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Filipino Americans
Filipino Americans
from Wikipedia

Filipino Americans (Filipino: Mga Pilipinong Amerikano) are Americans of Filipino ancestry. Filipinos in North America were first documented in the 16th century[9] and other small settlements beginning in the 18th century.[10] Mass migration did not begin until after the end of the Spanish–American War at the end of the 19th century, when the Philippines was ceded from Spain to the United States in the Treaty of Paris.[11][12]

Key Information

As of 2022, there were almost 4.5 million Filipino Americans in the United States[13][14] with large communities in California, Hawaii, Illinois, Texas, Florida, Nevada, and the New York metropolitan area.[15] Around one third of Filipino Americans identify as multiracial or multiethnic, with 3 million reporting only Filipino ancestry and 1.5 million reporting Filipino in combination with another group.[16][17]

Terminology

[edit]

The term Filipino American is sometimes shortened to Fil-Am[18] or Pinoy.[19] Another term which has been used is Philippine Americans.[20] The earliest appearance of the term Pinoy (feminine Pinay), was in a 1926 issue of the Filipino Student Bulletin.[21] Some Filipinos believe that the term Pinoy was coined by Filipinos who came to the United States to distinguish themselves from Filipinos living in the Philippines.[22] Beginning in 2017, started by individuals who identify with the LGBT+ Filipino-American population, there is an effort to adopt the term FilipinX; this new term has faced opposition within the broader overseas Filipino diaspora, within the Philippines, and in the United States, with some who are in opposition believing it is an attempt of a "colonial imposition".[23]

Background

[edit]
Five images of the Filipino settlement at Saint Malo, Louisiana

Filipino were among the first Asians in North America.[24] The first documented presence of Filipinos in what is now the United States dates back to a visit made by a Novohispanic ship sailing back to modern day Mexico in October 1587 around Morro Bay, California,[25] with the first settlement of a handful of Filipinos who deserted Spanish ships being in Saint Malo, Spanish Louisiana, in 1763,[26] the settlers there were called "Manilamen" and they served in the Battle of New Orleans during the closing stages of the War of 1812, after the Treaty of Ghent had already been signed.[27][28] Some Filipinos worked as ranch hands in the 1800s.[29] There was also a settlement in Plaquemines Parish, which became known as "Manila Village". This area was the center of the shrimp drying industry in Louisiana, and its workforce was composed predominantly of Filipino migrants.[30] Mass migration began in the early 20th century when, for a period following the 1898 Treaty of Paris, the Philippines was a territory of the United States. By 1904, Filipino peoples of different ethnic backgrounds were imported by the US government onto the Americas and were displayed at the Louisiana Purchase Exposition as part of a human zoo.[31][32] During the 1920s, many Filipinos immigrated to the United States as unskilled labor, to provide better opportunities for their families back at home.[33]

Philippine independence was recognized by the United States on July 4, 1946. After independence in 1946, Filipino-American numbers continued to grow. Immigration was reduced significantly during the 1930s, except for those who served in the United States Navy, and increased following immigration reform in the 1960s.[34] The majority of Filipinos who immigrated after the passage of the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 were skilled professionals and technicians.[33]

The 2010 census counted 3.4 million Filipino Americans;[35] the United States Department of State in 2011 estimated the total at 4 million, or 1.1% of the US population.[36] They are the country's second-largest self-reported Asian ancestry group after Chinese Americans according to 2010 American Community Survey.[37][38] They are also the largest population of Overseas Filipinos.[39] Significant populations of Filipino Americans can be found in California, Florida, Texas, Hawaii, the New York metropolitan area, and Illinois.

Demographics

[edit]

Some Filipinos have traditional Philippine surnames, such as Bacdayan or Macapagal, while others have surnames derived from Japanese, Indian, and Chinese and reflect centuries of trade with these merchants preceding European and American rule.[40][41][42][43] Reflecting its 333 years of Spanish rule, many Filipinos adopted Hispanic surnames,[41][7] and celebrate fiestas.[44]

Despite being from Asia, Filipinos are sometimes called "Latinos" due to their historical relationship to Spanish colonialism;[45] this view is not universally accepted.[46] The Philippines experienced both Spanish and American colonial territorial status,[a] with its population seen through each nation's racial constructs.[56] This shared history may also contribute to why some Filipinos choose to also identify as Hispanic or Latino, while others may not and identify more as Asian Americans.[57] In a 2017 Pew Research Survey, only 1% of immigrants from the Philippines identified as Hispanic.[58]

