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Etruscan civilization
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The Etruscans (/ɪˈtrʌskən/ ih-TRUS-kən) created a civilization in Etruria in ancient Italy, with a common language and culture, and formed a federation of city-states.[2] After adjacent lands had been conquered, its territory covered, at its greatest extent, roughly what is now Tuscany, western Umbria and northern Lazio,[3][4] as well as what are now the Po Valley, Emilia-Romagna, south-eastern Lombardy, southern Veneto and western Campania.[5][6]
Key Information
A large body of literature has flourished on the origins of the Etruscans, but the consensus among modern scholars is that the Etruscans were an indigenous population.[7][8][9][10][11] The earliest evidence of a culture that is identifiably Etruscan dates from about 900 BC.[1] This is the period of the Iron Age Villanovan culture, considered to be the earliest phase of Etruscan civilization,[12][13][14][15][16] which itself developed from the previous late Bronze Age Proto-Villanovan culture in the same region,[17] part of the central European Urnfield culture system. Etruscan civilization dominated Italy until it fell to the expanding Rome beginning in the late 4th century BC as a result of the Roman–Etruscan Wars;[18] Etruscans were granted Roman citizenship in 90 BC and in 27 BC the whole Etruscan territory was incorporated into the newly established Roman Empire.[1]
The territorial extent of Etruscan civilization reached its maximum around 500 BC, shortly after the Roman Kingdom became the Roman Republic. Its culture flourished in three confederacies of cities: that of Etruria (Tuscany, Latium and Umbria), that of the Po Valley with the eastern Alps, and that of Campania.[19][20] The league in northern Italy is mentioned in Livy.[21][22][23] The reduction in Etruscan territory was gradual, but after 500 BC the political balance of power on the Italian peninsula shifted away from the Etruscans in favor of the rising Roman Republic.[24]
The earliest known examples of Etruscan writing are inscriptions found in southern Etruria that date to around 700 BC.[18][25] The Etruscans developed a system of writing derived from the Euboean alphabet, which was used in the Magna Graecia coastal areas in Southern Italy. The Etruscan language remains only partly understood, making modern understanding of their society and culture heavily dependent on much later and generally disapproving Roman and Greek sources. In the Etruscan political system authority resided in its individual small cities and probably in its prominent individual families. At the height of Etruscan power, elite Etruscan families grew very rich through trade with the Celts to the north and the Greeks to the south, and they filled their large family tombs with imported luxuries.[26][27]
Legend and history
[edit]Ethnonym and etymology
[edit]
Etruscan: Tular Rasnal
English: Boundary of the People
According to Dionysius of Halicarnassus the Etruscans called themselves Rasenna (Greek Ῥασέννα), a stem from the Etruscan Rasna (𐌛𐌀𐌔𐌍𐌀), the people. Evidence of inscriptions as Tular Rasnal (𐌕𐌖𐌋𐌀𐌛 𐌛𐌀𐌔𐌍𐌀𐌋), "boundary of the people", or Mechlum Rasnal (𐌌𐌄𐌙𐌋 𐌛𐌀𐌔𐌍𐌀𐌋). "community of the people", attest to its autonym usage. The Tyrsenian etymology, however, remains unknown.[28][29][30]
In Attic Greek the Etruscans were known as Tyrrhenians (Τυρρηνοί, Tyrrhēnoi, earlier Τυρσηνοί Tyrsēnoi),[31] from which the Romans derived the names Tyrrhēnī, Tyrrhēnia (Etruria),[32] and Mare Tyrrhēnum (Tyrrhenian Sea).[33]
The ancient Romans referred to the Etruscans as the Tuscī or Etruscī (singular Tuscus).[34][35][36] Their Roman name is the origin of the terms Toscana, which refers to their heartland, and Etruria, which can refer to their wider region. The term Tusci is thought by linguists to have been the Umbrian word for Etruscan, based on an inscription on an ancient bronze tablet from a nearby region.[37] The inscription contains the phrase turskum ... nomen, literally 'the Tuscan name'. Based on a knowledge of Umbrian grammar, linguists can infer that the base form of the word turskum is *Tursci,[38] which would, through metathesis and a word-initial epenthesis, be likely to lead to the form, E-trus-ci.[39]
As for the original meaning of the root, *Turs-, a widely cited hypothesis is that it, like the Latin turris, means 'tower' and comes from the ancient Greek word for tower: τύρσις,[40][41] likely a loan into Greek. On this hypothesis, the Tusci were called the 'people who build towers"[40] or "the tower builders".[42] This proposed etymology is made the more plausible because the Etruscans preferred to build their towns on high precipices reinforced by walls. Alternatively, Giuliano and Larissa Bonfante have speculated that Etruscan houses may have seemed like towers to the simple Latins.[43] The proposed etymology has a long history, Dionysius of Halicarnassus having observed in the first century BC, "[T]here is no reason that the Greeks should not have called [the Etruscans] by this name, both from their living in towers and from the name of one of their rulers."[44] In his recent Etymological Dictionary of Greek, Robert Beekes claims the Greek word is a "loanword from a Mediterranean language", a hypothesis that goes back to an article by Paul Kretschmer in Glotta from 1934.[45][46]
Origins
[edit]Ancient sources
[edit]



Literary and historical texts in the Etruscan language have not survived, and the language itself is only partially understood by modern scholars. This makes modern understanding of their society and culture heavily dependent on much later and generally disapproving Roman and Greek sources. These ancient writers differed in their theories about the origin of the Etruscan people. Some suggested they were Pelasgians who had migrated there from Greece. Others maintained that they were indigenous to central Italy.
The first Greek author to mention the Etruscans, whom the Ancient Greeks called Tyrrhenians, was the 8th-century BC poet Hesiod in his work the Theogony. He mentioned them as residing in central Italy alongside the Latins.[48] The 7th-century BC Homeric Hymn to Dionysus[49] referred to them as pirates.[50] Unlike later Greek authors, these authors did not suggest that Etruscans had migrated to Italy from the east and did not associate them with the Pelasgians.
It was only in the 5th century BC, when the Etruscan civilization had been established for several centuries, that Greek writers started associating the name "Tyrrhenians" with the "Pelasgians", and even then some did so in a way that suggests they were meant only as generic, descriptive labels for "non-Greek" and "indigenous ancestors of Greeks" respectively.[51] The 5th-century BC historians Herodotus,[52] and Thucydides[53] and the 1st-century BC historian Strabo,[54] did seem to suggest that the Tyrrhenians were originally Pelasgians who migrated to Italy from Lydia by way of the Greek island of Lemnos. They all described Lemnos as having been settled by Pelasgians, whom Thucydides identified as "belonging to the Tyrrhenians" (τὸ δὲ πλεῖστον Πελασγικόν, τῶν καὶ Λῆμνόν ποτε καὶ Ἀθήνας Τυρσηνῶν). As Strabo and Herodotus told it,[55] the migration to Lemnos was led by Tyrrhenus / Tyrsenos, the son of Atys (who was king of Lydia). Strabo[54] added that the Pelasgians of Lemnos and Imbros then followed Tyrrhenus to the Italian Peninsula. According to the logographer Hellanicus of Lesbos, there was a Pelasgian migration from Thessaly in Greece to the Italian peninsula, as part of which the Pelasgians colonized the area he called Tyrrhenia, and they then came to be called Tyrrhenians.[56]
There is some evidence suggesting a link between Lemnos and the Tyrrhenians. The Lemnos stele bears inscriptions in a language with strong structural resemblances to the language of the Etruscans.[57] The discovery of these inscriptions in modern times has led to the suggestion of a "Tyrrhenian language group" consisting of Etruscan, Lemnian, and the Raetic spoken in the Alps.
Τhis is aligned with the famous and largely debated testimony of Herodotus: "The emigrants went down to Smyrna and built ships, and sailed away in search of a livelihood. After passing many nations, they came to the land of the Ombricans, where they built cities and have lived ever since. They no longer called themselves Lydians, but after the name of the king's son who led them out, they called themselves Tyrrhenians." (Herodotus)
Herodotus also mentions the existence of a tribe called Tyrsenioi/Tyrrhenoi in Central Macedonia: ''"based on the Pelasgians, who even now dwell above the Tyrrhenians in the city of Creston and who were once neighbors of those now called Dorians (for at that time the Pelasgians inhabited the land which is now called Thessaliotis)." By this Herodotus refers to Creston, a city/region in Macedonia, and that Pelasgians are residing above the Tyrsinoi that are known by Thucydides to dwell in the Athos Peninshula (Acte).
In Acte were settled barbarian peoples, mixed and bilingual, and a small number of Chalcidians; but the greater part were Pelasgians Tyrrhenians from Lemnos and Athens, alongside Visaltai, Kristones, and Idones. (Thucydides)
But the 1st-century BC historian Dionysius of Halicarnassus, a Greek living in Rome, dismissed many of the ancient theories of other Greek historians and postulated that the Etruscans were indigenous people who had always lived in Etruria and were different from both the Pelasgians and the Lydians.[58] Dionysius noted that the 5th-century historian Xanthus of Lydia, who was originally from Sardis and was regarded as an important source and authority for the history of Lydia, never suggested a Lydian origin of the Etruscans and never named Tyrrhenus as a ruler of the Lydians.[58]
For this reason, therefore, I am persuaded that the Pelasgians are a different people from the Tyrrhenians. And I do not believe, either, that the Tyrrhenians were a colony of the Lydians; for they do not use the same language as the latter, nor can it be alleged that, though they no longer speak a similar tongue, they still retain some other indications of their mother country. For they neither worship the same gods as the Lydians nor make use of similar laws or institutions, but in these very respects they differ more from the Lydians than from the Pelasgians. Indeed, those probably come nearest to the truth who declare that the nation migrated from nowhere else, but was native to the country, since it is found to be a very ancient nation and to agree with no other either in its language or in its manner of living.
The credibility of Dionysius of Halicarnassus is arguably bolstered by the fact that he was the first ancient writer to report the endonym of the Etruscans: Rasenna.
The Romans, however, give them other names: from the country they once inhabited, named Etruria, they call them Etruscans, and from their knowledge of the ceremonies relating to divine worship, in which they excel others, they now call them, rather inaccurately, Tusci, but formerly, with the same accuracy as the Greeks, they called them Thyrscoï [an earlier form of Tusci]. Their own name for themselves, however, is the same as that of one of their leaders, Rasenna.
Similarly, the 1st-century BC historian Livy, in his Ab Urbe Condita Libri, said that the Rhaetians were Etruscans who had been driven into the mountains by the invading Gauls; and he asserted that the inhabitants of Raetia were of Etruscan origin.[59]
The Alpine tribes have also, no doubt, the same origin (of the Etruscans), especially the Raetians; who have been rendered so savage by the very nature of the country as to retain nothing of their ancient character save the sound of their speech, and even that is corrupted.
The first-century historian Pliny the Elder also put the Etruscans in the context of the Rhaetian people to the north, and wrote in his Natural History (AD 79):[60]
Adjoining these the (Alpine) Noricans are the Raeti and Vindelici. All are divided into a number of states. The Raeti are believed to be people of Tuscan race driven out by the Gauls, their leader was named Raetus.
Archeological evidence and modern etruscology
[edit]
The question of the Etruscans' origins has long been a subject of interest and debate among historians. In modern times, all the evidence gathered by prehistoric and protohistoric archaeologists, anthropologists, and etruscologists points to an autochthonous origin of the Etruscans.[7][8][9][10][11] There is no archaeological or linguistic evidence of a migration of the Lydians or Pelasgians into Etruria.[61][9][8][10][11] Modern etruscologists and archeologists, such as Massimo Pallottino (1947), have shown that early historians' assumptions and assertions on the subject were groundless.[62] In 2000, the etruscologist Dominique Briquel explained in detail why he believes that ancient Greek narratives on Etruscan origins should not even count as historical documents.[63] He argues that the ancient story of the Etruscans' 'Lydian origins' was a deliberate, politically motivated fabrication, and that ancient Greeks inferred a connection between the Tyrrhenians and the Pelasgians solely on the basis of certain Greek and local traditions and because there had been trade between the Etruscans and Greeks.[64][65] He noted that, even if these stories include historical facts suggesting contact, such contact is more plausibly traceable to cultural exchange than to migration.[66]
Several archaeologists specializing in Prehistory and Protohistory who have analyzed Bronze Age and Iron Age remains that were excavated in the territory of historical Etruria have pointed out that no evidence has been found, related either to material culture or to social practices, to support a migration theory.[67] The most marked and radical change that has been archaeologically attested in the area is the adoption, starting in about the 12th century BC, of the funeral rite of incineration in terracotta urns, a Continental European practice derived from the Urnfield culture; nothing about it suggests an ethnic contribution from Asia Minor or the Near East.[67]
A 2012 survey of the previous 30 years' archaeological findings based on excavations of the major Etruscan cities showed a continuity of culture from the last phase of the Bronze Age (13th–11th century BC) to the Iron Age (10th–9th century BC). This is evidence that the Etruscan civilization, which emerged around 900 BC, was built by people whose ancestors had inhabited that region for at least the previous 200 years.[68] Based on this cultural continuity, there is now a consensus among archeologists that Proto-Etruscan culture developed, during the last phase of the Bronze Age, from the indigenous Proto-Villanovan culture and that the subsequent Iron Age Villanovan culture is most accurately described as an early phase of the Etruscan civilization.[17] It is possible that there were contacts between northern-central Italy and the Mycenaean world at the end of the Bronze Age, but contacts between the inhabitants of Etruria and inhabitants of Greece, Aegean Sea Islands, Asia Minor, and the Near East are attested only centuries later, when Etruscan civilization was already flourishing and Etruscan ethnogenesis was well established. The first of these attested contacts relate to the Greek colonies in Southern Italy and Phoenician-Punic colonies in Sardinia, and the consequent orientalizing period.[69]
One of the most common mistakes for a long time, even among some scholars of the past, has been to associate the later Orientalizing period of Etruscan civilization with the question of its origins. Orientalization was an artistic and cultural phenomenon that spread among the Greeks themselves and throughout much of the central and western Mediterranean, not only in Etruria.[70] The Etruscan orientalizing period was due, as has been amply demonstrated by archeologists, to contacts with the Greeks and the Eastern Mediterranean and not to mass migrations.[71] The facial features (the profile, almond-shaped eyes, large nose) in the frescoes and sculptures and the depiction of reddish-brown men and light-skinned women, influenced by archaic Greek art, followed the artistic traditions from the Eastern Mediterranean that had spread even among the Greeks themselves, and to a lesser extent also to several other civilizations in the central and western Mediterranean up to the Iberian Peninsula. Actually, many of the tombs of the Late Orientalizing and Archaic periods, such as the Tomb of the Augurs, the Tomb of the Triclinium and the Tomb of the Leopards, as well as other tombs from the archaic period in the Monterozzi necropolis in Tarquinia, were painted by Greek painters or at least foreign artists. These images have, therefore, a very limited value for a realistic representation of the Etruscan population.[72] It was only from the end of the 4th century BC that evidence of physiognomic portraits began to be found in Etruscan art and Etruscan portraiture became more realistic.[73]
Archeogenetics
[edit]There have been numerous biological studies on the Etruscan origins, the oldest of which dates to the 1950s, when research was still based on blood tests of modern samples and DNA analysis (including the analysis of ancient samples) was not yet possible.[74][75][76] Only very recently, with the development of archaeogenetics, have comprehensive studies containing the whole genome sequencing of Etruscan samples been published, including autosomal DNA and Y-DNA, autosomal DNA being the "most valuable to understand what really happened in an individual's history", as stated by geneticist David Reich, whereas previously studies were based only on mitochondrial DNA analysis, which contains less and limited information.[77]
An archeogenetic study focusing on Etruscan origins was published in September 2021 in the journal Science Advances and analyzed the autosomal DNA and the uniparental markers (Y-DNA and mtDNA) of 48 Iron Age individuals from Tuscany and Lazio, spanning from 800 to 1 BC and concluded that the Etruscans were autochthonous (locally indigenous) and had a genetic profile similar to their Latin neighbors. In the Etruscan individuals the ancestral component Steppe was present in the same percentages as those found in the previously analyzed Iron Age Latins, and the Etruscan DNA bore no trace of recent admixture with Anatolia and the Eastern Mediterranean. Both Etruscans and Latins were firmly part of the European cluster, west of modern Italians. The Etruscans were a mixture of WHG, EEF and Steppe ancestry; 75% of the Etruscan male individuals were found to belong to haplogroup R1b (R1b M269), especially its clade R1b-P312 and its derivative R1b-L2, whose direct ancestor is R1b-U152, whilst the most common mitochondrial DNA haplogroup among the Etruscans was H.[78]
The conclusions of the 2021 study are in line with a 2019 study published in the journal Science that analyzed the remains of eleven Iron Age individuals from the areas around Rome, of whom four were Etruscan, one buried in Veio Grotta Gramiccia from the Villanovan era (900-800 BC) and three buried in La Mattonara Necropolis near Civitavecchia from the Orientalizing period (700-600 BC). The study concluded that Etruscans (900–600 BC) and the Latins (900–500 BC) from Latium vetus were genetically similar,[79] with genetic differences between the examined Etruscans and Latins found to be insignificant.[80] The Etruscan individuals and contemporary Latins were distinguished from preceding populations of Italy by the presence of c. 30% steppe ancestry.[81] Their DNA was a mixture of two-thirds Copper Age ancestry (EEF + WHG; Etruscans ~66–72%, Latins ~62–75%) and one-third Steppe-related ancestry (Etruscans ~27–33%, Latins ~24–37%).[79] The only sample of Y-DNA belonged to haplogroup J-M12 (J2b-L283), found in an individual dated 700-600 BC, and carried the M314 derived allele also found in a Middle Bronze Age individual from Croatia (1631–1531 BC). The four samples of mtDNA extracted belonged to haplogroups U5a1, H, T2b32, K1a4.[82]
