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Decolonization
Decolonization
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Decolonization is the undoing of colonialism, the latter being the process whereby imperial nations establish and dominate foreign territories, often overseas.[1] The meanings and applications of the term are disputed. Some scholars of decolonization focus especially on independence movements in the colonies and the collapse of global colonial empires.[2][3]

As a movement to establish independence for colonized territories from their respective metropoles, decolonization began in 1775 with the American Revolution in North America against the British Empire. The Napoleonic Wars in the 19th century saw the French colonial empire, the Spanish Empire, and Portugal face decolonization with the Haitian Revolution, the Spanish American wars of independence, and the independence of Brazil from Portugal. A major wave of decolonization occurred in the aftermath of the First World War, including in the United States and the Empire of Japan. Another wave of decolonization occurred after the Second World War, and many countries gained their independence in the following years. The last wave of decolonization occurred after the Cold War with the collapse of the Soviet Union, the independence of Palau, and the handovers of Hong Kong and Macau.[4] Seventeen territories remain under the United Nations classification of non-self-governing territories.

Scope

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According to David Strang, decolonization is achieved through the attainment of sovereign statehood with de jure recognition by the international community or through full incorporation into an existing sovereign state.[5]

The United Nations (UN) states that the fundamental right to self-determination is the core requirement for decolonization, and that this right can be exercised with or without political independence.[6] A UN General Assembly Resolution in 1960 characterised colonial foreign rule as a violation of human rights.[7][8] In states that have won independence, Indigenous people living under settler colonialism continue to make demands for decolonization and self-determination.[9][10][11][12]

Although discussions of hegemony and power, central to the concept of decolonization, can be found as early as the writings of Thucydides,[13] there have been several particularly active periods of decolonization in modern times. These include the decolonization of Africa, the breakup of the Spanish Empire in the 19th century; of the German, Austro-Hungarian, Ottoman, and Russian Empires following World War I; of the British, French, Dutch, Portuguese, Belgian, Italian, and Japanese Empires following World War II; and of the Soviet Union at the end of the Cold War.[14]

Early studies of decolonisation appeared in the 1960s and 1970s. An important book from this period was The Wretched of the Earth (1961) by Martiniquan author Frantz Fanon, which established many aspects of decolonisation that would be considered in later works. Subsequent studies of decolonisation addressed economic disparities as a legacy of colonialism as well as the annihilation of people's cultures. Ngũgĩ wa Thiong'o explored the cultural and linguistic legacies of colonialism in the influential book Decolonising the Mind (1986).[15]

"Decolonization" has also been used to refer to the intellectual decolonization from the colonizers' ideas that made the colonized feel inferior.[16][17][18] Issues of decolonization persist and are raised contemporarily. In the Americas and South Africa, such issues are increasingly discussed under the term decoloniality.[19][20]

By area

[edit]

In the two hundred years following the American Revolutionary War in 1783, 165 colonies have gained independence from Western imperial powers.[21] Several analyses point to different reasons for the spread of anti-colonial political movements. Institutional arguments suggest that increasing levels of education in the colonies led to calls for popular sovereignty; Marxist analyses view decolonization as a result of economic shifts toward wage labor and an enlarged bourgeois class; yet another argument sees decolonization as a diffusion process wherein earlier revolutionary movements inspired later ones.[21][5][22][23] Other explanations emphasize how the lower profitability of colonization and the costs associated with empire prompted decolonization.[24][25] Some explanations emphasize how colonial powers struggled militarily against insurgents in the colonies due to a shift from 19th century conditions of "strong political will, a permissive international environment, access to local collaborators, and flexibility to pick their battles" to 20th century conditions of "apathetic publics, hostile superpowers, vanishing collaborators, and constrained options".[26] In other words, colonial powers had more support from their own region in pursuing colonies in the 19th century than they did in the 20th century, where holding on to such colonies was often understood to be a burden.[26]

A great deal of scholarship attributes the ideological origins of national independence movements to the Age of Enlightenment. Enlightenment social and political theories such as individualism and liberalism were central to the debates about national constitutions for newly independent countries.[27] Contemporary decolonial scholarship has critiqued the emancipatory potential of Enlightenment thought, highlighting its erasure of Indigenous epistemologies and failure to provide subaltern and Indigenous people with liberty, equality, and dignity.[28]

American Revolution

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Great Britain's Thirteen North American colonies were the first to declare independence, forming the United States of America in 1776, and defeating Britain in the Revolutionary War.[29][30]

Haitian Revolution

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The Haitian Revolution was a revolt in 1789 and subsequent slave uprising in 1791 in the French colony of Saint-Domingue, on the Caribbean island of Hispaniola. In 1804, Haiti secured independence from France as the Empire of Haiti, which later became a republic.

Spanish America

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Map of Spanish Colonial Empire
Map of Spanish Colonial Empire
Portrait of the Chilean declaration of independence
The Chilean Declaration of Independence on 18 February 1818

The chaos of the Napoleonic Wars in Europe cut the direct links between Spain and its American colonies, allowing for the process of decolonization to begin.[31]

With the invasion of Spain by Napoleon in 1806, the American colonies declared autonomy and loyalty to King Ferdinand VII. The contract was broken and each of the regions of the Spanish Empire had to decide whether to show allegiance to the Junta of Cadiz (the only territory in Spain free from Napoleon) or have a junta (assembly) of its own. The economic monopoly of the metropolis was the main reason why many countries decided to become independent from Spain. In 1809, the independence wars of Latin America began with a revolt in La Paz, Bolivia. In 1807 and 1808, the Viceroyalty of the River Plate was invaded by the British. After their 2nd defeat, a Frenchman called Santiague de Liniers was proclaimed a new Viceroy by the local population and later accepted by Spain. In May 1810 in Buenos Aires, a Junta was created, but in Montevideo it was not recognized by the local government who followed the authority of the Junta of Cadiz. The rivalry between the two cities was the main reason for the distrust between them. During the next 15 years, the Spanish and Royalist on one side, and the rebels on the other fought in South America and Mexico. Numerous countries declared their independence. In 1824, the Spanish forces were defeated in the Battle of Ayacucho. The mainland was free, and in 1898, Spain lost Cuba and Puerto Rico in the Spanish–American War. Puerto Rico became an unincorporated territory of the US, but Cuba became independent in 1902.

Portuguese America

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Prince Pedro proclaims himself Emperor of an independent Brazil on 7 September 1822.

The Napoleonic Wars also led to the severing of the direct links between Portugal and its only American colony, Brazil. Days before Napoleon invaded Portugal, in 1807 the Portuguese royal court fled to Brazil. In 1820 there was a Constitutionalist Revolution in Portugal, which led to the return of the Portuguese court to Lisbon. This led to distrust between the Portuguese and the Brazilian colonists, and finally, in 1822, to the colony becoming independent as the Empire of Brazil, which later became a republic.

British Empire

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The emergence of Indigenous political parties was especially characteristic of the British Empire, which seemed less ruthless than, for example, Belgium, in controlling political dissent. Driven by pragmatic demands of budgets and manpower the British made deals with the local politicians. Across the empire, the general protocol was to convene a constitutional conference in London to discuss the transition to greater self-government and then independence, submit a report of the constitutional conference to parliament, if approved submit a bill to Parliament at Westminster to terminate the responsibility of the United Kingdom (with a copy of the new constitution annexed), and finally, if approved, issuance of an Order of Council fixing the exact date of independence.[32]

After World War I, several former German and Ottoman territories in the Middle East, Africa, and the Pacific were governed by the UK as League of Nations mandates. Some were administered directly by the UK, and others by British dominions – Nauru and the Territory of New Guinea by Australia, South West Africa by the Union of South Africa, and Western Samoa by New Zealand.

Members of the Irish delegation for the Anglo-Irish Treaty negotiations in December 1921

Egypt became independent in 1922, although the UK retained security prerogatives, control of the Suez Canal, and effective control of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan. The Balfour Declaration of 1926 declared the British Empire dominions as equals, and the 1931 Statute of Westminster established full legislative independence for them. The equal dominions were six– Canada, Newfoundland, Australia, the Irish Free State, New Zealand, and the Union of South Africa; Ireland had been brought into a union with Great Britain in 1801 creating the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland until the formation of the Irish Free State in 1922. However, some of the Dominions were already independent de facto, and even de jure and recognized as such by the international community. Thus, Canada was a founding member of the League of Nations in 1919 and served on the council from 1927 to 1930.[33] That country also negotiated on its own and signed bilateral and multilateral treaties and conventions from the early 1900s onward. Newfoundland ceded self-rule back to London in 1934. Iraq, a League of Nations mandate, became independent in 1932.

In response to a growing Indian independence movement, the UK made successive reforms to the British Raj, culminating in the Government of India Act 1935. These reforms included creating elected legislative councils in some of the provinces of British India. Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, India's independence movement leader, led a peaceful resistance to British rule. By becoming a symbol of both peace and opposition to British imperialism, many Indians began to view the British as the cause of India's problems leading to a newfound sense of nationalism among its population. With this new wave of Indian nationalism, Gandhi was eventually able to garner the support needed to push back the British and create an independent India in 1947.[34]

British Empire in 1952

Africa was only fully drawn into the colonial system at the end of the 19th century. In the north-east the continued independence of the Ethiopian Empire remained a beacon of hope to pro-independence activists. However, with the anti-colonial wars of the 1900s (decade) barely over, new modernizing forms of Africa nationalism began to gain strength in the early 20th century with the emergence of Pan-Africanism, as advocated by the Jamaican journalist Marcus Garvey (1887–1940) whose widely distributed newspapers demanded swift abolition of European imperialism, as well as republicanism in Egypt. Kwame Nkrumah (1909–1972) who was inspired by the works of Garvey led Ghana to independence from colonial rule.

Independence for the colonies in Africa began with the independence of Sudan in 1956, and Ghana in 1957. All of the British colonies on mainland Africa became independent by 1966, although Rhodesia's unilateral declaration of independence in 1965 was not recognized by the UK or internationally.

Some of the British colonies in Asia were directly administered by British officials, while others were ruled by local monarchs as protectorates or in subsidiary alliance with the UK.

In 1947, British India was partitioned into the independent dominions of India and Pakistan. Hundreds of princely states, states ruled by monarchs in a treaty of subsidiary alliance with Britain, were integrated into India and Pakistan. India and Pakistan fought several wars over the former princely state of Jammu and Kashmir. French India was integrated into India between 1950 and 1954, and India annexed Portuguese India in 1961, and the Kingdom of Sikkim merged with India by popular vote in 1975.

Violence, civil warfare, and partition

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Surrender of Lord Cornwallis at Yorktown in 1781

Significant violence was involved in several prominent cases of decolonization of the British Empire; partition was a frequent solution. In 1783, the North American colonies were divided between the independent United States, and British North America, which later became Canada.

The Indian Rebellion of 1857 was a major uprising in India against British East India Company. It was characterized by massacres of civilians on both sides. It was not a movement for independence, however, and only a small part of India was involved. In the aftermath, the British pulled back from modernizing reforms of Indian society, and the level of organised violence under the British Raj was relatively small. Most of that was initiated by repressive British administrators, as in the Amritsar massacre of 1919, or the police assaults on the Salt March of 1930.[35] Large-scale communal violence broke out between Hindus and Muslims and between Muslims and Sikhs after the British left in 1947 in the newly independent dominions of India and Pakistan. Much later, in 1970, further communal violence broke out within Pakistan in the detached eastern part of East Bengal, which became independent as Bangladesh in 1971.

Cyprus, which came under full British control in 1914 from the Ottoman Empire, was culturally divided between the majority Greek element (which demanded "enosis" or union with Greece) and the minority Turks. London for decades assumed it needed the island to defend the Suez Canal; but after the Suez crisis of 1956, that became a minor factor, and Greek violence became a more serious issue. Cyprus became an independent country in 1960, but ethnic violence escalated until 1974 when Turkey invaded and partitioned the island. Each side rewrote its own history, blaming the other.[36]

Palestine became a British mandate from the League of Nations after World War I, initially including Transjordan. During that war, the British gained support from Arabs and Jews by making promises to both (see McMahon–Hussein Correspondence and Balfour Declaration). Decades of ethno—religious violence reached a climax with the UN Partition Plan and the ensuing war. The British eventually pulled out, and the former Mandate territory was divided between Israel, Jordan and Egypt.[37]

French Empire

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French poster about the "Madagascar War"

After World War I, the colonized people were frustrated at France's failure to recognize the effort provided by the French colonies (resources, but more importantly colonial troops – the famous tirailleurs). Although in Paris the Great Mosque of Paris was constructed as recognition of these efforts, the French state had no intention to allow self-rule, let alone grant independence to the colonized people. Thus, nationalism in the colonies became stronger in between the two wars, leading to Abd el-Krim's Rif War (1921–1925) in Morocco and to the creation of Messali Hadj's Star of North Africa in Algeria in 1925. However, these movements would gain full potential only after World War II.

After World War I, France administered the former Ottoman territories of Syria and Lebanon, and the former German colonies of Togoland and Cameroon, as League of Nations mandates. Lebanon declared its independence in 1943, and Syria in 1945.

In some instances, decolonization efforts ran counter to other concerns, such as the rapid increase of antisemitism in Algeria in the course of the nation's resistance to French rule.[38]

Although France was ultimately a victor of World War II, Nazi Germany's occupation of France and its North African colonies during the war had disrupted colonial rule. On 27 October 1946, France adopted a new constitution creating the Fourth Republic, and substituted the French Union for the colonial empire. However power over the colonies remained concentrated in France, and the power of local assemblies outside France was extremely limited. On the night of 29 March 1947, a Madagascar nationalist uprising led the French government headed by Paul Ramadier (Socialist) to violent repression: one year of bitter fighting, 11,000–40,000 Malagasy died.[39]

Captured French Union soldiers from Điện Biên Phủ, escorted by Vietnamese communist troops, 1954

After the end of World War II, the Viet Minh launched the August Revolution and declared Vietnamese independence in September, although Allied troops reoccupied the territory afterwards. In late 1946, the Viet Minh attacked French troops in Hanoi, leading to the Indochina War (1946–54). France later recognized the independence of the State of Vietnam, the Kingdom of Laos, and the Kingdom of Cambodia, while also recognizing the unity of Vietnam (whose territories has been split into three separate regions under French colonial rule) and supported the anti-communist faction in this country against the communists who fought in the name of anti-colonialism in 1949. The war thus became part of the world-wide Cold War. Cambodia and Laos became fully independent in late 1953, Vietnam became fully independent on 4 June 1954, and the Geneva Accords of 21 July 1954 left Vietnam divided into the North and South with the fact that France recognized communists gaining the North. After North Vietnamese military victory in April 1975, Vietnam would be de jure united under a communist government on 2 July 1976.

