estimated that up to 50 million of these possess Sephardic Jewish ancestry to some degree.
In Iberia, settlements of known and attested populations of Bnei Anusim include those in Belmonte, in Portugal, and the Xuetes of Palma de Mallorca, in Spain. In 2011 Rabbi Nissim Karelitz, a leading rabbi and Halachic authority and chairman of the Beit Din Tzedek rabbinical court in Bnei Brak, Israel, recognized the entire Xuete community of Bnei Anusim in Palma de Mallorca, as Jews.[85] That population alone represented approximately 18,000 to 20,000 people,[116] or just over 2% of the entire population of the island. The proclamation of the Jews' default acceptance of Catholicism by the Portuguese king actually resulted in a high percentage being assimilated into the Portuguese population. Besides the Xuetas, the same is true of Spain. Many of their descendants observe a syncretist form of Christian worship known as Xueta Christianity.[116][117][118][119]
Almost all Sephardic Bnei Anusim carry surnames which are known to have been used by Sephardim during the 15th century. However, almost all of these surnames are not specifically Sephardic per se, and most are in fact surnames of gentile Spanish or gentile Portuguese origin which only became common among Bnei Anusim because they deliberately adopted them during their conversions to Catholicism, in an attempt to obscure their Jewish heritage. Given that conversion made New Christians subject to Inquisitorial prosecution as Catholics, crypto-Jews formally recorded Christian names and gentile surnames to be publicly used as their aliases in notarial documents, government relations and commercial activities, while keeping their given Hebrew names and Jewish surnames secret.[120] As a result, very few Sephardic Bnei Anusim carry surnames that are specifically Sephardic in origin, or that are exclusively found among Bnei Anusim.
Distribution
[edit]Pre-1492
[edit]Prior to 1492, substantial Jewish populations existed in most Spanish and Portuguese provinces. Among the larger Jewish populations were the Jewish communities in cities like Lisbon, Toledo, Córdoba, Seville, Málaga and Granada. In these cities, however, Jews constituted only substantial minorities of the overall population. An exception may have been Medieval Lucena, reputedly home to an entirely Jewish population, and Granada, where Jews may have comprised the majority; the city was popularly known as Gharnāṭat al-Yahūd—"Granada of the Jews."[121]
In several smaller towns, however, Jews composed majorities or pluralities, as the towns were founded or inhabited principally by Jews. Among these towns were Ocaña, Guadalajara, Buitrago del Lozoya, Lucena, Ribadavia, Hervás, Llerena, and Almazán.
In Castile, Aranda de Duero, Ávila, Alba de Tormes, Arévalo, Burgos, Calahorra, Carrión de los Condes, Cuéllar, Herrera del Duque, León, Medina del Campo, Ourense, Salamanca, Segovia, Soria, and Villalón were home to large Jewish communities or aljamas. Aragon had substantial Jewish communities in the Calls of Girona, Barcelona, Tarragona, Valencia and Palma (Majorca), with the Girona Synagogue serving as the centre of Catalonian Jewry
The first Jews to leave Spain settled in what is today Algeria after the various persecutions that took place in 1391.

Post-1492
[edit]The Alhambra Decree (also known as the Edict of Expulsion) was an edict issued on 31 March 1492, by the joint Catholic Monarchs of Spain (Isabella I of Castile and Ferdinand II of Aragon) ordering the expulsion of practicing Jews from the Kingdoms of Castile and Aragon and its territories and possessions by 31 July, of that year.[122] The primary purpose was to eliminate their influence on Spain's large converso population and ensure they did not revert to Judaism. Over half of Spain's Jews had converted as a result of the religious persecution and pogroms which occurred in 1391, and as such were not subject to the Decree or to expulsion. A further number of those remaining chose to avoid expulsion as a result of the edict. As a result of the Alhambra decree and persecution in prior years, over 200,000 Jews converted to Catholicism,[123] and between 40,000 and 100,000 were expelled, an indeterminate number returning to Spain in the years following the expulsion.[124]
The Spanish Jews who chose to leave Spain instead of converting dispersed throughout the region of North Africa known as the Maghreb. In those regions, they often intermingled with the already existing Mizrahi Arabic-speaking communities, becoming the ancestors of the Moroccan, Algerian, Tunisian, and Libyan Jewish communities.
Many Spanish Jews fled to the Ottoman Empire where they had been given refuge. Sultan Bayezid II of the Ottoman Empire, learning about the expulsion of Jews from Spain, dispatched the Ottoman Navy to bring the Jews safely to Ottoman lands, mainly to the cities of Salonika (currently Thessaloniki, now in Greece) and Smyrna (now known in English as İzmir, currently in Turkey).[125][better source needed] Some believe that Persian Jewry (Iranian Jews), as the only community of Jews living under the Shiites, probably suffered more than any Sephardic community (Persian Jews are not[126] Sephardic in descent[127][128]).[129] Many of these Jews also settled in other parts of the Balkans ruled by the Ottomans such as the areas that are now Bulgaria, Serbia, and Bosnia.
Throughout history, scholars have given widely differing numbers of Jews expelled from Spain. However, the figure is likely preferred by minimalist scholars to be below the 100,000 Jews - while others suggest larger numbers - who had not yet converted to Christianity by 1492, possibly as low as 40,000 and as high as 200,000 (while Don Isaac Abarbanel stated he led 300,000 Jews out of Spain) dubbed "Megorashim" ("Expelled Ones", in contrast to the local Jews they met whom they called "Toshavim" - "Citizens") in the Hebrew they had spoken.[130] Many went to Portugal, gaining only a few years of respite from persecution. The Jewish community in Portugal (perhaps then some 10% of that country's population)[69] were then declared Christians by Royal decree unless they left.
Such figures exclude the significant number of Jews who returned to Spain due to the hostile reception they received in their countries of refuge, notably Fez. The situation of returnees was legalized with the Ordinance of 10 November 1492 which established that civil and church authorities should be witness to baptism and, in the case that they were baptized before arrival, proof and witnesses of baptism were required. Furthermore, all property could be recovered by returnees at the same price at which it was sold. Returnees are documented as late as 1499. On the other hand, the Provision of the Royal Council of 24 October 1493 set harsh sanctions for those who slandered these New Christians with insulting terms such as tornados.[131]
As a result of the more recent Jewish exodus from Arab lands, many of the Sephardim Tehorim from Western Asia and North Africa relocated to either Israel or France, where they form a significant portion of the Jewish communities today. Other significant communities of Sephardim Tehorim also migrated in more recent times from the Near East to New York City, Argentina, Costa Rica, Mexico, Montreal, Gibraltar, Puerto Rico, Uruguay and Dominican Republic.[132][133][better source needed] Because of poverty and turmoil in Latin America, another wave of Sephardic Jews joined other Latin Americans who migrated to the United States, Canada, Spain, and other countries of Europe.
Permanence of Sephardim in Spain
[edit]According to the genetic study "The Genetic Legacy of Religious Diversity and Intolerance: Paternal Lineages of Christians, Jews, and Muslims in the Iberian Peninsula" at the University Pompeu Fabra of Barcelona and the University of Leicester, led by Briton Mark Jobling, Francesc Calafell, and Elena Bosch, published by the American Journal of Human Genetics, genetic markers show that nearly 20% of Spaniards have Sephardic Jewish markers (direct male descent male for Y, equivalent weight for female mitochondria); residents of Catalonia have approximately 6%. This shows that there was historic intermarriage between ethnic Jews and other Spaniards, and essentially, that some Jews remained in Spain. Similarly, the study showed that some 11% of the population has DNA associated with the Moors.[134]
Relations with Ashkenazim
[edit]During the medieval period, a considerable number of Ashkenazi Jews from historic "Ashkenaz" (Germany and France) had moved to study Kabbalah and Torah under the guidance of Sephardic Jewish Rabbis in Iberia. These Ashkenazi Jews who assimilated into the Sephardic society eventually gained the surnames "Ashkenazi"[135] if they came from Germany and "Zarfati" if they came from France.[136]
Sephardi-Ashkenazi relations have at times been strained by racial tension, with both sides claiming the inferiority of the other, based upon such features as physical traits and culture.[137][138][139][140][141]
In some instances, Sephardi Jews have joined Ashkenazi communities, and have intermarried.[142][143]
Language and literature
[edit]Language
[edit]
The most typical traditional language of Sephardim is Judeo-Spanish, also called Judezmo or Ladino. It is a Romance language derived mainly from Old Castilian (Spanish), with many borrowings from Turkish, and to a lesser extent from Greek, Arabic, Hebrew, and French. Until recently, two different dialects of Judeo-Spanish were spoken in the Mediterranean region: Eastern Judeo-Spanish (in various distinctive regional variations) and Western or North African Judeo-Spanish (also known as Ḥakitía). The latter was once spoken, with little regional distinction, in six towns in Northern Morocco. Because of later emigration, it was also spoken by Sephardim in Ceuta and Melilla (Spanish cities in North Africa), Gibraltar, Casablanca (Morocco), and Oran (Algeria).
The Eastern Sephardic dialect is typified by its greater conservatism, its retention of numerous Old Spanish features in phonology, morphology, and lexicon, and its numerous borrowings from Turkish and, to a lesser extent, also from Greek and South Slavic. Both dialects have (or had) numerous borrowings from Hebrew, especially in reference to religious matters. But the number of Hebraisms in everyday speech or writing is in no way comparable to that found in Yiddish, the first language for some time among Ashkenazi Jews in Europe.
On the other hand, the North African Sephardic dialect was, until the early 20th century, also highly conservative; its abundant Colloquial Arabic loan words retained most of the Arabic phonemes as functional components of a new, enriched Hispano-Semitic phonological system. During the Spanish colonial occupation of Northern Morocco (1912–1956), Ḥakitía was subjected to pervasive, massive influence from Modern Standard Spanish. Most Moroccan Jews now speak a colloquial, Andalusian form of Spanish, with only occasional use of the old language as a sign of in-group solidarity. Similarly, American Jews may now use an occasional Yiddishism in colloquial speech. Except for certain younger individuals, who continue to practice Ḥakitía as a matter of cultural pride, this dialect, probably the most Arabized of the Romance languages apart from Mozarabic, has essentially ceased to exist.
By contrast, Eastern Judeo-Spanish has fared somewhat better, especially in Israel, where newspapers, radio broadcasts, and elementary school and university programs strive to keep the language alive. But the old regional variations (i.e. Bosnia, Macedonia, Bulgaria, Romania, Greece, and Turkey for instance) are already either extinct or doomed to extinction. Only time will tell whether Judeo-Spanish koiné, now evolving in Israel—similar to that which developed among Sephardic immigrants to the United States early in the 20th century- will prevail and survive into the next generation.[144]
Judæo-Portuguese was used by Sephardim — especially among the Spanish and Portuguese Jews. The pidgin forms of Portuguese spoken among slaves and their Sephardic owners were an influence in the development of Papiamento and the Creole languages of Suriname. A Jewish ethnolect of Papiamentu, documented in the work of the author May Henriquez, once developed in Curaçao. Jewish Papiamentu has largely disappeared; very few speakers (mostly elderly) are still aware of its existence.[145][146]
Judeo-Catalan has also been proposed as the main language used by the Jewish communities in Catalonia, Balearic Isles and the Valencian region, although its nature or even existence is debated.[147]
Other languages associated with Sephardic Jews are mostly extinct, e. g. Corfiot Italkian, formerly spoken by some Sephardic communities in Italy.[148] Judeo-Arabic and its dialects have been a large vernacular language for Sephardim who settled in North African kingdoms and Arabic-speaking parts of the Ottoman Empire. Low German (Low Saxon), formerly used as the vernacular by Sephardim around Hamburg and Altona in Northern Germany, is no longer in use as a specifically Jewish vernacular.
Through their diaspora, Sephardim have been a polyglot population, often learning or exchanging words with the language of their host population, most commonly Italian, Arabic, Greek, Turkish, and Dutch. They were easily integrated with the societies that hosted them. Within the last centuries and, more particularly the 19th and 20th centuries, two languages have become dominant in the Sephardic diaspora: French, introduced first by the Alliance Israélite Universelle, and then by absorption of new immigrants to France after Tunisia, Morocco and Algeria became independent, and Hebrew in the state of Israel. [citation needed]
Literature
[edit]For a long time, the Sephardim took an active part in Spanish literature; they wrote in prose and in rhyme, and were the authors of theological, philosophical, belletristic (aesthetic rather than content-based writing), pedagogic (teaching), and mathematical works. The rabbis, who, in common with all the Sephardim, emphasized a pure and euphonious pronunciation of Hebrew, delivered their sermons in Spanish or in Portuguese. Several of these sermons have appeared in print. Their thirst for knowledge, together with the fact that they associated freely with the outer world, led the Sephardim to establish new educational systems. Wherever they settled, they founded schools that used Spanish as the medium of instruction. Theatre in Constantinople was in Judæo-Spanish since it was forbidden to Muslims.