Among the older studies, based only on mitochondrial DNA, a mtDNA study, published in 2018 in the American Journal of Physical Anthropology compared both ancient and modern samples from Tuscany, from Prehistory, the Etruscan age, Roman age, Renaissance and the present day and concluded that the Etruscans appear to be a local population, intermediate between the prehistoric and the other samples, placing them in the temporal network between the Eneolithic Age and the Roman Age.[83]
A couple of mitochondrial DNA studies published in 2013 in the journals PLOS One and American Journal of Physical Anthropology, based on Etruscan samples from Tuscany and Latium, concluded that the Etruscans were an indigenous population, showing that Etruscan mtDNA appears to be very close to a Neolithic population from Central Europe (Germany, Austria, Hungary) and to other Tuscan populations, strongly suggesting that the Etruscan civilization developed locally from the Villanovan culture, as supported by archaeological evidence and anthropological research,[17][84] and that genetic links between Tuscany and western Anatolia date to at least 5,000 years ago during the Neolithic and the "most likely separation time between Tuscany and Western Anatolia falls around 7,600 years ago", at the time of the migrations of Early European Farmers (EEF) from Anatolia to Europe in the early Neolithic. The ancient Etruscan samples had mitochondrial DNA haplogroups (mtDNA) JT (subclades of J and T) and U5, with a minority of mtDNA H1b.[85][86]
An mtDNA study published in 2004, based on about 28 samples of individuals who lived from 600 to 100 BC in Veneto, Etruria and Campania, found that the Etruscans had no significant heterogeneity and that all mitochondrial lineages observed among the Etruscan samples appear typically European or West Asian but only a few haplotypes were shared with modern populations. Allele sharing between the Etruscans and modern populations is highest among Germans (seven haplotypes in common), the Cornish from the South West of Britain (five haplotypes in common), the Turks (four haplotypes in common) and the Tuscans (two haplotypes in common).[87] The modern populations with the shortest genetic distance from the ancient Etruscans, based solely on mtDNA and FST, were Tuscans followed by the Turks, other populations from the Mediterranean and the Cornish after.[87] This study was much criticized by other geneticists, because "data represent severely damaged or partly contaminated mtDNA sequences" and "any comparison with modern population data must be considered quite hazardous",[88][89][90] and by archaeologists, who argued that the study was not clear-cut and had not provided evidence that the Etruscans were an intrusive population to the European context.[76][75]
In the collective volume Etruscology published in 2017, British archeologist Phil Perkins, echoing an article of his from 2009, provides an analysis of the state of DNA studies and writes, "none of the DNA studies to date conclusively prove that [the] Etruscans were an intrusive population in Italy that originated in the Eastern Mediterranean or Anatolia" and "there are indications that the evidence of DNA can support the theory that Etruscan people are autochthonous in central Italy".[75][76]
In his 2021 book A Short History of Humanity, German geneticist Johannes Krause, codirector of the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology in Jena, concludes that it is likely that the Etruscan language (as well as Basque, Paleo-Sardinian and Minoan) "developed on the continent in the course of the Neolithic Revolution".[91]
Periodization of Etruscan civilization
[edit]The Etruscan civilization begins with the early Iron Age Villanovan culture, regarded as the oldest phase, that occupied a large area of northern and central Italy during the Iron Age.[12][13][14][15][16] The Etruscans themselves dated their nation's origin to a date corresponding to the 11th or 10th century BC.[13][92] The Villanovan culture emerges with the phenomenon of regionalization from the late Bronze Age culture called "Proto-Villanovan", part of the central European Urnfield culture system. In the last Villanovan phase, called the recent phase (about 770–730 BC), the Etruscans established relations of a certain consistency with the first Greek immigrants in southern Italy (in Pithecusa and then in Cuma), so much so as to initially absorb techniques and figurative models and soon more properly cultural models, with the introduction, for example, of writing, of a new way of banqueting, of a heroic funerary ideology, that is, a new aristocratic way of life, such as to profoundly change the physiognomy of Etruscan society.[92] Thus, thanks to the growing number of contacts with the Greeks, the Etruscans entered what is called the orientalizing period. In this phase, there was a heavy influence in Greece, most of Italy and some areas of Spain, from the most advanced areas of the eastern Mediterranean and the ancient Near East.[93] Also directly Phoenician, or otherwise Near Eastern, craftsmen, merchants and artists contributed to the spread in southern Europe of Near Eastern cultural and artistic motifs. The last three phases of Etruscan civilization are called, respectively, Archaic, Classical, and Hellenistic, which roughly correspond to the homonymous phases of the ancient Greek civilization.
Chronology
[edit]| Etruscan civilization (900–27 BC)[1] |
Villanovan period (900–720 BC) |
Villanovan I | 900–800 BC |
| Villanovan II | 800–720 BC | ||
| Villanovan III (Bologna area) | 720–680 BC[94] | ||
| Villanovan IV (Bologna area) | 680–540 BC[94] | ||
| Orientalizing period (720–580 BC) |
Early Orientalizing | 720–680 BC | |
| Middle Orientalizing | 680–625 BC | ||
| Late Orientalizing | 625–580 BC | ||
| Archaic period (580–480 BC) |
Archaic | 580–480 BC | |
| Classical period (480–320 BC) |
Classical | 480–320 BC | |
| Hellenistic period (320–27 BC) |
Hellenistic | 320–27 BC |
Expansion
[edit]
Etruscan expansion was concentrated both in the north, beyond the Apennines, and in Campania, although the Etruscan presence in the Emilia-Romagna area, according to archaeologists, was not due to a recent expansion but to a much older presence. However, it is thought that the political structure of the Etruscan culture was similar to, albeit more aristocratic than, Magna Graecia in the south. The mining and commerce of metal, especially copper and iron, led to an enrichment of the Etruscans and to the expansion of their influence in the Italian peninsula and the western Mediterranean Sea. Here, their interests collided with those of the Greeks, especially in the sixth century BC, when Phocaeans of Italy founded colonies along the coast of Sardinia, Spain and Corsica. This led the Etruscans to ally themselves with Carthage, whose interests also collided with the Greeks.[95][96]
Around 540 BC, the Battle of Alalia led to a new distribution of power in the western Mediterranean. Though the battle had no clear winner, Carthage managed to expand its sphere of influence at the Greeks' expense, and Etruria saw itself relegated to the northern Tyrrhenian Sea with full ownership of Corsica. From the first half of the 5th century BC, the new political situation meant the beginning of the Etruscan decline after losing their southern provinces. In 480 BC, Etruria's ally Carthage was defeated by a coalition of Magna Graecia cities led by Syracuse, Sicily. A few years later, in 474 BC, Syracuse's tyrant Hiero defeated the Etruscans at the Battle of Cumae. Etruria's influence over the cities of Latium and Campania weakened, and the area was taken over by Romans and Samnites.
In the 4th century BC, Etruria saw a Gallic invasion end its influence over the Po Valley and the Adriatic coast. Meanwhile, Rome had started annexing Etruscan cities. This led to the loss of the northern Etruscan provinces. During the Roman–Etruscan Wars, Etruria was conquered by Rome in the 3rd century BC.[95][96]
Etruscan League
[edit]According to legend,[97] there was a period between 600 BC and 500 BC in which an alliance formed among 12 Etruscan settlements, known today as the Etruscan League, Etruscan Federation, or Dodecapolis (Ancient Greek: Δωδεκάπολις). According to a legend, the Etruscan League of 12 cities was founded by Tarchon and his brother Tyrrhenus. Tarchon lent his name to the city of Tarchna, or Tarquinnii, as it was known by the Romans. Tyrrhenus gave his name to the Tyrrhenians, the alternative name for the Etruscans. Although there is no consensus on which cities were in the league, the following list may be close to the mark: Arretium, Caisra, Clevsin, Curtun, Perusna, Pupluna, Veii, Tarchna, Vetluna, Volterra, Velzna, and Velch. Some modern authors include Rusellae.[98] The league was mostly an economic and religious league, or a loose confederation, similar to the Greek states. During the later imperial times, when Etruria was just one of many regions controlled by Rome, the number of cities in the league increased by three. This is noted on many gravestones from the 2nd century BC onwards. According to Livy, the 12 city-states met once a year at the Fanum Voltumnae at Volsinii, where a leader was chosen to represent the league.[99]
There were two other Etruscan leagues ("Lega dei popoli"): that of Campania, the main city of which was Capua, and the Po Valley city-states in northern Italy, which included Bologna, Spina and Adria.[99]
Possible founding of Rome
[edit]

Those who subscribe to a Latin foundation of Rome followed by an Etruscan invasion typically speak of an Etruscan "influence" on Roman culture – that is, cultural objects which were adopted by Rome from neighboring Etruria. The prevailing view is that Rome was founded by Latins who later merged with Etruscans. In this interpretation, Etruscan cultural objects are considered influences rather than part of a heritage.[100] Rome was probably a small settlement until the arrival of the Etruscans, who constructed the first elements of its urban infrastructure such as the drainage system.[101][102]
The main criterion for deciding whether an object originated at Rome and traveled by influence to the Etruscans, or descended to the Romans from the Etruscans, is date. Many, if not most, of the Etruscan cities were older than Rome. If one finds that a given feature was there first, it cannot have originated at Rome. A second criterion is the opinion of the ancient sources. These would indicate that certain institutions and customs came directly from the Etruscans. Rome is located on the edge of what was Etruscan territory. When Etruscan settlements turned up south of the border, it was presumed that the Etruscans spread there after the foundation of Rome, but the settlements are now known to have preceded Rome.
Etruscan settlements were frequently built on hills—the steeper the better—and surrounded by thick walls. According to Roman mythology, when Romulus and Remus founded Rome, they did so on the Palatine Hill according to Etruscan ritual; that is, they began with a pomerium or sacred ditch. Then they proceeded to the walls. Romulus was required to kill Remus when the latter jumped over the wall, breaking its magic spell (see also under Pons Sublicius). The name of Rome is attested in Etruscan in the form Ruma-χ meaning 'Roman', a form that mirrors other attested ethnonyms in that language with the same suffix -χ: Velzna-χ '(someone) from Volsinii' and Sveama-χ '(someone) from Sovana'. But this in itself does not prove Etruscan origin conclusively. If Tiberius is from θefarie, then Ruma would have been placed on the Thefar (Tiber) river. A heavily discussed topic among scholars is who was the founding population of Rome. In 390 BC, the city of Rome was attacked by the Gauls, and as a result may have lost many, though not all, of its earlier records.
Later history relates that some Etruscans lived in the Vicus Tuscus,[103] the "Etruscan quarter", and that there was an Etruscan line of kings (albeit ones descended from a Greek, Demaratus of Corinth) that succeeded kings of Latin and Sabine origin. Etruscophile historians argue that this, together with evidence for institutions, religious elements and other cultural elements, proves that Rome was founded by Etruscans.
Under Romulus and Numa Pompilius, the people were said to have been divided into 30 curiae and three tribes. Few Etruscan words entered Latin, but the names of at least two of the tribes—Ramnes and Luceres—seem to be Etruscan. The last kings may have borne the Etruscan title lucumo, while the regalia were traditionally considered of Etruscan origin—the golden crown, the sceptre, the toga palmata (a special robe), the sella curulis (curule chair), and above all the primary symbol of state power: the fasces. The latter was a bundle of whipping rods surrounding a double-bladed axe, carried by the king's lictors. An example of the fasces are the remains of bronze rods and the axe from a tomb in Etruscan Vetulonia. This allowed archaeologists to identify the depiction of a fasces on the grave stele of Avele Feluske, who is shown as a warrior wielding the fasces. The most telling Etruscan feature is the word populus, which appears as an Etruscan deity, Fufluns.
Roman families of Etruscan origin
[edit]- Ancharia gens
- Arruntia gens
- Caecinia gens
- Caelia gens
- Caesennia gens
- Ceionia gens
- Cilnia gens
- Herminia gens – Patrician
- Erucia gens
- Lartia gens – Patrician
- Perpernia gens
- Persia gens
- Rasinia gens
- Sanquinia gens
- Spurinnia gens
- Tapsennia gens
- Tarquinia gens – Patrician (?)
- Tarquitia gens – Patrician
- Urgulania gens
- Verginia gens – Patrician
- Volumnia gens – Patrician
Society
[edit]Government
[edit]
The historical Etruscans had achieved a state system of society, with remnants of the chiefdom and tribal forms. Rome was in a sense the first Italic state, but it began as an Etruscan one. It is believed that the Etruscan government style changed from total monarchy to oligarchic republic (as the Roman Republic) in the 6th century BC.[104]
The government was viewed as being a central authority, ruling over all tribal and clan organizations. It retained the power of life and death; in fact, the gorgon, an ancient symbol of that power, appears as a motif in Etruscan decoration. The adherents to this state power were united by a common religion. Political unity in Etruscan society was the city-state, which was probably the referent of methlum, "district". Etruscan texts name quite a number of magistrates, without much of a hint as to their function: The camthi, the parnich, the purth, the tamera, the macstrev, and so on. The people were the mech.
Importance of Religion in the Government
[edit]Governments in ancient Mediterranean societies were explicitly interwoven with the religious practices of the contemporary. The Etruscan King lucomo (plural: lucumones), was considered the supreme authority and under the Etruscans' theocratic governmental approach acted as the connection between god and people. The royal title was not just limited to hereditary succession but was also given due to elite lineage, divine sanction and also wealth. This prominence of divine sanction is reflective of the importance of religion in Etruscan governments and as such, all Etruscan kingship was also believed to be under divine approval and held the final word. Roman historian Titus Livius records the story of Lucomo which reflects how the divinity was revered and understood in the Etruscan era as captured by Roman historians. Lucomo was propelled by his wife Tanaquil to acquire power in Rome due to the inability to do so in Etruscan government,(Rome is considered the first Italic state) and on their journey an eagle replaced Lucomo's cap, which was interpreted as an omen from the divine of future kingship.
"That such bird had come from such a quarter of the heavens... it had lifted the ornament placed on the head of man, to restore it to the same, by direction of the gods." [105]

This notion of combined political power and religious authorities held by the kingship is reinforced by Sybille Haynes, an expert on Etruscology, described the lucomo to also be "chief priest."[106] Tombs of the royals found also are engraved with divine symbols, which can be interpreted to understand that kings in this society acted as a connection between humans and the spiritual.
While there was a transition from monarchy to oligarchic democracy, religion was deeply intertwined with Etruscan political and governmental identity, as Kings and magistrates worked to ensure peace with the gods by rituals and interpretation of the divine and their will through haruspicy and augury. The haruspices were a group of pristries who by analysis of the celestial signs and animal entrails could deduce the will of the gods. The creation of city-states as Tenney Frank argued took place due to economic and natural advantages, and also due to a need for common tribal meetings in ancient polities.[107] It allowed for a dialogue of ideas to increase communication, and desires and was headed by the zilath mechl rasnal, ("magistrate of the Etruscan people") who as modern scholars have argued functioned largely as a ceremonial leader, rather than a federal executive. Modelling a decentralised theocracy, this role further ties together the idea that Entruscan government was held through shared religious rituals and beliefs.
It is important to note that while Etruscan city states such as Tarquinia and Veii were established as politically autonomous, being centered around aristocratic rule and magistrates, international composition in these states were also considered progressive by scholars and historians. It is believed often due to the abundance of Greek and Roman sources over Etruscan ones that women were not allowed participation and enjoyment in public life, however their society was depicted to revere female gods, and women were allowed to participate in public life.[108] This reverence for female duties can be deduced to understand how gender-diverse spirituality was also an important aspect of Etruscan society.
Political religion also extended to the establishment of the twelve city-states, whose league was called "duodecim populi Etruriae." This league held assemblies annually and selected their zilath mechl rasna at the Fanun Voltumnae, the shrine of Voltuma.[109] Taking place at a sanctuary dedicated to the god Voltuma. These assemblies acted as both political conferences where military and peace talks could be held as well as religious festivals. Foreign policy, related to war, and alliances, were believed to be an outcome of the will of the gods, and discussions regarding this also took place at the yearly assemblies. Mario Torelli articulates that these asemblies served the purpose of ensuing a divine sanction for the actions decided by the collective.[110] Lastly, the importance of religion in these meetings is further emblematic by the appointment of a dictator,[111] who was chosen based on religious rituals to then hold the same supreme authority that the King had enjoyed in early Etruscan civilisation. As such, it can be envisioned that Etruscan policy and assemblies prioritised and revered divine legitimacy, the messages from gods were treated as the ultimate authority and the government's desire to maintain a strong positive relationship is prevalent.