In 1956, Morocco and Tunisia gained their independence from France. In 1960, eight independent countries emerged from French West Africa, and five from French Equatorial Africa. The Algerian War of Independence raged from 1954 to 1962. To this day, the Algerian war – officially called a "public order operation" until the 1990s – remains a trauma for both France and Algeria. Philosopher Paul Ricœur has spoken of the necessity of a "decolonisation of memory", starting with the recognition of the 1961 Paris massacre during the Algerian war, and the decisive role of African and especially North African immigrant manpower in the Trente Glorieuses post–World War II economic growth period. In the 1960s, due to economic needs for post-war reconstruction and rapid economic growth, French employers actively sought to recruit manpower from the colonies, explaining today's multiethnic population.

After 1918

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United States

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A union of former colonies itself, the United States approached imperialism differently from the other Powers. Much of its energy and rapidly expanding population was directed westward across the North American continent against English and French claims, the Spanish Empire and Mexico. The Native Americans were sent to reservations, often unwillingly. With support from Britain, its Monroe Doctrine reserved the Americas as its sphere of interest, prohibiting other states (particularly Spain) from recolonizing the newly independent polities of Latin America. However, France, taking advantage of the American government's distraction during the Civil War, intervened militarily in Mexico and set up a French-protected monarchy. Spain took the step to occupy the Dominican Republic and restore colonial rule. The Union victory in the Civil War in 1865 forced both France and Spain to accede to American demands to evacuate those two countries. America's only African colony, Liberia, was formed privately and achieved independence early; Washington unofficially protected it. By 1900, the U.S. advocated an Open Door Policy and opposed the direct division of China.[40]

Manuel L. Quezón, the first president of the Commonwealth of the Philippines (from 1935 to 1944)
Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands in Micronesia administered by the United States from 1947 to 1986

After 1898 direct intervention expanded in Latin America. The United States purchased Alaska from the Russian Empire in 1867 and annexed Hawaii in 1898. Following the Spanish–American War in 1898, the US added most of Spain's remaining colonies: Puerto Rico, Philippines, and Guam. Deciding not to annex Cuba outright, the U.S. established it as a client state with obligations including the perpetual lease of Guantánamo Bay to the U.S. Navy. The attempt of the first governor to void the island's constitution and remain in power past the end of his term provoked a rebellion that provoked a reoccupation between 1906 and 1909, but this was again followed by devolution. Similarly, the McKinley administration, despite prosecuting the Philippine–American War against a native republic, set out that the Territory of the Philippine Islands was eventually granted independence.[41] In 1917, the U.S. purchased the Danish West Indies (later renamed the US Virgin Islands) from Denmark and Puerto Ricans became full U.S. citizens that same year.[42] The US government declared Puerto Rico the territory was no longer a colony and stopped transmitting information about it to the United Nations Decolonization Committee.[43] As a result, the UN General Assembly removed Puerto Rico from the U.N. list of non-self-governing territories. Four referendums showed little support for independence, but much interest in statehood such as Hawaii and Alaska received in 1959.[44]

The Monroe Doctrine was expanded by the Roosevelt Corollary in 1904, providing that the United States had a right and obligation to intervene "in flagrant cases of such wrongdoing or impotence" that a nation in the Western Hemisphere became vulnerable to European control. In practice, this meant that the United States was led to act as a collections agent for European creditors by administering customs duties in the Dominican Republic (1905–1941), Haiti (1915–1934), and elsewhere. The intrusiveness and bad relations this engendered were somewhat checked by the Clark Memorandum and renounced by President Franklin D. Roosevelt's "Good Neighbor Policy".

The Fourteen Points were preconditions addressed by President Woodrow Wilson to the European powers at the Paris Peace Conference following World War I. In allowing allies France and Britain the former colonial possessions of the German and Ottoman Empires, the US demanded of them submission to the League of Nations mandate, in calling for V. A free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims, based upon a strict observance of the principle that in determining all such questions of sovereignty the interests of the populations concerned must have equal weight with the equitable government whose title is to be determined. See also point XII.

After World War II, the U.S. poured tens of billions of dollars into the Marshall Plan, and other grants and loans to Europe and Asia to rebuild the world economy. At the same time American military bases were established around the world and direct and indirect interventions continued in Korea, Indochina, Latin America (inter alia, the 1965 occupation of the Dominican Republic), Africa, and the Middle East to oppose Communist movements and insurgencies. Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the United States has been far less active in the Americas, but invaded Afghanistan and Iraq following the September 11 attacks in 2001, establishing army and air bases in Central Asia.

Japan

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U.S. troops in Korea, September 1945

Before World War I, Japan had gained several substantial colonial possessions in East Asia such as Taiwan (1895) and Korea (1910). Japan joined the allies in World War I, and after the war acquired the South Seas Mandate, the former German colony in Micronesia, as a League of Nations Mandate. Pursuing a colonial policy comparable to those of European powers, Japan settled significant populations of ethnic Japanese in its colonies while simultaneously suppressing Indigenous ethnic populations by enforcing the learning and use of the Japanese language in schools. Other methods such as public interaction, and attempts to eradicate the use of Korean, Hokkien, and Hakka among the Indigenous peoples, were seen to be used. Japan also set up the Imperial Universities in Korea (Keijō Imperial University) and Taiwan (Taihoku Imperial University) to compel education.

In 1931, Japan seized Manchuria from the Republic of China, setting up a puppet state under Puyi, the last Manchu emperor of China. In 1933 Japan seized the Chinese province of Rehe, and incorporated it into its Manchurian possessions. The Second Sino-Japanese War started in 1937, and Japan occupied much of eastern China, including the Republic's capital at Nanjing. An estimated 20 million Chinese died during the 1931–1945 war with Japan.[45]

In December 1941, the empire of Japan joined World War II by invading the European and U.S. colonies in Southeast Asia and the Pacific, including French Indochina, Hong Kong, the Philippines, Burma, Malaya, Indonesia, Portuguese Timor, and others. Following its surrender to the Allies in 1945, Japan was deprived of all its colonies with a number of them being returned to the original colonizing Western powers. The Soviet Union declared war on Japan in August 1945, and shortly after occupied and annexed the southern Kuril Islands, which Japan still claims.

After 1945

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Planning for decolonization

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U.S. and Philippines
[edit]

In the United States, the two major parties were divided on the acquisition of the Philippines, which became a major campaign issue in 1900. The Republicans, who favored permanent acquisition, won the election, but after a decade or so, Republicans turned their attention to the Caribbean, focusing on building the Panama Canal. President Woodrow Wilson, a Democrat in office from 1913 to 1921, ignored the Philippines, and focused his attention on Mexico and Caribbean nations. By the 1920s, the peaceful efforts by the Filipino leadership to pursue independence proved convincing. When the Democrats returned to power in 1933, they worked with the Filipinos to plan a smooth transition to independence. It was scheduled for 1946 by Tydings–McDuffie Act of 1934. In 1935, the Philippines transitioned out of territorial status, controlled by an appointed governor, to the semi-independent status of the Commonwealth of the Philippines. Its constitutional convention wrote a new constitution, which was approved by Washington and went into effect, with an elected governor Manuel L. Quezon and legislature. Foreign Affairs remained under American control. The Philippines built up a new army, under general Douglas MacArthur, who took leave from his U.S. Army position to take command of the new army reporting to Quezon. The Japanese occupation 1942 to 1945 disrupted but did not delay the transition. It took place on schedule in 1946 as Manuel Roxas took office as president.[46]

Portugal
[edit]
Portuguese Army special caçadores advancing in the African jungle in the early 1960s, during the Angolan War of Independence
The territory of the Portuguese empire in the 1800s

As a result of its pioneering discoveries, Portugal had a large and particularly long-lasting colonial empire which had begun in 1415 with the conquest of Ceuta and ended only in 1999 with the handover of Portuguese Macau to China. In 1822, Portugal lost control of Brazil, its largest colony.

From 1933 to 1974, Portugal was an authoritarian state (ruled by António de Oliveira Salazar). The regime was fiercely determined to maintain the country's colonial possessions at all costs and to aggressively suppress any insurgencies. In 1961, India annexed Goa and by the same year nationalist forces had begun organizing in Portugal. Revolts (preceding the Portuguese Colonial War) spread to Angola, Guinea Bissau and Mozambique.[47] Lisbon escalated its effort in the war: for instance, it increased the number of natives in the colonial army and built strategic hamlets. Portugal sent another 300,000 European settlers into Angola and Mozambique before 1974. That year, a left-wing revolution inside Portugal overthrew the existing regime and encouraged pro-Soviet elements to attempt to seize control in the colonies. The result was a very long and extremely difficult multi-party Civil War in Angola, and lesser insurrections in Mozambique.[48]

Belgium
[edit]

Belgium's empire began with the annexation of the Congo in 1908 in response to international pressure to bring an end to the terrible atrocities that had taken place under King Leopold's privately run Congo Free State. It added Rwanda and Burundi as League of Nations mandates from the former German Empire in 1919. The colonies remained independent during the war, while Belgium was occupied by the Germans. There was no serious planning for independence, and exceedingly little training or education provided. The Belgian Congo was especially rich, and many Belgian businessmen lobbied hard to maintain control. Local revolts grew in power and finally, the Belgian king suddenly announced in 1959 that independence was on the agenda – and it was hurriedly arranged in 1960, for country bitterly and deeply divided on social and economic grounds.[49]

Netherlands
[edit]
Dutch soldiers in the East Indies during the Indonesian National Revolution, 1946
The territory of the Dutch empire before World War II

The Netherlands had spent centuries building up its empire. By 1940 it consisted mostly of the Dutch East Indies, corresponding to what is now Indonesia. Its massive oil reserves provided about 14 percent of the Dutch national product and supported a large population of ethnic Dutch government officials and businessmen in Batavia (now Jakarta) and other major cities. The Netherlands was overrun and almost starved to death by the Nazis during the war, and Japan sank the Dutch fleet in seizing the East Indies. In 1945 the Netherlands could not regain these islands on its own; it did so by depending on British military help and American financial grants. By the time Dutch soldiers returned, an independent government under Sukarno was in power, originally set up by the Empire of Japan. The Dutch both abroad and at home generally agreed that Dutch power depended on an expensive war to regain the islands. Compromises were negotiated, but were trusted by neither side. When the Indonesian Republic successfully suppressed a large-scale communist revolt, the United States realized that it needed the nationalist government as an ally in the Cold War. Dutch possession was an obstacle to American Cold War goals, so Washington forced the Dutch to grant full independence. A few years later, Sukarno nationalized all Dutch East Indies properties and expelled all ethnic Dutch—over 300,000—as well as several hundred thousand ethnic Indonesians who supported the Dutch cause. In the aftermath, the Netherlands prospered greatly in the 1950s and 1960s but nevertheless public opinion was bitterly hostile to the United States for betrayal. The Dutch government eventually gave up on claims to Indonesian sovereignty in 1949, after American pressure.[50][51] The Netherlands also had one other major colony, Dutch Guiana in South America, which became independent as Suriname in 1975.

United Nations trust territories

[edit]

When the United Nations was formed in 1945, it established trust territories. These territories included the League of Nations mandate territories which had not achieved independence by 1945, along with the former Italian Somaliland. The Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands was transferred from Japanese to US administration. By 1990 all but one of the trust territories had achieved independence, either as independent states or by merger with another independent state; the Northern Mariana Islands elected to become a commonwealth of the United States.

The emergence of the Third World (1945–present)

[edit]
Czechoslovak anti-colonialist propaganda poster: "Africa – in fight for freedom"

Newly independent states organised themselves in order to oppose continued economic colonialism by former imperial powers. The Non-Aligned Movement constituted itself around the main figures of Jawaharlal Nehru, the first Prime Minister of India, Sukarno, the Indonesian president, Josip Broz Tito the Communist leader of Yugoslavia, and Gamal Abdel Nasser, head of Egypt.[52][53][54] In 1955 these leaders gathered at the Bandung Conference along with Sukarno, the leader of Indonesia, and Zhou Enlai, Premier of the People's Republic of China.[55][56] In 1960, the UN General Assembly voted on the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. The next year, the first Non-Aligned Movement conference was held in Belgrade (1961),[57] and was followed in 1964 by the creation of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) which tried to promote a New International Economic Order (NIEO).[58][59] The NIEO was opposed to the 1944 Bretton Woods system, which had benefited the leading states which had created it, and remained in force until 1971 after the United States' suspension of convertibility from dollars to gold. The main principles of the NIEO are:

  1. The sovereign equality of all States, with non-interference in their internal affairs, their effective participation in solving world problems and the right to adopt their own economic and social systems;
  2. Full sovereignty of each State over its natural resources and other economic activities necessary for development, as well as regulation of transnational corporations;
  3. Just and equitable relationship between the price of raw materials and other goods exported by developing countries, and the prices of raw materials and other goods exported by the developed countries;
  4. Strengthening of bilateral and multilateral international assistance to promote industrialization in the developing countries through, in particular, the provisioning of sufficient financial resources and opportunities for transfer of appropriate techniques and technologies.[60]
The UN Human Development Index (HDI) is a quantitative index of development, an alternative to the classic Gross Domestic Product (GDP), which some use as a proxy to define the Third World. While the GDP only calculates economic wealth, the HDI includes life expectancy, public health and literacy as fundamental factors of a good quality of life. Countries in North America, the Southern Cone, Europe, East Asia, and Oceania generally have better standards of living than countries in Central Africa, East Africa, parts of the Caribbean, and South Asia.