The doctrine of galut is considered by scholars to be one of the most important concepts in Jewish history, if not the most important. In Jewish literature glut, the Hebrew word for diaspora, invoked common motifs of oppression, martyrdom, and suffering in discussing the collective experience of exile in diaspora that has been uniquely formative in Jewish culture. This literature was shaped for centuries by the expulsions from Spain and Portugal and thus featured prominently in a wide range of medieval Jewish literature from rabbinic writings to profane poetry. Even so, the treatment of glut diverges in Sephardic sources, which scholar David A. Wacks says "occasionally belie the relatively comfortable circumstances of the Jewish community of Sefarad."[149]
Sephardic surnames and pedigrees
[edit]Sephardic Jews have a diverse repertoire of surnames, with some originating in the Iberian Peninsula before the 1492 expulsion. Others were adopted afterward, either by Marrano families during forced conversions or by those returning to Judaism in their new centers of migration. Additionally, many Sephardic surnames were created or adapted in the countries where they resettled.[150] Sephardic surnames are generally older than Ashkenazi surnames, as many originated in the Middle Ages, while Ashkenazi surnames were largely adopted in the 18th and 19th centuries due to legal mandates.[150]
Place names are a significant category, with many surnames originating from specific locations in Spain and Portugal.[151] For example, surnames like Algranati, Almanzi, Bejerano, Carvajal, Castro, Leon, Navarro, Robles, Saragoti and Toledano come from places in Spain, while Portuguese surnames include Almeida, Carvallo, Miranda, and Pieba.[151][152] Patronymic surnames, derived from a father's name, are also common among Sephardic Jews.[151] These surnames often include prefixes meaning "son of," such as the Hebrew "ben" (already attested in the Bible), the Aramaic "bar" (from the Talmudic/Gaonite eras), and the Arabic "ibn." Initially used as titles connecting father to son, these prefixes eventually evolved into surnames. For example, "Ibn Dana" became Abendana, and "Benelisha" (son of Elisha) transformed into Belish.[151] Another example is the surname Behar, which originated as a Hebrew acronym for "ben kavod rabbi" (son of the honorable rabbi), initially followed by the rabbi's name, but later becoming a family name.[153]
The third type of Sephardic surnames consists of patronymic names borrowed from Christians, which in Jewish usage often became artificial and lost their patronymic function.[154] Examples include Rodriguez, Perez, and Mendez. These were likely chosen by Jews due to its common use in Spanish society, not tied to a specific ancestor.[154] Similarly, Sephardic surnames in North Africa, like Bencassem, Benjamil, and Boukhris, originate from Arabic names commonly used by Muslims, suggesting they were likely borrowed from Muslim neighbors.[155]
Notable Sephardic pedigrees include:
- Abravanel family[156]
- Aboab family[157]
- Alfandari family[158]
- Al-Tarās family[159]
- Astruc family[160]
- Benveniste family[161]
- Bezerra family[162]
- Cansino family[163]
- Carabajal family[164]
- Carasso family[165]
- Carvajal family[166]
- Castellazzo family[167]
- Cicurel family[168]
- Curiel family[169][better source needed]
- De Castro family[170]
- Espadero family[171]
- Galante family[172]
- Henriques family[173]
- Ibn Tibbon family[174]
- Laguna family[175][176]
- Lindo family[177][better source needed]
- Lopes Suasso family[178][better source needed]
- Mocatta family[179]
- Monsanto family[180][better source needed]
- Najara family[181][better source needed]
- Pallache family[182][better source needed]
- Paredes family[183]
- Sanchez family[184]
- Sassoon family[185]
- Senigaglia family[186]
- Soncino family[187]
- Sosa family[188]
- Taitazak family[189]
- Taroç family[190]
- Vaez family[191]
Converso surnames
[edit]After 1492, many marranos changed their names to hide their Jewish origins and avoid persecution, adopting professions and even translating such patronyms to local languages like Arabic and even German.[citation needed] It was common to choose the name of the Parish Church where they have been baptized into the Christian faith, such as Santa Cruz or the common name of the word "Messiah" (Savior/Salvador) or adopted the name of their Christian godparents.[192] Dr. Mark Hilton's research demonstrated in IPS DNA testing that the last name of Marranos linked with the location of the local parish was correlated 89.3%
First names
[edit]In contrast to Ashkenazic Jews, who do not name newborn children after living relatives, Sephardic Jews often name their children after the children's grandparents, even if they are still alive. According to Sephardic tradition, the first son is named after the paternal grandfather, and the second son is named after the maternal grandfather.[193] After that, additional children's names are "free", so to speak, meaning that one can choose whatever name, without any more "naming obligations." The only instance in which Sephardic Jews will not name after their own parents is when one of the spouses shares a common first name with a mother/father-in-law (since Jews will not name their children after themselves.) There are times though when the "free" names are used to honor the memory of a deceased relative who died young or childless. These conflicting naming conventions can be troublesome when children are born into mixed Ashkenazic-Sephardic households.
A notable exception to the distinct Ashkenazi and Sephardi naming traditions is found among Dutch Jews, where Ashkenazim have for centuries followed the tradition otherwise attributed to Sephardim. See Chuts.
Genetics
[edit]Genetically, Sephardic Jews are closely related to their Ashkenazi Jewish counterparts and studies have revealed that they mainly have a mixed Middle Eastern (Levantine) and Southern European ancestry.[194] Due to their origin in the Mediterranean basin and strict practice of endogamy, there is a higher incidence of certain hereditary diseases and inherited disorders in Sephardi Jews. However, there are no specifically Sephardic genetic diseases, since the diseases in this group are not necessarily common to Sephardic Jews specifically, but are instead common in the particular country of birth, and sometimes among many other Jewish groups generally.[195] The most important ones are:
Prominent Sephardic Jews
[edit]Nobel laureates
[edit]- 1906 – Henri Moissan, Chemistry
- 1911 – Tobias Asser, Peace
- 1959 – Emilio G. Segrè,[196] Physics
- 1968 – René Cassin,[197] Peace
- 1969 – Salvador Luria,[198] Medicine
- 1980 – Baruj Benacerraf,[199] Medicine
- 1981 – Elias Canetti,[200] Literature
- 1985 – Franco Modigliani,[201] Economics
- 1997 – Claude Cohen-Tannoudji,[202] Physics
- 2012 – Serge Haroche,[203] Physics
- 2014 – Patrick Modiano,[204] Literature
- 2025 – Philippe Aghion Economics
Prominent rabbis
[edit]See also
[edit]- Jewish ethnic divisions
- Jewish diaspora
- Jewish history
- Jews of Catalonia
- List of Sephardic Jews
- History of Sephardic Jews in the Pacific Northwest
- Ma'amad, a Council of Elders of Sephardic communities
- Sephardic law and customs
Notes
[edit]- ^ Hebrew: יְהוּדֵי סְפָרַד, romanized: Yehudei Sfarad, lit. 'Jews of Iberia'; Ladino: djudios sefaradis
- ^ Plural: Hebrew: סְפָרַדִּים, Modern Hebrew: Sfaradim, Tiberian Hebrew: Səp̄āraddîm, also Hebrew: יְהדוּת סְפָרַד, romanized: Yehadut Spharad, lit. 'Iberian Jewry'; Spanish: judíos sefardíes (or sefarditas); Portuguese: judeus sefarditas
References
[edit]- ^ a b c d Aroeste, Sarah (13 December 2018). "Latino, Hispanic or Sephardic? A Sephardi Jew explains some commonly confused terms". My Jewish Learning. Archived from the original on 7 August 2020. Retrieved 1 December 2019.
- ^ "Israel: The Askenazi-Sephardic confrontation". cia.gov.
- ^ Fernandes, Maria Júlia (1996). "Expulsão dos judeus de Portugal (Expulsion of Jews from Portugal)" (in Portuguese). RTP. Archived from the original on 20 February 2020. Retrieved 26 July 2018.
- ^ "Spanish & Portuguese Citizenship". sephardicbrotherhood. Archived from the original on 29 November 2020. Retrieved 29 November 2020.
- ^ "Ministry of Justice of Spain, Resolución de 13 de mayo de 2020, de la Dirección General de Seguridad Jurídica y Fe Pública". Boletín Oficial del Estado (in Spanish). pp. 34409–34410. Retrieved 29 May 2022.
- ^ "Publicado Decreto-Lei que Altera o Regulamento da Nacionalidade Portuguesa". Alto Comissariado para as migrações (in Portuguese).
- ^ de Vicente de Rojas, Alejandro (22 March 2022). "Amendments to the Portuguese nationality process for Sephardim published". Larrauri & Martí Abogados. Retrieved 7 February 2023.
- ^ "Section 3-d) in Article 24.°-A of Decreto-Lei n.º 26/2022, de 18 de março, que altera o Regulamento da Nacionalidade Portuguesa". Diário da República Eletrónico (in Portuguese). Retrieved 29 May 2022.
- ^ Obadiah, 1–20 Archived 19 August 2011 at the Wayback Machine: And the captivity of this host of the children of Israel shall possess that of the Canaanites, even unto Zarephath; and the captivity of Jerusalem, which is in Sepharad, shall possess the cities of the south. (King James Version)
- ^ Strabo, Geography, III.2, 14-15. Marta García Morcillo, "Patterns of trade and economy in Strabo's Geography", in: The Routledge Companion to Strabo, Taylor & Francis (2017), chapter 12.
- ^ "Sephardim". www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org. Archived from the original on 17 January 2017. Retrieved 11 May 2021.
- ^ Bowers, W. P. "Jewish Communities in Spain in the Time of Paul the Apostle", Journal of Theological Studies, Vol. 26, Part 2 (October 1975) p. 395.
- ^ Rabinowitz, Dan (4 September 2007). "the Seforim blog: Marc Shapiro: What Do Adon Olam and ס"ט Mean?". Archived from the original on 4 October 2018. Retrieved 15 October 2018.
- ^ Azoulay, Yehuda. A Legend Of Greatness. Israel Bookshop. p. 24; in footnote.
- ^ Mintz, Alan L. The Boom in Contemporary Israeli Fiction. University Press of New England (Hanover, NH, USA). 1997. p115
- ^ "'Pure Sephardim' liable to carry mutation for cancer". Jpost.com. 2011. Archived from the original on 8 May 2014. Retrieved 7 May 2014.
- ^ "Etimologia de Sefardí" (in Spanish). Diccionario etimológico castellano en linea. Retrieved 16 November 2022.
- ^ Pita, Antonio (14 April 2017). "El traductor que convirtió Sefarad en España". El País (in Spanish). Retrieved 16 November 2022.
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- Kaplan, Yosef, An Alternative Path to Modernity: The Sephardi Diaspora in Western Europe. Brill Publishers (2000). ISBN 978-90-04-11742-6
- Katz, Solomon, Monographs of the Mediaeval Academy of America No. 12: The Jews in the Visigothic and Frankish Kingdoms of Spain and Gaul, Cambridge, Massachusetts: The Mediaeval Society of America (1937)
- Kedourie, Elie, editor. Spain and the Jews: The Sephardi Experience 1492 and After. Thames & Hudson (1992).
- Levie, Tirtsah, Poverty and Welfare Among the Portuguese Jews in Early Modern Amsterdam, Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2012.
- Raphael, Chaim, The Sephardi Story: A Celebration of Jewish History London: Valentine Mitchell & Co. Ltd. (1991)
- Rauschenbach, Sina, The Sephardic Atlantic. Colonial Histories and Postcolonial Perspectives. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2019.
- Rauschenbach, Sina, Sephardim and Ashkenazim. Jewish-Jewish Encounters in History and Literature. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2020 (forthcoming).
- Sarna, Nahum M., "Hebrew and Bible Studies in Medieval Spain" in Sephardi Heritage, Vol. 1 ed. R. D. Barnett, New York: Ktav Publishing House, Inc. (1971)
- Sassoon, Solomon David, "The Spiritual Heritage of the Sephardim," in The Sephardi Heritage, Vol. 1 ed. R. D. Barnett, New York: Ktav Publishing House Inc. (1971)
- Segrè, Emilio (1993). A Mind Always in Motion: the Autobiography of Emilio Segrè. Berkeley, California: University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-07627-3. OCLC 25629433. Free Online – UC Press E-Books Collection
- Stein, Gloria Sananes, Marguerite: Journey of a Sephardic Woman, Morgantown, PA : Masthof Press, 1997.
- Stillman, Norman, "Aspects of Jewish Life in Islamic Spain" in Aspects of Jewish Culture in the Middle Ages ed. Paul E. Szarmach, Albany: State University of New York Press (1979)
- Swetschinski, Daniel. Reluctant Cosmopolitans: The Portuguese Jews of Seventeenth-Century Amsterdam. Litmann Library of Jewish Civilization, (2000)
- Wexler, Paul. The Non-Jewish Origins of the Sephardic Jews. Albany: SUNY Press, 1996.