Language

[edit]
Tagalog language spread in the United States

Filipino and English are constitutionally established as official languages in the Philippines, and Filipino is designated as the national language, with English in wide use.[59] Many Filipinos speak Philippine English, a dialect derived from American English due to American colonial influence in the country's education system and due to limited Spanish education.[60] Among Asian Americans in 1990, Filipino Americans had the smallest percentage of individuals who had problems with English.[61] In 2000, among US-born Filipino Americans, three quarters responded that English is their primary language;[62] nearly half of Filipino Americans speak English exclusively.[63]

In 2003, Tagalog was the fifth-most-spoken language in the United States, with 1.262 million speakers;[5] by 2011, it was the fourth most-spoken language in the United States.[64] Tagalog usage is significant in California, Nevada, and Washington, while Ilocano usage is significant in Hawaii.[65] Many of California's public announcements and documents are translated into Tagalog.[66] Tagalog is also taught in some public schools in the United States, as well as at some colleges.[67] Other significant Filipino languages are Ilocano and Cebuano.[68] Other languages spoken in Filipino-American households include Pangasinan, Kapampangan, Hiligaynon, Bicolano and Waray.[69] However, fluency in Philippine languages tends to be lost among second- and third-generation Filipino Americans.[70] Other languages of the community include Spanish and Chinese (Hokkien and Mandarin).[6] The demonym, Filipinx, is a gender-neutral term that is applied only to those of Filipino heritage in the diaspora, specifically Filipino Americans. The term is not applied to Filipinos in the Philippines.[71][72]

Religion

[edit]
Religious Makeup of Filipino-Americans (2012)[73]
  1. Catholicism (65.0%)
  2. Evangelical Protestant (12.0%)
  3. Mainline Protestant (9.00%)
  4. Unaffiliated (8.00%)
  5. Other Christian (3.00%)
  6. Buddhism (1.00%)
  7. Other (2.00%)

The Philippines is 90% Christian,[44][74] one of only two predominantly Christian countries in Southeast Asia, alongside East Timor.[75] Following the European arrival to the Philippines by Ferdinand Magellan, Spaniards made a concerted effort to convert Filipinos to Catholicism; outside of the Muslim sultanates and animist societies, missionaries were able to convert large numbers of Filipinos.[74] and the majority are Roman Catholic, giving Catholicism a major impact on Filipino culture.[76] Other Christian denominations include Protestants (Aglipayan, Episcopalian, and others), and nontrinitarians (Iglesia ni Cristo and Jehovah's Witnesses).[76] Additionally there are those Filipinos who are Muslims, Buddhist or nonreligious; religion has served as a dividing factor within the Philippines and Filipino-American communities.[76]

During the early part of the United States governance in the Philippines, there was a concerted effort to convert Filipinos into Protestants, and the results came with varying success.[77] As Filipinos began to migrate to the United States, Filipino Roman Catholics were often not embraced by their American Catholic brethren, nor were they sympathetic to a Filipino-ized Catholicism, in the early 20th century.[78][79] This led to creation of ethnic-specific parishes;[78][80] one such parish was St. Columban's Church in Los Angeles.[81] In 1997, the Filipino oratory was dedicated at the Basilica of the National Shrine of the Immaculate Conception, owing to increased diversity within the congregations of American Catholic parishes.[82] The first-ever American Church for Filipinos, San Lorenzo Ruiz Church in New York City, is named after the first saint from the Philippines, San Lorenzo Ruiz. This was officially designated as a church for Filipinos in July 2005, the first in the United States, and the second in the world, after a church in Rome.[83]

In 2010, Filipino American Catholics were the largest population of Asian American Catholics, making up more than three fourths of Asian American Catholics.[84] In 2015, a majority (65%) of Filipino Americans identify as Catholic;[85] this is down slightly from 2004 (68%).[86] Filipino Americans, who are first-generation immigrants were more likely to attend mass weekly, and tended to be more conservative, than those who were born in the United States.[87] Culturally, some traditions and beliefs rooted from the original indigenous religions of Filipinos are still known among the Filipino diaspora.[88][89]

Politics

[edit]
Headquarters of the government in exile and temporary capital of the Commonwealth of the Philippines

Filipino Americans have traditionally been socially conservative,[90] particularly with "second wave" immigrants;[91] the first Filipino American elected to office was Peter Aduja.[92] In the 2004 US presidential election Republican president George W. Bush won the Filipino-American vote over John Kerry by nearly a two-to-one ratio,[93] which followed strong support in the 2000 election.[94] However, during the 2008 US presidential election, Filipino Americans voted majority Democratic, with 50% to 58% of the community voting for President Barack Obama and 42% to 46% voting for Senator John McCain.[95][96] The 2008 election marked the first time that a majority of Filipino Americans voted for a Democratic presidential candidate.[97]