The UNCTAD however was not very effective in implementing the NIEO, and social and economic inequalities between industrialized countries and the Third World grew throughout the 1960s until the 21st century. The 1973 oil crisis which followed the Yom Kippur War (October 1973) was triggered by the OPEC which decided an embargo against the US and Western countries, causing a fourfold increase in the price of oil, which lasted five months, starting on 17 October 1973, and ending on 18 March 1974. OPEC nations then agreed, on 7 January 1975, to raise crude oil prices by 10%. At that time, OPEC nations – including many who had recently nationalized their oil industries – joined the call for a New International Economic Order to be initiated by coalitions of primary producers. Concluding the First OPEC Summit in Algiers they called for stable and just commodity prices, an international food and agriculture program, technology transfer from North to South, and the democratization of the economic system. But industrialized countries quickly began to look for substitutes to OPEC petroleum, with the oil companies investing the majority of their research capital in the US and European countries or others, politically sure countries. The OPEC lost more and more influence on the world prices of oil.

The second oil crisis occurred in the wake of the 1979 Iranian Revolution. Then, the 1982 Latin American debt crisis exploded in Mexico first, then Argentina and Brazil, which proved unable to pay back their debts, jeopardizing the existence of the international economic system.

The 1990s were characterized by the prevalence of the Washington consensus on neoliberal policies, "structural adjustment" and "shock therapies" for the former Communist states.

Decolonization of Africa

[edit]
British decolonisation in Africa

The decolonization of North Africa and sub-Saharan Africa took place in the mid-to-late 1950s, very suddenly, with little preparation. There was widespread unrest and organized revolts, especially in French Algeria, Portuguese Angola, the Belgian Congo and British Kenya.[61][62][63][64]

In 1945, Africa had four independent countries – Egypt, Ethiopia, Liberia, and South Africa.

After Italy's defeat in World War II, France and the UK occupied the former Italian colonies. Libya became an independent kingdom in 1951. Eritrea was merged with Ethiopia in 1952. Italian Somaliland was governed by the UK, and by Italy after 1954, until its independence in 1960.

Comorians protest against Mayotte referendum on becoming an overseas department of France, 2009

By 1977, European colonial rule in mainland Africa had ended. Most of Africa's island countries had also become independent, although Réunion and Mayotte remain part of France. However the black majorities in Rhodesia and South Africa were disenfranchised until 1979 in Rhodesia, which became Zimbabwe-Rhodesia that year and Zimbabwe the next, and until 1994 in South Africa. Namibia, Africa's last UN Trust Territory, became independent of South Africa in 1990.

Most independent African countries exist within prior colonial borders. However Morocco merged French Morocco with Spanish Morocco, and Somalia formed from the merger of British Somaliland and Italian Somaliland. Eritrea merged with Ethiopia in 1952, but became an independent country in 1993.

Most African countries became independent as republics. Morocco, Lesotho, and Eswatini remain monarchies under dynasties that predate colonial rule. Burundi, Egypt, Libya, and Tunisia gained independence as monarchies, but all four countries' monarchs were later deposed, and they became republics.

African countries cooperate in various multi-state associations. The African Union includes all 55 African states. There are several regional associations of states, including the East African Community, Southern African Development Community, and Economic Community of West African States, some of which have overlapping membership.

Decolonization in the Americas after 1945

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Decolonization of Asia

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Western European colonial empires in Asia and Africa all collapsed in the years after 1945
Four nations (India, Pakistan, Dominion of Ceylon, and Union of Burma) that gained independence in 1947 and 1948

Japan expanded its occupation of Chinese territory during the 1930s, and occupied Southeast Asia during World War II. After the war, the Japanese colonial empire was dissolved, and national independence movements resisted the re-imposition of colonial control by European countries and the United States.

The Republic of China regained control of Japanese-occupied territories in Manchuria and eastern China, as well as Taiwan. Only Hong Kong and Macau remained in outside control until both places were transferred to the People's Republic of China by the UK and Portugal in 1997 and 1999.

The Allied powers divided Korea into two occupation zones, which became the states of North Korea and South Korea. The Philippines became independent of the U.S. in 1946.

The Netherlands recognized Indonesia's independence in 1949, after a four-year independence struggle. Indonesia annexed Netherlands New Guinea in 1963, and Portuguese Timor in 1975. In 2002, former Portuguese Timor became independent as East Timor.

The following list shows the colonial powers following the end of hostilities in 1945, and their colonial or administrative possessions. The year of decolonization is given chronologically in parentheses.[66]

Decolonization in Europe

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A protest sign from the second half of the 20th century calling on the U.N. to abolish Soviet colonialism in the Baltic states

Italy had occupied the Dodecanese islands in 1912, but Italian occupation ended after World War II, and the islands were integrated into Greece. British rule ended in Cyprus in 1960, and Malta in 1964, and both islands became independent republics.

Soviet control of its non-Russian member republics weakened as movements for democratization and self-government gained strength during the late 1980s, and four republics declared independence in 1990 and 1991. The Soviet coup d'état attempt in August 1991 accelerated the breakup of the USSR, which formally ended on 26 December 1991. The Republics of the Soviet Union became sovereign states—Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus (formerly called Byelorussia,) Estonia, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Latvia, Lithuania, Moldova, Russia, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Ukraine and Uzbekistan. Historian Robert Daniels says, "A special dimension that the anti-Communist revolutions shared with some of their predecessors was decolonization."[67] Moscow's policy had long been to settle ethnic Russians in the non-Russian republics.[citation needed] After independence, minority rights have been an issue for Russian-speakers in some republics and for non-Russian-speakers in Russia; see Russians in the Baltic states.[68] Meanwhile, the Russian Federation continues to apply political, economic, and military pressure on former Soviet colonies. In 2014, it annexed Ukraine's Crimean peninsula, the first such action in Europe since the end of the Second World War. In March 2023, following the 2022 Russian invasion and subsequent Russian occupation of parts of Ukraine, Ukraine passed a law that did forbid to have toponymy with names associated with Russian ("the occupying state").[69] This law in particular has been described by Ukrainian media as providing "a legitimate framework and effective mechanisms" for the decolonization of Ukraine.[70]

After the 2022 Russian invasion, scholars of Eastern Europe and Central Asia Studies ("Russian studies") have renewed awareness of Russian colonialism and interest in decolonizing scholarship in their field,[71][72] with academic conferences organized on the theme by the Centre for Baltic and East European Studies (CBEES) in Stockholm in December 2022,[73] the British Association for Slavonic and Eastern European Studies (BASEES) in April 2023,[74] the Aleksanteri Institute in October,[75] and the Association for Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies (ASEEES) in Philadelphia in November–December.

Decolonization of Oceania

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The decolonization of Oceania occurred after World War II when nations in Oceania achieved independence by transitioning from European colonial rule to full independence.

Aspects

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Typical challenges of decolonization include state-building, nation-building, and economic development.

State-building

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After independence, the new states needed to establish or strengthen the institutions of a sovereign state – governments, laws, a military, schools, administrative systems, and so on. The amount of self-rule granted prior to independence, and assistance from the colonial power and/or international organizations after independence, varied greatly between colonial powers, and between individual colonies.[76]

Except for a few absolute monarchies, most post-colonial states are either republics or constitutional monarchies. These new states had to devise constitutions, electoral systems, and other institutions of representative democracy.

Nation-building

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The Black Star Monument in Accra, built by Ghana's first president Kwame Nkrumah to commemorate the country's independence

Nation-building is the process of creating a sense of identification with, and loyalty to, the state.[77][78] Nation-building projects seek to replace loyalty to the old colonial power, and/or tribal or regional loyalties, with loyalty to the new state. Elements of nation-building include creating and promoting symbols of the state like a flag, a coat of arms and an anthem, monuments, official histories, national sports teams, codifying one or more Indigenous official languages, and replacing colonial place-names with local ones.[76] Nation-building after independence often continues the work began by independence movements during the colonial period.

Language policy

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From the perspective of language policy (or language politics), "linguistic decolonization" entails the replacement of a colonizing (imperial) power's language with a given colony's indigenous language in the function of official language. With the exception of colonies in Eurasia, linguistic decolonization did not take place in the former colonies-turned-independent states on the other continents ("Rest of the World").[79] Linguistic imperialism is the imposition and enforcement of one dominant language over other languages, and one response to this form of imperialism is linguistic decolonization.[80][81]

Cinematography

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Kenyan writer Ngũgĩ wa Thiong'o has written about colonization and decolonization in the film universe. Born in Ethiopia, filmmaker Haile Gerima describes the "colonization of the unconscious" he describes experiencing as a child:[82]

...as kids, we tried to act out the things we had seen in the movies. We used to play cowboys and Indians in the mountains around Gondar...We acted out the roles of these heroes, identifying with the cowboys conquering the Indians. We didn't identify with the Indians at all and we never wanted the Indians to win. Even in Tarzan movies, we would become totally galvanized by the activities of the hero and follow the story from his point of view, completely caught up in the structure of the story. Whenever Africans sneaked up behind Tarzan, we would scream our heads off, trying to warn him that 'they' were coming".

In Asia, kung fu cinema emerged at a time Japan wanted to reach Asian populations in other countries by way of its cultural influence. The surge in popularity of kung fu movies began in the late 1960s through the 1970s. Local populations were depicted as protagonists opposing "imperialists" (foreigners) and their "Chinese collaborators".[82]

Repatriation

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In a 2023 paper on the political theory of settler colonialism, Canadian academics Yann Allard-Tremblay and Elaine Coburn posit that: "In Africa, the Middle East, South America, and much of the rest of the world, decolonization often meant the expulsion or departure of most colonial settlers. In contrast, in settler colonial states like New Zealand, Australia, Canada, and the United States, settlers have not left, even as independence from the metropole was gained... The systemic oppression and domination of the colonized by the colonizer is not historical — firmly in the past — but ongoing and supported by radically unequal political, social, economic, and legal institutions."[83]

Decolonization is not an easy matter in colonies with large settler populations, particularly if they have been there for several generations. When settlers remain in former colonies after independence, colonialism is ongoing and takes the form of settler colonialism, which is highly resistant to decolonisation.[84] Repatriation of existing colonizers or prevention of immigration of additional colonizers can be seen as return migration and opposition to immigration.[85]

In a few cases, settler populations have been repatriated. For instance, the decolonization of Algeria by France was particularly uneasy due to the large European population (see also pied noir),[86] which largely evacuated to France when Algeria became independent.[87] In Zimbabwe, former Rhodesia, Robert Mugabe seized property from white African farmers, killing several of them, and forcing the survivors to emigrate.[88][89] A large Indian community lived in Uganda as a result of Britain colonizing both India and East Africa, and Idi Amin expelled them for domestic political gain.[90]

Economic development

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Newly independent states also had to develop independent economic institutions – a national currency, banks, companies, regulation, tax systems, etc.

Many colonies were serving as resource colonies which produced raw materials and agricultural products, and as a captive market for goods manufactured in the colonizing country. Many decolonized countries created programs to promote industrialization. Some nationalized industries and infrastructure, and some engaged in land reform to redistribute land to individual farmers or create collective farms.

Some decolonized countries maintain strong economic ties with the former colonial power. The CFA franc is a currency shared by 14 countries in West and Central Africa, mostly former French colonies. The CFA franc is guaranteed by the French treasury.

After independence, many countries created regional economic associations to promote trade and economic development among neighboring countries, including the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), and the Gulf Cooperation Council.

Effects on the colonizers

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John Kenneth Galbraith argues that the post–World War II decolonization was brought about for economic reasons. In A Journey Through Economic Time, he writes:

"The engine of economic well-being was now within and between the advanced industrial countries. Domestic economic growth – as now measured and much discussed – came to be seen as far more important than the erstwhile colonial trade.... The economic effect in the United States from the granting of independence to the Philippines was unnoticeable, partly due to the Bell Trade Act, which allowed American monopoly in the economy of the Philippines. The departure of India and Pakistan made small economic difference in the United Kingdom. Dutch economists calculated that the economic effect from the loss of the great Dutch empire in Indonesia was compensated for by a couple of years or so of domestic post-war economic growth. The end of the colonial era is celebrated in the history books as a triumph of national aspiration in the former colonies and of benign good sense on the part of the colonial powers. Lurking beneath, as so often happens, was a strong current of economic interest – or in this case, disinterest."

In general, the release of the colonized caused little economic loss to the colonizers. Part of the reason for this was that major costs were eliminated while major benefits were obtained by alternate means. Decolonization allowed the colonizer to disclaim responsibility for the colonized. The colonizer no longer had the burden of obligation, financial or otherwise, to their colony. However, the colonizer continued to be able to obtain cheap goods and labor as well as economic benefits (see Suez Canal Crisis) from the former colonies. Financial, political and military pressure could still be used to achieve goals desired by the colonizer. Thus decolonization allowed the goals of colonization to be largely achieved, but without its burdens.

Assassinated anti-colonialist leaders

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Gandhi in 1947, with Lord Louis Mountbatten, Britain's last Viceroy of India, and his wife Vicereine Edwina Mountbatten
Patrice Lumumba, first democratically elected Prime Minister of the Congo-Léopoldville, was murdered by Belgian-supported Katangan separatists in 1961.