- Zolitor, Jeff, "The Jews of Sepharad" Philadelphia: Congress of Secular Jewish Organizations (CSJO) (1997) ("The Jews of Sepharad" reprinted with permission on CSJO website.)
- "The Kahal Zur Israel Synagogue, Recife, Brazil". Database of Jewish communities. Archived from the original on 24 November 2007. Retrieved 2008-06-28.
- "History of the Jewish community of Recife". Database of Jewish communities. Archived from the original on 2008-01-04. Retrieved 2008-06-28.
- "Synagogue in Brazilian town Recife considered oldest in the Americas". Reuters. 2008-11-12. Archived from the original on 30 May 2012. Retrieved 2008-06-29. Oldest synagogue in Americas draws tourists to Brazil
External links
[edit]Genealogy:
- Sefardies.org Sephardic Genealogy and official web in Spain
- Sephardic Genealogy
- Multiple searchable databases for Sephardic genealogy
- Consolidated Index of Sephardic Surnames
- Extensive bibliography for Sephardim and Sephardic Genealogy
- Sephardic names translated into English
Genetics:
- Bedford, Felice L (April 2012). "Sephardic signature in haplogroup T mitochondrial DNA". European Journal of Human Genetics. 20 (4): 441–448. doi:10.1038/ejhg.2011.200. PMC 3306851. PMID 22108605.
History and community:
- European Sephardic Institute
- International Sephardic Education Foundation
- International Sephardic Journal
- Sephardic educational materials for children
- International Sephardic Leadership Council
- Radio Sefarad an internet radio broadcasting from Madrid; includes Huellas, a weekly program for those looking for the origins of their Sephardic surnames
- Turkish Sephardi Şalom Newspaper
- Sephardic Dating Project
- From Andalusian Orangeries to Anatolia
- Sephardic Jewish History – Iberian Peninsula (American Sephardi Federation)
- Pascua Marrana. Surname Rojas/Shajor/black sefardim
- American Jewish Historical Society, New England Archives
- Sefarad, Journal on Hebraic, Sephardim and Middle East Studies, ILC Archived 17 December 2008 at the Wayback Machine, CSIC (scientific articles in Spanish, English and other languages)
- Hebrew Synagogue, (Hebrew Synagogue is seen as an advisory body on matters pertaining to religious practice and is widely consulted by many agencies)
Philosophical:
- Sepharadim in the Nineteenth Century: New Directions and Old Values by José Faur, outlining the positive yet traditionalist responses to modernity typical of the Sepharadi Jewish community
- Sepharadi Thought in the Presence of the European Enlightenment by José Faur, identifying the difference in reaction to the European Enlightenment among Sepharadi and Ashkenazi communities
- Anti-Semitism in the Sepharadi Mind by José Faur, describing the cultural response of Sepharadim to anti-Semitism
- Can Sephardic Judaism be Reconstructed?
- The Special Character of Sephardic Tolerance
Music and liturgy:
- Folk Literature of the Sephardic Jews Searchable archive of audio recordings of Sephardic ballads and other oral literature collected from informants from around the world, from 1950s until the 1990s, by Professor Samuel Armistead and his colleagues, maintained by Professor Bruce Rosenstock.
- Sephardic Pizmonim Project- Music of the Middle Eastern Sephardic Community.
- Daniel Halfon website of a British-born cantor and leading exponent of the liturgical tradition of Spanish and Portuguese Jews
- Liturgy of the Spanish Synagogue in Rome performed by Rev. Alberto Funaro
- Isaac Azose website of a cantor from Seattle, WA, USA, instrumental in preservation of the Sephardic liturgical tradition of Rhodes
- Songs of the Sephardic Jewish Women of Morocco Internet Radio Show featuring field recordings of Sephardic Jewish Women in Tangier & Tetuan, 1954 w/ song texts translated into English.
- A Guide to Jewish Bulgaria, published by Vagabond Media, Sofia, 2011
- Diaspora Sefardi – Jordi Savall, Hespèrion XXI – Alia Vox AV9809
- Katalanim songs
Sephardic Jews
View on GrokipediaEtymology and Definitions
Etymology of "Sephardic"
The term "Sephardic" derives from the Hebrew word Sepharad (סְפָרָד), which appears in the Bible in Obadiah 1:20 as a destination for exiles from Jerusalem: "And the captivity of this host of the children of Israel, who are among the Canaanites unto Zarephath, and the captivity of Jerusalem, who are in Sepharad, shall possess the cities of the South." This biblical reference, dated to the post-exilic period around the 6th century BCE, denotes an unidentified location associated with Jewish dispersion, possibly in Asia Minor or Sardis based on ancient Near Eastern onomastics, though its precise etymology remains debated among philologists as potentially linked to Luwian or Akkadian roots signifying "boundary" or "frontier."[9] Jewish exegetes from the medieval period onward, however, consistently equated Sepharad with the Iberian Peninsula (Hispania), reflecting the established Jewish communities there by the 10th century CE.[7] This geographic identification gained prominence through rabbinic commentaries, such as those of Rashi (Rabbi Shlomo Yitzchaki, 1040–1105), who linked the exiles in Sepharad to descendants of Judah inheriting southern territories, implicitly aligning it with Spain in the context of known diaspora settlements.[10] By the High Middle Ages, Sepharad had become the standard Hebrew term for Iberia in Jewish texts, paralleling Ashkenaz for regions in France and Germany. Following the 1492 Alhambra Decree expelling Jews from Spain and the 1497 edict in Portugal, the adjective "Sephardic" evolved from a strictly toponymic label to an ethnic and cultural descriptor for the dispersed Iberian Jewish communities, emphasizing their distinct liturgical rites, legal customs (halakha), and Ladino language, in contrast to Ashkenazi traditions.[7] This post-expulsion usage solidified by the 16th century among Ottoman and North African Jewish scholars, though it later broadened in some contexts without altering its core association with pre-expulsion Iberian origins.[11]Narrow and Broad Definitions
The narrow definition of Sephardic Jews restricts the term to those with verifiable direct descent from the Jewish communities that inhabited the Iberian Peninsula—encompassing modern-day Spain and Portugal—prior to the Alhambra Decree of March 31, 1492, which expelled Jews from Castile and Aragon, and the subsequent Portuguese expulsion edict of 1497.[7] This ethnic criterion emphasizes causal historical continuity, tracing lineages back to medieval Iberian settlements that had persisted since Roman times, including subgroups such as the Katalanim, denoting Jews primarily from Castile whose customs and dialects reflected regional variations within the peninsula.[12] Such a definition prioritizes genealogical and migratory evidence over later adoptions of rite or self-identification, excluding groups whose traditions evolved independently elsewhere. In contrast, the broad definition extends "Sephardic" to any Jews who follow the Sephardic rite (nusach), encompassing liturgical customs, halakhic rulings (often aligned with Maimonides' interpretations), and practices like specific prayer melodies or holiday observances originating from Iberian models.[13] This religious categorization, which gained traction in the 20th century particularly in Israel, incorporates communities without Iberian ancestry, such as some Mizrahi Jews from the Middle East and North Africa who integrated Sephardic elements post-expulsion through trade, scholarship, or rabbinic influence.[14] However, this expansion has been critiqued for diluting ethnic specificity, as Mizrahi origins predate Iberian events and stem from ancient Near Eastern dispersions rather than the 1492 watershed, leading to conflations that overlook distinct languages (e.g., Judeo-Arabic versus Ladino) and autonomous halakhic developments.[15] Empirical distinctions hinge on traceable causal links to Iberian expulsion diasporas, verifiable through historical records of migration to sites like Amsterdam, Livorno, or the Ottoman Empire, where core Sephardic communities preserved unique elements such as the use of medieval Spanish in liturgy and jurisprudence.[16] While the broad rite-based approach facilitates communal unity, it risks subsuming non-Iberian groups under a label whose original denotation derives from "Sepharad," the Hebrew biblical term for Iberia, thereby prioritizing performative adherence over provenance.[17]Distinctions from Mizrahi and Other Groups
Sephardic Jews originate from the Jewish communities of the Iberian Peninsula, particularly those affected by the 1492 Alhambra Decree and subsequent expulsions from Spain and Portugal, leading to a diaspora that preserved distinct cultural markers tied to medieval Hispano-Jewish life. In contrast, Mizrahi Jews descend from longstanding communities in the Levant, Mesopotamia, Persia, and North Africa that trace continuity to pre-exilic periods without interruption by Iberian events, maintaining separate ethnolinguistic identities rooted in local Semitic or Persianate substrates.[18][15] While post-expulsion Sephardim influenced some Mizrahi groups—such as through the adoption of Sephardic prayer rites (nusach Sephardi) in Ottoman lands after the 16th century—these liturgical convergences do not erase foundational differences in origins, genetic admixture, or pre-diaspora customs; for instance, Sephardim exhibit Iberian and Western European genetic signatures alongside Levantine ancestry, distinct from the purer Near Eastern profiles of many Mizrahim.[19][20] Mizrahi languages, like Judeo-Arabic dialects or Judeo-Persian, reflect indigenous regional evolution, whereas Sephardic identity centers on Judeo-Spanish (Ladino), a medieval Castilian-derived tongue with Hebrew-Aramaic admixtures.[21] Oriental Jewish groups, including Yemenite Jews, are similarly excluded from Sephardic classification despite limited historical contacts or rite adoptions in isolated cases; Yemenites preserve an archaic pronunciation of Hebrew and unique ritual practices, such as distinct marriage customs and manuscript traditions, predating Sephardic influence and unlinked to Iberian expulsion lineages.[18] Verifiable criteria for Sephardic affiliation emphasize empirical markers over self-identification: documented descent from pre-1492 Iberian families, surnames indicative of Hispanic origins (e.g., those terminating in -ez, -es, or -o, as in Fernandes or Toledo), or demonstrated proficiency in Ladino, which counters expansive or politically expedient broadenings that subsume non-Iberian groups under the Sephardic umbrella for demographic or ideological simplification in contexts like Israeli census categories.[21][22]Ancient and Early Medieval History in Iberia
Arrival and Settlement in Roman Hispania
Jewish presence in the Iberian Peninsula during the Roman period is attested by archaeological finds dating to the first centuries CE, primarily through inscriptions and artifacts linked to trade routes and urban settlements. The earliest documented evidence includes a marble plate inscribed with the Hebrew name "Yehiel," unearthed in southern Portugal and dated to the 2nd–4th centuries CE, marking the oldest physical trace of Jewish inhabitants in the region.[23] Additional early indicators consist of a trilingual sarcophagus inscription in Hebrew, Latin, and Greek from a child's tomb, suggesting organized Jewish burial practices in Roman Hispania.[24] These communities likely arrived via Mediterranean commerce and Roman expansion, with settlements concentrated in port cities such as Tarraco (modern Tarragona) and other coastal hubs facilitating trade from the eastern Mediterranean after the destruction of the Second Temple in 70 CE.[25] Under Roman administration, Jews in Hispania enjoyed relative religious autonomy akin to that in other provinces, permitting synagogue worship and communal organization without widespread interference until later imperial edicts. Integration involved participation in urban economies, including commerce and craftsmanship, though as non-citizens they faced fiscal obligations like the fiscus Judaicus tax imposed empire-wide after 70 CE. Proselytism occurred modestly, with Jewish practices attracting some converts, particularly through the manumission of slaves under halakhic guidelines that encouraged freeing non-Jewish bondsmen after service, potentially swelling local numbers via freedmen adopting Judaism.[24] However, direct evidence for extensive proselytism in Hispania remains limited, with communities remaining small and discrete.[26] By the 4th century CE, Jewish demographics in Hispania were modest, comprising established but numerically limited groups in key Roman municipalities, setting foundations for subsequent expansion. Recent excavations at the site of ancient Cástulo in Jaén province have revealed oil lamp fragments adorned with menorahs and other Jewish symbols, alongside architectural features initially mistaken for a church, indicating a possible synagogue and hitherto undocumented community from the 4th–5th centuries CE.[27] Such findings underscore a stable, if peripheral, presence amid the empire's provincial Jewish diaspora, with no reliable population estimates exceeding scattered urban enclaves rather than mass settlement.[28]Under Visigothic Rule and Persecutions