Religion was further embedded into the urban and geographical organisations of city states, and temples became an important political feature where decisions would be made as gods would act as a tool of legitimation. Mario Torelli, an Italian scholar of the culture of Etruscans, notes the intersection of temples as a place of worship and political power, creating the ultimate intersection cultivating an environment of sacred order.[110]
Etruscan's political and governmental strategies, with their influence of religion, also left a legacy in Roman religion and statecraft. Roman annexation of Etruscan city states occurred in the 4th and 3rd century BCE, and saw the adoption of many religious-political practices. Practices such as augury and haruspicy remained especially prevalent, as Etruscan haruspices were called upon by the Roman senate reflecting the importance of religion in nation building. As much of what is known about Etruscans comes from Greek and Roman authors, due to the few written records remaining from Etruscan's, it is studied through perspectives other than their own leading to a diminished understanding of religious importance in Etruscan governance.
Family
[edit]The princely tombs were not of individuals. The inscription evidence shows that families were interred there over long periods, marking the growth of the aristocratic family as a fixed institution, parallel to the gens at Rome and perhaps even its model. The Etruscans could have used any model of the eastern Mediterranean. That the growth of this class is related to the new acquisition of wealth through trade is unquestioned. The wealthiest cities were located near the coast. At the center of the society was the married couple, tusurthir. The Etruscans were a monogamous society that emphasized pairing.
Similarly, the behavior of some wealthy women is not uniquely Etruscan. The apparent promiscuous revelry has a spiritual explanation. Swaddling and Bonfante (among others) explain that depictions of the nude embrace, or symplegma, "had the power to ward off evil", as did baring the breast, which was adopted by western culture as an apotropaic device, appearing finally on the figureheads of sailing ships as a nude female upper torso. It is also possible that Greek and Roman attitudes to the Etruscans were based on a misunderstanding of the place of women within their society. In both Greece and the earliest Republican Rome, respectable women were confined to the house and mixed-sex socialising did not occur. Thus, the freedom of women within Etruscan society could have been misunderstood as implying their sexual availability.[112] A number of Etruscan tombs carry funerary inscriptions in the form "X son of (father) and (mother)", indicating the importance of the mother's side of the family.[112]
Military
[edit]
The Etruscans, like the contemporary cultures of Ancient Greece and Ancient Rome, had a significant military tradition. In addition to marking the rank and power of certain individuals, warfare was a considerable economic advantage to Etruscan civilization. Like many ancient societies, the Etruscans conducted campaigns during summer months, raiding neighboring areas, attempting to gain territory and combating piracy as a means of acquiring valuable resources, such as land, prestige, goods, and slaves. It is likely that individuals taken in battle would be ransomed back to their families and clans at high cost. Prisoners could also potentially be sacrificed on tombs to honor fallen leaders of Etruscan society, not unlike the sacrifices made by Achilles for Patrocles.[113][114][115]
- 550 BC: Etruscan-Punic coalition against Greece off the coast of Corsica
- 540 BC: Naval victory at Alalia
- 524 BC: Defeat at Cyme against the Greeks
- 510 BC: Fall of the Etruscan kingship of Lucius Tarquinius Superbus in Rome
- 508 BC: Lars Porsena besieges Rome
- 508 BC: War between Clusium and Aricia
- 482 BC: Beginning of the conflict between Veii and Rome
- 474 BC: Defeat of the Etruscans against Syracuse in the Battle of Cyme (also Cumae)
- 430 BC 406 BC: Defeat against the Samnites in Campania
- 406 BC: Siege of Veii by Rome
- 396 BC: Destruction of Veii by Rome
- from 396 BC: Invasion of the Celts into the Po Valley
- 384 BC: Plunder of Pyrgi (Santa Severa) by Dionysius I of Syracuse
- 358 BC: Alliance of Tarquinia and Cerveteri against Rome
- 310 BC: Defeat against the Romans at Lake Vadimone
- 300 BC: Pyrgi becomes a Roman colony
- 280 BC: Defeat of Vulci against Rome
- 264 BC 100 BC: Defeat of Volsinii against Rome
- 260 BC: Subjugation by the Gauls in the Po Valley
- 205 BC: Support of Scipio in the campaign against Hannibal
- 183 BC: Foundation of the Roman colony in Saturnia
- 90 BC: Granting of Roman citizenship
- 82 BC: Repression of Sulla in Etruria
- 79 BC: Capitulation of Volterra
- from 40 BC: Final Romanization of Etruria
Cities
[edit]The range of Etruscan civilization is marked by its cities. They were entirely assimilated by Italic, Celtic, or Roman ethnic groups, but the names survive from inscriptions and their ruins are of aesthetic and historic interest in most of the cities of central Italy. Etruscan cities flourished over most of Italy during the Roman Iron Age, marking the farthest extent of Etruscan civilization. They were gradually assimilated first by Italics in the south, then by Celts in the north and finally in Etruria itself by the growing Roman Republic.[113]
That many Roman cities were formerly Etruscan was well known to all the Roman authors. Some cities were founded by Etruscans in prehistoric times, and bore entirely Etruscan names. Others were colonized by Etruscans who Etruscanized the name, usually Italic.[114]
Culture
[edit]Agriculture
[edit]The Etruscans were aware of the techniques of water accumulation and conservation in Egypt, Mesopotamia and Greece. They built canals and dams to irrigate the land, and drained and reclaimed swamps. The archaeological remains of this infrastructure are still evident in the maritime southwestern parts of Tuscany.[116]
Vite maritata is a viticulture technique exploiting companion planting named after the Maremma region of Italy which may be relevant to climate change.[117] It was developed around the area by these early predecessors of the Romans who cultivated plant as nearly as possible in their natural habitat. The vines from which wine is made are a kind of liana that naturally intertwine with trees such as maples or willows.[118]
Religion
[edit]The Etruscan system of belief was an immanent polytheism; that is, all visible phenomena were considered to be a manifestation of divine power and that power was subdivided into deities that acted continually on the world of man and could be dissuaded or persuaded in favor of human affairs. How to understand the will of deities, and how to behave, had been revealed to the Etruscans by two initiators, Tages, a childlike figure born from tilled land and immediately gifted with prescience, and Vegoia, a female figure. Their teachings were kept in a series of sacred books. Three layers of deities are evident in the extensive Etruscan art motifs. One appears to be divinities of an indigenous nature: Catha and Usil, the sun; Tivr, the moon; Selvans, a civil god; Turan, the goddess of love; Laran, the god of war; Leinth, the goddess of death; Maris; Thalna; Turms; and the ever-popular Fufluns, whose name is related in some way to the city of Populonia and the populus Romanus, possibly, the god of the people.[119][120]
Ruling over this pantheon of lesser deities were higher ones that seem to reflect the Indo-European system: Tin or Tinia, the sky, Uni his wife (Juno), and Cel, the earth goddess. In addition, some Greek and Roman gods were inspired by the Etruscan system: Aritimi (Artemis), Menrva (Minerva), Pacha (Dionysus). The Greek heroes taken from Homer also appear extensively in art motifs.[119][120]
Architecture
[edit]
Relatively little is known about the architecture of the ancient Etruscans. They adapted the native Italic styles with influence from the external appearance of Greek architecture. In turn, ancient Roman architecture began with Etruscan styles, and then accepted still further Greek influence. Roman temples show many of the same differences in form to Greek ones that Etruscan temples do, but like the Greeks, use stone, in which they closely copy Greek conventions. The houses of the wealthy were evidently often large and comfortable, but the burial chambers of tombs, often filled with grave-goods, are the nearest approach to them to survive. In the southern Etruscan area, tombs have large rock-cut chambers under a tumulus in large necropoleis, and these, together with some city walls, are the only Etruscan constructions to survive. Etruscan architecture is not generally considered as part of the body of Greco-Roman classical architecture.[121]
Art and music
[edit]
Etruscan art was produced by the Etruscan civilization between the 9th and 2nd centuries BC. Particularly strong in this tradition were figurative sculpture in terracotta (particularly lifesize on sarcophagi or temples), wall-painting and metalworking (especially engraved bronze mirrors). Etruscan sculpture in cast bronze was famous and widely exported, but few large examples have survived (the material was too valuable, and recycled later). In contrast to terracotta and bronze, there was apparently little Etruscan sculpture in stone, despite the Etruscans controlling fine sources of marble, including Carrara marble, which seems not to have been exploited until the Romans. Most surviving Etruscan art comes from tombs, including all the fresco wall-paintings, a minority of which show scenes of feasting and some narrative mythological subjects.[122]
Bucchero wares in black were the early and native styles of fine Etruscan pottery. There was also a tradition of elaborate Etruscan vase painting, which sprung from its Greek equivalent; the Etruscans were the main export market for Greek vases. Etruscan temples were heavily decorated with colorfully painted terracotta antefixes and other fittings, which survive in large numbers where the wooden superstructure has vanished. Etruscan art was strongly connected to religion; the afterlife was of major importance in Etruscan art.[123]
The Etruscan musical instruments seen in frescoes and bas-reliefs are different types of pipes, such as the plagiaulos (the pipes of Pan or Syrinx), the alabaster pipe and the famous double pipes, accompanied on percussion instruments such as the tintinnabulum, tympanum and crotales, and later by stringed instruments like the lyre and kithara.
Language
[edit]
Etruscans left around 13,000 inscriptions which have been found so far, only a small minority of which are of significant length. Attested from 700 BC to AD 50, the relation of Etruscan to other languages has been a source of long-running speculation and study. The Etruscans are believed to have spoken a Pre-Indo-European[124][125][126] and Paleo-European language,[127] and the majority consensus is that Etruscan is related only to other members of what is called the Tyrsenian language family, which in itself is an isolate family, that is unrelated directly to other known language groups. Since Rix (1998), it is widely accepted that the Tyrsenian family groups Raetic and Lemnian are related to Etruscan.[18]
Literature
[edit]
Etruscan texts, written in a space of seven centuries, use a form of the Greek alphabet due to close contact between the Etruscans and the Greek colonies at Pithecusae and Cumae in the 8th century BC (until it was no longer used, at the beginning of the 1st century AD). Etruscan inscriptions disappeared from Chiusi, Perugia and Arezzo around this time. Only a few fragments survive, religious and especially funeral texts, most of which are late (from the 4th century BC). In addition to the original texts that have survived to this day, there are a large number of quotations and allusions from classical authors. In the 1st century BC, Diodorus Siculus wrote that literary culture was one of the great achievements of the Etruscans. Little is known of it and even what is known of their language is due to the repetition of the same few words in the many inscriptions found (by way of the modern epitaphs) contrasted in bilingual or trilingual texts with Latin and Punic. Out of the aforementioned genres, is just one such Volnio (Volnius) cited in classical sources mentioned.[128] With a few exceptions, such as the Liber Linteus, the only written records in the Etruscan language that remain are inscriptions, mainly funerary. The language is written in the Etruscan alphabet, a script related to the early Euboean Greek alphabet.[129] Many thousand inscriptions in Etruscan are known, mostly epitaphs, and a few very short texts have survived, which are mainly religious. Etruscan imaginative literature is evidenced only in references by later Roman authors, but it is evident from their visual art that the Greek myths were well known.[130]
With the founding of Pithekussai on Ischia and Kyme (lat. Cumae) in Campania in the course of the Greek colonization, the Etruscans came under the influence of the Greek culture in the 8th century BC. The Etruscans adopted an alphabet from the western Greek colonists that came from their homeland, the Euboean Chalkis. This alphabet from Cumae is therefore also called Euboean[131] or Chalcidian[132] Alphabet. The oldest written records of the Etruscans date from around 700 BC.[133]
| Euboean alphabet[134] | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Letter | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Transcription | A | B | G | D | E | V | Z | H | TH | I | K | L | M | N | X | O | P | Ś | Q | R | S | T | U | X | PH | CH |
One of the oldest Etruscan written documents is found on the tablet of Marsiliana d'Albegna from the hinterland of Vulci, which is now kept in the National Archaeological Museum of Florence. A western Greek model alphabet is engraved on the edge of this wax tablet made of ivory. In accordance with later Etruscan writing habits, the letters in this model alphabet were mirrored and arranged from right to left:
| Early Etruscan alphabet[135] | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Letter | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Transcription | A | B | C | D | E | F | Z | H | TH | I | K | L | M | N | S | O | P | SH | Q | R | S | T | U | X | PH | KH |
The script with these letters was first used in southern Etruria around 700 BC in the Etruscan Cisra (lat. Caere), today's Cerveteri.[131] The science of writing quickly reached central and northern Etruria. From there, the alphabet spread from Volterra (Etr. Velathri) to Felsina, today's Bologna, and later from Chiusi (Etr. Clevsin) to the Po Valley. In southern Etruria, the writing spread from Tarquinia (Etr. Tarchna) and Veii (Etr. Veia) further south to Campania, which was controlled by the Etruscans at the time.[136] In the following centuries the Etruscans consistently used the letters mentioned, so that the deciphering of the Etruscan inscriptions is not a problem. As in Greek, the characters were subject to regional and temporal changes. Overall, one can distinguish an archaic script from the 7th to 5th centuries from a more recent script from the 4th to 1st centuries BC, in which some characters were no longer used, including the X for a sh sound. In addition, in writing and language, the emphasis on the first syllable meant that internal vowels were not reproduced, e.g. Menrva instead of Menerva.[137] Accordingly, linguists also distinguish between Old and New Etruscan.[138]

Alongside the tablet of Marsiliana d'Albegna, around 70 objects with model alphabets have been preserved from the early period.[139] The most famous of these are:
- Alabastron from the Regolini-Galassi tomb in Cerveteri
- Bucchero amphora from Formello
- Bucchero cockerel from Viterbo
- Bucchero vessel from the necropolis of Sorbo near Cerveteri
As all four artifacts date from the 7th century B.C. come from, the alphabets are always written clockwise.[140] The last object has the special feature that, in addition to the letters of the alphabet, almost all consonants are shown in sequence in connection with the vowels I, A, U and E (Syllabary). This syllabic writing system was probably used to practice the written characters.[131]
The most important Etruscan written monuments that contain a large number of words include:
- Liber Linteus (Liber Linteus Zagrabiensis) – ritual text with around 1400 words
- Clay Tablet of Capua (Tabula or Tegula Capuana) – ritual text as a bustrophedon with 62 lines and around 300 words
- Tablet of Cortona (Tabula Cortonensis) – contract text with a length of 32 lines and about 200 words
- Cippus Perusinus – travertine block with 46 lines and about 125 words from near Perugia
- Pyrgi Tablets – parallel texts in Etruscan and Punic script
- Sarcophagus of Laris Pulenas – grave inscription of Laris Pulena with nine lines of text on a sarcophagus scroll
- Liver of Piacenza – model of a sheep's liver with 40 inscriptions
- Lead Plaque of Magliano – sacrificial instructions with 70 words
- Lead strip from Santa Marinella – two fragments of a sacrificial vow
- Building inscription of the tomb of San Manno near Perugia – 30-word consecration inscription
- Poupé aryballos – Clockwise dedication inscription on a bucchero bottle
- Tuscanian dice – Two dice with the numbers 1 to 6
No further Etruscan literature has survived and from the early 1st century AD, inscriptions with Etruscan characters have ceased to exist. All existing ancient Etruscan written documents are systematically collected in the Corpus Inscriptionum Etruscarum.
In the middle of the 7th century BC, the Romans adopted the Etruscan writing system and letters. In particular, they used the three different characters C, K and Q for a K sound. Z was also initially adopted into the Roman alphabet, although the affricate TS did not occur in the Latin language. Later, Z was replaced in the alphabet by the newly formed letter G, which was derived from C, and Z was finally placed at the end of the alphabet.[141] The letters Θ, Φ and Ψ were omitted by the Romans because the corresponding aspirated sounds did not occur in their language.
The Etruscan alphabet spread across the northern and central parts of the Italian peninsula. It is assumed that the formation of the Oscan script, probably in the 6th century BC, was fundamentally influenced by Etruscan. The characters of the Umbrian, Faliscan and Venetic languages can also be traced back to Etruscan alphabets.[142]
See also
[edit]| History of Italy |
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References
[edit]Citations
[edit]- ^ a b c d e Bartoloni, Gilda, ed. (2012). Introduzione all'Etruscologia (in Italian). Milan: Hoepli. ISBN 978-88-203-4870-0.
- ^ Potts, Charlotte R.; Smith, Christopher J. (2022). "The Etruscans: Setting New Agendas". Journal of Archaeological Research. 30 (4): 597–644. doi:10.1007/s10814-021-09169-x. hdl:10023/24245. PMC 8546786. PMID 40477445.
- ^ Goring, Elizabeth (2004). Treasures from Tuscany: the Etruscan legacy. Edinburgh: National Museums Scotland Enterprises. p. 13. ISBN 978-1-901663-90-7.
- ^ Leighton, Robert (2004). Tarquinia. An Etruscan City. Duckworth Archaeological Histories. London: Duckworth. p. 32. ISBN 0-7156-3162-4.