A non-exhaustive list of assassinated leaders would include:

Leader Title Assassin Place of death Date of death
Tiradentes Colonial Brazilian revolutionary Portuguese colonial admiministration Rio de Janeiro, Portuguese Colony of Brazil 21 April 1792
Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla Leader of the Mexican War of Independence Spanish colonial admiministration Chihuahua, Nueva Vizcaya, Viceroyalty of New Spain 30 July 1811
Ruben Um Nyobé[91][92] Leader of the Union of the Peoples of Cameroon French army Nyong-et-Kellé French Cameroon 13 September 1958
Barthélemy Boganda Leader of the independence movement in the Central African Republic Plane crash. Some believe that the crash was a deliberate and suspect that expatriate businessmen, possibly aided by the French secret service, were responsible. Boda District, Central African Republic 29 March 1959
Félix-Roland Moumié[93] Leader of the Cameroon's People Union French secret police SDECE Geneva, Switzerland 3 November 1960
Patrice Lumumba First Prime Minister of the Democratic Republic of the Congo Executed by the separatist Katangan authorities of Moïse Tshombe after being handed over by Joseph-Désiré Mobutu. Élisabethville, Democratic Republic of the Congo 17 January 1961
Louis Rwagasore Burundi nationalist Assassinated at the direction of leaders of a rival political party (PDC) with potential support from the Belgian Resident in Burundi. Usumbura, Ruanda-Urundi 13 October 1961
Pierre Ngendandumwe Rwandan Tutsi refugee Bujumbura, Burundi 15 January 1965
Sylvanus Olympio First president of Togo Assassinated during the 1963 Togolese coup d'état. Lomé, Togo 13 January 1963
Mehdi Ben Barka Leader of the Moroccan National Union of Popular Forces (UNPF) Moroccan secret service Paris, France 29 October 1965
Ahmadu Bello First premier of Northern Nigeria Killed during the 1966 Nigerian coup d'état. Kaduna, Nigeria 15 January 1966
Eduardo Mondlane Leader of FRELIMO Unknown. Possibly the Portuguese secret police (PIDE) Dar es Salaam, Tanzania 3 February 1969
Mohamed Bassiri Leader of the Movement for the Liberation of Saguia el Hamra and Wadi el Dhahab Spanish Legion El Aaiun, Spanish Sahara 18 June 1970
Amílcar Cabral Leader of PAIGC Portuguese secret police DGS/PIDE Conakry, Guinea 20 January 1973

Current colonies

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The United Nations, under "Chapter XI: Declaration Regarding Non-Self Governing Territories" of the Charter of the United Nations, defines Non-Self Governing Nations (NSGSs) as "territories whose people have not yet attained a full measure of self-government"—the contemporary definition of colonialism.[94] After the conclusion of World War II with the surrender of the Axis Powers in 1945, and two decades into the latter half of the 20th century, over three dozen "states in Asia and Africa achieved autonomy or outright independence" from European administering powers.[95] As of 2020, 17 territories remain under Chapter XI distinction:[96]

United Nations NSGS list

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Year Listed as NSGS Administering Power Territory
1946 United Kingdom United Kingdom Anguilla Anguilla
1946 United Kingdom United Kingdom Bermuda Bermuda
1946 United Kingdom United Kingdom British Virgin Islands British Virgin Islands
1946 United Kingdom United Kingdom Cayman Islands Cayman Islands
1946 United Kingdom United Kingdom Falkland Islands Falkland Islands
1946 United Kingdom United Kingdom Montserrat Montserrat
1946 United Kingdom United Kingdom Saint Helena Saint Helena
1946 United Kingdom United Kingdom Turks and Caicos Islands Turks and Caicos Islands
1946 United Kingdom United Kingdom Gibraltar Gibraltar
1946 United Kingdom United Kingdom Pitcairn Islands Pitcairn
1946 United States United States American Samoa American Samoa
1946 United States United States United States Virgin Islands United States Virgin Islands
1946 United States United States Guam Guam
1946 New Zealand New Zealand Tokelau Tokelau
1963 Spain Spain Western Sahara
1946–47, 1986 France France New Caledonia New Caledonia
1946–47, 2013 France France French Polynesia French Polynesia

"On 26 February 1976, Spain informed the Secretary-General that as of that date it had terminated its presence in the Territory of the Sahara and deemed it necessary to place on record that Spain considered itself thenceforth exempt from any responsibility of any international nature in connection with the administration of the Territory, in view of the cessation of its participation in the temporary administration established for the Territory. In 1990, the General Assembly reaffirmed that the question of Western Sahara was a question of decolonization which remained to be completed by the people of Western Sahara."[96]

On 10 December 2010, the United Nations published its official decree, announcing the Third International Decade for the Eradication of Colonialism wherein the United Nations declared its "renewal of the call to States Members of the United Nations to speed up the process of decolonization towards the complete elimination of colonialism".[97] According to an article by scholar John Quintero, "given the modern emphasis on the equality of states and inalienable nature of their sovereignty, many people do not realize that these non-self-governing structures still exist".[98] Some activists have claimed that the attention of the United Nations was "further diverted from the social and economic agenda [for decolonization] towards "firefighting and extinguishing" armed conflicts". Advocates have stressed that the United Nations "[remains] the last refuge of hope for peoples under the yolk [sic] of colonialism".[99] Furthermore, on 19 May 2015, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon addressed the attendants of the Caribbean Regional Seminar on Decolonization, urging international political leaders to "build on [the success of precedent decolonization efforts and] towards fully eradicating colonialism by 2020".[99]

The sovereignty of the Chagos Archipelago in the Indian Ocean is disputed between the United Kingdom and Mauritius. In February 2019, the International Court of Justice in The Hague ruled that the United Kingdom must transfer the islands to Mauritius as they were not legally separated from the latter in 1965.[100] On 22 May 2019, the United Nations General Assembly debated and adopted a resolution that affirmed that the Chagos Archipelago "forms an integral part of the territory of Mauritius".[101] The UK does not recognize Mauritius' sovereignty claim over the Chagos Archipelago.[102] In October 2020, Mauritian Prime Minister Pravind Jugnauth described the British and American governments as "hypocrites" and "champions of double talk" over their response to the dispute.[103]

Effects of decolonization

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A 2019 study found that "democracy levels increased sharply as colonies gained internal autonomy in the period immediately before their independence. However, conflict, revenue growth, and economic growth did not systematically differ before and after independence."[104]

David Strang writes that the loss of their empires turned France and Britain into "second-rate powers".[105]

Criticism

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Some articles extend the meaning of decolonization beyond independence or equal rights for colonized peoples to include broader economic, cultural and psychological aspects of the colonial experience.[15][106] Extending the meaning of decolonization beyond political independence has been disputed and received criticism.[107][108][109]

According to political theorist Kevin Duong, decolonization "may have been the century's greatest act of disenfranchisement", as numerous anti-colonial activists primarily pursued universal suffrage within empires rather than independence: "As dependent territories became nation-states, they lost their voice in metropolitan assemblies whose affairs affected them long after independence."[110]

See also

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Notes

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References

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia

Decolonization refers to the political processes by which territories under European colonial rule gained sovereignty, mainly from the end of World War II through the 1970s. Postwar European exhaustion, rising nationalist movements, and colonial contributions to the Allied victory spurred the breakup of empires in Asia, Africa, the Middle East, and the Pacific. Over 80 new states emerged through negotiated handovers, such as India's 1947 partition; armed struggles, including the Indonesian National Revolution (1945–1949) and Algerian War (1954–1962); and swift independences, like the 17 African nations in 1960. While it promoted sovereign equality and ended formal imperialism, decolonization often left arbitrary borders, resource-reliant economies, and weak institutions, contributing to conflicts, uneven development, and Cold War influences.

Conceptual Foundations

Definition and Scope

Decolonization denotes the historical process whereby territories under formal colonial administration by European powers—or, less commonly, other imperial states—achieved political , often through negotiated transfers of power, armed conflicts, or international pressure, culminating in the recognition of independent nation-states. This entailed the dismantling of administrative structures imposed by metropolitan governments, including governors, military garrisons, and extractive economic systems designed to benefit the colonizer. As a multifaceted phenomenon, it primarily targeted non-settler colonies where indigenous populations formed the demographic majority, distinguishing it from earlier independence movements in settler-dominated regions like the , where colonial elites largely retained control post-separation. The scope of decolonization centers on the mid-20th century, with the bulk occurring between and , when European empires—spanning the British, French, Dutch, Belgian, , and Spanish holdings—ceded control over roughly 100 territories, expanding the global roster of sovereign states from about 50 in to over 150 by 1980. This wave affected primarily , , and the Pacific, where colonies encompassed over 80% of the world's land surface under foreign rule at the outset of ; key triggers included wartime weakening of imperial capacities and ideological commitments to enshrined in institutions like the Charter of . While political independence marked the formal endpoint, decolonization often left lingering economic dependencies, such as preferential trade agreements or resource concessions, and did not uniformly resolve internal ethnic or governance challenges inherited from arbitrary colonial borders. Though the term evokes the post-World War II era, its precedents trace to the 18th and 19th centuries, including the Thirteen Colonies' secession from Britain in 1783 and the Spanish American republics' emergence between 1810 and 1833, which together liberated over a dozen territories through revolutionary warfare rather than gradual reform. The modern scope excludes ongoing processes in remaining non-self-governing territories, numbering 17 as of 2023 per United Nations listings, primarily small island dependencies like Gibraltar and the Falklands, where decolonization debates persist amid sovereignty disputes. Unlike cultural or epistemic reinterpretations in contemporary discourse, historical decolonization prioritized verifiable shifts in juridical status, measured by treaty ratifications, flag raisings, and UN membership admissions, rather than subjective narratives of ongoing oppression.

Causes and Preconditions

The ideological foundations for decolonization emerged in the early 20th century, rooted in principles of national self-determination articulated during and after World War I. U.S. President Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points, presented to Congress on January 8, 1918, called for the political independence of peoples subjected to foreign rule, though initially applied primarily to European nationalities; this framework inspired colonial nationalists in Asia and Africa by framing imperial domination as incompatible with modern sovereignty. Similarly, the Atlantic Charter, jointly issued by U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt and British Prime Minister Winston Churchill on August 14, 1941, affirmed that no territorial changes should occur without the freely expressed wishes of the peoples concerned and endorsed the right to self-government, principles that colonial leaders invoked to challenge ongoing European control despite the signatories' retention of empires. World War II (1939–1945) created critical material preconditions by exhausting European powers' resources and exposing the vulnerabilities of colonial administrations. European metropoles suffered severe economic depletion—Britain, for instance, accumulated war debts exceeding £3 billion by 1945, equivalent to about 30% of its —while diverting military assets to imperial defense strained domestic reconstruction efforts. Japan's conquests of , , and between 1941 and 1942 demonstrated to colonized populations the impermanence of European superiority, fostering local resistance networks and administrative collapses that persisted post-liberation. The war also accelerated nationalist mobilization within colonies, as millions of subjects served in Allied forces—over 2.5 million troops from British India alone—and returned with combat experience, organizational skills, and heightened demands for reciprocity after contributing to victory. Educated elites, exposed to Western liberal ideas through universities and missionary schools, formed parties like India's (founded 1885 but radicalized post-1919) and Vietnam's (1941), leveraging strikes, boycotts, and guerrilla tactics to erode administrative control. Economically, empires transitioned from perceived assets to liabilities amid rising maintenance costs and shifting global trade dynamics. Post-1945, European powers faced prohibitive expenses for garrisons and infrastructure amid welfare state expansions and dependencies; France's Indochina War (1946–1954) alone cost over 200,000 troops and drained 10% of its budget annually, illustrating how prolonged conflicts amplified fiscal unsustainability. International pressures compounded this, with the opposing imperial preferences to promote open markets and the funding anti-colonial proxies, while the Charter (1945) embedded as a norm, pressuring holdouts through membership expansions from 51 states in 1945 to over 100 by 1960. These factors converged to render retention of distant territories strategically and financially untenable for war-ravaged metropoles.

Historical Phases

Eighteenth and Nineteenth-Century Revolutions

The American Revolution (1775–1783) represented the initial major break from European colonial rule in the modern period, as the Thirteen British colonies in North America secured independence following disputes over taxation, representation, and imperial policies post-Seven Years' War. The Continental Congress adopted the Declaration of Independence on July 4, 1776, formalizing separation from Britain. Key military victories, including the British surrender at Yorktown in October 1781, paved the way for the Treaty of Paris in 1783, by which Britain acknowledged U.S. sovereignty over territory from the Atlantic to the Mississippi River. This event, driven by settler populations of European descent, established a precedent for constitutional republicanism but retained slavery and limited indigenous rights, reflecting elite-led aspirations rather than broad anti-colonial egalitarianism. The Haitian Revolution (1791–1804) followed, uniquely originating as an uprising by enslaved Africans in the French colony of Saint-Domingue, inspired partly by the American and French Revolutions yet escalating into the only successful slave-led independence movement against a European power. A coordinated revolt erupted on the night of August 21–22, 1791, in the northern plantations, where enslaved people burned estates and killed overseers, drawing in free people of color and mulattoes amid French Revolutionary ideals of liberty clashing with colonial slavery. Leaders such as Toussaint Louverture consolidated forces, defeating French, Spanish, and British expeditions; France abolished slavery in 1794 but reinstated it under Napoleon in 1802, prompting renewed warfare that culminated in Haiti's declaration of independence on January 1, 1804. The revolution resulted in approximately 200,000 deaths, including massacres of remaining whites, and established the first independent black republic, though economic devastation from destroyed plantations persisted. Latin American independence movements, spanning roughly 1808–1826, dismantled Spanish and Portuguese empires across the continent, precipitated by Napoleon's invasion of the in 1807–1808, which destabilized royal authority and prompted creole juntas to govern in the name of absent monarchs. In , wars erupted from 1810, with liberating , , , , and by 1824 through campaigns like the (1821); secured , , and , crossing the in 1817 to defeat royalists at Chacabuco. achieved independence from in 1822 under Pedro I, transitioning via a relatively peaceful rather than republican upheaval. By 1825, most Spanish colonies were free, except and ; these elite-driven revolts, influenced by Enlightenment , preserved hierarchical societies, with indigenous and populations often marginalized post-independence.