The Visigoths, adhering to Arian Christianity, assumed control of much of Hispania following the decline of Roman authority in the early 5th century CE, initially extending relative tolerance to Jewish communities established there since Roman times.[29] [30] Under Arian doctrine, which rejected the full divinity of Christ and thus shared less theological antagonism with Judaism than Nicene Catholicism, Jews faced fewer impositions beyond existing Roman restrictions, such as those in the Theodosian Code of 438 CE prohibiting public office and synagogue construction in certain cases.[29] [30] This environment allowed Jewish populations in cities like Tarragona and Mérida to engage in commerce, agriculture, and local governance alongside Hispano-Romans, with little evidence of systematic persecution during the Arian phase.[31] The Third Council of Toledo in 589 CE, convened under King Reccared I, marked the Visigoths' official conversion to Catholicism, aligning the kingdom with orthodox Christology and initiating doctrinal pressures against non-conformists, including Jews whose rejection of Jesus as Messiah was viewed as a direct challenge to unified Christian belief.[32] The council's canons explicitly barred Jews from marrying Christians, owning Christian slaves, or holding public office, framing these as safeguards against perceived Jewish influence on Christian society and ritual impurity.[32] [33] This shift reflected causal drivers rooted in Catholic theology's emphasis on supersessionism—the idea that the Church had supplanted Judaism—rather than isolated xenophobia, as evidenced by the councils' focus on christological conformity over ethnic exclusion.[34] King Sisebut escalated these tensions with an edict in 612 CE requiring all Jews to undergo baptism within a year or face exile, confiscation of property, scourging, or mutilation, resulting in widespread coerced conversions and flight to Gaul or North Africa.[35] [36] Estimates suggest tens of thousands complied outwardly, though many practiced Judaism secretly, highlighting the edict's roots in Sisebut's zeal for religious homogeneity amid Byzantine influences and internal kingdom consolidation.[35] Subsequent rulers like Recceswinth reinforced such measures through the Liber Iudiciorum (c. 654 CE), which criminalized Jewish rites and interfaith relations, perpetuating cycles of enforcement, revolt, and partial amnesty.[37] The Fourth Council of Toledo in 633 CE, presided over by Isidore of Seville, codified further restrictions, prohibiting Jews from public office (Canon 65), Christian slave ownership, and relapse into Judaism after baptism, while nominally condemning forced conversions to distinguish Visigothic policy from prior Arian leniency.[38] [39] These laws, applied variably across reigns—eased under Chindaswinth (642–653 CE) but intensified under Erwig (680–687 CE)—drew from empirical precedents of Jewish economic roles in tax collection and slavery, yet were fundamentally propelled by ecclesiastical demands for doctrinal purity, as councils invoked biblical curses on non-believers (e.g., Deuteronomy 28).[34] Jewish resilience persisted, with communities reconstituting in urban centers post-persecution waves, sustained by familial networks and clandestine observance despite population reductions from emigration and assimilation.[40]High Medieval Period Under Muslim and Christian Rule
Jewish Life in al-Andalus (711–1086)
Following the Muslim conquest of the Iberian Peninsula in 711, Jews in al-Andalus experienced a shift from the persecutions under Visigothic rule to the status of dhimmis, or protected non-Muslims, under Islamic governance. This arrangement granted them communal autonomy, the right to practice their religion, and protection from forced conversion in exchange for loyalty and payment of the jizya, a poll tax levied on adult males.[41] [42] However, dhimmi protections were hierarchical, affirming Muslim supremacy; Jews faced restrictions such as prohibitions on constructing new synagogues, repairing existing ones without permission, proselytizing, bearing arms, or riding horses with saddles, reinforcing their subordinate position.[43] [41] Economically, Jews contributed to al-Andalus's prosperity through roles in agriculture, particularly in rural areas, and urban trades like commerce and craftsmanship, leveraging their multilingual skills as intermediaries in Mediterranean networks.[44] In administration, select Jews ascended via caliphal patronage, exemplified by Hasdai ibn Shaprut (c. 915–975), who served as physician, vizier, and diplomat under Caliph Abd al-Rahman III, negotiating treaties with Christian kingdoms like León and facilitating trade alliances.[45] Such positions enabled Jewish poetry and scientific pursuits to flourish in courts like Córdoba's, though dependent on ruler favor rather than inherent equality.[46] Despite periods of relative tolerance under Umayyad caliphs (until 1031) and subsequent taifa kingdoms, underlying Islamic supremacism precluded full integration, with dhimmi taxes burdening communities and social humiliations periodic. Resentment over Jewish viziers' influence erupted in violence, notably the 1066 Granada massacre, where a Muslim mob stormed the palace, killed Jewish vizier Joseph ibn Naghrela, and slaughtered thousands of Jews amid accusations of arrogance and favoritism.[47] This event, claiming up to 4,000 lives, underscored the fragility of patronage-based stability, as economic envy and religious hierarchy fueled outbreaks absent in narratives of unqualified harmony.[48]Transition to Christian Dominance and Reconquista
The Almoravid dynasty, originating from Berber tribes in Morocco, intervened in al-Andalus following the Muslim defeat at the Battle of Sagrajas in 1086, imposing stricter interpretations of Islamic law that curtailed the relative autonomy Jews had enjoyed under the preceding taifa kingdoms.[49] While not initiating mass conversions, the Almoravids enforced the jizya tax more rigorously and restricted Jewish public religious practices, leading to economic pressures and initial emigration from southern cities like Seville and Granada.[50] This marked the onset of declining Jewish prominence in Muslim Iberia, with communities fragmenting as some families relocated northward to avoid heightened scrutiny.[51] The Almohad Caliphate's invasion in 1147, under Abd al-Mu'min, escalated persecution dramatically, rejecting the dhimmi protections of prior regimes in favor of enforced religious uniformity.[52] Jews and Christians faced ultimatums to convert to Islam, flee, or face execution, resulting in widespread nominal conversions (known as ḥākat) or exodus; for instance, the philosopher Maimonides and his family abandoned Córdoba around 1148, initially seeking refuge in Morocco before further flight.[44] Historical accounts indicate that Jewish populations in core Almohad territories, such as the Guadalquivir Valley, plummeted, with estimates suggesting tens of thousands displaced or assimilated by the late 12th century, evidenced by the near-disappearance of documented synagogues and rabbinic activity in southern al-Andalus.[53] This fundamentalist policy contrasted sharply with the pragmatic tolerance of earlier Umayyad and taifa eras, prioritizing ideological purity over fiscal or administrative utility.[52] In parallel, Christian advances during the Reconquista provided alternative refuges, as kingdoms like Castile and Aragon reconquered territories including Toledo in 1085 and Zaragoza in 1118, resettling Jews as valued intermediaries.[44] Royal charters, such as those issued by Alfonso VI of Castile, granted Jews protection as servi regis (king's servants), exempting them from feudal obligations in exchange for roles in finance, medicine, and translation on the frontier, where their multilingual skills facilitated trade and administration amid unstable border zones.[54] This northward migration, peaking around the Battle of Las Navas de Tolosa in 1212, fostered community growth in northern cities but also fragmentation, as southern scholars and merchants integrated into diverse Ashkenazi-influenced networks, diluting uniform Sephardic practices.[53] Christian rulers' protections remained conditional and variable, tied to economic needs rather than ideological commitment, yet offered survival amid Almohad intolerance.[44]Intellectual Golden Age: Achievements and Realities
 Sephardic Jewish intellectuals in medieval Iberia produced enduring works in philosophy, law, medicine, and linguistics, particularly from the 10th to 12th centuries under Muslim rule in al-Andalus and later Christian kingdoms. Key figures synthesized Hellenistic and Islamic thought with Jewish tradition, as exemplified by Moses Maimonides (1138–1204), whose Mishneh Torah systematized rabbinic law into 14 volumes, accessible without talmudic study.[55] His Guide for the Perplexed integrated Aristotelian metaphysics with monotheism, influencing later Jewish and Christian scholastics by positing that true prophecy aligns with rational physics and metaphysics.[55] Maimonides also advanced medicine through 10 treatises, including on asthma and poisons, emphasizing empirical observation and hygiene while serving as physician to Ayyubid Sultan Saladin from 1171.[56][57] Other contributions included Judah Halevi's Kuzari (c. 1140), a philosophical dialogue defending Judaism against rationalist critiques by prioritizing revelation over pure reason, and Abraham ibn Ezra's (1089–1167) commentaries blending astrology, mathematics, and biblical exegesis.[58] Jewish scholars facilitated knowledge transfer via the Toledo School of Translators (active c. 1130–1270 under Christian rule), where figures like Judah ben Saul ibn Mosconi rendered Arabic versions of Ptolemy, Euclid, and Galen into Latin and Castilian, enabling European access to Greek-Arabic scientific heritage.[4][59] These efforts preserved texts but were collaborative, involving Muslim and Christian intermediaries, with Jewish expertise in Hebrew and Arabic proving indispensable.[60] Achievements depended on elite patronage from caliphs and kings, exposing intellectuals to political volatility rather than fostering broad autonomy. Maimonides, for instance, relied on Almohad tolerance initially but fled Córdoba in 1148 amid the dynasty's coercive policies demanding conversion, exile, or death for non-Muslims, leading to widespread crypto-Judaism or flight.[55][61] The Almohad regime (1147–1269) rejected dhimmi protections, enforcing unitarian Islam and destroying synagogues, which halted prior cultural flourishing in al-Andalus.[52] The idealized "convivencia"—coexistence narrative—overstates harmonious tolerance, ignoring dhimmi taxes, dress codes, and sporadic violence under Muslim rule, as well as hierarchical barriers limiting egalitarian exchange.[62] Critics argue it romanticizes subordination, where Jewish success stemmed from utility to rulers amid conquest-driven knowledge access, not mutual idyll, evidenced by pre-Almohad pacts like the 11th-century Granada massacre of Jews despite vizier Samuel ibn Naghrillah's influence.[63] Internal Sephardic debates, such as anti-rationalist backlash against Maimonides' works (burned by some rabbis in 1232), underscored religious conservatism constraining secular inquiry.[55] Causal realities reveal patronage-enabled peaks amid enforced hierarchies, with verifiable impacts like translated optics and astronomy texts aiding 13th-century Europe, yet bounded by faith-based prohibitions on unorthodox innovation.[64]Late Medieval Pressures and Expulsion
Rising Intolerance and Pogroms (1215–1391)
The Fourth Lateran Council of 1215, convened by Pope Innocent III, decreed that Jews and Muslims in Christian lands must wear distinctive badges or clothing to differentiate them from Christians, aiming to prevent intermingling and errors in social contact.[65][66] This measure, enforced variably across Iberia, heightened visibility and vulnerability for Jewish communities, reinforcing theological views of Jews as perpetual outsiders accused of deicide—the collective responsibility for Christ's crucifixion—which had permeated Christian doctrine since early Church fathers and fueled periodic expulsions and restrictions.[67][68] Economic pressures compounded these religious animosities, as Christian guilds increasingly excluded Jews from crafts and trades from the 12th century onward, channeling many into moneylending—a profession forbidden to Christians by usury bans but essential for medieval credit needs.[67] This role bred resentment among debtors, including nobles and clergy, who sought debt cancellation through violence, while sporadic blood libel accusations—claims of ritual child murder for Passover rites—emerged in Iberia despite being rarer than in northern Europe, stoking mob fervor by portraying Jews as existential threats.[69] Such libels, though empirically baseless and often fabricated for local gain, aligned with deicide narratives to justify exclusion, as seen in guild petitions and clerical sermons decrying Jewish "exploitation." Tensions erupted in the pogroms of 1391, ignited in Seville on June 6 by mobs incited by the archdeacon Ferrand Martínez, who preached against Jews amid rumors of ritual crimes and economic grievances.[70] Violence spread rapidly across Castile to Córdoba, Toledo, and beyond, then to Aragon's Valencia and Barcelona by August, resulting in an estimated 4,000 deaths in Seville alone, with thousands more killed or forced to convert nationwide; Jewish quarters were razed, synagogues converted to churches, and property looted, effectively halving some communities.[70][71] These events stemmed from intertwined causes: fervent Christian zealotry reviving crusading-era hatreds, socioeconomic envy toward Jewish financiers whose elimination promised debt relief, and opportunistic urban unrest exploiting weak royal authority under Alfonso XI's successors, rather than a singular social crisis.[72]Mass Conversions, Inquisition, and Expulsion (1391–1497)
The anti-Jewish riots that erupted in Seville in June 1391 and spread to other cities in Castile and Aragon destroyed many Jewish quarters and prompted mass conversions to Christianity among Sephardic Jews seeking to escape violence and death.[73] These conversions, often coerced under duress, affected a substantial portion of the Jewish population, with contemporary accounts indicating that entire communities in major centers like Seville and Barcelona largely abandoned Judaism.[74] The resulting conversos, or New Christians, integrated into Christian society but aroused suspicions of crypto-Judaism, or secret adherence to Jewish practices, which fueled ongoing tensions. To combat perceived heresy among conversos, King Ferdinand II of Aragon and Queen Isabella I of Castile sought papal authorization in 1478 from Pope Sixtus IV to establish a national Inquisition.[75] The Spanish Inquisition, operational from 1480, primarily targeted conversos accused of Judaizing, employing interrogations, torture, and public autos-da-fé spectacles for punishment.[76] In its early decades, the tribunal relaxed in Seville in 1481 with the burning of six conversos, and by 1530, records indicate around 2,000 executions, mostly of those convicted of persistent heresy.[77] These measures aimed at enforcing religious orthodoxy but often relied on denunciations and coerced testimonies, reflecting a causal drive toward Catholic uniformity following the Reconquista's completion in 1492. Persistent fears that unconverted Jews undermined converso fidelity led to the Alhambra Decree of March 31, 1492, mandating conversion or departure from Spanish realms by July 31.[78] Affecting an estimated Jewish population of 100,000 to 300,000, the edict resulted in 40,000 to 150,000 expulsions, alongside widespread conversions to retain property and status.[2] While religious motivations—ensuring converso assimilation and national unity—dominated royal rationale, as evidenced in the decree's text emphasizing separation from Jewish influence, confiscations of assets provided fiscal windfalls; however, empirical assessments reveal long-term economic harm from losing mercantile expertise and networks, contradicting claims prioritizing material gain over zealotry.[79][80] In neighboring Portugal, King Manuel I decreed on December 5, 1496, that Jews and Muslims must convert or leave by October 1497, partly to facilitate his marriage to Isabella of Spain, who demanded Jewish expulsion as a condition.[81] Facing resistance and valuing Jewish economic contributions, Manuel enforced mass baptisms, including forcibly separating and converting children under 20, effectively retaining most of Portugal's 20,000 to 120,000 Jews as New Christians rather than permitting widespread emigration.[82] This policy mirrored Spanish pressures but prioritized demographic retention through conversion, leading to a crypto-Jewish undercurrent amid inquisitorial oversight.Diaspora Dispersal