According to the 2012 National Asian American Survey, conducted in September 2012,[98] 45% of Filipinos were independent or nonpartisan, 27% were Republican, and 24% were Democrats.[96] Additionally, Filipino Americans had the largest proportions of Republicans among Asian Americans polled, a position normally held by Vietnamese Americans, leading up to the 2012 election,[98] and had the lowest job approval opinion of Obama among Asian Americans.[98][99] In a survey of Asian Americans from thirty-seven cities conducted by the Asian American Legal Defense and Education Fund, it found that of the Filipino-American respondents, 65% voted for Obama.[100] According to an exit poll conducted by the Asian American Legal Defense and Education Fund, it found that 71% of responding Filipino Americans voted for Hillary Clinton during the 2016 general election.[101]

In a survey conducted by the advocacy group Asian Americans Advancing Justice in September 2020, of the 263 Filipino American respondents, 46% identified as Democrats, 28% identified as Republicans, and 16% as independent.[102] According to interviews conducted by academic Anthony Ocampo, Filipino American supporters of Donald Trump cited their support for the former President based on support for building a border wall, tax cuts to businesses, legal immigration, school choice, opposition to abortion, opposition to affirmative action, antagonism towards the People's Republic of China, and viewing Trump as a non-racist.[103] There was an age divide among Filipino Americans, with older Filipino Americans more likely to support Trump or be Republicans, and younger Filipino Americans more likely to support Biden or be Democrats.[104] In the 2020 presidential election, Philippines Ambassador Jose Manuel Romualdez alleged that 60% of Filipino Americans reportedly voted for Joe Biden.[105] Filipino Americans were among those who were at the 2021 United States Capitol attack.[106] The news site Rappler reported the next day that Filipino-American media has heavily repeated QAnon conspiracies.[107] Rappler further reported that many Filipino Americans who voted for Trump and adhere to QAnon cite similar political opinions in the Philippines regarding Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte and anti-Chinese sentiment since China has been building artificial reefs in the South China Sea near the Philippines in the 2010s, and have recently seen the Republican Party as more hardline against the Chinese government's actions.[108] Filipino Americans have also been more receptive to gun rights compared to other Asian-American ethnic groups.[109] This is in part due to the lax gun laws in the Philippines.[109]

In the 2024 election, most Filipino Americans have responded to a survey indicating 59% of them found Vice President Kamala Harris more favorably, while 29% found former President Donald Trump favorable.[110]

Due to scattered living patterns, it is nearly impossible for Filipino American candidates to win an election solely based on the Filipino-American vote.[111] Filipino-American politicians have increased their visibility over the past few decades. Ben Cayetano (Democrat), former governor of Hawaii, became the first governor of Filipino descent in the United States. The number of Congressional members of Filipino descent doubled to numbers not reached since 1937, two when the Philippine Islands were represented by non-voting Resident Commissioners, due to the 2000 senatorial election. In 2009 three Congress-members claimed at least one-eighth Filipino ethnicity;[112] the largest number to date. Since the resignation of Senator John Ensign in 2011[113] (the only Filipino American to have been a member of the Senate), and Representative Steve Austria (the only Asian Pacific American Republican in the 112th Congress[114]) choosing not to seek reelection and retire,[115] Representative Robert C. Scott was the only Filipino American in the 113th Congress.[116] In the 116th United States Congress, Scott was joined by Rep. TJ Cox, bringing the number of Filipino Americans in Congress to two.[117] In the 117th United States Congress, Scott once again became the sole Filipino-American Representative after Cox was defeated in a rematch against David Valadao.[118]

Most Filipino-American registered voters identify with or lean to the Democratic Party. About two-thirds of Filipino-American voters (68%) are Democrats or lean Democratic, while 31% are Republicans or lean Republican.[119]

Socioeconomic demographics

[edit]

Economics

[edit]

Filipino Americans are largely middle class with 62% of households being middle income.[2] However, only 21% of Filipino-American households are Upper Income compared to 27% for all Asian households. They are less likely to be Upper Income than all Asians. Filipino Americans have high labor force participation rates and 67% of Filipino Americans are employed.[120]

Filipino Americans are more likely to live in larger, overcrowded (8.7% of Filipino housing units compared to 3.5% of total population), multi-generational (34%) households compared to the general population. The average household size for Filipino Americans in 2023 was 2.99 compared to 2.49 for the general population.[121][122][123]