Interwar Period and World War II Catalysts (1918-1945)

The following marked the initial stirrings of organized anti-colonial , fueled by the ideological promises of self-determination articulated in U.S. President Woodrow Wilson's , though these were largely confined to European reconfiguration rather than overseas empires. The League of Nations' mandate system, established in 1920, reassigned former German and Ottoman territories—such as , , and —to British and French administration under the pretext of temporary trusteeship toward eventual self-rule, yet this often entrenched control and provoked resistance, as seen in the 1920 against British forces that killed hundreds and forced concessions leading to nominal independence in 1932. In British India, the under leaders like Mohandas Gandhi escalated campaigns, including the 1920–1922 Non-Cooperation Movement, which mobilized millions to boycott British institutions and goods, and the 1930–1931 Civil Disobedience Movement centered on the , resulting in over 60,000 arrests and highlighting the unsustainability of repressive rule. French colonies experienced parallel unrest, with rapid growth in nationalist organizations amid economic strains from the after 1929, which exacerbated colonial exploitation and fiscal burdens on metropolitan powers. These movements gained traction through intellectual and political networks, including Pan-African Congresses starting in 1919, which articulated demands for and , though limited to elite advocacy without mass mobilization in Africa until later. In the , mandates bred resentment; Syria's 1925–1927 Great Revolt against French rule involved widespread , costing thousands of lives and prompting partial concessions but no full sovereignty. Economic interdependence faltered as global trade contracted, revealing the colonies' strategic value while underscoring imperial overextension, with Britain's costs alone straining postwar budgets. World War II accelerated these pressures by devastating European colonial powers' resources and prestige. Britain mobilized over 2.5 million troops from and , while France drew hundreds of thousands from its empire, exposing subjects to egalitarian wartime rhetoric and combat roles that undermined racial hierarchies; returning veterans, having fought for "freedom," demanded reciprocal rights, as evidenced by strikes in and by 1945. Japan's rapid conquests of , , and in 1941–1942 demonstrated colonial defenses' fragility, with propaganda of an "Asia for Asians" under the inspiring local nationalists despite Japan's exploitative occupation. The 1941 , jointly issued by U.S. President and British Prime Minister , proclaimed the "right of all peoples to choose the form of government under which they will live," a principle nationalists in and invoked to challenge imperial legitimacy, even as Churchill intended it for occupied and resisted its colonial application. By war's end in 1945, Europe's exhaustion—Britain's debt at 250% of GDP, France's military humiliation—combined with U.S. anti-imperial pressures, positioned decolonization as an inevitable reckoning with prewar nationalist foundations.

Main Postwar Wave (1945-1975)

![British_Empire_in_February_1952.png][float-right] The main postwar wave of decolonization from 1945 to 1975 dismantled most European empires, resulting in the independence of over 50 territories, primarily in and . European powers, economically and militarily exhausted by , faced mounting nationalist insurgencies and international pressure from the and , both ideologically opposed to while competing for influence in emerging states. The Charter's emphasis on further eroded colonial legitimacy, with the organization's trusteeship system facilitating transitions in former mandates. In , decolonization accelerated rapidly post-1945. The achieved independence from the on July 4, 1946, under the Tydings-McDuffie Act. and gained sovereignty from Britain on August 15, 1947, amid partition violence that displaced millions and killed up to 2 million. Ceylon (now ) followed in 1948, as did , while secured recognition after a four-year war against Dutch forces, ending with the 1949 Round Table Conference. fragmented following the 1954 defeat, leading to Vietnam's division at the Geneva Conference and the independence of and by 1955. Africa's decolonization lagged initially but surged in the 1950s and 1960s. Libya, under UN trusteeship, became independent in 1951, followed by Sudan's Anglo-Egyptian Condominium ending in 1956. Ghana's 1957 independence from Britain marked the first sub-Saharan success, inspiring the "Year of Africa" in 1960 when 17 nations, including , , and , acceded to sovereignty. granted autonomy to and in 1956 but fought a protracted (1954-1962), conceding independence after over 1 million deaths. Belgium's hasty Congo handover in 1960 precipitated chaos, while resisted until the 1974 prompted withdrawals from , , and by 1975. British transitions varied, with peaceful handovers in Malaya (1957) contrasting violent suppressions like the Mau Mau uprising in (1952-1960), yet yielding independence in 1963. Dutch efforts to retain failed due to military overstretch and U.S. economic pressure via aid conditions. These processes often involved elite negotiations but frequently entailed civil strife, economic disruption, and Cold War proxy influences, setting precedents for neocolonial dependencies through aid and alliances. By 1975, formal colonial rule had largely ended, though residual territories persisted under varying sovereignty arrangements.

Late and Residual Processes (Post-1975)

achieved independence from on June 27, 1977, following a that approved separation from the French Territory of the Afars and Issas, amid regional pressures from neighboring and . gained sovereignty from the joint Anglo- condominium on July 30, 1980, after negotiations resolved internal divisions between English- and -aligned factions. transitioned to independence from the on April 18, 1980, via the , which ended the unilateral Rhodesian declaration of independence and the ensuing guerrilla war led by ZANU and ZAPU forces. followed on September 21, 1981, after Britain addressed Guatemalan territorial claims through a guaranteeing defense support. In , Namibia attained independence from South African administration—conducted under a revoked —on March 21, 1990, implementing United Nations Security Council Resolution 435, which mandated free elections supervised by the UN Transition Assistance Group after years of SWAPO-led insurgency. separated from via a 1993 referendum, formalizing independence on May 24, 1993, though subsequent border conflicts with underscored the fragility of such partitions. In the Pacific, the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands, administered by the under UN trusteeship, saw phased transitions: the and entered compacts of free association in 1986 and 1986 respectively, while achieved full independence on October 1, 1994, after multiple referendums. East Timor, invaded and annexed by in December 1975 following Portugal's withdrawal, voted overwhelmingly for independence in a UN-organized 1999 referendum, restoring sovereignty on May 20, 2002, after interim UN administration amid post-ballot violence. South Sudan marked a later African case, seceding from on July 9, 2011, pursuant to the 2005 and a where 98.83% favored , though rapid onset of highlighted internal ethnic and resource divisions post-separation. These late processes often involved prolonged insurgencies, international mediation, or trusteeship resolutions rather than the mass negotiated handovers of the 1945–1975 era, reflecting diminished metropolitan resolve and endgame dynamics. Residual colonialism persists in 17 United Nations-listed non-self-governing territories as of 2024, comprising small island groups and enclaves primarily under British, French, American, New Zealand, and Australian administration, with populations totaling under 2 million. These include British holdings like the , , and ; and ; and U.S. territories such as and . Unlike earlier decolonizations driven by mass , residents in many exhibit low demand for full , prioritizing economic stability, citizenship benefits, and defense ties; for instance, voted 99.8% against independence in a 2013 , citing prosperity under British oversight. Gibraltar's 2002 poll rejected shared with by 98.97%, affirming preference for UK status. New Caledonia held three referendums (2018, 2020, 2021) rejecting independence from France, with votes of 56.4%, 53.3%, and 96.5% (boycott-inflated) against, amid Kanak indigenous advocacy tempered by migration and economic integration. Western Sahara remains disputed, with controlling most since 1975 against claims under UN auspices. In October 2024, the UK ceded over the to —detached in 1965 for a U.S. base—while securing a , resolving a long-standing advisory opinion on unlawful excision. These cases illustrate how geographic isolation, demographic size, and viability concerns sustain voluntary associations, challenging universal norms when empirical outcomes favor dependency.

Regional Dynamics

The Americas

Decolonization in the Americas unfolded primarily in the late 18th and early 19th centuries, driven by Enlightenment ideals, economic grievances against mercantilist policies, and disruptions from European conflicts such as the . Unlike the rapid post-1945 transitions elsewhere, American independence movements emphasized creole elite aspirations for self-rule amid weakening metropolitan control, often through armed struggle that fragmented Spanish and empires into multiple republics. These processes established sovereign states but frequently led to internal instability, as new governments struggled with institutional voids and power vacuums left by departing colonizers. The achieved independence from via the , declaring separation on July 4, 1776, after escalating tensions over taxation and representation. Military conflict persisted until the British surrender at Yorktown in 1781, formalized by the Treaty of Paris on September 3, 1783, which recognized American sovereignty over territory from the Atlantic to the . This success inspired subsequent revolts by demonstrating that settler colonies could successfully challenge imperial authority through organized militias and alliances, such as with . The Haitian Revolution marked a distinct rupture, commencing with a slave uprising on August 22, 1791, in the French colony of , where enslaved Africans and overthrew plantation systems and metropolitan forces. Culminating in independence on January 1, 1804, under , it created the first nation-state led by former slaves, abolishing slavery outright and influencing abolitionist movements worldwide, though at the cost of tens of thousands of lives and subsequent isolation by fearful powers. This event underscored causal links between colonial exploitation—particularly the sugar economy's reliance on brutal labor—and revolutionary violence, diverging from elite-driven separations elsewhere. Spanish American independence wars ignited in 1810, catalyzed by Napoleon's 1808 deposition of , which prompted juntas in colonies like , , and to assert local authority. Miguel Hidalgo's call to arms on September 16, 1810, mobilized indigenous and mestizo masses in , though elite-led campaigns by —liberating , , , , and by 1824—and in , , and dominated outcomes. By 1825, Spain lost nearly all mainland possessions, with battles like on December 9, 1824, decisively ending royalist resistance; however, these victories often preserved social hierarchies, as creole landowners replaced peninsular officials without broad land reforms. Brazil's separation from in 1822 proceeded more peacefully, as the Portuguese court fled to Rio de Janeiro in 1808, elevating Brazil's status and fostering administrative autonomy. On September 7, 1822, Prince Pedro declared independence at Ipiranga, establishing the under his rule as Pedro I, with minimal warfare and recognition secured by 1825 after brief conflict. This monarchical transition retained institutional continuity, averting the republican fragmentation seen in , though it maintained until 1888. British North America's decolonization exemplified gradual dominion status, with on July 1, 1867, uniting provinces under a federal structure while retaining British oversight. The and Statute of Westminster on December 11, 1931, granted legislative autonomy to dominions including , allowing independent foreign policy; full constitutional independence arrived with the 1982 of the Constitution Act, severing remaining legal ties. This evolutionary path, avoiding violent rupture, reflected settler-majority dynamics and pragmatic federalism amid U.S. proximity. Later processes affected Caribbean territories, such as Cuba's 1898 independence from amid U.S. intervention in the Spanish-American War, and 20th-century transitions like Guyana's from Britain in 1966. Residual dependencies persist, including and islands, where economic integration with Europe sustains ties. Across the region, decolonization yielded formal sovereignty but often perpetuated extractive economies and elite dominance, with empirical data showing persistent inequality: for instance, post-independence Latin American GDP per capita stagnated relative to due to institutional weaknesses and commodity dependence.

Africa

Decolonization in Africa accelerated after World War II, as European powers weakened by wartime devastation faced mounting nationalist pressures and international scrutiny. In 1945, only four sovereign states existed on the continent: Egypt, Ethiopia, Liberia, and the Union of South Africa. By 1975, approximately 48 countries had achieved independence, with the majority transitioning between 1957 and 1962. The process dismantled formal colonial rule by Britain, France, Belgium, Portugal, Italy, and smaller powers, often along arbitrarily drawn borders that ignored ethnic and linguistic realities, contributing to post-independence instability. British territories generally pursued negotiated paths to sovereignty, influenced by domestic reforms and elite pacts. , formerly the Gold Coast, led by gaining independence on March 6, 1957, under , setting a model for orderly transfer through constitutional conferences. The year 1960 marked a peak, with 17 nations—including (October 1), (April 27), and (July 1)—attaining self-rule, often via elections and power-sharing agreements that preserved administrative continuity but sidelined radical factions. Conflicts arose in settler-dominated areas, such as Kenya's Mau Mau uprising (1952–1960), where Kikuyu-led guerrillas fought British forces, resulting in over 11,000 rebel deaths and prompting emergency rule before independence in 1963. French decolonization contrasted sharply, blending rapid grants in West and Central Africa with fierce resistance in . Most francophone states, like and Côte d'Ivoire, received independence on August 1, 1960, through the Loi-cadre reforms and the 1958 referendum, which favored community autonomy over full federation. 's bid, however, ignited a brutal from November 1954 to March 1962, pitting the Front de Libération Nationale against French troops; estimates of Algerian casualties range from 300,000 (French figures) to 1.5 million (Algerian accounts), including combatants and civilians affected by torture, relocations, and bombings. Belgium's handover of the Congo on June 30, 1960, was precipitate, lacking preparation for self-governance and sparking the with mutinies, secessions, and foreign interventions. Portugal clung to its empire longest, viewing , , and as integral provinces under the Salazar regime's pluricontinental doctrine. Guerrilla wars erupted in 1961—starting with Angolan uprisings—and persisted until the 1974 in , which toppled the dictatorship and led to unilateral independence declarations in 1975, amid civil strife fueled by proxies. Italian colonies had earlier resolved: in 1951 under UN trusteeship and in 1960. These transitions, while ending , frequently inherited weak institutions and resource extraction economies, exacerbating ethnic tensions and governance failures in the ensuing decades.