- ^ Camporeale, Giovannangelo, ed. (2004) [2001]. The Etruscans Outside Etruria. Translated by Hartmann, Thomas Michael. Los Angeles: Getty Trust.
- ^ Della Fina, Giuseppe (2005). Etruschi, la vita quotidiana (in Italian). Rome: L'Erma di Bretschneider. p. 15. ISBN 978-88-8265-333-0.
- ^ a b Barker, Graeme; Rasmussen, Tom (2000). The Etruscans. The Peoples of Europe. Oxford: Blackwell. p. 44. ISBN 978-0-631-22038-1.
- ^ a b c De Grummond, Nancy T. (2014). "Ethnicity and the Etruscans". In McInerney, Jeremy (ed.). A Companion to Ethnicity in the Ancient Mediterranean. Chichester: John Wiley & Sons. pp. 405–422. doi:10.1002/9781118834312. ISBN 978-1-4443-3734-1.
- ^ a b c Turfa, Jean MacIntosh (2017). "The Etruscans". In Farney, Gary D.; Bradley, Gary (eds.). The Peoples of Ancient Italy. Berlin: De Gruyter. pp. 637–672. doi:10.1515/9781614513001. ISBN 978-1-61451-520-3.
- ^ a b c Shipley, Lucy (2017). "Where is home?". The Etruscans: Lost Civilizations. London: Reaktion. pp. 28–46. ISBN 978-1-78023-862-3.
- ^ a b c Benelli, Enrico (2021). "Le origini. Dai racconti del mito all'evidenza dell'archeologia". Gli Etruschi (in Italian). Milan: Idea Libri-Rusconi Editore. pp. 9–24. ISBN 978-88-6262-304-9.
- ^ a b Neri, Diana (2012). "Il periodo villanoviano nell'Emilia occidentale". Gli etruschi tra VIII e VII secolo a.C. nel territorio di Castelfranco Emilia (MO) (in Italian). Florence: All'Insegna del Giglio. p. 9. ISBN 978-88-7814-533-7.
Il termine "Villanoviano" è entrato nella letteratura archeologica quando, a metà dell '800, il conte Gozzadini mise in luce le prime tombe ad incinerazione nella sua proprietà di Villanova di Castenaso, in località Caselle (BO). La cultura villanoviana coincide con il periodo più antico della civiltà etrusca, in particolare durante i secoli IX e VIII a.C. e i termini di Villanoviano I, II e III, utilizzati dagli archeologi per scandire le fasi evolutive, costituiscono partizioni convenzionali della prima età del Ferro
- ^ a b c Bartoloni, Gilda (2012) [2002]. La cultura villanoviana. All'inizio della storia etrusca (in Italian) (III ed.). Rome: Carocci editore. ISBN 978-88-430-2261-8.
- ^ a b Colonna, Giovanni (2000). "I caratteri originali della civiltà Etrusca". In Torelli, Mario (ed.). Gi Etruschi (in Italian). Milan: Bompiani. pp. 25–41.
- ^ a b Briquel, Dominique (2000). "Le origini degli Etruschi: una questione dibattuta fin dall'antichità". In Torelli, Mario (ed.). Gi Etruschi (in Italian). Milan: Bompiani. pp. 43–51.
- ^ a b Bartoloni, Gilda (2000). "Le origini e la diffusione della cultura villanoviana". In Torelli, Mario (ed.). Gi Etruschi (in Italian). Milan: Bompiani. pp. 53–71.
- ^ a b c Moser, Mary E. (1996). "The origins of the Etruscans: new evidence for an old question". In Hall, John Franklin (ed.). Etruscan Italy: Etruscan Influences on the Civilizations of Italy from Antiquity to the Modern Era. Provo, UT: Museum of Art, Brigham Young University. pp. 29–43. ISBN 0-8425-2334-0.
- ^ a b c Rix, Helmut (2008). "Etruscan". In Woodard, Roger D. (ed.). The Ancient Languages of Europe. Cambridge University Press. pp. 141–64. ISBN 978-0-521-68495-8.
- ^ "A good map of the Italian range and cities of the culture at the beginning of its history". mysteriousetruscans.com.
- ^ The topic of the "League of Etruria" is covered in Freeman, pp. 562–65.
- ^ Livius, Titus. Ab Urbe Condita Libri [The History of Rome] (in Latin). Vol. V.33.
The passage identifies the Raetii as a remnant of the 12 cities "beyond the Apennines".
- ^ Polybius. "Campanian Etruscans mentioned".
- ^ The entire subject with complete ancient sources in footnotes was worked up by George Dennis in his Introduction. In the LacusCurtius transcription, the references in Dennis's footnotes link to the texts in English or Latin; the reader may also find the English of some of them on WikiSource or other Internet sites. As the work has already been done by Dennis and Thayer, the complete work-up is not repeated here.
- ^ Cary, M.; Scullard, H. H. (1979). A History of Rome (3rd ed.). Bedford/St. Martin's. p. 28. ISBN 0-312-38395-9.
- ^ Bonfante, Giuliano; Bonfante, Larissa (2002) [1983]. The Etruscan language. An introduction (Rev. ed.). Manchester University Press. ISBN 0-7190-5540-7.
- ^ Sassatelli, Giuseppe (21 October 2013). "Celti ed Etruschi nell'Etruria Padana e nell'Italia settentrionale" (PDF) (in Italian).
- ^ Amendola, Carlo (2019-08-28). "Etruschi e Celti della Gallia meridionale – parte 1". CelticWorld (in Italian). Retrieved 2022-02-15.
- ^ Rasenna comes from Dionysius of Halicarnassus. Roman Antiquities. I.30.3. The syncopated form, Rasna, is inscriptional and is inflected.
- ^ The topic is covered in Pallottino, p. 133.
- ^ Some inscriptions, such as the cippus of Cortona, feature the Raśna (pronounced Rashna) alternative, as is described at Bodroghy, Gabor Z. "Origins". The Palaeolinguistic Connection. Etruscan. Archived from the original on 16 April 2008.
- ^ Τυρρηνός, Τυρσηνός. Liddell, Henry George; Scott, Robert; A Greek–English Lexicon at the Perseus Project.
- ^ Tyrrheni. Charlton T. Lewis and Charles Short. A Latin Dictionary on Perseus Project.
- ^ Thomson de Grummond, Nancy (2006). Etruscan Myth, Sacred History, and Legend. Philadelphia: Penn Museum of Archaeology. pp. 201–208. ISBN 978-1-931707-86-2.
- ^ According to Félix Gaffiot's Dictionnaire Illustré Latin Français, the major authors of the Roman Republic (Livy, Cicero, Horace, and others) used the term Tusci. Cognate words developed, including Tuscia and Tusculanensis. Tuscī was clearly the principal term used to designate things Etruscan; Etruscī and Etrusia/Etrūria were used less often, mainly by Cicero and Horace, and they lack cognates.
- ^ According to the "Online Etymological Dictionary". the English use of Etruscan dates from 1706.
- ^ Tusci. Charlton T. Lewis and Charles Short. A Latin Dictionary on Perseus Project.
- ^ Weiss, Michael. "'Cui bono?' The beneficiary phrases of the third Iguvine table" (PDF). Ithaca, New York: Cornell University. Archived (PDF) from the original on 2022-10-09.
- ^ Carl Darling Buck (1904). Introduction: A Grammar of Oscan and Umbrian. Boston: Gibb & Company.
- ^ Partridge, Eric (1983). "tower". Origins. New York: Greenwich House. p. 730. ISBN 978-0-517-41425-5.
- ^ a b The Bonfantes (2003), p. 51.
- ^ τύρσις in Liddell and Scott.
- ^ Partridge (1983)
- ^ Bonfante, Giuliano; Bonfante, Larissa (2002). The Etruscan Language: An Introduction, Revised Edition. Manchester University Press. p. 51. ISBN 978-0-7190-5540-9.
- ^ Book I, Section 30.
- ^ Beekes, R. Etymological Dictionary of Greek Brill (2010) pp.1520-1521
- ^ Kretschmer, Paul. "Nordische Lehnwörter im Altgriechischen" in Glotta 22 (1934) pp. 110 ff.
- ^ Strauss Clay 2016, pp. 32–34.
- ^ Hesiod, Theogony 1015.
- ^ Homeric Hymn to Dionysus, 7.7–8
- ^ John Pairman Brown, Israel and Hellas, Vol. 2 (2000) p. 211
- ^ Strabo. Geography. Book VI, Chapter II. Perseus Digital Library. Tufts University. Archived from the original on 2 September 2022. Retrieved 2 September 2022.
- ^ 6.137
- ^ 4.109
- ^ a b Strabo. Geography. Book V, Chapter II. Perseus Digital Library. Tufts University.Archived from the original on 2 September 2022. Retrieved 2 September 2022.
- ^ 1.94
- ^ Dionysius of Halicarnassus. Roman Antiquities. 1.28–3.
- ^ Morritt, Robert D. (2010). Stones that Speak. p. 272.
- ^ a b Dionysius of Halicarnassus. Roman Antiquities. Book I, Chapters 30 1.
- ^ Livius, Titus. Ab Urbe Condita Libri [The History of Rome]. Book 5.
- ^ Plinius Secundus, Gaius. Naturalis Historia, Liber III, 133 (in Latin).
- ^ Wallace, Rex E. (2010). "Italy, Languages of". In Gagarin, Michael (ed.). The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Greece and Rome. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. pp. 97–102. doi:10.1093/acref/9780195170726.001.0001. ISBN 978-0-19-517072-6.
Etruscan origins lie in the distant past. Despite the claim by Herodotus, who wrote that Etruscans migrated to Italy from Lydia in the eastern Mediterranean, there is no material or linguistic evidence to support this. Etruscan material culture developed in an unbroken chain from Bronze Age antecedents. As for linguistic relationships, Lydian is an Indo-European language. Lemnian, which is attested by a few inscriptions discovered near Kamania on the island of Lemnos, was a dialect of Etruscan introduced to the island by commercial adventurers. Linguistic similarities connecting Etruscan with Raetic, a language spoken in the sub-Alpine regions of northeastern Italy, further militate against the idea of eastern origins.
- ^ Pallottino, Massimo (1947). L'origine degli Etruschi (in Italian). Rome: Tumminelli.
- ^ Briquel, Dominique (2000). "Le origini degli Etruschi: una questione dibattuta sin dall'antichità". In Torelli, Mario (ed.). Gli Etruschi (in Italian). Milan: Bompiani. pp. 43–51.
- ^ Hornblower, Simon; Spawforth, Antony; Eidinow, Esther, eds. (2014). The Oxford Companion to Classical Civilization. Oxford Companions (2 ed.). Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 291–292. ISBN 978-0-19-101675-2.
Briquel's convincing demonstration that the famous story of an exodus, led by Tyrrhenus from Lydia to Italy, was a deliberate political fabrication created in the Hellenized milieu of the court at Sardis in the early 6th cent. BCE.
- ^ Briquel, Dominique (2013). "Etruscan Origins and the Ancient Authors". In Turfa, Jean (ed.). The Etruscan World. London and New York: Routledge Taylor & Francis Group. pp. 36–56. ISBN 978-0-415-67308-2.
- ^ Briquel, Dominique (1990). "Le problème des origines étrusques". Lalies. Sessions de linguistique et de littérature (in French). Paris: Presses de l'Ecole Normale Supérieure (published 1992): 7–35.
- ^ a b Bartoloni, Gilda (2014). "Gli artigiani metallurghi e il processo formativo nelle "Origini" degli Etruschi". " Origines ": percorsi di ricerca sulle identità etniche nell'Italia antica. Mélanges de l'École française de Rome: Antiquité (in Italian). Vol. 126–2. Rome: École française de Rome. ISBN 978-2-7283-1138-5.
- ^ Bagnasco Gianni, Giovanna. "Origine degli Etruschi". In Bartoloni, Gilda (ed.). Introduzione all'Etruscologia (in Italian). Milan: Ulrico Hoepli Editore. pp. 47–81.
- ^ Stoddart, Simon (1989). "Divergent trajectories in central Italy 1200–500 BC". In Champion, Timothy C. (ed.). Centre and Periphery – Comparative Studies in Archaeology. London and New York: Taylor & Francis (published 2005). pp. 89–102.
- ^ Burkert, Walter (1992). The Orientalizing Revolution: Near Eastern Influence on Greek Culture in the Early Archaic Age. Enciclopedia del Mediterraneo. London: Thames and Hudson.
- ^ d'Agostino, Bruno (2003). "Teorie sull'origine degli Etruschi". Gli Etruschi. Enciclopedia del Mediterraneo (in Italian). Vol. 26. Milan: Jaca Book. pp. 10–19.
- ^ de Grummond, Nancy Thomson (2014). "Ethnicity and the Etruscans". Companion to Ethnicity in the Ancient Mediterranean. Chichester, Uk: John Wiley & Sons. pp. 413–414.
The facial features, however, are not likely to constitute a true portrait, but rather partake of a formula for representing the male in Etruria in Archaic art. It has been observed that the formula used—with the face in profile, showing almond-shaped eyes, a large nose, and a domed up profile of the top of the head—has its parallels in images from the eastern Mediterranean. But these features may show only artistic conventions and are therefore of limited value for determining ethnicity.
- ^ Bianchi Bandinelli, Ranuccio (1984). "Il problema del ritratto". L'arte classica (in Italian). Roma: Editori Riuniti.
- ^ A Ciba Foundation Symposium (1959) [1958]. Wolstenholme, Gordon; O'Connor, Cecilia M. (eds.). Medical Biology and Etruscan Origins. London: J & A Churchill Ltd. ISBN 978-0-470-71493-5.
{{cite book}}: ISBN / Date incompatibility (help) - ^ a b c Perkins, Phil (2017). "Chapter 8: DNA and Etruscan identity". In Naso, Alessandro (ed.). Etruscology. Berlin: De Gruyter. pp. 109–118. ISBN 978-1-934078-49-5.
- ^ a b c Perkins, Phil (2009). "DNA and Etruscan identity". In Perkins, Phil; Swaddling, Judith (eds.). Etruscan by Definition: Papers in Honour of Sybille Haynes. London: The British Museum Research Publications. pp. 95–111. ISBN 978-0-86159-173-2. 173.
- ^ Reich, David (2018). "Ancient DNA Opens the Floodgates". Who We Are and How We Got Here: Ancient DNA and the New Science of the Human Past. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 53–59. ISBN 978-0-19-882125-0.
But mitochondrial DNA only records information on the entirely female line, a tiny fraction of the many tens of thousands of lineages that have contributed to any person's genome. To understand what really happened in an individual's history, it is incomparably more valuable to examine all ancestral lineages together.
- ^ Posth, Cosimo; Zaro, Valentina; Spyrou, Maria A. (September 24, 2021). "The origin and legacy of the Etruscans through a 2000-year archeogenomic time transect". Science Advances. 7 (39) eabi7673. Washington DC: American Association for the Advancement of Science. Bibcode:2021SciA....7.7673P. doi:10.1126/sciadv.abi7673. PMC 8462907. PMID 34559560.
- ^ a b Antonio, Margaret L.; Gao, Ziyue; M. Moots, Hannah (2019). "Ancient Rome: A genetic crossroads of Europe and the Mediterranean". Science. 366 (6466). Washington D.C.: American Association for the Advancement of Science (published November 8, 2019): 708–714. Bibcode:2019Sci...366..708A. doi:10.1126/science.aay6826. hdl:2318/1715466. PMC 7093155. PMID 31699931.
Interestingly, although Iron Age individuals were sampled from both Etruscan (n=3) and Latin (n=6) contexts, we did not detect any significant differences between the two groups with f4 statistics in the form of f4(RMPR_Etruscan, RMPR_Latin; test population, Onge), suggesting shared origins or extensive genetic exchange between them.
- ^ Antonio et al. 2019, p. 3.
- ^ Antonio et al. 2019, p. 2.
- ^ Antonio et al. 2019, Table 2 Sample Information, Rows 33-35.
- ^ Leonardi, Michela; Sandionigi, Anna; Conzato, Annalisa; Vai, Stefania; Lari, Martina (2018). "The female ancestor's tale: Long-term matrilineal continuity in a nonisolated region of Tuscany". American Journal of Physical Anthropology. 167 (3). New York City: John Wiley & Sons (published September 6, 2018): 497–506. Bibcode:2018AJPA..167..497L. doi:10.1002/ajpa.23679. PMID 30187463. S2CID 52161000.
- ^ Claassen, Horst; Wree, Andreas (2004). "The Etruscan skulls of the Rostock anatomical collection – How do they compare with the skeletal findings of the first thousand years B.C.?". Annals of Anatomy. 186 (2). Amsterdam: Elsevier: 157–163. doi:10.1016/S0940-9602(04)80032-3. PMID 15125046.