The impressive annual median household income and low poverty rates must be approached with caution, for median household income represents the combined earnings of several family or household members often living in crowded and less than adequate houses.[124]

While the median household income for Filipino alone was high, per capita income for Filipino Americans was $47,819 which was significantly lower than for all Asians ($55,561) and Non-Hispanic Whites ($50,675). Individual earnings for both Filipino males and females were significantly lower than all Asians, suggesting multiple earners in a household.[125][126] Filipino-American full-time, year-round workers were paid lower than the US average and had a lower average hourly wage of $29.35 than the US average of $29.95 and AAPI average of $30.73 [127]

Only 39% of Filipino American men (ages 25–34) had attained a Bachelor’s degree, in comparison to 87% of Asian Indian American men, 69% of Chinese American men, 63% of Japanese American men, 62% of Korean American men, and 42 percent of Vietnamese American men. The same study showed that Filipino, Korean and Cambodian men with Bachelor's degrees have lower median wages of $30 an hour compared to Chinese and Indian immigrant men who had median wages of $40 an hour[128]

Filipino American households in Los Angeles had a net worth of $243,000 with $5,000 in debts compared to a net worth of $355,000 for White households, $595,000 for Japanese households, $408,500 for Chinese households and $460,000 for Indian American households.[129]

Filipino Americans had a significantly higher rate of food insecurity (11%) than all Asians and White Americans (6%).[130]

Filipino Americans had a lower poverty rate (7%) than the total population, this correlates with the Filipino-American unemployment rate being only 3% and a high labor force participation rate of 67%.[131][132]

There is a trend of second-generation Filipino Americans moving back to the Philippines, finding the American Dream more and more unattainable. They cite lower cost of living as the main reasons they would move back to the Philippines.[133][134] There is also a trend of Filipino Americans relocating from Hawaii and California to Nevada due to rising cost of living and housing prices.[135]

Per capita income

[edit]
Ethnicity[136] Per capita income
As of 2023
Indian $72,389
Chinese $62,605
Japanese $61,568
Korean $58,560
White (Non Hispanic)                   $50,675
Filipino $47,819
Vietnamese $40,037
Total US Population $43,313

Average hourly wages for full-time, year-round workers in 2019[127]

Group Hourly wage
Indian $ 51.19
Chinese $ 43.35
Pakistani $ 40.50
Japanese $ 39.51
Korean $ 39.47
Sri Lankan $ 36.06
Malaysian $ 35.25
Indonesian $ 32.49
Fijian $ 31.21
Mongolian $ 31.13
AAPI average $ 30.73
US average $ 29.95
Bangladeshi $ 29.70
Vietnamese $ 29.38
Filipino $ 29.35
Nepalese $ 28.44
Thai $ 27.53
Tongan $ 25.99
Hawaiian $ 25.75
Samoan $ 23.72
Laotian $ 23.61
Cambodian $ 23.12
Guamanian/Chamorro $ 23.12
Burmese $ 21.63
Bhutanese $ 15.36

Industry and jobs

[edit]

The representation of Filipino Americans employed in health care is high.[137][138][139] Other sectors of the economy where Filipino Americans have significant representation are in the public sector,[140] and in the service sector.[141][142] Compared to Asian-American women of other ethnicities, and women in the United States in general, Filipina Americans are more likely to be part of the work force;[143] a large population, nearly one fifth (18%), of Filipina Americans worked as registered nurses.[144] There is also a large number of Filipino domestic workers and care-givers in the US.[145][146] More than 60% of Filipino Americans work in low-wage and/or service-sector work.[3]

Filipino Americans own a variety of businesses, making up 10.5% of all Asian owned businesses in the United States in 2007.[147] In 2002, according to the Survey of Business Owners, there were over 125,000 Filipino-owned businesses; this increased by 30.4% to over 163,000 in 2007.[148] By then, 25.4% of these businesses were in the retail industry, 23% were in the health care and social assistance industries,[149] and they employed more than 142,000 people and generated almost $15.8 billion in revenue.[147] Of those, just under three thousand (1.8% of all Filipino-owned businesses) were million dollar or more businesses. This means Filipino-owned businesses are significantly less likely to be million dollar or more than all Asians (5%).[150][151] California had the largest number of Filipino-owned businesses, with the Los Angeles metropolitan area having the largest number of any metropolitan area in the United States.[147]

The Philippines is the largest exporters of Nurses and this is something that can be traced back to US colonialism.[152] America has been relying on Filipino nurses on the frontlines since the AIDs pandemic. Despite making up only 4% of Registered Nurses in the US, the make up nearly a third of Covid-related deaths among registered nurses.[153][154]