Asia and the Pacific

Decolonization in Asia unfolded rapidly after World War II, as European powers, depleted by the conflict, faced nationalist insurgencies and international pressure for self-determination. The Philippines transitioned from U.S. commonwealth status to full independence on July 4, 1946, pursuant to the 1934 Tydings-McDuffie Act, which had promised sovereignty after a decade of preparation, though wartime occupation by Japan interrupted the process. In South Asia, Britain's withdrawal from India led to partition into the independent dominions of India on August 15, 1947, and Pakistan on August 14, 1947, accompanied by communal riots that resulted in approximately 1 million deaths and the displacement of 14-18 million people across borders. Burma followed with independence on January 4, 1948, after negotiations with the Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League, while Ceylon attained dominion status on February 4, 1948, through constitutional reforms granting internal self-government. In Southeast Asia, Dutch attempts to reassert control over the East Indies after Japan's 1945 surrender provoked the Indonesian National Revolution, culminating in formal recognition of Indonesia's sovereignty by the Netherlands on December 27, 1949, following United Nations mediation and military confrontations that claimed tens of thousands of lives. French Indochina experienced protracted resistance, with Ho Chi Minh declaring Vietnam's independence on September 2, 1945; this sparked the First Indochina War (1946-1954), where Vietnamese forces under the Viet Minh defeated French troops at Dien Bien Phu in May 1954, leading to the Geneva Accords that divided Vietnam and granted Laos independence on October 22, 1953, and Cambodia on November 9, 1953. The Federation of Malaya achieved independence from Britain on August 31, 1957, after suppressing a communist insurgency, with full Malaysian federation including Sabah, Sarawak, and Singapore by 1963 (Singapore separating in 1965). East Asia saw the end of Japanese imperial holdings post-1945, with Korea liberated but divided into U.S. and Soviet zones along the 38th parallel, leading to separate states in 1948 amid civil strife that escalated into the (1950-1953); Taiwan reverted to Republic of China control from Japan. These transitions often involved elite negotiations but were marked by violence, ethnic partitions, and superpower rivalries that shaped nascent states' alignments. Decolonization in the Pacific islands lagged behind , influenced by their strategic military value and small populations, with many territories placed under trusteeships after 1945 rather than immediate independence. , jointly administered by , Britain, and , gained sovereignty on January 31, 1968, becoming the world's smallest republic. Fiji transitioned from British colony to independence on October 10, 1970, following constitutional conferences, while , under Australian administration, achieved self-government in 1973 and full independence on September 16, 1975. The U.S.-administered Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands evolved into the (independent 1986), (1986), and (1994) via Compacts of Free Association, retaining U.S. defense responsibilities. Several Pacific territories remain non-self-governing, including , , and French overseas collectivities like , where referendums on independence (e.g., New Caledonia's "no" votes in 2018, 2020, 2021) reflect ongoing debates over economic dependencies and cultural preservation versus full . This gradual process prioritized administrative evolution over abrupt separation, often preserving ties to metropoles for security and aid.

Europe, Oceania, and Other Territories

Decolonization in primarily involved the transition of insular and enclave territories from metropolitan control, rather than large-scale imperial dissolution, as European states were predominantly the colonizing powers. Ireland's path to self-governance culminated in the of December 6, 1921, which established the as a within the British , effective December 6, 1922, following the from 1919 to 1921; full republican status was declared in 1949. secured independence from the on August 16, 1960, via agreements guaranteeing British sovereign base areas and protections for Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities, amid ethnic conflicts that had escalated since the 1950s insurgency. attained independence on September 21, 1964, after constitutional negotiations with Britain, retaining ties until becoming a in 1974. Gibraltar, ceded to Britain by under the 1713 Treaty of Utrecht, remains a British Overseas Territory and Non-Self-Governing Territory listed since 1946, with its 30,000 residents overwhelmingly rejecting Spanish sovereignty in a 1967 (12,138 votes against, only 44 for), prioritizing over decolonization via transfer. Ongoing UK-Spain negotiations, including a 2025 framework agreement on post-Brexit mobility, have not resolved sovereignty disputes, as Gibraltar's government insists decolonization aligns with local wishes for continued British links rather than integration with . In Oceania, decolonization unfolded gradually post-World War II, driven by oversight, administrative transitions, and limited nationalist mobilization, with most islands achieving sovereignty or associated status by 1980 rather than through violent upheaval. (now ) became the first independent Pacific nation on January 1, 1962, after transitioning from mandate administration established in 1919. gained sovereignty from a joint Australia-UK- trusteeship on January 31, 1968, as the world's smallest republic. separated from British rule on October 10, 1970, following constitutional development from a proclaimed in 1874. emerged independent from Australian administration on September 16, 1975, after UN trusteeship since 1947; the followed on July 7, 1978, from status dating to 1893. concluded joint Anglo-French condominium rule with independence on July 30, 1980. Several Oceanian territories retain non-self-governing status, reflecting strategic, economic, and demographic factors that slowed full decolonization. , under French administration since 1853, held referenda on independence in 2018 (56.4% against), 2020 (53.3% against), and 2021 (96.5% against), with Kanak indigenous groups favoring separation while majoritarian populations prefer integration. functions as an with autonomy accords since 1998, featuring minority pro-independence sentiments but no decisive push. , administered by since 1925, rejected self-governance in referenda in 2006 (60.5% short of two-thirds) and 2007. Other territories encompass the United Nations' 17 remaining Non-Self-Governing Territories as of 2024, spanning unresolved disputes and self-determination referenda outside major regional waves. These include , where Spain withdrew in 1975 amid a tripartite claim by , , and the , leading to a 1991 UN ceasefire and ongoing MINURSO mission for a viability-assessed . The [Falkland Islands](/page/Falkland Islands), British since 1833 recapture from , affirmed UK ties in a 2013 (99.8% for remaining British). Pacific examples like (U.S. unincorporated territory since 1898) and (UK since 1838) feature local governance but limited sovereignty, with UN monitoring emphasizing economic viability and population size as barriers to full independence. Decolonization here often stalls due to administering powers' security interests and territories' preferences for association over standalone statehood.

Mechanisms of Transition

Negotiated Handovers and Elite Pacts

Negotiated handovers in decolonization typically involved formal agreements between colonial authorities and local nationalist leaders or , often through constitutional conferences, to transfer with minimal disruption to administrative and economic structures. These processes emphasized gradual constitutional reforms, elections to legitimize local governance, and retention of ties such as membership for the British Empire's dependencies. Unlike violent conflicts, they prioritized elite consensus to avert chaos, frequently resulting in Westminster-style parliamentary systems and protections for minority interests or expatriate assets. In British Africa, the Gold Coast's transition to Ghana exemplifies this mechanism. Following constitutional conferences in 1954 and elections won by Kwame Nkrumah's , the UK passed the Ghana Independence Act on February 7, 1957, granting full sovereignty effective March 6, 1957, with Ghana joining the . The handover preserved economic continuities, including British commercial interests, and installed Nkrumah as under a new modeled on British lines. Similar conferences facilitated Nigeria's independence on October 1, 1960, where regional elites negotiated federal structures to balance ethnic divisions, though underlying tensions persisted. Asia saw comparable pacts, notably in the Federation of Malaya. Despite the ongoing Malayan Emergency (1948–1960), British High Commissioner Sir Donald Charles MacGillivray signed the Federation of Malaya Agreement on August 5, 1957, with Malay rulers and Alliance Party leaders, leading to independence on August 31, 1957, via the Federation of Malaya Independence Act. This pact integrated multi-ethnic elites—Malay, Chinese, and Indian—into a federal system, with provisions for British military basing and economic aid totaling up to £20 million from 1957–1961 to support counterinsurgency efforts. Ceylon (Sri Lanka) achieved dominion status in 1948 through amicable negotiations, accepting Commonwealth membership and a defense pact without major violence. Elite pacts underpinned these transitions by forging coalitions between colonial officials and select indigenous leaders, often urban-educated nationalists, to sustain post-independence order. In postcolonial and , such arrangements enabled counterrevolutionary parties to consolidate tax extraction and administrative capacity, fostering short-term stability in states like and Malaya by sidelining radical factions. However, they frequently marginalized broader societal groups, concentrating power among pact participants and perpetuating economic dependencies that critics later termed neocolonial. Empirical analyses indicate these pacts correlated with lower immediate conflict risks but variable long-term , as elite exclusions fueled subsequent in diverse polities.

Violent Conflicts and Partitions

While many decolonization processes proceeded through , others devolved into protracted armed conflicts, including insurgencies, guerrilla wars, and civil strife, where colonial authorities or populations resisted transfers of power. These violent episodes frequently arose from entrenched ethnic, religious, or ideological divisions, exacerbated by hasty withdrawals or failed power-sharing attempts, resulting in hundreds of thousands to millions of and massive displacements. Partitions were sometimes imposed as solutions to irreconcilable communal tensions, but they often triggered immediate massacres and migrations rather than resolution. The partition of British India in August 1947 exemplifies how decolonization intersected with communal violence to produce catastrophe. Facing irreconcilable demands from Hindu-majority and Muslim League leaders for a unified versus separate states, British authorities under Lord Mountbatten accelerated the division into the Dominion of India and (including present-day ), drawing borders via the amid inadequate preparation. This triggered widespread riots, mass killings, and forced migrations between and , with estimates of 200,000 to 2 million deaths from sectarian massacres, disease, and starvation, alongside 14 to 15 million people displaced in one of history's largest short-term migrations. The haste of the British exit, combined with pre-existing Hindu-Muslim animosities inflamed by decades of separate electorates and mobilization, directly fueled the anarchy, as local authorities collapsed and militias filled the vacuum. In , the National Liberation Front (FLN) launched a guerrilla campaign in November 1954 against 130 years of colonial rule, escalating into full-scale war by 1956 with urban bombings, rural ambushes, and French counterinsurgency tactics including mass internment and torture. The conflict pitted a determined nationalist movement, drawing on Arab-Berber grievances over land expropriation and inequality, against a French government viewing as integral territory with a million European settlers. Casualties remain disputed, with Algerian estimates at 1.5 million dead (mostly civilians from reprisals and famine) and French figures around 300,000 to 500,000; French military losses exceeded 25,000. The war ended with the Evian Accords in March 1962, granting independence after a 1962 , but not before mass settler exodus and FLN purges deepened societal scars. Similar dynamics marked the from 1945 to 1949, where Sukarno's proclamation of independence on August 17, 1945, after Japanese surrender, met Dutch attempts to reassert control via military expeditions. Republican forces, blending regular troops and militias, waged across and , sinking Dutch ships and ambushing convoys, while international pressure—particularly from the U.S. and UN—tilted against the . Indonesian military deaths reached approximately 100,000, with Dutch forces suffering 4,585 fatalities and up to 30,000 civilian losses amid atrocities on both sides. Sovereignty transfer occurred December 27, 1949, without formal partition, though regional federal experiments failed, leading to unitary consolidation. Portugal's Colonial War (1961–1974) spanned Angola, Mozambique, and Guinea-Bissau, initiated by uprisings like the FNLA's March 1961 attacks in and MPLA/FRELIMO/PAIGC guerrillas exploiting rural grievances over forced labor and taxation. The Estado Novo regime committed over 100,000 troops in a draining , but mounting casualties (around 9,000 Portuguese dead) and economic strain fueled domestic dissent, culminating in the April 1974 coup. Independence followed rapidly, without partitions, but unleashed civil wars in and as rival factions vied for control. In British Kenya, the Mau Mau Uprising (1952–1960) saw Kikuyu, Embu, and Meru rebels target white settlers and loyalist Africans in a bid to end land alienation, prompting a with mass detentions (over 80,000) and village relocations. Official tallies record 11,000 Mau Mau killed in combat plus 1,090 executions, but historians estimate total excess deaths at 30,000 to 60,000, including from disease in camps. The rebellion's suppression accelerated reforms, yielding independence in 1963 under , though without partition despite ethnic tensions. These cases illustrate how violence, while extracting independence, often entrenched authoritarianism and conflict legacies, as colonial-era divides persisted post-sovereignty.

International Interventions and Frameworks

The United Nations Charter, adopted on June 26, 1945, established the Trusteeship Council to supervise the administration of territories formerly under mandates and certain other colonies, aiming to promote self-government or independence through progressive development. By 1947, eleven trust territories were placed under this system, primarily administered by former colonial powers like the , , and , with oversight including annual reports and petitions from inhabitants. This framework facilitated the independence of territories such as in 1960 and in 1968, though critics noted its limited enforcement power against administering authorities resistant to rapid change. A pivotal advancement came with United Nations General Assembly Resolution 1514 (XV), adopted on December 14, 1960, which declared that "all peoples have the right to " and that subjection to alien domination constituted a denial of fundamental , urging immediate steps toward without preconditions. This non-binding , supported by 89 votes with nine abstentions, marked a normative shift by condemning as incompatible with UN principles and establishing the (Committee of 24) in 1961 to monitor progress and recommend actions. It influenced over 80 countries gaining between 1960 and 1975, though implementation varied, as European powers like and the often delayed compliance citing internal stability concerns. During the , and Soviet interventions shaped decolonization trajectories through diplomatic pressure, economic aid, and proxy support, often prioritizing geopolitical alliances over unilateral colonial retention. The U.S., while rhetorically backing via the 1941 Atlantic Charter's legacy, conditioned support on anti-communist outcomes, as in pressuring the to concede in 1949 and opposing French recolonization efforts post-Dien Bien Phu in 1954. The provided material and ideological backing to liberation movements, such as arms to Algerian nationalists from 1954 onward and for African insurgents, framing decolonization as anti-imperialist class struggle to expand influence in newly independent states. These interventions accelerated endings in cases like British withdrawal from in 1957 amid U.S. economic leverage, but prolonged conflicts in and through 1975 by fueling civil wars post-independence. The contributed through advisory opinions reinforcing decolonization norms, notably in 1971 declaring South Africa's occupation of illegal and affirming the territory's right to under UN auspices, which pressured eventual in 1990. Similarly, UN Security Council resolutions, such as 2145 (1966) terminating South Africa's mandate over , exemplified collective intervention, though veto powers limited action against permanent members' colonies. These frameworks, while advancing legal precedents, faced challenges from great-power rivalries, where interventions prioritized strategic containment over consistent application of principles.