Settlement in the Ottoman Empire
Sultan Bayezid II responded to the 1492 expulsion of Jews from Spain by issuing an invitation for them to settle in Ottoman territories, recognizing their potential economic contributions and dispatching naval vessels under Kemal Reis to evacuate refugees from Spanish ports.[83] [84] This policy reflected pragmatic state interests in bolstering commerce and population amid imperial expansion, rather than strict adherence to traditional Islamic dhimmi restrictions, which imposed taxes like the jizya but permitted protected status for non-Muslims.[85] Tens of thousands of Sephardim accepted, fleeing persecution and integrating into urban centers where their skills in textile production, medicine, and international trade aligned with Ottoman demands for skilled labor.[84] Primary settlements concentrated in Istanbul and Thessaloniki, with around 20,000 Sephardim arriving in the latter shortly after 1492, rapidly elevating its Jewish population to a majority among the city's residents by the early 16th century.[86] [87] In Istanbul, the influx quintupled the Jewish community to approximately 40,000 by 1535, fostering vibrant quarters with synagogues, schools, and markets.[84] These locations benefited from the empire's strategic ports and trade routes, enabling Sephardim to rebuild communal structures disrupted by expulsion, including rabbinical courts and charitable institutions.[88] The millet system granted Jewish communities substantial autonomy in internal affairs, allowing self-administration of religious law, education, and family matters under leaders like the chief rabbi (Hahambaşı), who served as intermediaries with Ottoman authorities.[89] This framework, while limiting political power and enforcing fiscal obligations, provided stability that contrasted with Iberian intolerance, rooted in sultanic realpolitik prioritizing economic utility over ideological purity.[85] Sephardim preserved cultural cohesion through Ladino (Judeo-Spanish), a dialect blending medieval Castilian with Hebrew and local influences, which functioned as the everyday lingua franca in households, commerce, and liturgy across Ottoman Jewish society.[90] [91] Economically, Sephardim drove a surge in Ottoman commerce during the 16th century, dominating textile exports, spice routes, and banking while exploiting Iberian mercantile networks inaccessible to locals.[88] Their prosperity stemmed from fewer guild restrictions compared to Europe and the empire's laissez-faire approach toward productive minorities, yielding tangible gains like enhanced imperial revenues from customs duties.[85] However, tensions emerged from factionalism between incoming Sephardim and indigenous Romaniote Jews, complicating communal governance and resource allocation in shared millets.[85]Communities in North Africa
Following the 1492 Alhambra Decree expelling Jews from Spain and the 1497 Portuguese expulsion, tens of thousands of Sephardic Jews migrated to Morocco, settling primarily in northern cities such as Tetouan, Fez, and Meknes.[92] These newcomers, termed Megorashim (expelled ones), distinguished themselves from the indigenous Toshavim (resident Jews) through Iberian linguistic and cultural practices, including the use of Ladino.[93] In urban centers, they integrated into existing or newly formed mellahs—walled Jewish quarters established near royal palaces for protection and control, with Fez's mellah dating to 1438 and expanding post-expulsion.[94] Sephardim assumed key economic roles as merchants and intermediaries in trans-Saharan trade networks, leveraging prior Iberian commercial expertise to facilitate exchanges between Berber tribes, sultans, and European traders.[95] This positioned them as vital yet precarious allies to Moroccan rulers, who occasionally appointed Jewish viziers, though underlying tribal hostilities persisted, manifesting in periodic violence rather than harmonious exile. For instance, in 1864, a pogrom in Demnat targeted Jewish communities amid local instability, killing dozens and destroying property.[96] Such events underscored causal tensions from economic envy and religious fervor, not idealized refuge narratives. Over centuries, Sephardim blended with local Mizrahi populations, retaining distinct rites like Sephardic liturgy while adopting Arabic dialects; genetic analyses reveal distinctive North African Jewish clusters with variable local admixture, indicating higher intermarriage rates than in more isolated diasporas, particularly among urban traders.[97] By the 19th century, European consular protections—offered by powers like France and Britain—elevated Jewish status, granting extraterritorial rights and mitigating dhimmi restrictions, thus shifting power dynamics and fostering proto-modernization in mellah economies.[98]Western Sephardim in Northern Europe
In the late 16th and early 17th centuries, crypto-Jews from Portugal, escaping the Inquisition established there in 1536, began migrating to the tolerant Dutch Republic, particularly Amsterdam, where they formed the "Portuguese Nation" community.[99] These former conversos, who had outwardly converted to Christianity but secretly practiced Judaism, openly reverted to their ancestral faith upon arrival, benefiting from the Netherlands' religious pluralism amid its revolt against Spanish Habsburg rule.[100] By the 1590s, small groups had settled, growing rapidly as Amsterdam became a hub for Atlantic and East Indies trade, with the community numbering around 1,000 by 1610 and peaking at over 5,000 by mid-century.[101] The Portuguese Jews in Amsterdam dominated sectors like diamond cutting and polishing, importing rough diamonds from India via Portuguese networks and establishing a monopoly that lasted centuries, with Sephardic traders controlling much of Europe's supply by the 17th century.[102] They also excelled in shipping and colonial commodities, processing sugar and tobacco from Brazil and the Caribbean, and holding significant shares—up to a quarter by the late 1600s—in the Dutch East India Company (VOC), facilitating trade links from Antwerp and Hamburg.[103] This economic prowess funded communal institutions, including the grand Portuguese Synagogue, known as the Esnoga, consecrated in 1675 and designed by architect Elias Bouman in a classical style evoking Solomon's Temple, with its vast interior accommodating 1,500 worshippers across pews and a women's gallery.[104] Similar migrations reached England after Oliver Cromwell's informal readmission of Jews in 1656, following petitions from Amsterdam Sephardim like Menasseh ben Israel, who argued for economic benefits and messianic fulfillment.[105] A small colony of Portuguese merchants, already trading covertly in London, formalized their presence, establishing the Spanish and Portuguese Synagogue; by 1701, they dedicated Bevis Marks Synagogue, the UK's oldest continuously used Jewish house of worship, reflecting their growing prosperity in finance and commerce.[106] Within these communities, internal tensions arose from Enlightenment influences, exemplified by Baruch Spinoza, born in 1632 to a Portuguese Jewish family in Amsterdam and excommunicated in 1656 via a severe herem for heretical views challenging rabbinic authority and biblical literalism, marking an early instance of self-generated secular critique rather than external pressure.[107] Amsterdam's Sephardim, exposed to radical Enlightenment ideas through trade and intellectual exchanges, exhibited trends toward secularization by the 18th century, with elites embracing heterodox thought while maintaining synagogue ties, fostering a distinctive blend of ritual observance and philosophical skepticism.[108]Crypto-Judaism and New World Dispersal
Many conversos, outwardly Catholic descendants of Sephardic Jews forced to convert during the late 15th century, migrated to the Spanish and Portuguese colonies in the Americas to escape the Inquisition's scrutiny in Iberia, yet the institution extended its reach there, prosecuting suspected relapsers into crypto-Judaism.[109] In New Spain (modern Mexico), the Mexican Inquisition, established in 1571, targeted networks of crypto-Jews, as evidenced by trials like that of the Carvajal family in the 1590s, where defendants were accused of maintaining underground Sabbath observances, kosher dietary restrictions, and circumcision rites despite public Catholicism.[110] These proceedings documented secretive family-based transmission of Judaic practices, with causal mechanisms rooted in generational secrecy enabling survival amid persecution, though convictions often led to executions or imprisonment, as in the 1649 auto-da-fé in Mexico City where eighteen crypto-Jews were burned.[111] Further north, among 17th-century colonists in New Mexico, Inquisition records from trials in the 1640s reveal crypto-Jewish presence, including high rates of circumcision among accused men—up to 80% in some analyses—alongside avoidance of pork and lighting candles on Fridays, indicating persistent adherence despite isolation.[112][111] Genetic studies corroborate historical descent, identifying Sephardic mitochondrial DNA haplogroups in Latin American populations, such as lineages tracing to Portuguese Jewish communities, with estimates suggesting up to 25% of Latinos carrying partial Ashkenazi or Sephardic ancestry markers, though these reflect admixture rather than unbroken crypto-practice.[113][114] In Dutch-controlled territories, some conversos openly reverted to Judaism; in Curaçao from the mid-17th century, Portuguese-origin settlers established synagogues and communities, drawing hundreds who had feigned Christianity in Iberia or Brazil, though reversion carried risks of relapse under renewed Catholic pressures post-Dutch losses.[115] Similarly, in Brazil during Dutch rule (1630–1654), crypto-Jews among Portuguese immigrants practiced Judaism semi-openly before fleeing to Caribbean islands upon Portuguese reconquest, with 17th–18th-century records showing intermittent returns amid threats of denunciation and forced assimilation.[116] These dynamics highlight how geographic distance and tolerant enclaves facilitated partial recovery of identity, yet pervasive fear of exposure perpetuated hybrid secrecy into the 19th century.[117]Early Modern to Enlightenment Era
Economic Roles and Integration in Host Societies
Sephardic merchants in the Ottoman Empire, especially in Smyrna (modern İzmir), established extensive trade networks connecting the Levant to European ports, handling commodities such as textiles, dyes, and precious stones from the 16th century onward. These networks relied on familial ties and shared linguistic proficiency in Ladino, Arabic, and European languages, enabling Sephardim to act as intermediaries in the Mediterranean economy. By the 17th century, Smyrna's Jewish community, swelled by post-expulsion arrivals, dominated local export trade, with family firms coordinating shipments to Venice and Livorno.[118] In Livorno, Tuscany's 1593 Livornina charter exempted Sephardic settlers from many restrictions, fostering a hub for cross-cultural exchange; Jewish traders linked Smyrna's goods to Atlantic markets, specializing in coral processing and shipping, which boosted the port's volume to rival Amsterdam's by the mid-17th century.[119][120] In Northern Europe, Western Sephardim—often crypto-Jews from Portugal—integrated into mercantile elites through finance and innovation. In Hamburg, Portuguese Jews helped establish the Bank of Hamburg in 1619, with 30 to 46 local Jews among initial shareholders by 1623, financing trade with Iberia and the Baltic.[121] Their wholesale operations in spices, sugar, and tobacco supported the city's growth as a free port, despite periodic suspicions of Judaizing. In Amsterdam, Sephardic families pioneered securities trading; by 1690, Jews controlled approximately 85% of share transactions on the Amsterdam Stock Exchange, founded in 1602, introducing practices like bill discounting that stabilized early modern capitalism.[122][123] Economic integration brought privileges but also vulnerabilities, including expulsions that disrupted settlements. The 1669 edict under Habsburg Emperor Leopold I banished 1,346 Jews from Vienna and Lower Austria, targeting merchants amid accusations of usury and ritual crimes, though Sephardic presence there was limited compared to Ashkenazim.[124] Sephardic family firms demonstrated resilience by relocating operations—shifting from Iberia to the Netherlands or Ottomans—preserving capital through portable skills and kinship networks rather than fixed assets. This adaptability sustained trade lineages across generations, as seen in Livornese houses maintaining Smyrna branches despite European wars.[125] Communal wealth was unevenly distributed, with a small merchant aristocracy funding synagogues and charities while many artisans and laborers depended on relief funds. In 17th- and 18th-century London and Amsterdam Sephardic congregations, records reveal stark divides: elite traders like the Mendes family accumulated vast fortunes in diamonds and shipping, yet elders debated aid for the indigent, leading to internal schisms over resource allocation.[126] Such stratification, driven by market risks and exclusion from landownership, underscored that Sephardic economic success was neither monolithic nor immune to poverty, challenging idealized views of diaspora uniformity.[127]Cultural Preservation Amid Assimilation Pressures