American schools have also hired and sponsored the immigration of Filipino teachers and instructors.[155] Some of these teachers were forced into labor outside the field of education, and mistreated by their recruiters.[156]

Among Overseas Filipinos, Filipino Americans are the largest remitters of US dollars to the Philippines. In 2005, their combined dollar remittances reached a record-high of almost $6.5 billion. In 2006, Filipino Americans sent more than $8 billion, which represents 57% of the total foreign remittances received by the Philippines.[157] By 2012, this amount had reached $10.6 billion, but made up only 43% of total remittances.[158] In 2021, the United States was the largest source of remittances to the Philippines, making up 40.5% of the $31.4 billion remittances received by the Philippines.[159]

Culture

[edit]

The history of Spanish and American rule and contact with merchants and traders culminated in a unique blend of Eastern and Western cultures in the Philippines.[160] Filipino-American cultural identity has been described as fluid, adopting aspects from various cultures;[161] however, there has not been significant research into the culture of Filipino Americans.[162] Fashion, dance, music, theater and arts have all had roles in building Filipino-American cultural identities and communities.[163][page needed]

In areas of sparse Filipino population, they often form loosely-knit social organizations aimed at maintaining a "sense of family", which is a key feature of Filipino culture. These organizations generally arrange social events, especially of a charitable nature, and keep members up-to-date with local events.[164] Organizations are often organized into regional associations.[165] The associations are a small part of Filipino-American life. Filipino Americans formed close-knit neighborhoods, notably in California and Hawaii.[166] A few communities have "Little Manilas", civic and business districts tailored for the Filipino-American community.[167] In a Filipino party, shoes should be left in the front of the house and greet everyone with a hi or hello. When greeting older relatives, 'po' and 'opo' must be said in every sentence to show respect.[168]

Due to history, the Philippines and the United States are connected culturally.[169] In 2016, there was $16.5 billion worth of trade between the two countries, with the United States being the largest foreign investor in the Philippines, and more than 40% of remittances came from (or through) the United States.[170] In 2004, the amount of remittances coming from the United States was $5 billion;[171] this is an increase from the $1.16 billion sent in 1991 (then about 80% of total remittances being sent to the Philippines), and the $324 million sent in 1988.[172] Some Filipino Americans have chosen to retire in the Philippines, buying real estate.[173][174] Filipino Americans, continue to travel back and forth between the United States and the Philippines, making up more than a tenth of all foreign travelers to the Philippines in 2010;[174][175] when traveling back to the Philippines they often bring cargo boxes known as a balikbayan box.[176]

Cuisine

[edit]
A Filipino fusion food truck in the greater Los Angeles area
A Filipino fusion food truck in the San Francisco Bay Area

The number of Filipino restaurants does not reflect the size of the population.[177][178][179] Due to the restaurant business not being a major source of income for the community, few non-Filipinos are familiar with the cuisine.[180] Although American cuisine influenced Filipino cuisine,[181] it has been criticized by non-Filipinos.[182] Even on Oahu where there is a significant Filipino-American population,[183] Filipino cuisine is not as noticeable as other Asian cuisines.[184] One study found that Filipino cuisine was not often listed in food frequency questionnaires.[185] On television, Filipino cuisine has been criticized, such as on Fear Factor,[186] and praised, such as on Anthony Bourdain: No Reservations,[187] and Bizarre Foods America.[188]

While "new" Filipino restaurants and fusion-type places have been opening up, traditionally, "native cuisine proved itself strong and resistant to 'fraternization' with foreign invaders. The original dishes have retained their ingredients, cooking methods, and spirit."

Filipino cuisine is much like its culture, a blend of many influences through the years of colonization. Popular Filipino dishes such as pancit has Hokkien roots, adobo from Spain and Mexico, and the use of bagoong and patis, fermented sauces that stem from Malay origins.[189]

Filipino-American chefs cook in many fine dining restaurants,[190] including Cristeta Comerford who is the executive chef in the White House,[178] though many do not serve Filipino cuisine in their restaurants.[190] Reasons given for the lack of Filipino cuisine in the US include colonial mentality,[179] lack of a clear identity,[179] a preference for cooking at home,[178] a continuing preference of Filipino Americans for cuisines other than their own,[191] and the nebulous nature of Filipino cuisine itself due to its historical influences.[192] Filipino cuisine remains prevalent among Filipino immigrants,[193] with restaurants and grocery stores catering to the Filipino-American community,[177][194] including Jollibee, a Philippines-based fast-food chain.[195]