Transformative Processes

State-Building Institutions

![World Map showing age of governments][float-right] Decolonization frequently transferred to states with rudimentary administrative structures inherited from colonial administrations, which prioritized resource extraction over inclusive or local capacity development. These institutions often lacked broad legitimacy, featuring centralized bureaucracies controlled by expatriates and minimal investment in indigenous civil services. Post-independence leaders grappled with establishing effective judiciaries, legislatures, and security apparatuses amid ethnic fragmentation and economic vulnerabilities, frequently resulting in elite pacts that entrenched networks rather than merit-based systems. Efforts to build state institutions included adopting constitutions modeled on metropolitan systems, such as parliamentary democracies in British colonies or centralized republics in French ones, but implementation faltered due to insufficient trained personnel and fiscal constraints. In , where artificial borders amalgamated diverse groups without fostering unifying institutions, post-1950 independence saw over 214 coup attempts, with at least 106 succeeding, underscoring pervasive instability in nascent militaries and executives. experienced similar upheavals, though some states like sustained constitutional continuity from 1950 onward through federal structures accommodating regional diversity, while others devolved into . Successes were rare and often tied to pre-existing social cohesion or resource windfalls managed prudently; , independent since 1966, exemplified effective institution-building by institutionalizing diamond revenue transparency and maintaining democratic elections without coups, contrasting with neighbors plagued by . The aided technical assistance in the 1950s-1960s, promoting models, yet many interventions overlooked local agency, perpetuating dependency. Empirical analyses reveal that colonial legacies of dual economies—modern enclaves alongside subsistence sectors—hindered unified fiscal institutions, fostering inequality and that undermined long-term viability. Persistent challenges included judicial politicization and military , with accounting for nearly half of global coups since 1950, driven by weak rule-of-law frameworks unable to constrain power abuses. While some scholarship attributes failures solely to extractive colonial origins, causal factors also encompass post-independence policy choices, such as nationalizations without compensatory institutions, amplifying governance deficits. Overall, state-building outcomes varied by colonial power—British sometimes yielding adaptable local elites, versus French assimilation leaving shallower roots—but internal leadership and ethnic accommodation proved decisive.

Nation-Building and Cultural Policies

Post-colonial leaders pursued through deliberate efforts to construct unified national identities amid ethnic, linguistic, and cultural fragmentation inherited from arbitrary colonial boundaries. These initiatives often emphasized shared histories, symbols like flags and anthems, and state-controlled narratives to transcend tribal or regional loyalties, as seen in Indonesia's adoption of Pancasila in as a state ideology promoting monotheism, humanitarianism, unity, democracy, and social justice to bind over 300 ethnic groups. In , under from promoted socialism and as a , elevating it from a coastal trade language to official status by to foster cross-ethnic solidarity, which initially reduced tribal divisions but later strained under economic failures. Such policies reflected causal pressures from pre-colonial primordial attachments, where colonial divide-and-rule exacerbated divisions, making artificial states vulnerable to elite pacts that prioritized power consolidation over genuine cohesion. Cultural policies frequently targeted language and education as levers for integration, with many regimes retaining colonial tongues—English in or French in —for administrative efficiency and elite access, despite alienating rural majorities. In , the 1950 Constitution scheduled 22 languages for official recognition, averting immediate secessionist threats but fueling regional agitations, such as the 1960s anti-Hindi riots in that compelled a in schools. African states like shifted to English and in education post-1963, but persistent vernacular preferences hindered rates, which averaged below 50% by the 1980s in many nations, undermining national curricula designed to instill . Revivalist efforts, such as cultural festivals or indigenization of history textbooks, aimed to purge colonial narratives but often served authoritarian agendas, as in Mobutu Sese Seko's 1971 Authenticity campaign in , which mandated African names and dress yet failed to mitigate corruption-fueled fragmentation. Empirical patterns reveal high failure rates, with over 50 civil wars in alone since 1960 linked to unaddressed ethnic cleavages, as colonial borders ignored anthropological realities, concentrating power in capital-centric elites disconnected from peripheries. In , partition-induced policies like Pakistan's 1956 imposition of sparked Bengali resentment, culminating in the 1971 secession of after 3 million deaths. Authoritarian enforcement—via one-party states in 80% of sub-Saharan independences by 1970—suppressed dissent but bred , where loyalty trumped merit, eroding institutions and inviting coups, as in 200 African attempts between 1960 and 2000. Successes were rare and preconditioned on pre-existing cohesion or economic buffers, contrasting with pervasive instability where constructed nations crumbled under primordial pressures, validating critiques that rushed decolonization overlooked causal prerequisites for viable polities.

Economic Reorientations and Resource Management

Following independence, many former colonies pursued economic reorientations aimed at reducing dependence on metropolitan powers through state-directed policies such as (ISI), which prioritized domestic manufacturing over export agriculture and raw materials extraction. ISI involved high tariffs, subsidies for local industries, and exchange controls to foster infant industries, as implemented in countries like after 1947 and numerous African states post-1960. However, empirical evidence indicates these strategies often resulted in inefficiencies, including overvalued currencies that discouraged exports, fiscal deficits from subsidies, and in protected sectors, contributing to balance-of-payments crises by the and . Resource management shifted toward to assert sovereignty over commodities that had fueled colonial economies, such as minerals in and in the . In , the government nationalized copper mines in 1969, initially boosting state revenues to 50% of GDP by the mid-1970s, but mismanagement and falling global prices led to production declines from 800,000 tons in 1970 to under 300,000 tons by 1990, exacerbating debt accumulation. Similarly, in , nationalization via the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation in 1977 captured rents but fostered patronage politics and the "," where oil dependency correlated with manufacturing's share of GDP falling from 8% in 1970 to 4% by 2000 amid volatility and corruption. Land reforms exemplified reorientations in agrarian economies, with states like under Nasser expropriating large holdings post-1952 to redistribute to smallholders, increasing agricultural output initially but fragmenting holdings into uneconomically small plots averaging under 1 by the , which reduced productivity and spurred rural-urban migration. In , average GDP per capita stagnated or declined post-independence; for instance, from 1960 to 2000, real GDP per capita in the region grew by only 0.7% annually, compared to 2.5% in , attributable in analyses to policy distortions rather than inherited colonial structures alone. These reorientations frequently prioritized ideological goals over market incentives, leading to and skilled emigration; in after 1962, of foreign assets prompted European exodus, contracting industrial output by 20% within years. While some states like achieved resource-led growth through prudent management post-1966, yielding average annual GDP per capita increases of 7% from 1966 to 1990 via contracts with private firms, broader patterns revealed causal links between weak institutions—such as insecure property rights and elites—and sustained underperformance, challenging narratives attributing outcomes solely to pre-independence exploitation.

Empirical Outcomes

Political Stability and Governance Patterns

Post-decolonization, a predominant pattern in many former colonies has been recurrent political instability, marked by military coups, civil conflicts, and authoritarian consolidations rather than sustained democratic governance. Africa, with its wave of independences from the late 1950s to 1970s, exemplifies this: since 1950, the continent has experienced 220 coup attempts—the highest globally—with 109 successes, often leading to military juntas or hybrid regimes blending civilian facades with coercive control. Between 1960 and 1990 alone, Africa saw at least 22 successful coups per decade, frequently triggered by ethnic rivalries, resource disputes, and elite power struggles in states with artificially drawn borders lacking deep institutional roots. In Asia, while less intense, post-1945 independences yielded similar volatility, with countries like Pakistan enduring multiple coups amid feudal-military dynamics. Governance structures often devolved into personalist dictatorships or one-party systems, diverging from colonial-era administrative frameworks that, despite their , provided some bureaucratic continuity. Empirical analyses link this to colonial institutional legacies: territories with extractive or less inclusive pre-independence governance developed weaker post-colonial states, exhibiting higher fragility due to poor legitimacy, economic volatility, and internal security breakdowns. The V-Dem dataset reveals that while electoral processes sometimes preceded , post-colonial trajectories showed no uniform democratic gains, with many states reverting to autocratic patterns amid low and factional competition. By 2023, the Fragile States Index ranked numerous sub-Saharan African and Pacific post-colonies—such as , , and —among the top 10 most vulnerable globally, scoring high on indicators of elite predation, internal conflict, and demographic pressures. Stable outliers, including and (former British protectorates), adopted Westminster-style parliaments with merit-based civil services, yielding multi-party democracies and lower coup risks through diamond revenue stabilization and ethnic accommodation policies. In contrast, French-influenced spheres like parts of saw initial multiparty experiments collapse into military interventions by the 1960s, as in and , where post-2020 coups reflected persistent grievances over corruption and jihadist insurgencies. Overall, these patterns indicate that decolonization's rushed transitions frequently prioritized over institutional depth, fostering prone to unless anchored by economic rents or cohesive elites.

Economic Development Trajectories

Post-decolonization economic trajectories in former colonies have been characterized by marked underperformance relative to global averages and counterfactual scenarios of continued colonial administration or alternative institutional paths. Empirical analyses indicate that while some territories experienced initial growth accelerations due to nationalist policies or booms, the majority faced stagnation or decline, attributable to institutional reversals, expropriatory policies, and failures in . For instance, in , real GDP per capita growth averaged approximately 0.7% annually from 1960 to 2000, compared to 2.5% in over the same period, reflecting divergent institutional legacies and policy choices. Studies exploiting settler mortality rates as instruments for colonial institutional quality demonstrate that locations with extractive institutions—prevalent in tropical colonies—exhibited persistent low growth post-independence, as independence often entrenched rather than inclusive economic frameworks. In Africa, the exacerbated post-colonial economic , with resource-rich states like and the of Congo experiencing effects, where commodity exports crowded out manufacturing and fueled volatility without broad-based development. From 1960 to , GDP per capita in many African ex-colonies remained below independence-era peaks when adjusted for and , contrasting with pre-independence trajectories under colonial in and cash crops. Nationalizations and import-substitution industrialization, often modeled on Soviet or Fabian socialist paradigms, led to inefficiencies; for example, Zambia's copper sector output per capita halved post-1964 independence due to mismanagement and . Exceptions like , which maintained prudent fiscal institutions and property rights akin to colonial precedents, achieved sustained 5-7% annual growth, underscoring the causal role of continuity over decolonization per se. Asian former colonies displayed more varied outcomes, with brief Japanese-occupied territories like and leveraging post-war U.S. aid and export-oriented reforms to achieve "miracle" growth rates exceeding 7% annually from 1960-1990, building on selective colonial-era education and administrative legacies. In contrast, India's trajectory stagnated under License Raj regulations post-1947, with GDP per capita growth averaging under 2% until 1991 liberalization, as state-led displaced market signals inherited from British rule. Longer-duration British colonies in generally outperformed French or Dutch ones due to common-law traditions fostering contract enforcement, though overall post-colonial lagged Western Europe until policy shifts emphasized property rights over redistribution. Latin American states, decolonized earlier in the 19th century, provide a longer-run lens: GDP per capita growth averaged 1.5-2% from 1820-1950 but decelerated post-1930s import-substitution, with and crises in the eroding gains in countries like , where per capita income fell from 70% of U.S. levels in 1900 to 25% by 2000. Resource-dependent economies suffered volatility, mirroring African patterns, while institutional analyses link poorer outcomes to Iberian civil-law traditions prone to executive over checks inherited from colonial viceregal systems. Cross-regional regressions confirm that colonial duration positively correlates with post-independence growth in a sample of 63 ex-colonies (1961-1990), as longer exposure facilitated human capital accumulation and legal transplants, challenging narratives of uniform colonial drain. Ultimately, trajectories hinged on post-independence institutional fidelity to inclusive economic rules rather than alone, with extractive post-colonial elites perpetuating low and equilibria.

Social and Demographic Shifts

Decolonization precipitated rapid across colonies, primarily through sustained high rates amid declining mortality from imported technologies and measures initiated under colonial rule. In sub-Saharan Africa, rates averaged 2.5-3% from to , far exceeding the global average, as death rates fell due to vaccinations and improvements while birth rates remained above 6 children per woman until the late . This demographic surge, from approximately 227 million in to over 1 billion by 2010, strained nascent state infrastructures and agricultural systems, exacerbating resource scarcity in countries like and . Urbanization accelerated dramatically post-independence, driven by rural-to-urban migration seeking economic opportunities amid faltering rural economies and land pressures from population booms. Africa's urban population share rose from 14.5% in 1950 to 28% by 2000, with projections exceeding 50% by 2025, leading to the proliferation of informal settlements and slums in cities like and . In India following 1947 partition, urban growth compounded by refugee influxes from rural areas and cross-border displacements pushed Mumbai's population from 3 million in 1951 to over 12 million by 1991, fostering overcrowded megacities with inadequate services. This shift disrupted traditional agrarian social structures, increasing female-headed households in rural zones as male labor migrated, and contributed to with emerging urban elites juxtaposed against expanding underclasses. Repatriation of European settlers and minority groups altered ethnic compositions, often amid violence or policy-induced expulsions. In Algeria, over 1 million French pieds-noirs fled to after in 1962, reducing the European population from 10% to near zero and homogenizing the demographic toward Arab-Berber majorities. Similar outflows occurred in Portuguese Africa, with 500,000 settlers leaving and by 1975, creating power vacuums filled by ethnic majorities but sparking civil conflicts over resource control. In , the 1947 India-Pakistan partition displaced 14-18 million people along religious lines, reshaping ethnic majorities—Hindus and to , to —and entrenching communal tensions that persisted. Arbitrary colonial borders, retained post-independence, amplified ethnic fractionalization; in , 80% of boundaries ignored pre-colonial ethnic distributions, fueling post-colonial conflicts in and where Hutu-Tutsi or Arab-African divides intensified, leading to demographic upheavals via and displacement. These shifts were compounded by internal migrations and refugee flows triggered by political instability and economic dislocations. Post-independence saw intra-continental refugee numbers swell from negligible levels to millions by the , as conflicts in and displaced ethnic groups across porous borders. Fertility patterns varied by colonial legacy; former British and French colonies exhibited higher post-independence fertility persistence due to delayed adoption compared to settler-heavy regions, with total fertility rates in places like remaining above 6 into the . Overall, these dynamics yielded younger, more mobile populations but often at the cost of social cohesion, with rapid growth outpacing institutional capacity and contributing to persistent cycles.