Sephardic communities in the Ottoman Empire and Western Europe established yeshivot and printing presses to safeguard religious texts and scholarship following the 1492 expulsion. In Istanbul, Samuel ibn Nahmias, a refugee from Spain, operated the first post-expulsion Hebrew printing press, producing works like the pentateuch in 1493, which disseminated Sephardic rites and commentaries across dispersed populations.[128] These presses standardized liturgical and halakhic materials, countering fragmentation and enabling rabbinic authority to persist amid migrations. Yeshivot in Salonika and Safed, such as those led by Joseph Taitazak in the 16th century, trained generations in Talmudic study, reinforcing communal cohesion against dilution in host societies.[129] To maintain lineage purity, Sephardim meticulously documented family pedigrees, tracing descent to pre-expulsion Iberian families and verifying eligibility for marriage within the group. These genealogical records, preserved in communal archives, emphasized ancient surnames of Hebrew, Spanish, or Arabic origin, distinguishing Sephardim from Ashkenazim and preventing inter-subethnic unions deemed incompatible.[130] Community statutes (takkanot) explicitly banned intermarriage with non-Sephardim, as seen in 17th-century Hamburg where Sephardic leaders formed associations to enforce endogamy and reject Ashkenazic matches, viewing such lapses as threats to ritual and social integrity.[131] Oral traditions, including Ladino romanceros—ballads recounting medieval Spanish epics—served as living archives, transmitted primarily by women in family settings and retaining linguistic and narrative elements obsolete in peninsular Spain.[132] Assimilation pressures mounted in Enlightenment-era Europe, where economic integration tempted some toward secularization, yet core communities resisted through insulated institutions. Fringe elements encountered Haskalah-inspired reforms, advocating secular education alongside Torah study, as in 18th-century Ottoman Sephardic circles pushing literary modernization without abandoning tradition.[133] In autonomous Ottoman millets, voluntary assimilation remained limited, with printing and yeshivot fostering cultural insularity; contrasts emerged in Amsterdam's Western Sephardim, who balanced commerce with synagogue-based piety but enforced dress codes and rituals to avert erosion.[134] These mechanisms underscored causal distinctions between coerced crypto-Judaism and deliberate preservation, prioritizing empirical continuity over host-society convergence.19th–20th Century Developments
Emancipation, Nationalism, and Zionism
In the wake of the French conquest of Algeria in 1830, Sephardic Jews in the region experienced partial emancipation from dhimmi restrictions, as French authorities abolished traditional Islamic legal impositions like the jizya tax and special clothing mandates, though full civic equality awaited the Crémieux Decree of 1870 granting citizenship.[135] Similarly, the Ottoman Empire's Tanzimat reforms, initiated with the 1839 Gülhane Decree and formalized in the 1856 Reform Edict, extended legal equality to non-Muslims, including Sephardic communities in cities like Salonica and Izmir, by guaranteeing equal access to courts, military service exemptions traded for taxes, and protection from arbitrary taxation, thereby diminishing the dhimmi system's discriminatory aspects.[136] These changes enabled greater economic participation and urban integration for Sephardim, who comprised a significant portion of Ottoman Jewry, fostering modest prosperity in trade and finance amid imperial modernization efforts.[135] The Alliance Israélite Universelle, established in 1860 by French Jews, played a pivotal role in standardizing Sephardic education through a network of over 100 schools across Ottoman territories, North Africa, and the Levant by the late 19th century, emphasizing French language, secular subjects, and vocational training to promote emancipation and loyalty to host states.[137] These institutions enrolled tens of thousands of Sephardic students annually, countering traditional yeshiva-based learning with modern curricula that facilitated integration into European-influenced economies, though they sometimes eroded local Ladino dialects and customs in favor of assimilationist ideals.[137] By 1900, AIU schools had graduated generations equipped for professional roles, correlating with rising literacy rates among Sephardim from below 10% to over 50% in urban centers like Istanbul and Smyrna.[137] The era's nationalist currents, while enabling legal gains, simultaneously intensified ethnic tensions, as emerging Arab and Balkan nationalisms in Ottoman lands viewed Sephardic Jews—often multilingual intermediaries—as aligned with imperial or European interests, sparking localized antisemitic incidents like the 1840 Damascus Affair blood libel that reverberated across Sephardic networks.[138] This duality prompted emigration spikes, with Ottoman Sephardim departing at rates exceeding 5,000 annually by the 1890s toward Western Europe and the Americas due to economic displacement from trade disruptions and sporadic violence, as seen in Balkan uprisings displacing Sarajevo's community.[139] In response, proto-Zionist ideologies emerged among Sephardim, exemplified by Rabbi Judah Alkalai (1798–1878), a Sarajevo-born Sephardic leader who, influenced by 1830s Balkan upheavals, advocated agricultural settlement in Palestine as a redemptive necessity, publishing calls for Jewish self-sovereignty and land purchase in works like Minchat Yehuda (1839).[140] Alkalai's vision, predating Herzl by decades, emphasized collective redemption over assimilation, mobilizing small Sephardic fundraising efforts for Palestinian colonies amid nationalism's perils.[141]Impact of World Wars and the Holocaust
World War I imposed severe strains on Sephardic communities within the Ottoman Empire, including food shortages, economic collapse, and conscription into labor battalions, yet without targeted genocidal policies; casualties numbered in the thousands from wartime privations rather than systematic extermination.[142] The Holocaust inflicted disproportionate destruction on Sephardic populations in Nazi-occupied southeastern Europe, annihilating entire communities while geographic factors spared others. In Thessaloniki, Greece's preeminent Sephardic center, German forces deported 45,000–50,000 of the city's 56,000 Jews between March and August 1943 to Auschwitz-Birkenau, yielding a 96% mortality rate verified by deportation manifests and survivor testimonies.[143][144] This catastrophe extended across Greece, claiming 60,000 of 77,000 Jews overall, with Sephardim comprising the majority in urban hubs like Salonika.[145] Bulgaria presented a stark counterexample, where domestic resistance thwarted deportations of its 48,000–50,000 Jews; parliamentary vice-president Dimitar Peshev mobilized opposition in March 1943, prompting Tsar Boris III and officials to rescind orders amid protests from clergy, intellectuals, and citizens, preserving the core community intact.[146] This success did not extend to Bulgarian-occupied territories, where 11,343 Jews from Thrace and Macedonia—many Sephardic—were deported to Treblinka starting March 1943.[146] Yugoslav Sephardim fared worse in Axis zones, with thousands from Sarajevo and other enclaves perishing in camps, though partisan networks aided sporadic escapes leveraging crypto-Jewish heritage for concealment.[147] North African Sephardim under Vichy French rule from 1940 endured Statut des Juifs edicts, property seizures, and internment in labor camps across Morocco, Algeria, and Tunisia, affecting tens of thousands; however, direct shipments to extermination facilities remained rare, limited to roughly 200–500 from German-occupied Tunisia in late 1942 and Italian-held Libya, due to Allied advances preempting escalation.[148] Isolated crypto-Jewish lineages facilitated some evasion in Iberian-influenced pockets by asserting dormant Christian identities.[147] Relative to Ashkenazim, Sephardic losses totaled approximately 100,000—a fraction of the 5 million Ashkenazi victims—owing to concentrations in peripheral regions like the Balkans and Muslim-majority states beyond full Nazi reach, not racial distinctions, as camp records show uniform targeting post-capture; affected locales exhibited kill rates rivaling Poland's 90%, underscoring geography's causal primacy over any minimization narratives.[149][145]Post-1948 Migration Waves to Israel
Following the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948, Sephardic Jews from Arab and Muslim-majority countries faced escalating persecution, including pogroms, property confiscations, and official expulsions, prompting mass aliyah waves that brought approximately 600,000 immigrants from these regions by the early 1970s, comprising over half of all Jewish immigration during the period.[150][151] These migrants, primarily from North Africa and the Middle East, included descendants of Iberian exiles who had settled in places like Morocco, Tunisia, and Iraq centuries earlier, and their departure reduced Jewish populations in these countries by over 90% in many cases.[152] Key operations facilitated these movements: between 1949 and 1950, Operation Magic Carpet airlifted nearly 50,000 Yemenite Jews (sharing liturgical parallels with Sephardic traditions) to Israel amid fears of massacre, while Operations Ezra and Nehemiah evacuated over 120,000 Iraqi Jews via airlifts from 1950 to 1951 after Baghdad's denunciation of Iraqi citizenship for Jews.[150] In North Africa, where Sephardic communities were prominent, smaller but steady flows occurred from Tunisia and Libya post-1948 riots, culminating in Morocco's Operation Yachin from 1961 to 1964, which enabled about 200,000 Jews to depart under a clandestine agreement involving payments to Moroccan authorities.[151] By 1962, Sephardic and Oriental Jews accounted for 55% of total aliyah, shifting Israel's demographic balance significantly.[153] Upon arrival, many Sephardic immigrants were directed to ma'abarot, temporary transit camps established in the early 1950s to house over 300,000 newcomers in tents and tin shacks lacking basic infrastructure like running water and electricity, as Israel's nascent economy strained under the influx.[154] These camps, numbering up to 132 by 1952, served as initial absorption points but fostered socioeconomic disparities, with arrivals from agrarian or urban Arab settings often possessing lower formal education levels compared to pre-state Ashkenazi settlers, leading to assignments in peripheral development towns and manual labor roles.[155] Cultural frictions emerged from differences in religious observance and social norms, though higher fertility rates among these groups—averaging 5-7 children per woman in early decades—bolstered Israel's population growth amid ongoing absorptive challenges.[153]Contemporary History and Challenges
Integration in Israel: Socioeconomic Disparities
Sephardic and Mizrahi Jews, comprising over half of Israel's Jewish population following mass migrations from Arab and Muslim countries between 1948 and the 1970s, initially encountered profound socioeconomic hurdles upon integration, including placement in peripheral development towns, limited access to higher education, and concentration in low-wage sectors like construction and agriculture, which entrenched income disparities relative to European-origin Ashkenazi Jews.[156] These early conditions stemmed from the immigrants' abrupt uprooting, with many arriving from pre-industrial societies lacking formal schooling, leading to literacy rates as low as 20-30% among some groups in the 1950s compared to near-universal literacy among Ashkenazim.[157] Political empowerment marked a turning point, as Sephardic and Mizrahi voters decisively backed Menachem Begin's Likud party in the 1977 elections, delivering 70-80% support from these communities and upending Labor's Ashkenazi-dominated hegemony, thereby elevating Sephardic figures into coalitions and prompting policy shifts toward peripheral investment.[158] This realignment fostered greater representation, with subsequent governments under Begin addressing grievances through expanded social services and housing initiatives, though critics from right-leaning perspectives argue such measures inadvertently promoted welfare dependency over entrepreneurial self-reliance, a view substantiated by data showing slower upward mobility in state-reliant communities.[159] Educational advancements have demonstrated tangible closure of foundational gaps, with nationwide reforms emphasizing compulsory schooling and affirmative action in the 1960s-1990s raising Mizrahi high school completion rates from under 50% in the 1960s to parity with Ashkenazim by the early 2000s, alongside literacy convergence as basic enrollment mandates took effect.[160] However, disparities endure at higher levels: third-generation Mizrahim lag Ashkenazim by 10-15 percentage points in bachelor's degree attainment, per 2019 analyses, reflecting not just access but selectivity in elite institutions where cultural capital—such as parental education and networks—plays a causal role beyond raw opportunity.[161] Intergenerational data indicate mobility, with second- and third-generation Mizrahi men closing earnings gaps by 20-30% relative to their parents' cohort, though women show faster convergence due to expanded workforce participation. Economic metrics as of the 2020s reveal persistent but narrowing divides, with native-born Mizrahi Jews earning approximately 8% less on average than Ashkenazim in comparable roles, a figure dwarfed by the 32% gap among first-generation immigrants, signaling adaptation through labor market entry and skill acquisition.[156] Political influence mitigates these through the Shas party, established in 1984 to champion Sephardic ultra-Orthodox interests, which has secured ministerial posts in most coalitions since, advocating for welfare extensions and religious education funding while critiquing secular Ashkenazi elites for cultural erasure—claims echoed in empirical observations of Shas constituencies exhibiting higher fertility and community cohesion but correlated lower individual incomes due to large-family economics.[162] Analyses attributing underachievement to cultural emphases on immediate family obligations over long-term investment, rather than systemic bias alone, align with causal patterns in mobility studies showing self-selection into high-risk entrepreneurship yielding outsized successes among Sephardim, countering narratives of immutable disadvantage.[163]Global Communities and Recent Migrations