In the 2010s, successful and critically reviewed Filipino-American restaurants were featured in The New York Times.[196] That same decade began a Filipino Food movement in the United States;[197] it has been criticized for gentrification of the cuisine.[198] Bon Appetit named Bad Saint in Washington, D.C. "the second best new restaurant in the United States" in 2016.[199] Food & Wine named Lasa, in Los Angeles, one of its restaurants of the year in 2018.[200] With this emergence of Filipino-American restaurants, food critics like Andrew Zimmern have predicted that Filipino food will be "the next big thing" in American cuisine.[201] Yet in 2017, Vogue described the cuisine as "misunderstood and neglected";[202] SF Weekly in 2019, later described the cuisine as "marginal, underappreciated, and prone to weird booms-and-busts".[203]

Family

[edit]

Filipino Americans undergo experiences that are unique to their own identities. These experiences derive from both the Filipino culture and American cultures individually and the dueling of these identities as well. These stressors, if great enough, can lead Filipino Americans into suicidal behaviors.[204] Members of the Filipino community learn early on about kapwa, which is defined as "interpersonal connectedness or togetherness".[205]

With kapwa, many Filipino Americans have a strong sense of needing to repay their family members for the opportunities that they have been able to receive. An example of this is a new college graduate feeling the need to find a job that will allow them to financially support their family and themselves. This notion comes from "utang na loob", defined as a debt that must be repaid to those who have supported the individual.[206]

With kapwa and utang na loob as strong forces enacting on the individual, there is an "all or nothing" mentality that is being played out. In order to bring success back to one's family, there is a desire to succeed for one's family through living out a family's wants as opposed to one's own true desires.[207] This can manifest as one entering a career path that they are not passionate in, but select in order to help support their family.[208]

Despite many of the stressors for these students deriving from family, it also becomes apparent that these are the reasons that these students are resilient. When family conflict rises in Filipino-American families, there is a negative association with suicide attempts.[204] This suggests that though family is a presenting stressor in a Filipino American's life, it also plays a role for their resilience.[204] In a study conducted by Yusuke Kuroki, family connectedness, whether defined as positive or negative to each individual, served as one means of lowering suicide attempts.[204]

Media

[edit]

Beginning in the late 1800s, Filipino Americans began publishing books in the United States.[209] The growth of publications for the masses in the Philippines accelerated during the American period.[209] Ethnic media serving Filipino Americans dates back to the beginning of the 20th century.[210] In 1905, pensionados at University of California, Berkeley published The Filipino Students' Magazine.[211] One of the earliest Filipino-American newspapers published in the United States, was the Philippine Independent of Salinas, California, which began publishing in 1921.[211] Newspapers from the Philippines, to include The Manila Times, also served the Filipino diaspora in the United States.[210] In 1961, the Philippine News was started by Alex Esclamado, which by the 1980s had a national reach and at the time was the largest English-language Filipino newspaper.[212] While many areas with Filipino Americans have local Filipino newspapers, one of the largest concentrations of these newspapers occur in Southern California.[213] Beginning in 1992, Filipinas began publication, and was unique in that it focused on American-born Filipino Americans of the second and third generations.[210] Filipinas ended its run in 2010, however it was succeeded by Positively Filipino in 2012 which included some of the staff from Filipinas.[214] The Filipino diaspora in the United States are able to watch programming from the Philippines on television through GMA Pinoy TV and The Filipino Channel.[215][216]

Sports

[edit]
Filipinos all over the world may be far from their country, the Philippines, but that does not change the rules of sports or the impact of sports on the Filipino diaspora. The idea of sportsmanship and the values of an athlete transfer on Filipino Americans as well as values originating from the Philippines itself. Watching sports also make a huge impact on the Filipino American community in coherence with playing the sports. Sports brings Filipinos together no matter what distance from the Philippines they are and for many Filipino Americans it brings that sense of community and a sense of home. All sports, especially basketball, has a culture aspect among Filipino Americans and other Filipinos around the world.