Seven Etruscan skulls were found in Corneto Tarquinia in the years 1881 and 1882 and were given as [a] present to Rostock's anatomical collection in 1882. The origin of the Etruscans who were contemporary with the Celts is not yet clear; according to Herodotus they had emigrated from Lydia in Asia Minor to Italy. To fit the Etruscan skulls into an ethnological grid they were compared with skeletal remains of the first thousand years B.C.E. All skulls were found to be male; their age ranged from 20 to 60 years, with an average age of about thirty. A comparison of the median sagittal outlines of the Etruscan skulls and the contemporary Hallstatt-Celtic skulls from North Bavaria showed that the former were shorter and lower. Maximum skull length, minimum frontal breadth, ear bregma height, bizygomatical breadth and orbital breadth of the Etruscan skulls were statistically significantly less developed compared to Hallstatt-Celtics from North Bavaria. In comparison to other contemporary skeletal remains the Etruscan skulls had no similarities in common with Hallstatt-Celtic skulls from North Bavaria and Baden-Württemberg but rather with Hallstatt-Celtic skulls from Hallstatt in Austria. Compared to chronologically adjacent skeletal remains the Etruscan skulls did not show similarities with Early Bronze Age skulls from Moravia but with Latène-Celtic skulls from Manching in South Bavaria. Due to the similarities of the Etruscan skulls with some Celtic skulls from South Bavaria and Austria, it seems more likely that the Etruscans were original inhabitants of Etruria than immigrants.
- ^ Ghirotto, Silvia; Tassi, Francesca; Fumagalli, Erica; Colonna, Vincenza; Sandionigi, Anna; Lari, Martina; Vai, Stefania; Petiti, Emmanuele; Corti, Giorgio; Rizzi, Ermanno; De Bellis, Gianluca; Caramelli, David; Barbujani, Guido (6 February 2013). "Origins and evolution of the Etruscans' mtDNA". PLOS ONE. 8 (2) e55519. Bibcode:2013PLoSO...855519G. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0055519. PMC 3566088. PMID 23405165.
- ^ Tassi, Francesca; Ghirotto, Silvia; Caramelli, David; Barbujani, Guido; et al. (2013). "Genetic evidence does not support an Etruscan origin in Anatolia". American Journal of Physical Anthropology. 152 (1): 11–18. Bibcode:2013AJPA..152...11T. doi:10.1002/ajpa.22319. PMID 23900768.
- ^ a b C. Vernesi e Altri (March 2004). "The Etruscans: A population-genetic study". American Journal of Human Genetics. 74 (4): 694–704. doi:10.1086/383284. PMC 1181945. PMID 15015132.
- ^ Bandelt, Hans-Jürgen (2004). "Etruscan artifacts". American Journal of Human Genetics. 75 (5): 919–920. doi:10.1086/425180. PMC 1182123. PMID 15457405.
- ^ Bandelt, Hans-Jürgen (2005). "Mosaics of ancient mitochondrial DNA: positive indicators of nonauthenticity". European Journal of Human Genetics. 13 (10): 1106–1112. doi:10.1038/sj.ejhg.5201476. PMID 16077732. S2CID 19958417.
- ^ Gilbert, Marcus Thomas Pius (2005). "Assessing ancient DNA studies". Trends in Ecology & Evolution. 20 (10): 541–544. doi:10.1016/j.tree.2005.07.005. PMID 16701432.
- ^ Krause, Johannes; Trappe, Thomas (2021) [2019]. A Short History of Humanity: A New History of Old Europe [Die Reise unserer Gene: Eine Geschichte über uns und unsere Vorfahren]. Translated by Waight, Caroline (I ed.). New York: Random House. p. 217. ISBN 978-0-593-22942-2.
It's likely that Basque, Paleo-Sardinian, Minoan, and Etruscan developed on the continent in the course of the Neolithic Revolution. Sadly, the true diversity of the languages that once existed in Europe will never be known.
- ^ a b Gilda Bartoloni, "La cultura villanoviana", in Enciclopedia dell'Arte Antica, Treccani, Rome 1997, vol. VII, p. 1173 e s 1970, p. 922. (Italian)
- ^ Walter Burkert, The Orientalizing Revolution: Near Eastern Influence on Greek Culture in the Early Archaic Age, 1992.
- ^ a b Giovanna Bermond Montanari (2004). "L'Italia preromana. I siti etruschi: Bologna" (in Italian). Treccani. Retrieved October 12, 2019.
- ^ a b Bonfante, Larissa (1986). Etruscan life and afterlife. Wayne State University Press. ISBN 978-0-8143-1813-3. Retrieved 2009-04-22 – via Google Books.
- ^ a b John Franklin Hall (1996). Etruscan Italy. Indiana University Press. ISBN 978-0-8425-2334-9. Retrieved 22 April 2009 – via Google Books.
- ^ Livy VII.21
- ^ "Etruschi" [Etruscans]. Dizionario di storia (in Italian). Treccani. Retrieved 29 March 2016.
- ^ a b "The Etruscan League of 12". mysteriousetruscans.com. 2 April 2009. Retrieved 25 April 2015.
- ^ Davis, Madison; Frankforter, Daniel (2004). "The Shakespeare Name Dictionary". Taylor & Francis. ISBN 978-0-203-64227-6. Retrieved 2011-09-14.
- ^ Cunningham, Reich (2006). Cultures and Values: A survey of the humanities. Thomson/Wadsworth. p. 92. ISBN 978-0-534-58227-2.
The later Romans' own grandiose picture of the early days of their city was intended to glamorize its origins, but only with the arrival of the Etruscans did anything like an urban center begin to develop.
- ^ Hughes (2012). Rome: A cultural, visual, and personal history. p. 24.
Some Roman technical achievements began in Etruscan expertise. Though the Etruscans never came up with an aqueduct, they were good at drainage, and hence they were the ancestors of Rome's monumental sewer systems.
- ^ Tacitus, Cornelius. The Annals & The Histories. Trans. Alfred Church and William Brodribb. New York, 2003.
- ^ Jean-Paul Thuillier (2006). Les Étrusques (in French). Éditions du Chêne. p. 142. ISBN 2-84277-658-5.
- ^ Livy (2018-08-14), Briscoe, John (ed.), "Ab Urbe Condita", Liviana: Studies on Livy, Oxford University Press, doi:10.1093/oseo/instance.00265868, ISBN 978-0-19-882468-8
- ^ Ridgway, David (2001). "Etruscan Civilization: a Cultural History. By Sybille Haynes. 260mm. Pp xx + 432, 84 col pls, 246 ill, 4 maps. London: British Museum Press, 2000. ISBN 0–7141–2228–9. £35.00". The Antiquaries Journal. 81: 425. doi:10.1017/s0003581500072486. ISSN 0003-5815.
- ^ Frank, Tenney (January 1914). "Representative Government in the Macedonian Republics". Classical Philology. 9 (1): 49–59. doi:10.1086/359849. ISSN 0009-837X.
- ^ Ra'Ad, Basem L. (2001). "Primal Scenes of Globalization: Legacies of Canaan and Etruria". PMLA. 116 (1): 89–110. doi:10.1632/pmla.2001.116.1.89. ISSN 0030-8129. JSTOR 463644.
- ^ "LacusCurtius • Strabo's Geography — Book V Chapter 1". penelope.uchicago.edu. Retrieved 2025-03-27.
- ^ a b Torelli, Mario (2015-03-04). "Etruscans, Army of the". The Encyclopedia of the Roman Army. pp. 351–388. doi:10.1002/9781118318140.wbra0580. ISBN 978-1-4051-7619-4.
- ^ Le Glay, Marcel; Voisin, Jean-Louis; Le Bohec, Yann; Le Glay, Marcel (2009). A history of Rome (4th ed.). Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell. ISBN 978-1-4051-8327-7.
- ^ a b Briquel, Dominique; Svensson Pär (2007). Etruskerna. Alhambras pocket encyklopedi, 99-1532610-6; 88 (1. uppl.). Furulund: Alhambra. ISBN 9789188992970
- ^ a b Torelli, Mario (2000). The Etruscans. Rizzoli International Publications.
- ^ a b Dupey, Trevor. The Harper Encyclopedia of Military History. Rizzoli Harper Collins Publisher.
- ^ Dora Jane Hamblin (1975). The Etruscans. Time Life Books.
- ^ "The Etruscans and agriculture". Un Mondo Ecosostenibile. 21 November 2022. Archived from the original on January 13, 2024.
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- ^ Mazzeo, Jacopo (June 6, 2023). "Vite Maritata, an Ancient Vine-Growing Technique, Makes a Comeback". Wine Enthusiast Magazine. Archived from the original on Jan 13, 2024.
- ^ a b Grummond, De; Thomson, Nancy (2006). Etruscan Mythology, Sacred History and Legend: An Introduction. University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology.
- ^ a b Simon, Erika (20 April 2009). The religion of the Etruscans. University of Texas Press. ISBN 978-0-292-70687-3 – via Google Books.
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- ^ Massimo Pallottino, La langue étrusque Problèmes et perspectives, 1978.
- ^ Mauro Cristofani, Introduction to the study of the Etruscan, Leo S. Olschki, 1991.
- ^ Romolo A. Staccioli, The "mystery" of the Etruscan language, Newton & Compton publishers, Rome, 1977.
- ^ Haarmann, Harald (2014). "Ethnicity and Language in the Ancient Mediterranean". In McInerney, Jeremy (ed.). A Companion to Ethnicity in the Ancient Mediterranean. Chichester, UK: John Wiley & Sons, Inc. pp. 17–33. doi:10.1002/9781118834312.ch2. ISBN 978-1-4443-3734-1.
- ^ Varro, De lingua Latina, 5.55.
- ^ Maras, Daniele F. (2015). "Etruscan and Italic Literacy and the Case of Rome". In Bloome, W. Martin (ed.). A Companion to Ancient Education. Chichester, UK: John Wiley & Sons. p. 202.
- ^ Nielsen, Marjatta; Rathje, Annette. "Artumes in Etruria—the Borrowed Goddess". In Fischer-Hansen, Tobias; Poulsen, Birte (eds.). From Artemis to Diana: The Goddess of Man and Beast. Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press. p. 261.
A massive Greek impact is clear especially in the coastal territory, which has led many to believe that the Etruscans were entirely Hellenized. Countless depictions show that Greek myths were, indeed, adopted and well-known to the Etruscans.
- ^ a b c Larissa Bonfante, Giuliano Bonfante: The Etruscan Language: An Introduction. p. 14.
- ^ Friedhelm Prayon: The Etruscans. History, religion, art. p. 38.
- ^ Larissa Bonfante, Giuliano Bonfante: The Etruscan Language: An Introduction. p. 56.
- ^ Steven Roger Fischer: History of Writing. S. 138.
- ^ Steven Roger Fischer: History of Writing. S. 140.
- ^ Larissa Bonfante, Giuliano Bonfante: The Etruscan Language: An Introduction. p. 54.
- ^ Larissa Bonfante, Giuliano Bonfante: The Etruscan Language: An Introduction. p. 81.
- ^ Friedhelm Prayon: Die Etrusker. History, Religion, Art. pp. 38–40.
- ^ Larissa Bonfante, Giuliano Bonfante: The Etruscan Language: An Introduction. p. 55.
- ^ Larissa Bonfante, Giuliano Bonfante: The Etruscan Language: An Introduction. p. 133.
- ^ Steven Roger Fischer: History of Writing. pp. 141–142.
- ^ Larissa Bonfante, Giuliano Bonfante: The Etruscan Language: An Introduction. p. 117.
Sources
[edit]- Antonio, Margaret L.; et al. (November 8, 2019). "Ancient Rome: A genetic crossroads of Europe and the Mediterranean". Science. 366 (6466). American Association for the Advancement of Science: 708–714. Bibcode:2019Sci...366..708A. doi:10.1126/science.aay6826. PMC 7093155. PMID 31699931.
- Strauss Clay, Jenny (2016). "Visualizing Divinity: The Reception of the Homeric Hymns in Greek Vase Painting". In Faulkner, Andrew; Vergados, Athanassios; Schwab, Andreas (eds.). The Reception of the Homeric Hymns. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 29–52. doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198728788.003.0002. ISBN 978-0-19-179551-0.
Further reading
[edit]- Barker Graeme, Rasmussen Tom, The Etruscans, Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 1998.
- Bartoloni, Gilda (ed.). Introduzione all'Etruscologia (in Italian). Milan: Hoepli, 2012.
- Bell, Sinclair and Carpino A. Alexandra (eds.). A Companion to the Etruscans, Oxford; Chichester; Malden, MA: Wiley Blackwell, 2016.
- Bonfante, Giuliano and Bonfante Larissa. The Etruscan Language: An Introduction. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2002.
- Bonfante, Larissa. Out of Etruria: Etruscan Influence North and South. Oxford: B.A.R., 1981.
- Bonfante, Larissa. Etruscan Life and Afterlife: A Handbook of Etruscan Studies. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1986.
- Bonfante, Larissa. Etruscan Myths. London: British Museum Press, 2006.
- Briquel, Dominique. Les Étrusques, peuple de la différence, series Civilisations U, éditions Armand Colin, Paris, 1993.
- Briquel, Dominique. La civilisation étrusque, éditions Fayard, Paris, 1999.
- Forte, Maurizio (ed.). A New Etruscan Archaeology: Twenty-First Century Techniques and Methods . Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2025.
- De Grummond, Nancy T. (2014). Ethnicity and the Etruscans. In McInerney, Jeremy (ed.). A Companion to Ethnicity in the Ancient Mediterranean. Chichester, UK: John Wiley & Sons, Inc. pp. 405–422.
- Haynes, Sybille. Etruscan Civilization: A Cultural History. Los Angeles: J. Paul Getty Museum, 2000.
- Izzet, Vedia. The Archaeology of Etruscan Society. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007.
- Lawrence, D. H. Sketches of Etruscan Places and Other Italian Essays. New York: Viking, 1932.
- Naso, Alessandro (ed). Etruscology, Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter, 2017.
- Pallottino, Massimo. Etruscologia. Milan: Hoepli, 1942 (English ed., The Etruscans. David Ridgway, editor. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1975).
- Salomon, Xavier F. "D. H. Lawrence among the Etruscans". Apollo, 5 August 2017.
- Shipley, Lucy. The Etruscans: Lost Civilizations, London: Reaktion Books, 2017.
- Smith, C. The Etruscans: A Very Short Introduction, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014.
- Spivey, Nigel. Etruscan Art. New York: Thames and Hudson, 1997.
- Swaddling, Judith and Philip Perkins. Etruscan by Definition: The Culture, Regional, and Personal Identity of the Etruscans: Papers in Honor of Sybille Haynes. London: British Museum, 2009.
- Torelli, M. (ed.) (2001) The Etruscans. London.
- Turfa, Jean MacIntosh (ed). The Etruscan World. London: Routledge, 2013.
- Turfa, Jean MacIntosh. The Etruscans. In Farney, Gary D.; Bradley, Gary (eds.). The Peoples of Ancient Italy. Berlin: De Gruyter. pp. 637–672.
Cities and sites
[edit]- (Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici dell'Umbria) "The Cai Cutu Etruscan tomb" An undisturbed late Etruscan family tomb, reused between the 3rd and 1st century BC, reassembled in the National Archeological Museum of Perugia
- Hypogeum of the Volumnis digital media archive (creative commons-licensed photos, laser scans, panoramas), data from a University of Ferrara/CyArk research partnership
External links
[edit]- "Etruscan weapons and warfare". Archived from the original on 30 January 2016. Retrieved 3 November 2017.
- "Etruscan Lion Plaque Pendant". Archived from the original on 9 May 2017. Retrieved 2 February 2002.
- Nancy Thomson de Grummond. "Britannica. Ancient Italic people: the Etruscans". Chicago: Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved 21 September 2023.