In the United States, Sephardic and Mizrahi Jews comprise approximately 10% of American Jewish adults, equating to about 591,000 individuals based on a 2025 survey.[164][165] These populations are primarily urban, with major centers in New York (home to Syrian and Spanish-Portuguese rites), Los Angeles (including Iranian and Afghan subgroups), and Seattle (Bukharan communities), and they demonstrate higher rates of attachment to Israel than Ashkenazi Jews in the same country.[166] In Europe, notable Sephardic concentrations persist in France (estimated 200,000–250,000 from North African origins), the United Kingdom (around 20,000–30,000, largely from Ottoman and Egyptian backgrounds), and smaller groups in the Netherlands, Italy, and Turkey (26,000 as of recent counts).[167] Latin America hosts vibrant communities, such as in Argentina (about 50,000) and Brazil (30,000), where early 20th-century Ottoman Sephardim and later North African arrivals form the core, alongside descendants of colonial-era crypto-Jews in Mexico and Colombia.[167] Recent 21st-century movements have been limited but notable among remnants in the Middle East. In Syria, the Jewish population fell to under 20 by 2023 amid civil war instability, prompting sporadic emigrations to the United States and Latin American hubs like Buenos Aires, where family networks facilitate integration. Iraq's Jewish community, numbering fewer than 10 individuals as of 2021, saw isolated departures post-2003 U.S. invasion, primarily to the U.S. or Canada, though these represent negligible demographic shifts.[167] In Latin America, a subset of Bnei Anusim (descendants of forced converts) has pursued formal returns to Judaism since the early 2000s, with hundreds undergoing conversions in Mexico and Peru based on genealogical DNA evidence and oral histories, bolstering local synagogue affiliations without constituting mass migration.[168] Diaspora Sephardic communities face assimilation challenges akin to broader Jewish trends, with intermarriage rates exceeding 40% in Western countries and fertility below replacement levels (typically 1.5–1.8 children per woman).[169] Urbanization and secular influences erode Ladino language use and distinct rites, as evidenced by 2023–2025 community surveys showing declining synagogue attendance among younger generations in the U.S. and Europe, though Orthodox subgroups maintain higher retention through endogamy and education.[164] These pressures are compounded by low birth rates, with diaspora-wide Jewish fertility lagging host populations, threatening long-term viability absent revitalization efforts.Citizenship Repatriation Laws and Updates
Spain enacted Law 12/2015 in 2015, offering citizenship to descendants of Sephardic Jews expelled in 1492 upon demonstration of ancestry through genealogical records, family names, or cultural ties, alongside knowledge of Spanish language and culture via certificate or exam. The program initially allowed non-residents to apply without residency requirements, but processing tightened after October 2019 when new applications closed, though extensions permitted backlog review into the 2020s; by early 2025, approximately 153,774 applications had been received, with 72,199 grants and 7,189 denials, leaving many pending amid fraud scrutiny.[170] Approved applicants gain expedited citizenship after two years of residency, compared to the standard ten, facilitating EU mobility.[171] Portugal introduced a parallel pathway in 2015 under Article 6 of its Nationality Law, granting citizenship to Sephardic descendants proving origin via certificates from recognized Jewish communities, emphasizing ties like Ladino language or traditions.[172] Amendments effective January 2024 mandated personal interviews and stricter genealogical evidence to curb abuses, following scandals involving falsified documents from certifying bodies like Porto's Jewish community.[173] By mid-2020s estimates, around 90,000 citizenships had been issued, predominantly to applicants from Israel, Brazil, and Turkey who rarely relocate to Portugal, prompting critiques that the law functions more as economic migration via EU passport access than genuine repatriation.[174] Government proposals in June 2025 sought to abolish the Sephardic route for new applicants, limiting future grants to direct descendants of prior qualifiers, amid concerns over administrative overload and integrity; as of October 2025, the measure remained under parliamentary review without final enactment.[175] Both programs faced fraud allegations, including a 2025 Spanish probe uncovering a multi-million-euro ring issuing fake ancestry proofs, leading to plummeting approval rates from over 90% pre-2021 to below 50% thereafter due to enhanced verifications.[176][177] Empirical data on low repatriation rates—fewer than 5% of Spanish grantees establishing residence—suggests motivations skewed toward passport utility over historical redress, with some analysts attributing high application volumes to opportunistic claims rather than verifiable lineage.[178][179]Subgroups and Internal Divisions
Eastern Sephardim
Eastern Sephardim refer to the descendants of Jews expelled from Spain in 1492 and Portugal in 1497 who resettled primarily within the Ottoman Empire, including its Balkan provinces and Anatolian heartlands.[180] Unlike their Western counterparts who migrated to Northwestern Europe, Eastern Sephardim integrated into Ottoman society, establishing key communities in cities such as Thessaloniki (Salonica), Istanbul, and Izmir.[181] These settlements flourished under Ottoman tolerance, with Sephardim contributing to trade, medicine, and printing, while preserving core Iberian Jewish traditions amid local influences.[182] The linguistic hallmark of Eastern Sephardim was Judeo-Spanish, known as Ladino, which evolved into distinct Balkan dialects incorporating Turkish, Greek, and Slavic vocabulary and phonetics.[90] In regions like Greece and the former Yugoslavia, Ladino served as the vernacular for daily life, literature, and liturgy until the mid-20th century. Religious customs retained Sephardic rite specifics, such as unique prayer melodies and holiday observances, but adapted with Ottoman-era elements like shared culinary practices featuring meze-style appetizers reflecting multicultural exchanges.[183] This contrasts with Western Sephardim, who faced less Oriental immersion and developed customs more aligned with European rabbinic scholarship and mercantile networks.[182] By the early 20th century, Eastern Sephardic communities numbered in the hundreds of thousands across the Balkans and Turkey, maintaining genetic and cultural continuity with Iberian origins while showing minimal Western European admixture.[180] World War I and the ensuing Greco-Turkish population exchanges of 1923 disrupted some settlements, prompting initial dispersals.[184] The Holocaust inflicted catastrophic losses, annihilating over 80% of Greek Sephardim, including nearly all of Thessaloniki's 50,000-strong community, and shattering Balkan centers, which accelerated further 20th-century migrations and eroded Ladino's everyday dominance.[185]Western and North African Sephardim
Western Sephardim, also known as Spanish and Portuguese Jews, comprise descendants of Iberian Jews who, after the 1492 expulsion from Spain and the 1497 forced conversions in Portugal, initially fled as crypto-Jews (New Christians) to regions offering relative tolerance, such as the Dutch Republic following the 1579 Union of Utrecht, which allowed discreet Jewish practice.[186] These migrants established prominent communities in Amsterdam by the early 1600s, where they reverted to open Judaism, building institutions like the Esnoga synagogue in 1675, and later in London after Oliver Cromwell's informal readmission in 1656 via a petition led by Menasseh ben Israel.[187] Their diaspora extended to Hamburg, Bordeaux, and the Americas, driven by commercial networks in sugar, tobacco, and diamonds, with many retaining Portuguese surnames such as Mendes, Rodrigues, or Cardozo to mask origins amid Inquisition threats.[188] This branch exhibits higher degrees of secularism and assimilation compared to other Sephardic groups, influenced by Enlightenment-era integration in host societies, though precise intermarriage rates remain understudied; genetic analyses indicate distinct Iberian-North African admixture patterns averaging 19.8% Sephardic ancestry in some descendant populations.[189] North African Sephardim, primarily those who resettled in Morocco, Algeria, and Tunisia post-1492 due to geographic proximity and established Jewish (Toshavim) communities, developed unique adaptations blending Iberian traditions with Maghrebi influences.[190] They spoke Haketia, a Judeo-Spanish dialect incorporating Arabic and Berber elements, prevalent in northern Moroccan cities like Tetouan and Tangier until the mid-20th century.[191] Religious practices included veneration of tsaddiqim (righteous saints), a custom documented in Moroccan Jewish folklore where pilgrimage sites like those of Rabbi Amram ben Diwan attracted devotees for intercession, reflecting syncretic elements from local Islamic saint cults but rooted in Jewish mysticism.[192] Post-colonial upheavals, including Morocco's 1956 independence and Algeria's 1962 war, triggered mass migrations; over 250,000 North African Jews relocated to Israel and France by the 1970s, eroding community sizes and accelerating linguistic shifts away from Haketia toward French or Hebrew.[95] These groups maintain smaller global footprints today, with genetic studies showing high endogamy historically but increasing admixture post-migration.[97]Bnei Anusim and Crypto-Jewish Descendants
![Execution of Mariana de Carabajal, a crypto-Jew convicted by the Inquisition][float-right] Bnei Anusim, meaning "sons of the forced ones," refers to descendants of Sephardic Jews who converted to Christianity under duress during the late 14th and 15th centuries in Spain and Portugal, with many continuing clandestine Jewish practices as crypto-Jews.[193] Inquisition records from the 16th to 18th centuries document cases of accused conversos engaging in secret rituals, such as lighting candles on the eve of Sabbath, avoiding pork, or observing Yom Kippur through fasting, though such accusations could stem from malice or error rather than verifiable observance.[193] These practices persisted in isolated pockets, including among families who fled to the Americas, but empirical evidence indicates widespread assimilation over generations, with genuine retention of Jewish customs remaining rare due to relentless persecution and intermarriage.[194] In the American Southwest, particularly New Mexico and southern Colorado, some Hispanic families have claimed crypto-Jewish heritage through oral traditions like special Friday night meals or burial facing east, purportedly tracing to 16th-century converso settlers escaping the Inquisition.[195] However, historical records show scant direct evidence of continuous crypto-Jewish communities there, with scholars attributing many such claims to 20th-century origin myths or cultural syncretism rather than unbroken lineage, as colonial documentation reveals little beyond general converso migration without specific Judaizing persistence.[196][194] Inquisition archives in Mexico and Spain provide the primary verifiable traces, but these often involve coerced confessions under torture, undermining their reliability as proof of widespread, multi-generational crypto-Judaism.[193] Since the early 2000s, surges in commercial DNA testing have fueled claims of Bnei Anusim descent, with individuals citing Sephardic Jewish genetic markers to support applications under Israel's Law of Return, which traditionally requires proof of Jewish ancestry but has occasionally considered genetic evidence as supplementary.[197] In 2015, Israeli authorities explored formalizing DNA tests for verifying Jewish origins in repatriation cases lacking documentation, particularly for those with confirmed relatives already citizens, though such tests alone do not confer halakhic Jewish status and face criticism for oversimplifying complex admixture patterns.[197][198] Despite thousands expressing interest, verifiable cases remain limited, as genetic matches indicate distant Iberian Jewish ancestry common among broader Latin American populations due to colonial-era conversions and migrations, not necessarily crypto-Jewish continuity.[199] Skepticism persists regarding the authenticity of many self-identified Bnei Anusim lineages, with low rates of genuine retention attributed to causal factors like enforced Christian indoctrination and social pressures eroding practices over 500 years, rendering most claims reliant on unsubstantiated family lore rather than robust documentary or genetic corroboration.[193] Academic analyses highlight that while some Inquisition-era cases confirm isolated crypto-practices, population-level evidence shows rapid dilution, with fewer than 1% of purported descendants demonstrating verifiable ties through archival records.[194] Modern rediscoveries thus often involve cultural revivalism, prompting rabbinic caution against accepting unproven assertions for communal integration without rigorous vetting.[199]Cultural and Linguistic Heritage
Judeo-Spanish (Ladino) and Dialects