Community issues

[edit]

Immigration

[edit]
Quarters for Filipino workers at a salmon cannery in Nushagak, Alaska in 1917.
Quarters for Filipino workers at a salmon cannery in Nushagak, Alaska in 1917.
Company labor camp for Filipino farm laborers on Ryer Island in 1940

The Citizenship Retention and Re-Acquisition Act of 2003 (Republic Act No. 9225) made Filipino Americans eligible for dual citizenship in the United States and the Philippines.[217] Overseas suffrage was first employed in the May 2004 elections in which Philippine President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo was reelected to a second term.[218]

By 2005, about 6,000 Filipino Americans had become dual citizens of the two countries.[219] One effect of this act was to allow Filipino Americans to invest in the Philippines through land purchases, which are limited to Filipino citizens, and, with some limitations, former citizens.[220]), vote in Philippine elections, retire in the Philippines, and participate in representing the Philippine flag. In 2013, for the Philippine general election there were 125,604 registered Filipino voters in the United States and Caribbean, of which only 13,976 voted.[221]

Dual citizens have been recruited to participate in international sports events including athletes representing the Philippines who competed in the 2004 Olympic Games in Athens,[222] and the Olympic Games in Beijing 2008.[223]

The Philippine government actively encourages Filipino Americans to visit or return permanently to the Philippines via the "Balikbayan" program and to invest in the country.[224]

Filipinos remain one of the largest immigrant groups to date with over 40,000 arriving annually since 1979.[225] The United States Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) has a preference system for issuing visas to non-citizen family members of US citizens, with preference based generally on familial closeness. Some non-citizen relatives of US citizens spend long periods on waiting lists.[226] Petitions for immigrant visas, particularly for siblings of previously naturalized Filipinos that date back to 1984, were not granted until 2006.[227] As of 2016, over 380 thousand Filipinos were on the visa wait list, second only to Mexico and ahead of India, Vietnam and China.[228] Filipinos have the longest waiting times for family reunification visas, as Filipinos disproportionately apply for family visas; this has led to visa petitions filed in July 1989 still waiting to be processed in March 2013.[229]

Illegal immigration

[edit]

It has been documented that Filipinos were among those naturalized due to the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986.[230] In 2009, the Department of Homeland Security estimated that 270,000 Filipino were "unauthorized immigrants". This was an increase of 70,000 from a previous estimate in 2000. In both years, Filipinos accounted for 2% of the total. As of 2009, Filipinos were the fifth-largest community of illegal immigrants behind Mexico (6.65 million, 62%), El Salvador (530,000, 5%), Guatemala (480,000, 4%), and Honduras (320,000, 3%).[231] In January 2011, the Department of Homeland Security estimate of "unauthorized immigrants" from the Philippines remained at 270,000.[232] By 2017, the number of Filipinos who were in the United States illegally increased to 310,000.[233] Filipinos who reside in the United States illegally are known within the Filipino community as "TnT's" (tago nang tago 'hide and hide').[234]

Health

[edit]

Filipino Americans experience significant health disparities and are more likely to have diabetes, heart disease, high blood preasure and other issues.[235] Filipino Americans also experience food insecurity at a significantly higher rate then other Asian-American groups.[130] In Hawaii the rate of low food security and very low food security for Filipino people were 11.7% and 22.3%.[236][237][238]

Identity

[edit]

Filipino Americans may be mistaken for members of other racial/ethnic groups, such as Latinos or Pacific Islanders;[239] this may lead to "mistaken" discrimination that is not specific to Asian Americans.[239] Filipino Americans, additionally, have had difficulty being categorized, termed by one source as being in "perpetual absence".[240]

In the period, prior to 1946, Filipinos were taught that they were American, and presented with an idealized America.[225] They had official status as United States nationals.[241] When ill-treated and discriminated by other Americans, Filipinos were faced with the racism of that period, which undermined these ideals.[242] Carlos Bulosan later wrote about this experience in America is in the Heart. Even pensionados, who immigrated on government scholarships,[225] were treated poorly.[242]

In Hawaii, Filipino Americans often have little identification with their heritage,[243] and it has been documented that many disclaim their ethnicity.[244] This may be due to the "colonial mentality", or the idea that Western ideals and physical characteristics are superior to their own.[245] Although categorized as Asian Americans, Filipino Americans have not fully embraced being part of this racial category due to marginalization by other Asian-American groups and or the dominant American society.[246] This created a struggle within Filipino American communities over how far to assimilate.[247] The term "white-washed" has been applied to those seeking to further assimilate.[248] Those who disclaim their ethnicity lose the positive adjustment to outcomes that are found in those who have a strong, positive, ethnic identity.[245]

Of the ten largest immigrant groups, Filipino Americans have the highest rate of assimilation,[249] with the exception of cuisine.[250] Filipino Americans have been described as the most "Americanized" of the Asian-American ethnicities.[251] However, even though Filipino Americans are the second-largest group among Asian Americans, community activists have described the ethnicity as "invisible", claiming that the group is virtually unknown to the American public,[252] and is often not seen as significant even among its members.[253] Another term for this status is forgotten minority.[254]