Etruscan civilization
View on GrokipediaOrigins
Ancient Accounts of Origins
Herodotus, the fifth-century BCE Greek historian, reported that the Etruscans, whom he called Tyrrhenians, originated as migrants from Lydia in western Anatolia during an 18-year famine around 1200 BCE.[10] According to his account in Histories (Book 1.94), the Lydian king Atys divided the population in half to alleviate starvation; one group remained under his son Lydus, while the other, led by Tyrrhenus, sailed westward and settled in Umbria, adopting the name Tyrrhenoi after their leader.[11] Herodotus linked this migration to Lydian customs such as games and religious practices observed among the Etruscans, suggesting cultural continuity from Anatolia.[12] Dionysius of Halicarnassus, a first-century BCE Greek historian writing under Roman patronage, rejected Herodotus' migration narrative and asserted that the Etruscans were indigenous to Italy, having developed continuously from earlier local populations in Etruria.[13] In his Roman Antiquities (Book 1), Dionysius argued this based on the absence of linguistic or cultural disruptions, the Etruscans' integration with neighboring Italic peoples like the Umbrians and Pelasgians, and archaeological continuity from Bronze Age settlements, dismissing eastern origins as unsubstantiated Greek conjecture.[14] He contended that claims of foreign adventurism ignored evidence of the Etruscans' long-term presence and adaptation to Italian terrain without mass displacement.[15] Other ancient Greek writers offered variant theories, often tying Etruscans to pre-Hellenic Pelasgians or broader eastern migrations. Hellanicus of Lesbos, a fifth-century BCE mythographer, identified the Etruscans as descendants of Pelasgians who fled Greece before the Dorian invasion and settled in Italy.[16] Thucydides, in History of the Peloponnesian War, implied a Near Eastern provenance similar to Herodotus but without specifying Lydia, while Strabo later echoed doubts about mass migration, favoring local evolution.[12] Roman authors like Cato the Elder and Varro provided scant direct commentary on ethnogenesis, focusing instead on Etruscan agricultural and ritual practices as evidence of deep Italic roots, implicitly aligning with indigenous views without explicit refutation of Greek tales.[15] These accounts reflect competing agendas: Greek historians often emphasized eastern ties to elevate cultural parallels, whereas Roman-era writers prioritized Italic continuity to legitimize local histories.Archaeological Evidence for Origins
Archaeological evidence identifies the Villanovan culture, spanning approximately 900 to 700 BCE, as the proto-Etruscan phase in central Italy, particularly in Etruria and parts of Emilia-Romagna. This Iron Age society is marked by cremation burials in biconical urns often shaped like huts, accompanied by grave goods such as iron weapons, bronze fibulae, and pottery with incised geometric patterns. Key sites include the necropolis at Tarquinia, Veii, and the type-site Villanova di Castenaso near Bologna, where excavations reveal clustered urn fields indicating community organization around emerging settlements.[17][18] Material culture shows continuity from the preceding Proto-Villanovan phase of the Late Bronze Age (c. 1200–900 BCE), with gradual refinements in iron metallurgy, wheel-thrown pottery, and hut-based dwellings evident in stratigraphic layers without disruption layers suggestive of conquest or mass influx. Settlement patterns evolved locally, with hilltop villages transitioning to proto-urban centers by the late Villanovan period, supported by evidence of agricultural intensification and trade in amber and metals from northern Europe rather than eastern Mediterranean imports until the subsequent Orientalizing phase.[19][20] This evidence contradicts large-scale migration models, such as Herodotus' account of Lydian origins, as no widespread destruction horizons, abrupt stylistic shifts, or Anatolian ceramic/artifact signatures appear around 1200–900 BCE; instead, cultural traits align with indigenous Italic developments influenced by diffuse contacts. While elite burials post-700 BCE incorporate eastern motifs via Phoenician and Greek trade, core Villanovan practices persist, indicating internal evolution over external replacement.[3][21]Genetic Evidence and Archeogenetics
Archaeogenetic analyses of ancient DNA from Etruscan sites have provided empirical evidence on population origins, challenging traditional migration hypotheses. A comprehensive study of 82 genomes from central Italy, spanning 800 BCE to 1000 CE, revealed that Iron Age Etruscans (circa 800–500 BCE) exhibited genetic continuity with preceding Bronze Age populations associated with the Villanovan culture (circa 900 BCE), indicating local development rather than large-scale immigration.[22] These individuals shared substantial genetic similarity with contemporaneous Latins in nearby regions, including comparable admixture from Neolithic farmers, Caucasus hunter-gatherers, and steppe pastoralists from the Pontic-Caspian region, a component present across Bronze Age Europe but not indicative of recent eastern origins.[1] Earlier mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) studies, such as a 2008 analysis of modern and ancient samples, proposed affinities with Anatolian populations based on haplotype distributions, supporting Herodotus' account of Lydian migration around the 8th century BCE.[23] However, genome-wide data from the 2021 transect refute significant recent Anatolian gene flow, as Etruscan autosomal profiles lack elevated eastern Mediterranean ancestry disproportionate to neighboring Italic groups; instead, any minor eastern signals appear post-Etruscan, during Hellenistic and Roman expansions.[22] This discrepancy highlights limitations of uniparental markers like mtDNA, which can reflect ancient shared ancestries rather than proximate migrations, and underscores the value of whole-genome sequencing for resolving ethnogenesis debates.[1] Post-Iron Age shifts involved increased admixture: by the Roman Imperial period (1st–3rd centuries CE), Etruscan-descended populations incorporated ancestries from the eastern Mediterranean (up to 20–30% in some samples), Central/Northern Europe, and additional steppe components, correlating with documented mobility via trade, slavery, and military integration.[22] Despite linguistic replacement by Indo-European Latin, medieval Tuscans retain 60–80% genetic continuity with Iron Age Etruscans, with the primary discontinuity arising from post-medieval northern European influxes rather than ancient disruptions.[1] These findings align with archaeological continuity in material culture from Villanovan to Etruscan phases, suggesting cultural innovation among indigenous groups rather than elite-driven replacement.[22]Major Debates on Etruscan Ethnogenesis
The primary debate on Etruscan ethnogenesis centers on whether the Etruscans represented a migratory population from Anatolia or an indigenous development from local Italic precursors. Ancient Greek historian Herodotus, writing around 430 BCE, asserted that the Etruscans originated from Lydia in western Anatolia, migrating to Italy amid famine under King Tyrrhenus, a narrative echoed by Hellanicus of Lesbos and linked to cultural parallels like seafaring and orientalizing art styles.[15] In contrast, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, in the 1st century BCE, championed an autochthonous origin, arguing the Etruscans evolved locally from the Villanovan culture of the Late Bronze Age, dismissing eastern migration as unsubstantiated legend and citing linguistic and customary continuity with pre-existing Italic peoples.[15] These opposing views framed the discourse, with Herodotus' "orientalist" hypothesis gaining traction in the 19th-20th centuries due to Etruscan art's eastern motifs and the non-Indo-European Etruscan language, potentially akin to Anatolian tongues, though such linguistic ties remain speculative and contested.[6] Archaeological evidence has largely undermined migration models, revealing gradual cultural evolution from the proto-urban Villanovan settlements (c. 900-700 BCE) in Etruria, characterized by cremation urns and ironworking without signs of abrupt invasion or demographic replacement.[2] Proponents of eastern origins pointed to 8th-century BCE oriental imports and elite tomb goods suggesting elite-driven diffusion rather than mass movement, but this "civilizing" influx fails to explain the core Etruscan identity, as Villanovan continuity persists in settlement patterns, pottery, and funerary rites across the region.[15] Alternative theories, such as a northern European provenance tying Etruscans to Indo-European steppe groups via the Urnfield culture, have been proposed based on cremation practices but lack robust material or genetic support, overshadowed by the dominant autochthonous-italic paradigm.[24] Recent archeogenetic studies have decisively favored local ethnogenesis, analyzing 82 ancient genomes from Etruria (c. 800 BCE-1000 CE) and finding substantial genetic continuity between Iron Age Etruscans and preceding Bronze Age populations, with no detectable Anatolian genetic signal post-2000 BCE.[22] This 2021 analysis attributes Etruscan steppe-related ancestry (c. 20-30%) to earlier Bronze Age Italic admixtures, not a late eastern wave, aligning with Dionysius' view while challenging Herodotus despite earlier mitochondrial DNA studies (e.g., 2007) that hinted at maternal Anatolian links via limited samples.[25] Linguistic evidence, positing Etruscan as part of a Tyrsenian family (with Raetic and Lemnian), introduces residual ambiguity, as Lemnian inscriptions from the Aegean suggest possible prehistoric eastern ties, though these may reflect elite borrowing rather than population replacement.[6] Overall, empirical data prioritizes causal continuity from local substrates, interpreting ancient migration tales as etiological myths or conflations with Phoenician/Carthaginian influences.[22]Historical Chronology
Periodization and Key Phases
The Etruscan civilization's chronology is delineated through archaeological phases tied to shifts in burial practices, pottery styles, architecture, and trade networks, spanning from roughly the 9th century BCE to the late Roman conquest in 27 BCE. The initial Villanovan phase, dating approximately 900–700 BCE, is identified as the proto-Etruscan Iron Age culture, distinguished by cremation rites with biconical urns placed in simple pits or wells, reflecting a pre-urban society in central Italy focused on agriculture and early metallurgy.[26] This period laid foundational settlements that evolved into major cities like Tarquinia and Veii, with evidence from sites showing continuity into later Etruscan traits despite debates over ethnic origins.[4] The Orientalizing period, circa 730–580 BCE, marked a transformative expansion through contacts with Phoenician and Greek traders, introducing opulent imports like ivory, amber, and oriental motifs in jewelry and tomb furnishings, alongside the rise of elite tumulus burials signaling social stratification and wealth accumulation from mining and maritime commerce.[27] Monumental chamber tombs and early temple structures emerged, correlating with city-state formation and territorial growth southward into Campania.[28] Subsequent phases include the Archaic (580–470 BCE), characterized by peak political influence, standardized urban planning with orthogonal layouts, and advanced corbelled vaults in tombs, as seen in necropoleis like Cerveteri; this era coincided with Etruscan dominance in the Tyrrhenian Sea and control over Rome during the Tarquin monarchy (c. 616–509 BCE).[26] The Classical period (470–330 BCE) featured refined bronze sculpture, frescoed tombs depicting banquets and rituals, and heightened Hellenic stylistic adoption post-Greek colonial pressures, though military setbacks like the Battle of Cumae (474 BCE) initiated contraction.[27] The final Hellenistic phase (330–27 BCE) witnessed cultural hybridization under Roman expansion, with reduced autonomy, Latin inscriptions supplementing Etruscan, and eventual citizenship grants by 90 BCE, preserving linguistic and artisanal legacies amid assimilation.[26] These divisions, derived from stratigraphy and radiocarbon dating, vary slightly by region due to uneven site preservation and excavation biases favoring southern Etruria.[27]Territorial Expansion and City Formation
The Etruscan city-states coalesced in central Italy during the 8th century BCE, evolving from earlier Villanovan settlements into urban centers with monumental architecture, fortifications, and extensive necropolises. Archaeological excavations at sites like Tarquinia demonstrate the rapid development of these cities by the 7th century BCE, featuring grid-planned streets, public temples, and elite residences indicative of centralized authority and organized labor.[29] This urban formation supported a population density that enabled surplus production and specialized crafts, laying the foundation for broader societal complexity. The twelve principal cities—Veii, Caere, Tarquinia, Vulci, Roselle, Vetulonia, Populonia, Volsinii, Chiusi, Perusia, Arretium, and Volterra—comprised the Dodecapolis, a confederation oriented toward religious rituals rather than strict political unity, with annual assemblies at the Fanum Voltumnae sanctuary near Volsinii.[30] These independent polities maintained autonomy while cooperating on defense and cult practices, fostering a shared cultural identity across Etruria, which spanned modern Tuscany, northern Lazio, and western Umbria.[22] Territorial expansion accelerated from the 8th century BCE onward, driven by military campaigns, colonization, and maritime trade dominance in the Tyrrhenian Sea. Etruscans pushed northward across the Apennines into the Po Valley, establishing northern outposts, and southward into Campania, where they founded or influenced cities like Capua.[31] By the 6th century BCE, they secured trading bases on Corsica and allied with Carthage against Greek colonists, culminating in naval victories such as the Battle of Alalia circa 535 BCE, which preserved control over western Mediterranean routes.[32] Eastern advances were curtailed by the Tiber River and resistant Italic groups like the Umbrians, limiting contiguous territory while enabling cultural diffusion through commerce.[33] This phase of growth peaked before Celtic incursions into the Po Valley around 400 BCE and Roman pressures from the south eroded Etruscan holdings.[34]The Etruscan League and Political Confederation
The Etruscan League, known as the dodecapolis, comprised a loose confederation of twelve independent city-states in central Italy, unified primarily through shared religious practices and cultural traditions rather than a centralized political authority. This alliance, which likely emerged around the 7th to 6th centuries BC, facilitated periodic coordination on matters of mutual interest, such as defense and trade, but each polis maintained its sovereignty under local rulers or magistrates.[35][16] Annual assemblies occurred at the federal sanctuary of Fanum Voltumnae, dedicated to the deity Voltumna (possibly an aspect of Tinia), located near the city of Volsinii (modern Orvieto). These gatherings, attended by representatives from the member states, involved religious festivals, the election of a temporary leader, and discussions on external threats, as recorded in Roman historian Livy's accounts of meetings in 434 BC, 403 BC, and others during conflicts with Rome and the Gauls. However, the league rarely achieved unified military action, reflecting its decentralized nature.[36][35] The precise membership of the twelve cities remains debated due to variations in ancient sources and Etruscan nomenclature, but a commonly cited roster includes Tarchna (Tarquinii), Veii, Caisra (Caere/Cerveteri), Vulci (Velch), Velzna (Volsinii), Felathri (Volterra), Clevsin (Clusium/Chiusi), Pupluna (Populonia), Vetluna (Vetulonia), Curtun (Cortona), Perusna (Perugia), and Arretium (Arezzo). Some lists substitute or add Rusellae (Roselle). This grouping emphasized Etruria proper, excluding southern or northern extensions.[35][16] Legend, preserved in ancient traditions, attributes the league's foundation to Lydian migrants Tarchon (Tarchun) and Tyrrhenus in the 8th century BC, with Tarchon establishing Tarchna and lending his name to the political model of lucumones (kings or priests). Archaeological evidence from Fanum Voltumnae, including temple foundations and artifacts from the 6th to 4th centuries BC, supports the site's role as a cult center, though the league's political efficacy was limited, contributing to the piecemeal conquest of Etruscan cities by Rome from the 5th century BC onward.[35][36][16]Interactions with Greeks, Celts, and Early Romans
The Etruscans maintained extensive commercial ties with Greek poleis across the Mediterranean, exporting iron, copper, tin, and bucchero pottery while importing Greek fine wares, wine, olive oil, and luxury items such as Attic black-figure and red-figure vases found abundantly in Etruscan necropoleis dating from the 7th to 5th centuries BC.[37] These exchanges, peaking between 700 and 500 BC, spurred cultural adoption, including the adaptation of the Euboean Greek alphabet into Etruscan script by circa 700 BC and the assimilation of Greek deities like Apollo and Dionysus into Etruscan religion and iconography, as seen in temple dedications and frescoes.[38] Maritime competition in the Tyrrhenian Sea, however, precipitated military clashes; Greek colonists from Cumae and Syracuse challenged Etruscan dominance, leading to the naval Battle of Cumae in 474 BC, where Hiero I of Syracuse's intervention aided Cumaeans in routing an Etruscan-Phoenician fleet of approximately 120 ships, thereby limiting Etruscan thalassocracy.[39][40] Encounters with Celtic groups, especially Gauls crossing the Alps into the Po Valley around 400 BC, involved both economic interchange and territorial rivalry. Artifacts like a 5th-century BC Celtic cauldron from Dürrnberg, Austria, adorned with Etruscan-style figures and Greek mythological scenes, attest to trade flows of amber, metals, and slaves northward in return for southern ceramics and vessels, fostering Etruscan stylistic influences on proto-Celtic metalwork and banqueting customs.[41][42] Initial hostilities arose as Gallic senones and boii tribes raided Etruscan settlements, defeating them at the Battle of the Allia in 390 BC en route to sacking Rome, though Etruscans reportedly repelled Gauls at the Clusium siege in 358 BC; these incursions ultimately eroded Etruscan hegemony north of the Apennines by the late 4th century BC.[43][44] Etruscan-Roman relations transitioned from cultural and political dominance to subjugation. Roman annalistic tradition attributes Etruscan origins to kings Lucius Tarquinius Priscus (traditional reign 616–579 BC) and his son Superbus (535–509 BC), crediting them with monumental projects like the Circus Maximus, Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, and sewer infrastructure, alongside haruspicy and ludi influences persisting into the Republic.[45] Post-monarchy, recurrent wars ensued; Rome's protracted siege of Veii (406–396 BC), employing tunnel warfare and famine tactics under consuls like Marcus Furius Camillus, culminated in its capture and enslavement of inhabitants, bolstered by a reported Etruscan League response but fracturing Etruscan unity.[46][47] Further campaigns against cities like Tarquinii and Caere integrated southern Etruria by 265 BC, with Roman citizenship grants to some elites facilitating assimilation amid declining Etruscan autonomy.[48]Decline, Roman Integration, and Legacy