Judeo-Spanish, also termed Ladino or Judezmo, emerged as the vernacular of Sephardic Jews in medieval Iberia, drawing from 15th-century Castilian Spanish as its foundational Ibero-Romance base, augmented by Hebrew and Aramaic elements primarily in lexicon related to religious and communal life.[200] After the 1492 Alhambra Decree expelling Jews from Spain, the language fossilized in exile, retaining archaic phonetic, grammatical, and lexical features of Old Spanish that diverged from evolving Peninsular Spanish, while absorbing substrates from host environments like Ottoman Turkish and Greek.[201] Its core vocabulary derives approximately 60 percent from Old Spanish sources, with the remainder incorporating Hebrew-Aramaic terms (around 10-15 percent for specialized domains) and later borrowings from surrounding languages, reflecting pragmatic adaptation rather than deliberate hybridity.[202] Dialectal variation arose geographically post-expulsion: Eastern Judeo-Spanish predominated in Balkan and Anatolian Ottoman communities, preserving closer ties to medieval Castilian phonology such as intervocalic /b/ and /d/ fricativization; Western forms, including Haketia among North African Sephardim in Morocco and Algeria, integrated substantial Arabic and Berber substrates, manifesting in pharyngeal fricatives (/ħ/, /ʕ/) from Semitic roots and lexicon for everyday concepts like commerce and cuisine.[191] Haketia, for instance, exemplifies this fusion, with Moroccan Arabic contributing up to 20 percent of its vocabulary and altering syntax through calques, yet maintaining Spanish as the grammatical matrix—distinguishing it from purer Eastern variants without implying uniform Sephardic linguistic unity.[203] The 20th century marked precipitous decline, with the Holocaust eradicating vibrant centers like Thessaloniki (prewar population of ~50,000 Sephardim, nearly all Ladino speakers, reduced to ~1,200 survivors) and Sarajevo, where Nazi deportations in 1943 liquidated communities integral to transmission. Assimilation accelerated post-1945 via state policies in Israel favoring Hebrew revival (e.g., 1950s educational mandates sidelining diaspora tongues) and modernization in Turkey after 1923, shifting younger generations to dominant languages and eroding intergenerational fluency.[204] By 2010, UNESCO designated Judeo-Spanish "severely endangered," estimating under 20,000 active speakers worldwide, confined mostly to elders in Israel, Turkey, and the Americas.[205] Revival initiatives since the 1990s emphasize documentation and pedagogy over nostalgia, including archival digitization of oral corpora by institutions like Israel's National Library and media adaptations such as radio broadcasts in Ladino by Turkey's state outlets until 2019.[206] A "Zoom boom" in virtual classes during the 2020-2021 COVID-19 lockdowns drew hundreds to platforms hosted by groups like Ladinokam, fostering basic proficiency among descendants, though empirical data shows limited success in halting fluent speaker attrition absent compulsory immersion.[207] These efforts underscore Ladino's role as a historical identity anchor for Sephardim, yet causal factors like demographic aging and exogamy render full revitalization improbable without broader institutional incentives.[208]Literature, Philosophy, and Oral Traditions
During the medieval period in Al-Andalus, Sephardic Jewish literature flourished with poetic and philosophical works that integrated Hebrew traditions with neoplatonic ideas, as exemplified by Solomon ibn Gabirol (c. 1021–c. 1070), who composed over 100 religious poems emphasizing divine unity and human frailty, including the liturgical "Keter Malkhut" (Crown of the Kingdom), still recited by Sephardim on Yom Kippur eve.[209][210] His philosophical treatise Fons Vitae (Fountain of Life), written in Arabic and translated to Latin, posited a universal doctrine of a spiritual substance underlying all creation, exerting influence on Christian Scholastics like Thomas Aquinas through its anonymous circulation under the name Avicebron, thus transmitting Sephardic rationalism beyond Jewish circles despite the author's identity remaining obscured for centuries.[209] In the diaspora following the 1492 expulsion, chronicles like Samuel Usque's Consolaçam as tribulaçõns de Israel (1553), composed in Portuguese as a dramatic dialogue among allegorical figures, chronicled Jewish sufferings from antiquity to contemporary forced conversions and expulsions, offering theological consolation rooted in divine providence and redemption while drawing on biblical and historical narratives to sustain communal resilience amid persecution.[211][212] This work, printed in Ferrara by Sephardic exiles, preserved empirical accounts of Iberian inquisitorial violence and Marrano experiences, functioning as both historical record and moral exhortation but remaining largely internal to Jewish readership due to linguistic and cultural barriers post-expulsion.[211] Sephardic oral traditions prominently feature the romancero ballads, narrative folksongs transmitted across generations in Judeo-Spanish, retaining medieval Castilian forms like octosyllabic assonant verse to recount epic, historical, and romantic themes such as the romances fronterizos of Moorish wars or Carolingian legends, with variants collected from Moroccan and Ottoman communities demonstrating fidelity to 14th–15th-century Spanish prototypes despite geographic dispersion.[213] These ballads, performed primarily by women in domestic settings, empirically preserved pre-expulsion Hispanic literary heritage through mnemonic oral chains, influencing local non-Jewish folklore in the Balkans and North Africa via shared motifs but often adapting to insularity under dhimmi status, which curtailed broader dissemination.[213] Philosophical contributions persisted in figures like Isaac Abravanel (1437–1508), a Sephardic exile whose biblical commentaries, such as Perush 'al ha-Torah, critiqued Aristotelian rationalism's overreach into prophecy while affirming scriptural literalism and messianic anticipation, rejecting Maimonidean allegorization to prioritize historical causality and divine will over abstract deduction.[214] Abravanel's works, informed by his statesmanship in Portugal and Italy, emphasized Judaism's holistic textual integrity against philosophical reductionism, yet their focus on consolation for exilic tribulations reflected a causal shift toward communal edification rather than universal apologetics, limiting empirical crossover to non-Jews compared to earlier Andalusian integrations.[214] This insularity, driven by recurrent expulsions and autos-da-fé, constrained Sephardic thought's external impact, as diaspora conditions prioritized survival over proactive intellectual exchange evident in the medieval era.[209]Religious Customs, Halakha, and Differences from Ashkenazim
Sephardic halakha adheres closely to the rulings of the Shulchan Aruch, authored by Rabbi Yosef Karo in 1565, which Sephardic communities accepted as authoritative and binding, reflecting Karo's synthesis of Sephardic traditions rooted in the Babylonian Talmud.[215] This code serves as the primary practical guide, often without the glosses of the Ashkenazi-oriented Rema that supplement it for Eastern European Jews. Sephardim also hold the Mishneh Torah of Maimonides (completed 1180) in high regard, frequently preferring its rationalist interpretations in areas like dietary laws and ritual purity, which emphasize logical derivation from Talmudic sources over later stringencies.[58] The Sephardic nusach (prayer rite) features distinct melodies, chant-like intonations, and textual formulations, such as variations in the Ahava Rabbah prayer and holiday piyyutim (liturgical poems), drawing from medieval Spanish and North African traditions rather than the more austere Ashkenazi style.[216] Daily and Shabbat services emphasize a fluid, melodic recitation, with customs like standing during the Birkat Kohanim (priestly blessing) differing from Ashkenazi practices of remaining seated.[217] A key halakhic variance appears in Passover observance: Sephardim permit kitniyot—including rice, legumes, corn, and millet—based on the absence of Talmudic prohibition beyond leavened grains, enabling dishes like rice-based pilaf absent in Ashkenazi traditions that extended restrictions to avoid confusion with chametz.[218] [219] In contrast to Ashkenazim, who often adopted stricter minhagim (customs) amid medieval European pressures, Sephardim maintained relatively lenient positions in areas like bean consumption during mourning (avelut) or the use of certain spices, prioritizing the Shulchan Aruch's baseline over accreted prohibitions.[220] Sephardic integration of Kabbalah was more pronounced, particularly after the 1492 expulsion, when exiles in Safed (Tzfat) under Isaac Luria (1534–1572) developed Lurianic mysticism, influencing rituals like enhanced tikkun chatzot (midnight lament) and amulets, which permeated Sephardic practice earlier and more deeply than among Ashkenazim.[221] [222] Internal Sephardic diversity persists, with subgroups like North African (Maghrebi) Jews incorporating local Berber influences in wedding customs or Yemenite variants in tefillin wrapping, yet unified by deference to Karo's code over subgroup-specific leniencies unless explicitly codified.[215] For instance, while Eastern Sephardim (e.g., from the Ottoman Empire) emphasize Kabbalistic stringencies in Sefirat HaOmer, Western Sephardim (e.g., Dutch-Portuguese) retain plainer rites closer to pre-expulsion Spanish forms.[220]Demographics and Genetic Studies
Pre-Expulsion and Diaspora Populations
Prior to the 1492 Alhambra Decree, estimates of the Sephardic Jewish population in Iberia varied widely, with figures derived from tax records, rabbinic accounts, and crown assessments ranging from 100,000 to 300,000 individuals across Spain and Portugal combined.[223] [224] Don Isaac Abravanel, a prominent Jewish financier in Ferdinand's court until the expulsion, claimed approximately 300,000 Jews were affected, though such insider estimates may have been inflated to emphasize the decree's impact, while some contemporary tax data suggest lower practicing Jewish numbers due to prior conversions and underreporting to minimize fiscal burdens.[224] Higher ranges up to 500,000, occasionally cited in later scholarship, likely include partial converso populations or broader Iberian diaspora inflows, but lack direct corroboration from primary fiscal rolls like the alcabala taxes, which indicate concentrations in urban centers such as Toledo, Seville, and Córdoba housing tens of thousands collectively.[224] Following the expulsion, an estimated 100,000 to 200,000 Jews initially dispersed, with significant waves settling in the Ottoman Empire, where Sultan Bayezid II welcomed them; by the late 16th century, Ottoman Jewish communities—predominantly Sephardic—reached a peak of around 150,000, centered in ports like Thessaloniki (20,000) and Istanbul (20,000).[88] [225] These figures stem from Ottoman censuses and millet records, though they may undercount transient merchants and overstate settled families due to administrative incentives for population growth to bolster trade.[88] Smaller diaspora pockets formed in North Africa (e.g., Fez and Algiers, totaling 20,000–30,000) and Italy, drawing from Portuguese expulsions in 1497, but overall pre-17th-century diaspora totals hovered below 200,000 amid assimilation and local pogroms.[223] Seventeenth-century populations declined sharply across diaspora hubs due to recurrent plagues and wars; in Thessaloniki, a key Sephardic center, outbreaks in the 1630s and economic fallout from Ottoman-European conflicts halved communities, with similar losses in Amsterdam and Livorno from the 1660s plagues affecting 20–30% mortality rates among Jews despite quarantine practices.[226] War-related disruptions, including the Cretan War (1645–1669) and Portuguese Restoration conflicts scattering converso returnees, compounded these, reducing Ottoman Sephardic numbers from their 16th-century highs by up to 40% in affected regions, as evidenced by synagogue rolls and burial records showing abrupt drops.[226] These demographic contractions highlight vulnerabilities in trade-dependent urban enclaves, where Jewish financiers faced targeted reprisals during fiscal strains. By the 19th century, Sephardic populations stabilized in Ottoman lands and Morocco, with censuses indicating recoveries to 100,000–150,000 in the Balkans and North Africa through natural growth and reduced plague incidence post-1750s, aided by Tanzimat reforms improving millet autonomy and vital statistics.[167] Stabilization reflected lower mortality from sanitation advances and end-of-pogrom eras, though emigration to emerging Americas offset gains; for instance, Moroccan Sephardim held at 10,000–15,000 per community tallies, avoiding the explosive growth seen elsewhere due to persistent rural isolation and endogamy.[167] Such plateaus, documented in consular reports, underscore caution against inflated rabbinic claims, as fiscal censuses reveal consistent but modest household sizes averaging 5–6 persons.[167]Modern Global Distribution
The largest concentration of Sephardic Jews today is in Israel, with an estimated population of 1.5 million, comprising descendants of those who immigrated primarily from North Africa, the Balkans, and other diaspora communities following the mid-20th-century upheavals in Arab countries.[167] This figure reflects a strict definition focusing on Iberian-origin lineages and their direct cultural successors, excluding non-Iberian Mizrahi groups that may follow similar rites but trace origins to ancient Middle Eastern communities without the Spanish-Portuguese expulsion link.[167] France maintains the second-largest Sephardic community outside Israel, numbering around 361,000 as of recent estimates, largely composed of immigrants and their descendants from Algeria, Morocco, and Tunisia who arrived after decolonization in the 1950s and 1960s.[167] In the United States, the Sephardic population stands at approximately 300,000, concentrated in urban centers like New York, Los Angeles, and Miami, with roots in Syrian, Turkish, Moroccan, and Iberian lines; this represents a growth from earlier 20th-century figures through chain migration and family reunification.[167] Smaller but notable communities persist in Argentina (around 50,000), Spain (60,000, bolstered by citizenship laws for descendants since 2015), and the United Kingdom (about 20,000–30,000 in London).[167] Traditional strongholds have seen sharp declines: Turkey's Sephardic population has fallen to 26,000, mostly in Istanbul, from peaks exceeding 80,000 in the early 20th century, driven by economic emigration and antisemitic incidents.[167][227] Morocco's community has dwindled to 10,000 from 250,000–500,000 in 1948, primarily due to mass exodus amid independence riots and Arab-Israeli tensions in the 1950s–1960s.[167] These reductions reflect broader patterns of relocation to Israel and Western Europe rather than local assimilation or conversion.[167]| Country/Region | Estimated Sephardic Population (Recent) |
|---|---|
| Israel | 1,500,000 |
| France | 361,000 |
| United States | 300,000 |
| Turkey | 26,000 |
| Morocco | 10,000 |
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