Criticisms and Counter-Narratives

Shortcomings of Rushed Independence

The abrupt transition to independence in numerous African territories during the early 1960s, often driven by international pressures and minimal preparatory institution-building by departing colonial powers, frequently precipitated governance breakdowns and institutional fragility. In the , for instance, independence was granted on June 30, 1960, following scant investment in local administrative capacity; the territory possessed fewer than 30 university graduates and no Congolese officers above the rank of sergeant in its security forces at handover. Within days, on July 5, the Force Publique army mutinied, sparking widespread violence, the secession of mineral-rich Katanga and provinces, and the descent into civil conflict that culminated in the assassination of Prime Minister on January 17, 1961, amid interventions. This rapid unraveling exemplified how insufficient transfer of bureaucratic expertise and rule-of-law frameworks left nascent states vulnerable to elite power struggles and ethnic fragmentation, unmitigated by colonial-era coercive stability. Similar patterns emerged elsewhere, such as in , where independence in 1960 preceded ethnic tensions that erupted into the Biafran Civil War (1967–1970), killing an estimated 1–3 million and underscoring the perils of partitioning diverse populations without consolidated national institutions. Politically, these hasty processes correlated with a surge in military interventions, as weakly legitimated civilian governments proved susceptible to coups by underprepared officer corps. recorded over 200 coup attempts since the , with approximately 106 successful, averaging 20 per decade through the ; many occurred in states independent less than a decade prior, including (1963), (1964), and (1966), where post-colonial leaders like centralized power amid economic strains, inviting praetorian backlash. Such instability stemmed causally from the absence of meritocratic civil services and checks on executive overreach, which colonial administrations had imposed but new elites dismantled in favor of patronage networks, fostering cycles of authoritarianism and reversal of democratic experiments. In contrast to gradual devolutions in settler colonies like those in the British Commonwealth, rushed African independences prioritized over capacity, amplifying risks from pre-existing tribal cleavages and resource curses. Economically, the shortcomings manifested in mismanaged resource extraction and policy reversals that eroded pre-independence growth trajectories. Sub-Saharan Africa's GDP , which had risen modestly under late colonial investment in and exports, declined by over 11 percent from 1974 levels and stagnated broadly post-1960, with an average annual drop of about 0.7 percent through the 1990s amid nationalizations and import-substitution failures. In , for example, independence in 1964 led to copper mine nationalizations by 1969, which halved output within a due to unskilled management and falling global prices, transforming a high-growth economy into one reliant on . Hasty policies in multiple states similarly squandered potential by prioritizing political control over technical continuity, resulting in , skill shortages, and dependency on volatile commodities without diversified bases—outcomes exacerbated by the lack of phased economic handover mechanisms. These patterns highlight how precipitous exits neglected the causal prerequisites for self-sustaining development, such as human capital accumulation and market-oriented reforms.

Persistent Instability and Failed States

Post-decolonization, many newly independent states, particularly in and parts of , exhibited chronic political instability characterized by recurrent coups d'état, civil conflicts, and governance breakdowns. Since 1960, alone has accounted for over 200 attempted or successful coups, representing nearly half of global instances during this period, with approximately 100 succeeding and leading to military rule or regime changes. This pattern reflects a to consolidate institutions amid ethnic divisions, arbitrary colonial borders, and of state resources, often resulting in power vacuums exploited by authoritarian leaders or . Exemplifying this, the (DRC), independent from in 1960, descended into the within months, marked by secessionist movements, assassinations, and UN intervention, evolving into decades of civil wars that have claimed millions of lives and displaced populations. Somalia, post-1960 independence from Britain and , collapsed in 1991 after the ouster of , fragmenting into clan-based fiefdoms, piracy havens, and Islamist insurgencies, with no central authority regaining full control despite international efforts. Similarly, , separated from in 2011 after decades of conflict rooted in post-colonial failures, erupted in civil war by 2013, exacerbating famine and refugee crises. These cases illustrate how rushed transitions without robust left states vulnerable to internal predation and external interference. Quantitative assessments reinforce this instability: the 2023 ranks , , and the — all post-colonial entities—among the world's most fragile, scoring over 100 on a 120-point scale due to factors like state legitimacy deficits, violations, and uneven development. Empirical analyses link higher fragility risks to certain colonial legacies, such as French and Portuguese rule fostering extractive bureaucracies, contrasted with relatively lower risks under British or Spanish administration that emphasized or legal continuity. However, post-independence mismanagement, including resource curses in oil- or mineral-rich states like the DRC and , amplified these vulnerabilities through and networks, perpetuating cycles of over institutional . Critics of decolonization narratives argue that attributing solely to colonial exploitation overlooks agency in post-independence choices, such as suppressing opposition parties or ignoring pre-colonial social structures, which entrenched predatory . Data from governance indicators show that states with delayed or negotiated independences, like , achieved relative stability through prudent resource management, underscoring that causal factors include not just historical inheritances but failures in building inclusive political orders. Persistent failed states thus highlight the risks of premature without foundational , contributing to regional spillovers like flows and transnational .

Reassessing Colonial Legacies

Empirical research has increasingly reassessed colonial legacies, revealing that institutional frameworks established during colonial periods significantly influenced post-independence development trajectories, often more positively than traditional narratives suggest. In regions where faced low mortality rates, colonizers implemented inclusive institutions emphasizing property rights and checks on executive power, leading to sustained economic prosperity; conversely, high-mortality areas received extractive institutions focused on resource appropriation, correlating with poorer modern outcomes. This pattern, identified through instrumental variable analysis using historical settler mortality data, explains substantial variation in contemporary income levels, with institutional quality accounting for over 75% of differences in GDP across former colonies. Comparative studies of colonial administration highlight variations by imperial power, with British indirect rule—leveraging pre-existing local structures—fostering greater post-colonial stability and growth compared to French direct rule, which imposed centralized assimilation and often dismantled indigenous . Former British colonies in exhibit higher levels of democratic persistence and economic performance, attributed to legacies of decentralized authority and legal traditions that constrained arbitrary rule, whereas French colonies frequently inherited more absolutist systems prone to . These differences persist in metrics like indices and growth rates, challenging uniform depictions of colonial harm by demonstrating how administrative choices shaped enduring institutional quality. Economic data further underscores mixed legacies, with many sub-Saharan African states experiencing stagnant or declining real GDP post-independence relative to colonial endpoints, often due to policy reversals rather than inherent colonial deficits. For instance, countries like the Democratic Republic of Congo saw rapid growth under Belgian rule through and investments, only to suffer collapse after 1960 amid political instability and ; similarly, Zambia's GDP peaked around in 1964 before halving by the 1990s under state-led interventions. While extractive practices inflicted short-term costs, colonial-era advancements in , , and —such as railroads facilitating —provided foundational capital that inclusive post-colonial policies could have amplified, but frequent adoption of socialist models instead exacerbated underperformance. Scholarship counters predominant academic biases toward emphasizing exploitation by prioritizing causal evidence from natural experiments, such as island colonies where wind patterns influenced settlement intensity, revealing positive long-term effects from sustained in accessible areas. These findings imply that decolonization's rushed timelines often disrupted functional institutions without viable replacements, leading to governance failures more attributable to indigenous leadership choices than colonial inheritance. Reassessments thus advocate recognizing adaptive colonial contributions to , urging focus on replicating successful institutional transplants over rhetorical repudiation.

Ongoing and Contemporary Dimensions

Remaining Non-Self-Governing Territories

As of October 2024, the identifies 17 Non-Self-Governing Territories (NSGTs) under Chapter XI of the , territories whose populations are deemed not to have attained full self-government as recognized internationally. These include 10 under administration, 4 under the , 1 under , 1 under , and , which lacks a designated administering power amid ongoing territorial disputes between and the . The total population across these territories is under 2 million, predominantly in small island jurisdictions. Unlike the rapid decolonization wave of the mid-20th century, which removed over 80 territories from the list through or integration, no NSGT has been delisted since East Timor's transition in 2002, reflecting local preferences for maintaining ties to administering states over full sovereignty. The persistence of these territories stems from self-determination processes where residents have repeatedly opted against independence in favor of enhanced autonomy, economic integration, or free association, often citing superior living standards, security guarantees, and access to metropolitan markets and citizenship rights. For instance, in the , a 2013 saw 99.8% of voters choose to remain a British Overseas Territory, with turnout exceeding 90%, driven by concerns over Argentine claims and the benefits of defense and fiscal support. Similarly, Puerto Rico's five non-binding plebiscites since 1967 have shown independence garnering less than 5% support in recent votes, with majorities favoring either continued commonwealth status or U.S. statehood for economic stability, as the territory's GDP per capita of approximately $35,000 in 2023 exceeds that of independent neighbors like the ($10,000). In , three referendums from 2018 to 2021 resulted in majorities rejecting independence from (51.7%, 53.3%, and 96.5% "no" votes, the last amid Kanak ), preserving access to French social welfare, stability, and nickel export revenues that sustain GDP per capita at 38,000,farabovePacificindependentslike[PapuaNewGuinea](/page/PapuaNewGuinea)(38,000, far above Pacific independents like [Papua New Guinea](/page/Papua_New_Guinea) (3,000).
TerritoryAdministering PowerApproximate Population (2023)Key Recent Development
American SamoaUnited States45,000Maintains unincorporated status with U.S. citizenship but no voting rights in federal elections; economy reliant on U.S. aid and tuna canning.
AnguillaUnited Kingdom15,000High autonomy with offshore finance; 97% rejected independence in 1976 poll.
BermudaUnited Kingdom64,000World's highest GDP per capita ($114,000); tourism and reinsurance sectors thrive under British ties.
British Virgin IslandsUnited Kingdom31,000Financial services hub; post-2017 hurricane recovery aided by UK funds.
Cayman IslandsUnited Kingdom68,000Tax haven with GDP per capita $90,000; no independence movement.
Falkland IslandsUnited Kingdom3,5002013 referendum affirmed UK status; fisheries and oil prospects bolster self-sufficiency.
GibraltarUnited Kingdom32,000Strategic port; 99% voted to remain British in 2002 talks with Spain.
GuamUnited States153,000Military base hosts 6,000 U.S. troops; plebiscites favor commonwealth over independence.
MontserratUnited Kingdom5,000Volcanic recovery since 1995; UK citizenship granted post-eruption.
New CaledoniaFrance271,0002021 referendum upheld French ties; mining drives economy.
Pitcairn IslandsUnited Kingdom50Remote; population decline but UK-subsidized.
Puerto RicoUnited States3.2 million2020 vote: 52% for statehood; debt crisis resolved via U.S. oversight.
Saint Helena (incl. Ascension, Tristan da Cunha)United Kingdom5,500Airport opened 2017; UK funds sustain amid isolation.
TokelauNew Zealand1,8002006-2007 referendums fell short of 2/3 for self-gov; NZ aid essential.
Turks and Caicos IslandsUnited Kingdom45,000Tourism recovery; suspended constitution in 2009 for corruption, restored 2012.
U.S. Virgin IslandsUnited States87,000Tourism-dependent; U.S. citizenship with local governance.
Western SaharaNone (disputed)600,000Ceasefire since 1991; UN MINURSO monitors; Morocco controls 80%, Polisario 20%.
The UN's Committee of 24 continues annual reviews and visiting missions, but administering powers argue that territories exercise substantial self-rule, with elected legislatures handling internal affairs while benefiting from external defense and economic linkages that deter pursuits. This contrasts with UN resolutions urging accelerated options—independence, integration, or free association—yet empirical referenda data indicate that full separation risks economic contraction, as seen in comparative metrics where NSGTs average higher scores (e.g., 0.96 vs. regional independents around 0.75) due to institutional continuity rather than disruption. In cases like , stalled progress arises from geopolitical deadlock rather than local consensus for , with Morocco's 2023 autonomy plan rejected by Algeria-backed Polisario as insufficient for independence. Overall, these territories represent residual colonial arrangements sustained by pragmatic resident choices prioritizing prosperity over symbolic , challenging narratives of inherent colonial imposition.

Recent Initiatives and Rhetorical Decolonization

In the , formal decolonization initiatives have primarily focused on the 17 United Nations-listed Non-Self-Governing Territories (NSGTs), with ongoing monitoring by the and annual resolutions urging administering powers to facilitate referendums or negotiations. The last territory removed from the list was Timor-Leste in 2002, following its independence from , while [French Polynesia](/page/French_Polynes ia) was reinstated in 2013 amid local demands for greater autonomy. No new sovereign states have emerged from these territories since separated from in 2011 after a civil war and referendum yielding 98.83% approval for independence on July 9, 2011, though subsequent instability has marked its post-independence trajectory. A prominent recent case is , a French Pacific territory listed as an NSGT since 1986, where three referendums were held under the 1998 : in 2018, 56.4% voted against independence with 80.6% turnout; in 2020, 53.3% opposed it amid 85.6% participation; and in 2021, 96.5% rejected independence, but with only 43.9% turnout due to a by pro-independence Kanak groups citing disruptions and unresolved issues. Tensions escalated in 2024 with riots over French-proposed voting reforms excluding post-1998 migrants, highlighting persistent ethnic divisions between Kanaks (39% of population) and European-descended Caldoches, as well as economic reliance on French subsidies. Parallel to these political efforts, rhetorical decolonization has gained traction in academic, cultural, and institutional spheres, emphasizing symbolic reclamation of narratives, knowledge systems, and artifacts from colonial legacies rather than territorial . Coined in contexts critiquing metaphorical uses of the term, it involves challenges to "Eurocentric" curricula and demands, as seen in the 2015 Rhodes Must Fall campaign at the , which protested colonial-era statues and expanded to institutions calling for diversified syllabi incorporating indigenous epistemologies. Proponents argue it addresses by prioritizing non-Western perspectives, yet critics contend it often substitutes material restitution—like land return—with ideological reforms that undermine universal standards of evidence and rationality, as evidenced by limited measurable improvements in student outcomes or institutional metrics post-reform. Such initiatives have extended to museums and policy, with examples including the 2023 Benin Bronzes repatriations from institutions like the to , framed as correcting colonial looting, though debates persist over curatorial expertise and public access in origin countries with lower institutional capacities. In higher education, movements in the UK and have led to syllabus audits, such as at the University of Cambridge's 2017-2020 reviews, but empirical assessments show uneven and potential reinforcement of identity-based divisions over substantive historical , reflecting broader tensions between symbolic gestures and causal factors in post-colonial development. These efforts, while amplifying marginalized voices, frequently overlook data on colonial-era contributions to modern GDP in former territories, prioritizing shifts amid source biases in activist scholarship.

References

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