The decline of Etruscan power commenced in the early 5th century BCE, following territorial losses to emerging Greek colonies in southern Italy, including defeats at Cumae in 524 BCE and Aricia in 506 BCE, which eroded Etruscan dominance in Campania and reduced access to Mediterranean trade routes.[49] Internal economic strains, such as deforestation and depletion of mineral resources like iron and copper deposits in Etruria, further undermined urban prosperity and military capacity by the 4th century BCE.[50] Celtic (Gallic) invasions from the Po Valley in the 390s BCE exacerbated vulnerabilities, sacking Etruscan settlements and diverting resources, while Roman expansion southward systematically targeted key cities.[51] Rome's conquest accelerated the process, culminating in the siege and capture of Veii in 396 BCE after a decade-long war, marking the first major Roman annexation of Etruscan territory and integrating its hinterland into the Roman ager Veientanus.[52] Subsequent Roman victories, including against Tarquinia in 358 BCE and other northern cities by the 3rd century BCE, fragmented Etruscan confederations, with many polities submitting as foederati allies rather than facing annihilation.[53] By the Social War's end in 90 BCE, surviving Etruscans received full Roman citizenship via the Lex Julia, facilitating cultural assimilation; the Etruscan language persisted in inscriptions until the 1st century CE but vanished from daily use as Latin supplanted it amid intermarriage and urbanization.[1] Territorial incorporation into the Roman Empire under Augustus in 27 BCE formalized Etruria as provinces like Regio VII, where Etruscan elites transitioned into Roman senatorial and equestrian roles, though distinct ethnic identity faded by the late Republic.[54] Etruscan legacy profoundly shaped Roman institutions, particularly in religion, where practices like haruspicina (liver divination) and augury—observing bird flights and lightning—were adopted wholesale, with Roman augurs tracing lineages to Etruscan ritual books (libri augurales).[55] Architectural innovations, including the tuscanica order of temples with wooden columns and terracotta decorations, influenced Roman podium-style temples, as seen in the Capitoline Temple's early phases, while urban planning with cardo and decumanus grids and subterranean drainage (cuniculi) informed Roman aqueducts and city walls.[56] Civic and military elements, such as the toga praetexta for magistrates and the tripartite fasces symbolizing authority, stemmed from Etruscan precedents, alongside early kings like the Tarquins who introduced the sewer system (Cloaca Maxima) and Circus Maximus.[57] Artistically, Etruscan bronze-working and portraiture techniques persisted in Roman verism, ensuring that foundational Roman cultural synthesis retained Etruscan causal contributions despite assimilation.[58]Government and Social Structure
Political Systems and Governance
The Etruscan political systems comprised independent city-states, each with autonomous governance and no overarching imperial structure.[29] Early rule in these polities centered on monarchs termed lucumones, who exercised combined secular and sacral authority, as evidenced by inscriptions linking figures like "Laucie Mezentie" to kingship in Caere around 680–640 BCE.[59] These rulers, often selected by aristocratic clans, oversaw administration, military affairs, and religious rites, reflecting a theocratic element where divine auspices guided decisions.[5] By the late Archaic period, circa 500 BCE, many city-states shifted from hereditary monarchy to elected magistracies, forming oligarchic systems dominated by elite families.[59] This transition, parallel to changes in contemporaneous Greek and Roman societies, is attested indirectly through the decline of royal titles in epigraphy and the rise of republican offices by the 5th century BCE.[59] Primary evidence derives from limited inscriptions, such as those detailing public works under magisterial oversight, though Greek and Roman accounts (e.g., Livy and Dionysius of Halicarnassus) may impose anachronistic interpretations favoring their own institutional narratives.[59] Prominent magistrates included the zilath, a chief executive akin to a consul, documented in texts like TLE 90 from circa 380–370 BCE, responsible for diplomacy, warfare, and civic projects.[59] Subordinate roles, such as the purth, handled judicial or administrative functions, as noted in inscriptions like ET AT 108.[59] Power remained vested in a narrow aristocracy, with assemblies or councils of nobles advising officials, but the precise electoral processes and popular involvement—potentially minimal—remain obscure due to the scarcity and ambiguity of surviving records.[59] This aristocratic framework prioritized clan interests, fostering stability amid external pressures but contributing to internal fragmentation.[29]Influence of Religion on Government and Decision-Making
The Etruscan governmental structure incorporated pronounced theocratic features, with political leadership inherently fused to religious authority, reflecting a system where rulers derived legitimacy from divine sanction rather than solely secular power. The lucumo, the chief magistrate or king in Etruscan city-states, functioned dually as a political sovereign and high priest, overseeing both civic administration and ritual observances to maintain harmony with the gods.[60] This integration stemmed from the belief that state prosperity depended on interpreting and appeasing divine will, as evidenced by inscriptions and ritual artifacts linking monarchical titles to priestly duties in cities like Tarquinia and Veii during the 7th–6th centuries BCE.[57] Divination constituted a cornerstone of Etruscan decision-making, mandating consultation of omens prior to major political or military actions to avert misfortune and ensure favorable outcomes. Haruspices, elite diviners trained in haruspicina—the examination of sacrificial animal entrails, particularly the liver—advised rulers on the gods' intentions, exerting influence that extended into policy formulation and conflict initiation.[61] Augurs complemented this by observing bird flights and lightning patterns, practices codified in the Etrusca Disciplina, a corpus of texts and oral traditions outlining ritual protocols that effectively served as a religio-political framework for governance across the 12-city league.[62] Archaeological finds, such as bronze model livers used for training haruspices from the 4th–3rd centuries BCE in Piacenza, underscore the systematic institutionalization of these methods, which persisted into Roman adoption but originated in Etruscan statecraft.[63] Priestly colleges, including female priestesses and oracles, further embedded religion in politics, with women occasionally wielding advisory power over decisions in a society where gender roles in ritual were less rigidly segregated than in contemporaneous Greek polities.[64] This reliance on divination fostered a cautious, fate-oriented approach to expansion and alliances, as leaders postponed campaigns—such as those against Celtic incursions around 400 BCE—if omens proved adverse, prioritizing cosmic alignment over opportunistic aggression. The Etrusca Disciplina's emphasis on prodigy interpretation, including anomalous natural events, reinforced governmental responsiveness to perceived divine signals, binding executive actions to priestly validation.[63] Such mechanisms, while empowering a sacerdotal elite, also constrained autocratic impulses, channeling authority through ritual consensus in an oligarchic transition from monarchy by the 5th century BCE.Family, Kinship, and Social Hierarchy
The family unit formed the core of Etruscan society, binding communities through kinship ties that emphasized generational continuity and clan affiliations. Kinship systems were structured vertically across generations, with individuals tracking lineage up to six generations, recognizing clan membership through paternal lines such as "son of" designations while maternal ties played roles in inheritance and alliances.[65] [66] Archaeological evidence from tombs reveals family clusters, including genetic links among up to four individuals in sites like Venosa and Tarquinia, indicating multi-generational burial practices that reinforced familial identity.[1] Etruscan women enjoyed greater autonomy than in contemporaneous Greek or Roman societies, retaining maiden names upon marriage, owning property, and participating actively in social and religious life. They attended banquets alongside men, received education, and featured prominently in art and inscriptions as daughters (sec or sech) and wives (puia), suggesting naming conventions that highlighted individual identity over strict patrilineal subsumption.[67] [68] Tomb depictions, such as sarcophagi showing spouses reclining together, underscore the cultural value placed on marital partnerships and familial harmony, with women often interred with elite grave goods akin to men's.[69] Social hierarchy stratified Etruscan communities into an elite aristocracy, free commoners, and dependents including slaves. At the apex stood noble families (domini), who inherited power, controlled land, military leadership, and religious offices, as evidenced by opulent tombs and inscriptions spanning centuries in urban centers like Tarquinia and Volterra.[66] [70] These aristocrats patronized crafts, hosted public spectacles, and formed client networks (etera), binding lower strata through patronage and obligation.[71] Beneath the nobility, free artisans, farmers, and merchants comprised the middling classes, contributing to urban economies but with limited political voice, as elite dominance pervades surviving material culture. Slaves (servi), often war captives ransomed or retained for labor, supported agriculture, mining, and domestic work; though economically valued and rarely subjected to extreme mistreatment to avoid loss, they faced exploitation in gladiatorial precursors like funerary combats.[66] [72] Distinctions between slaves, freedmen, and serfs blurred in some contexts, with revolts occasionally involving indebted citizens, reflecting tensions in this dependent underclass.[73][74]Military Institutions and Warfare
The Etruscan military relied on citizen-soldiers, primarily farmers who equipped themselves for campaigns, with recruitment often organized by kinship groups or clans within city-states.[75] This decentralized structure, typical of independent poleis, lacked a standing professional army until the introduction of paid mercenaries around the 5th century BCE, evidenced by early coinage depictions.[75] Military leadership fell to magistrates or kings in earlier periods, with lictors serving as attendants bearing fasces symbols of authority.[76] The loose confederation of the Etruscan League coordinated joint efforts but struggled with unified command, contributing to vulnerabilities against external foes.[75] Warfare emphasized heavy infantry in phalanx formations, adopted from Greek influences, where warriors formed tight shield walls for frontal assaults.[75] [76] Battles were typically seasonal, brief set-pieces between rivals, focusing on territorial raids, anti-piracy operations, and defensive city sieges.[75] Elite elements included cavalry for flanking and chariots for command, alongside auxiliaries like archers using composite bows and slingers.[76] Archaeological evidence from tombs and stelai, such as the Vetulonia stele, shows double-axes possibly as ceremonial weapons, while practical arms comprised bronze-tipped spears for thrusting and double-edged short swords like the xiphos or kopis for close combat.[75] [76] Armor reflected hoplite styles: bell-shaped or crested bronze helmets, muscled cuirasses or linen-reinforced linothorax, bronze greaves often lion-motif decorated, and round or oval shields (hoplon-type, up to 84 cm diameter) gripped via porpax straps.[75] [76] Later adaptations included lighter leather or scale armor and Montefortino helmets amid declining resources.[76] Etruscan naval power dominated the Tyrrhenian Sea with large oared galleys designed for ramming and boarding, enabling control over Corsica, Sardinia, and parts of Sicily until defeats eroded this supremacy.[75] The Battle of Cumae in 474 BCE saw a Syracusan Greek fleet shatter Etruscan naval forces, marking a pivotal loss that disrupted maritime trade and expansion.[75] Key conflicts highlighted evolving fortunes: prolonged Roman siege of Veii (406–396 BCE), ending in Etruscan defeat after a decade-long tunnel assault; alliance losses at Sentinum (295 BCE) against Roman legions; and earlier clashes with Greek colonies and invading Celts, where Etruscans sometimes allied with Rome, as at Talamone (225 BCE).[75] These engagements, substantiated by Roman historians like Livy and archaeological fortifications, underscore a shift from offensive prowess to defensive attrition, hastening Roman integration.[75]Economy and Material Life
Agriculture, Resources, and Subsistence
The Etruscan economy relied heavily on agriculture, supported by the fertile volcanic soils of central Italy, particularly in the Tiber Valley and surrounding regions of Tuscany and northern Latium, which facilitated crop cultivation and pastoralism from the 8th century BCE onward.[77] Primary crops included cereals such as barley, emmer wheat, millet, and rye, processed into puls, a porridge-like staple that formed the basis of daily meals.[78] Legumes like lentils and chickpeas, along with vegetables such as onions and garlic, supplemented these grains, while viticulture emerged early, with Etruscans domesticating wild grapevines into cultivated varieties by around 700 BCE, enabling wine production and export.[79] Farming techniques involved light plows fitted with iron shares for tilling, supplemented by hoes, scythes, and spades, alongside land reclamation efforts like drainage via moats, tunnels, and dams to counter marshy terrains and expand arable land.[80][81] Livestock husbandry provided secondary subsistence, with domesticated cattle, sheep, goats, and pigs raised for meat, milk, wool, and draft power, though archaeological evidence from bone isotopes indicates animal protein contributed minimally to the diet compared to plant-based foods.[82][83] Diets emphasized C3 pathway crops—cereals and legumes grown in temperate Mediterranean conditions—reflecting a reliance on local, seasonal produce with limited diversity, as inferred from stable isotope analyses of skeletal remains showing δ13C values consistent with terrestrial C3 dominance and low marine or pastoral input.[82] This agrarian base underpinned population growth in urban centers like Veii and Tarquinia, where surplus production supported trade and craft specialization, though intensification may have led to nutritional stresses like scurvy in some communities by the 5th century BCE due to cereal-heavy monocultures.[84] Natural resources, particularly metals, augmented agricultural subsistence through mining and metallurgy, with Tuscany's ore-rich deposits— including iron from Elba Island, copper and lead from the Colline Metallifere—exploited from the 8th century BCE, yielding tools, weapons, and trade goods that enriched elites.[85][86] These activities, centered in areas like Populonia, involved smelting and alloying techniques advanced for the era, processing thousands of tons of ore annually and contributing to environmental impacts such as sediment pollution traceable in lake cores.[87] While agriculture remained the economic core, metal exports to Greece and Phoenicia diversified subsistence, funding hydraulic infrastructure that enhanced soil fertility and irrigation in alluvial plains.[77]Trade Networks and Economic Exchanges
The Etruscans established extensive maritime trade networks across the Mediterranean from the 8th century BCE, connecting their coastal cities such as Tarquinia, Cerveteri, and Populonia with Greek colonies, Phoenician outposts, and Carthaginian territories.[16] These networks facilitated the exchange of raw materials, finished goods, and luxury items, with Etruscan ports serving as key hubs for shipping iron, copper, and bronze products southward while importing eastern luxuries northward.[37] Archaeological evidence, including shipwrecks and amphorae distributions, indicates that Etruscan vessels plied routes to southern France, the Levant, and North Africa, often intersecting with Phoenician and Greek maritime activities.[88] A cornerstone of Etruscan exports was metalworking, particularly iron smelted from ores mined on the island of Elba and processed at Populonia, which emerged as a major production center by the 6th century BCE.[89] Slag heaps and industrial remains at Baratti near Populonia attest to large-scale operations yielding iron tools, weapons, and ingots traded throughout the Mediterranean in exchange for ivory from Egypt and amber from northern Europe.[37] Copper metallurgy, documented from the Chalcolithic period onward in the Elba-Populonia region, supported bronze production for export, with finished artifacts like vessels and statues circulating widely.[90] Bucchero pottery, a distinctive black-burnished ware mass-produced in Etruscan workshops from the 7th century BCE, was distributed across central Italy and exported to Greek sites, serving as both utilitarian tableware and a marker of Etruscan commercial reach.[88] Imports bolstered Etruscan economy and culture, with Greek fine wares, wine amphorae, and orientalizing motifs arriving via emporia like Gravisca near Tarquinia.[37] Punic amphorae found in northern Etruscan sites such as Pisa reveal sustained exchanges with Carthaginian networks, supplying goods like garum and textiles from the 6th century BCE onward.[91] These interactions, evidenced by standardized transport jars and harbor installations, underscore a pragmatic economic system driven by resource complementarity rather than political dominance, with Etruscan traders leveraging their navigational skills to integrate into broader Mediterranean circuits.[88] By the 5th century BCE, however, competition from Greek and emerging Roman maritime powers began eroding Etruscan trade primacy, though residual networks persisted until Roman assimilation.[16]Urban Development and Infrastructure
The Etruscan civilization exhibited early and sophisticated urban development, with cities emerging prominently from the late 8th century BC onward, transitioning from Villanovan settlements to structured urban centers by the 7th century BC. These cities, such as Veii, Tarquinia, and Vulci, were typically situated on defensible hilltops, reflecting a strategic emphasis on natural topography for protection and resource access. Urban planning was guided by religious divination, including the observation of bird flights by augurs to determine foundational orientations and layouts, which integrated sacred spaces like temples with residential and public areas. [92] [93] Peak urbanization occurred in the 6th century BC, marked by high population densities and the proliferation of over 200 documented sites across Etruria, driven by agricultural surpluses and trade. [94] Defensive infrastructure was a cornerstone of Etruscan urban design, featuring extensive city walls constructed from local stone, often in polygonal or rectangular ashlar masonry. At Tarquinia, walls underwent phased construction starting in the 7th century BC, utilizing massive blocks set directly on rocky outcrops for stability, with traces of these fortifications spanning several kilometers around the urban core. [95] Similarly, Veii's 6th-century BC fortifications included robust walls pierced by gated roads, enhancing connectivity while maintaining security against rivals like early Rome. [96] These walls not only deterred invasions but also delineated sacred urban boundaries, aligning with Etruscan cosmological views of enclosed, divinely sanctioned spaces. Hydraulic engineering represented a key infrastructural achievement, prioritizing drainage over pressurized water supply. Etruscans developed cuniculi—underground tunnels for channeling rainwater and managing groundwater—particularly evident in the Veii region, where these systems facilitated land reclamation and prevented flooding without relying on surface aqueducts. [9] Sewerage networks featured sloped channels along street edges, directing wastewater efficiently through urban areas, as seen in settlements like those near modern Orvieto. [97] This subterranean approach influenced subsequent Roman works, such as the Cloaca Maxima, but remained distinct in its focus on subterranean diversion rather than elevated conduits. Road networks, while less monumental than later Roman vias, linked cities via unpaved but graded paths, supporting intra-regional trade and military movement by the 6th century BC. [98]Cultural Achievements
Religious Beliefs, Rituals, and Cosmology
The Etruscan religion was polytheistic and centered on a pantheon of deities that paralleled but predated Roman equivalents, including Tinia as the chief sky god responsible for thunder and lightning, Uni as his consort associated with marriage and fertility, and Menrva as the goddess of wisdom and war, forming a triad analogous to Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva.[99] Other prominent deities included Turms, a messenger god akin to Hermes who guided souls, and Fufluns, linked to wine and ecstasy similar to Dionysus.[100] This belief system was characterized as disciplina etrusca, a revealed tradition attributed to the prophet Tages, a child-like figure who emerged from the earth to impart divine knowledge on rituals and divination to Etruscan leaders.[101] Etruscan cosmology divided the heavens into sixteen regions, oriented by cardinal directions and used for interpreting omens, with the sky's zones representing domains of specific gods and allowing for seasonal rotations in observation.[102] This system, reconstructed from artifacts like the Piacenza Liver—a bronze model of a sheep's liver inscribed with divinatory zones dated to around 100 BCE—reflected a structured view of the cosmos where divine will manifested through natural phenomena such as lightning strikes in particular sectors.[103] The earthly realm mirrored this celestial order through templa, sacred spaces demarcated for ritual observation, emphasizing boundaries and harmony between human actions and cosmic forces.[104] Rituals focused on maintaining pax deorum (peace with the gods) through sacrifices, primarily of animals like sheep or bulls, where offerings were either fully burnt on altars or partially consumed in communal meals to invoke divine favor.[99] Divination was central, with haruspicy involving the examination of animal entrails—especially livers—for omens, guided by standardized models and texts that interpreted markings as signs of future events or royal decisions.[105] Augury complemented this by observing bird flights or lightning within the sixteen heavenly sectors, performed by specialized priests known as haruspices, who wore distinctive costumes and operated collegially.[106] Funerary rituals underscored a belief in an active afterlife, where the deceased journeyed to an underworld realm, as depicted in tomb paintings showing banquets, dances, and processions mimicking earthly life to ensure continuity.[107] Tombs, often rock-cut hypogea resembling houses, contained grave goods like urns for cremated remains and offerings to sustain the soul, with psychopomps such as winged Vanth (a benevolent guide) and demonic Charun (enforcing passage) portrayed as escorts.[63] These practices, spanning from the 8th to 3rd centuries BCE, integrated libations, possibly erotic dances, and blood rituals to facilitate the transition, reflecting empirical adaptations from Mediterranean influences rather than abstract moral judgments.[108]Art, Iconography, and Musical Traditions
Etruscan art, spanning roughly the 8th to 1st centuries BCE, emphasized terracotta sculpture, bronze casting, and fresco painting, often reflecting Greek influences after 750 BCE while maintaining distinct local traits such as dynamic poses and a focus on funerary contexts.[26] Terracotta figures, including life-sized temple statues like the Apollo from the Portonaccio sanctuary at Veii dated to circa 510–500 BCE, featured expressive facial features and Archaic smiles, contrasting with more rigid contemporary Greek works by incorporating freer, narrative groupings.[109] Bronze masterpieces, such as the Chimera of Arezzo from the 5th century BCE, demonstrated advanced lost-wax techniques and hybrid mythical forms symbolizing power and protection.[26] Funerary urns and sarcophagi, often carved from tufa or alabaster, portrayed reclining figures in banqueting poses, as seen in examples from Volterra dating to the 3rd–1st centuries BCE, underscoring the civilization's preoccupation with the afterlife.[7] Iconography in Etruscan art recurrently featured motifs of banqueting, processions, and mythical creatures, serving both decorative and apotropaic functions in tombs and votive objects.[110] Common symbols included rosettes, palmettes, and geometric patterns on pottery like bucchero ware, a glossy black ceramic produced from the 7th century BCE onward, which mimicked metal vessels through wheel-throwing and burnishing techniques.[111] Funerary scenes depicted elite couples feasting, attended by servants, with elements like fish, eggs, and birds signifying abundance and regeneration in the underworld, as evidenced in Tarquinia tomb frescoes from 530–300 BCE.[112] Mythological borrowings, such as griffins and sphinxes from Orientalizing periods (9th–7th centuries BCE), appeared on jewelry and mirrors, conveying status and divine favor, while indigenous figures like the blue-skinned demon Charun with a hammer represented psychopomps guiding souls.[113] Directional preferences in compositions, with 62% of scenes oriented leftward to align with right-to-left writing, suggest cultural conventions in visual storytelling.[110] Musical traditions, integral to rituals and banquets, are primarily known through tomb frescoes depicting performers with instruments like the double aulos (pipes), lyre variants such as the barbiton, and percussion including cymbals and tambourines. In the Tomb of the Triclinium at Tarquinia, dated around 470 BCE, frescoes show male and female dancers alongside a musician playing a barbiton, evoking festive underworld symposia.[114] The Tomb of the Leopards, circa 480–450 BCE, illustrates aulos players and lyre strummers amid banqueters, highlighting music's role in harmonizing communal and funerary events.[115] Archaeological finds confirm bronze auloi fragments and horn-shaped litui from the 7th–4th centuries BCE, used in processions and sacrifices, with Greek and Roman accounts noting Etruscan proficiency in wind instruments over strings.39121-2/fulltext) These representations, absent theoretical texts, indicate practical, performative music tied to religious and social cohesion rather than abstracted composition.[116]Language, Script, and Linguistic Isolation
The Etruscan language, attested from roughly the 8th century BCE until its extinction by the 1st century CE, belongs to the Tyrrhenian branch of languages, which also encompasses the Raetic dialects of the eastern Alps and the Lemnian inscriptions from the island of Lemnos; however, it stands as a linguistic isolate with no demonstrable ties to the Indo-European family dominant in surrounding regions, including Italic Latin and Greek.[117][118] This isolation manifests in distinct grammatical features, such as agglutinative structure with suffix-heavy declensions (typically six cases) and verb conjugations that diverge sharply from Indo-European paradigms, alongside a lexicon yielding few if any reliable cognates with neighboring tongues.[117][119] The Etruscan script, an alphabetic system of 20 letters (later reduced), was adapted from the Euboean Greek alphabet via maritime trade contacts in the 8th century BCE, marking it as one of the earliest writing systems in the western Mediterranean after Greek itself.[120] This adaptation involved modifications like the loss of certain Greek phonemes irrelevant to Etruscan phonology (e.g., omission of eta and omega) and the addition of symbols for unique sounds, such as the fricative /f/ rendered as "𐌗".[120] Texts were typically inscribed boustrophedon (alternating directions) in early periods, shifting to left-to-right by the 5th century BCE, and appear on diverse media including stone, bronze, pottery, and linen.[120] Over 13,000 inscriptions form the surviving corpus, with the vast majority comprising brief funerary epitaphs, votive dedications, or ownership marks—rarely exceeding a few words—concentrated in Etruria's urban centers like Tarquinia and Veii from the 7th to 4th centuries BCE.[117] Longer texts are exceptional, including the bilingual Pyrgi gold tablets (c. 500 BCE), which juxtapose Etruscan dedications to the goddess Uni with Phoenician equivalents, enabling key decipherments of religious terminology and syntax through comparative analysis.[121][122] The premier extended document is the Liber Linteus Zagrabiensis, a 3rd-century BCE linen scroll (originally perhaps from the late 4th century) repurposed as mummy wrappings in Egypt, spanning about 1,200 words in 18 columns and likely detailing ritual calendars or sacrificial protocols, though full interpretation remains elusive due to the language's opacity.[123] Etruscan's isolation precluded mutual intelligibility with Indo-European substrates, contributing to its incomplete decipherment despite phonetic transparency from the script; while core vocabulary and morphology are graspable (e.g., genitive in -s, locative in -i), semantic depth relies on contextual inference from archaeology and rare parallels like the Pyrgi texts, underscoring the language's endurance as an orphan amid Italic assimilation.[117][119] Genetic and linguistic evidence reinforces autochthonous development in Italy rather than eastern migration models once hypothesized, aligning with the language's pre-Indo-European relic status.[118]Literature, Texts, and Intellectual Contributions
The Etruscan literary tradition is known almost exclusively through epigraphic evidence, as no extended narrative or poetic works have survived, likely due to the use of perishable materials such as linen, wood, and wax tablets for longer texts. Approximately 13,000 inscriptions exist, predominantly short funerary, votive, or dedicatory formulas on durable surfaces like stone, bronze, and ceramics, providing limited insight into vocabulary, grammar, and ritual phrases but little into broader literary forms. Roman authors, including Cicero and Varro, reference Etruscan books (libri Etrusci) categorized into ritual (libri rituales), haruspical (libri haruspicini for liver divination), and fulgural (libri fulgurales for lightning omens), indicating a systematic intellectual tradition in religious and divinatory practices that influenced Roman augury and state religion.[124] Among the longest surviving continuous texts is the Liber Linteus Zagrabiensis, a linen scroll dated to the 3rd century BC, comprising about 1,330 words arranged in 12 columns, discovered wrapped around an Egyptian mummy in the 19th century. This ritual document, possibly a sacred calendar or liturgical text, remains largely untranslated due to the Etruscan language's isolation and scarcity of bilingual parallels, though it reveals repetitive formulas invoking deities and months, underscoring the centrality of religious observance in Etruscan intellectual life. Its preservation as the only known Etruscan linen book highlights the fragility of their textual heritage, with content focused on cultic procedures rather than secular literature.[125][126] Other significant texts include the Pyrgi gold tablets from circa 500 BC, consisting of three inscribed leaves—two in Etruscan and one in Phoenician—recording a temple dedication by the ruler Thefarie Velianas to the goddess Uni (equated with Astarte), offering bilingual evidence that has advanced decipherment efforts by linking Etruscan terms to Semitic equivalents. Complementing this, the Tabula Capuana, a terracotta slab from around 470 BC measuring 60 by 50 cm, bears the second-longest inscription, interpreted as a ritual calendar detailing festivals and sacrifices over a multi-month cycle, evidencing structured calendrical knowledge tied to agrarian and religious cycles. These artifacts demonstrate Etruscan advancements in recording administrative-religious functions, though their esoteric nature limits access to profane intellectual pursuits.[121][127] Intellectually, Etruscans contributed to early Mediterranean systems of omen interpretation, as seen in the reconstructed Brontoscopic Calendar, a 12-month lunar sequence of thunder prognostications attributed to the mythical figure Tages, preserved fragmentarily in Latin sources but originating in Etruscan tradition around the 6th-5th centuries BC. This framework, covering 360 days with omens for each, reflects empirical observation of natural phenomena correlated to societal outcomes, forming a causal basis for elite decision-making in politics and warfare, later adopted by Romans for consular inaugurations. Such works prioritize pragmatic divination over abstract philosophy, aligning with a worldview emphasizing observable signs and ritual efficacy over speculative metaphysics.[124][128]Modern Scholarship and Recent Discoveries
Key Methodological Advances in Etruscology
The application of ancient DNA (aDNA) analysis has revolutionized understandings of Etruscan origins and continuity, enabling genomic time transects that trace population dynamics from the Iron Age through the Roman period. A 2021 study sequenced genomes from 82 individuals across Etruria and southern Italy spanning 800 BCE to 1000 CE, revealing genetic continuity with local Bronze Age populations rather than large-scale eastern migrations, thus challenging Herodotus's invasion hypothesis through empirical evidence of autochthonous development.[22] Complementary mitochondrial DNA analyses from sites like Vagnari have further illuminated post-Etruscan legacies in Roman-era burials, linking isotopic signatures to mobility and dietary patterns.[129] Isotopic studies of strontium, oxygen, carbon, and nitrogen in skeletal remains have advanced reconstructions of diet, migration, and socioeconomic status, providing causal insights into subsistence and trade. For instance, analyses from Pontecagnano (730–580 BCE) demonstrated reliance on C3 plants and marine resources among elites, with elevated stress markers in non-adults indicating environmental pressures, quantifiable via δ13C and δ15N ratios.[82] These methods, integrated with archaeobotanical data, revisit early 20th-century environmental surveys like Negri's 1927 work, now refined to detect livestock adaptations through future DNA-isotope correlations.[130] Remote sensing technologies, including ground-penetrating radar (GPR), LiDAR, and magnetometry, have enhanced non-invasive site prospection and urban mapping, reducing destructive excavation. Deployed in Etruscan contexts since the late 20th century, these tools mapped subsurface features at sites like Poggio Civitate, yielding data on settlement layouts unattainable via traditional trenching.[131] Digital 3D modeling and virtual reality reconstructions, as in portals for 280 Tarquinian tombs scanned post-2020, facilitate global access and phenomenological analyses of ritual spaces, preserving fragile hypogeal environments.[132] Computational modeling has introduced quantitative rigor to qualitative traditions, simulating human-environment interactions and territorial management. Agent-based models of Etruscan cities integrate landscape data to predict resource flows, contrasting anecdotal epigraphic interpretations with statistically validated patterns.[27] In epigraphy and iconography, quantitative metrics—such as pixel-based tomb painting analysis at Tarquinia—overcome biases in descriptive historiography, enabling cross-site comparisons of motifs and chronologies.[133] These multidisciplinary integrations, emphasizing empirical falsifiability over narrative conjecture, underscore Etruscology's shift toward causal realism in interpreting scant textual corpora.[134]Recent Archaeological Finds (Post-2020)
In July 2025, archaeologists from the San Giuliano Archaeological Research Project uncovered a rare intact rock-cut Etruscan tomb at the San Giuliano necropolis in central Italy, approximately 40 miles northwest of Rome.[135] The chamber tomb, sealed since antiquity and undisturbed by looters, contained the remains of four individuals—preliminarily identified as two male-female pairs—positioned on carved stone beds, accompanied by over 110 artifacts including ceramic vases, iron weapons, bronze ornaments, and silver hair spools.[136] Dated to roughly the 6th-5th century BCE based on artifact typology, the find provides direct evidence of Etruscan burial practices in southern Etruria, including the use of sealed chambers for multiple interments and grave goods reflecting status and gender roles.[135] [136] Project co-director Davide Zori noted that such sealed burials are exceptional in the region's hilly interior, offering unlooted contexts rare in Etruscology for analyzing organic preservation and ritual continuity.[135] At the end of 2022, officials from the Soprintendenza Archeologia inspected cavities in farmland within Tarquinia's Monterozzi necropolis—a UNESCO site—revealing a previously unknown painted tomb from the mid-5th century BCE.[137] The tomb's walls feature frescoes depicting a frenetic dance scene with men and women around a flute player on the left wall, a partially preserved image of a woman flanked by two young men on the rear wall, and a metal workshop possibly linked to the god Sethlans on the right wall.[137] Accompanied by fragments of Attic red-figure pottery and collapsed materials from an earlier Orientalizing-period tomb, this discovery represents the first new figured-frieze painted tomb identified in Tarquinia in decades, illuminating Etruscan social rituals, craftsmanship, and potential elite patronage in a major urban center.[137] In 2022 excavations at the Vallone di San Lorenzo necropolis near Montecchio in Terni province uncovered diverse tomb types reflecting Etruscan-Umbrian interactions along the Tiber River trade corridor.[138] These included a pioneering horse burial tomb with a skeleton in left-lateral position, a stone cassone tomb yielding painted ceramic vessels and female ornaments (likely depleted of metals by ancient robbers), and additional 2023 fossa graves with human bones, iron and bronze items, worked bone, and cut stone artifacts.[138] The variety underscores regional burial diversity and economic exchanges in a frontier zone during the 7th-6th centuries BCE.[138] Concurrent thermal spring excavations at San Casciano dei Bagni in 2022 yielded over 20 exceptionally preserved bronze statues, ex-votos, ceramics, and thousands of coins spanning Etruscan to Roman phases, highlighting cultural transitions in votive practices around the 2nd-1st centuries BCE.[139][140] These finds, including hybrid Etrusco-Roman figures, demonstrate continuity in sacred depositions at mineral springs, with implications for understanding syncretic religious economies post-Etruscan dominance.[139]Implications for Understanding Etruscan Continuity
The 2021 archaeogenetic study analyzing 82 ancient DNA samples from Etruria and southern Italy spanning 800 BCE to 1000 CE revealed substantial genetic continuity in the Etruscan population, with minimal admixture from external sources during the Roman imperial period (27 BCE–476 CE), indicating that demographic replacement was not widespread despite political conquest.[22] This continuity persisted into the early medieval period, as Iron Age Etruscan genomes closely resembled those from later Roman and post-Roman contexts in the region, challenging narratives of abrupt cultural erasure and suggesting sustained endogamy or local population stability.[1] Modern inhabitants of Tuscany exhibit a primary genetic affinity to these ancient Etruscans, with approximately 70–80% shared ancestry after accounting for later migrations, underscoring a direct biological link rather than wholesale substitution by Roman or other Italic groups.[22] These findings imply that Etruscan social structures and kinship networks endured beneath Roman administrative overlays, as evidenced by stable Y-chromosome haplogroups (predominantly R1b) and autosomal profiles aligning more closely with pre-Roman locals than with contemporaneous eastern Mediterranean migrants hypothesized in older diffusionist models.[1] Culturally, this genetic persistence aligns with historical attestations of Etruscan ritual specialists (haruspices) serving Roman institutions into the 1st century CE and beyond, preserving augural and divinatory practices derived from Etruscan lore, such as the Libri Etrusci consulted by emperors like Claudius.[56] The absence of significant gene flow disruptions post-conquest (e.g., after Veii's fall in 396 BCE) further suggests that Roman integration involved elite alliances and bilingualism rather than mass displacement, allowing Etruscan material culture—like tomb architecture and votive bronzes—to evolve hybrid forms without total discontinuation until linguistic shift around the 1st century BCE.[55] Methodologically, integrating aDNA with isotopic and osteological data refines understandings of continuity by distinguishing biological persistence from acculturation; for instance, while Etruscan ceased as a vernacular by the Augustan era, the genomic transect indicates that cultural "Romanization" masked underlying ethnic resilience, prompting reevaluation of assimilation as a gradual, non-violent process driven by economic interdependence rather than coercion.[1] This has broader implications for Italic prehistory, highlighting Etruscans as autochthonous innovators whose legacy—evident in Roman urban planning, hydraulic engineering, and religious symbolism—stemmed from demographic durability, not mere diffusion of ideas.[22] Ongoing excavations, such as those at late Etruscan sanctuaries, continue to uncover artifacts blending Hellenistic and indigenous motifs into the 2nd century BCE, reinforcing that continuity manifested in adaptive syncretism rather than isolation.[141]References
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