This description has also been used in the political arena, given the lack of political mobilization.[255] In the mid-1990s it was estimated that some one hundred Filipino Americans have been elected or appointed to public office. This lack of political representation contributes to the perception that Filipino Americans are invisible.[256]

The concept is also used to describe how the ethnicity has assimilated.[257] Few affirmative action programs target the group although affirmative action programs rarely target Asian Americans in general.[258] Assimilation was easier given that the group is majority religiously Christian, fluent in English, and have high levels of education.[259] The concept was in greater use in the past, before the post-1965 wave of arrivals.[260]

The term invisible minority has been used for Asian Americans as a whole,[261][262] and the term "model minority" has been applied to Filipinos as well as other Asian-American groups.[263] Filipino critics allege that Filipino Americans are ignored in immigration literature and studies.[264]

As with fellow Asian Americans, Filipino Americans are viewed as "perpetual foreigners", even for those born in the United States.[265] This has resulted in physical attacks on Filipino Americans, as well as non-violent forms of discrimination.[266]

In college and high school campuses, many Filipino-American student organizations put on annual Pilipino Culture Nights to showcase dances, perform skits, and comment on issues such as identity and lack of cultural awareness due to assimilation and colonization.[267]

Filipino-American gay, lesbian, transgender, and bisexual identities are often shaped by immigration status, generation, religion, and racial formation.[268]

Suicide ideation and depression

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Mental health is a topic that is seldom spoken about among the Filipino-American community because of the stigma that is attached to it.[269] In the documentary "Silent Sacrifices: Voices of the Filipino American Family" Patricia Heras points out that a lack of communication between first-generation and second-generation Filipino-American immigrants can lead to family members not understanding the personal hardships that each one goes through.[270] Some of the main topics of discussion in this documentary are depression and suicide ideation experienced by the second-generation youth.[270] These topics are supported by a study that was conducted in 1997 by the Federal Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) that revealed that 45.6% of Filipina American teenage students in San Diego public schools had seriously thought about committing suicide. Half of those students had actually attempted suicide.[271] Although depression cannot be said to cause suicide, the high scores of depression and low self-esteem show a relation to the high scores of suicidal thoughts among Filipinos.[272]

Depression in Filipinos can sometimes be difficult to notice without digging deeper into their feelings. Filipinos can display their depression in many ways such as showing extreme suffering or smiling even when it may not seem authentic.[269] Some of the common causes of depression include: financial worries, family separation during the immigration process, and cultural conflict.[269] One of these cultural conflicts is the belief that one must base decisions on what will "save face" for the family.[273] A study was published in 2018 by Janet Chang and Frank Samson about Filipino American youth and their non-Filipino friends. They had found that Filipino American youth with three or more close non-Filipino friends were more likely to experience depression and anxiety more so than Filipino American youth with two or less non-Filipino friends that they considered to be close.[274] Although having friends of diverse backgrounds gave these Filipinos a sense of inclusion among their peers, they also gained a heightened awareness of discrimination.[274]

Veterans

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Manila American Cemetery and Memorial

During World War II, some 250,000 to 400,000 Filipinos served in the United States Military,[275][276] in units including the Philippine Scouts, Philippine Commonwealth Army under US Command, and recognized guerrillas during the Japanese Occupation. In January 2013, ten thousand surviving Filipino-American veterans of World War II lived in the United States, and a further fourteen thousand in the Philippines,[277] although some estimates found eighteen thousand or fewer surviving veterans.[278]

The US government promised these soldiers all of the benefits afforded to other veterans.[279] However, in 1946, the United States Congress passed the Rescission Act of 1946 which stripped Filipino veterans of the promised benefits.[280] One estimate claims that monies due to these veterans for back pay and other benefits exceeds one billion dollars.[276] Of the sixty-six countries allied with the United States during the war, the Philippines is the only country that did not receive military benefits from the United States.[253] The phrase "Second Class Veterans" has been used to describe their status.[253][281]

Filipino-American World War II veterans at the White House in 2003

Many Filipino veterans traveled to the United States to lobby Congress for these benefits.[282] Since 1993, numerous bills have been introduced in Congress to pay the benefits, but all died in committee.[283] As recently as 2018, these bills have received bipartisan support.[284]

Representative Hanabusa submitted legislation to award Filipino Veterans with a Congressional Gold Medal.[285] Known as the Filipino Veterans of World War II Congressional Gold Medal Act, it was referred to the Committee on Financial Services and the Committee on House Administration.[286] As of February 2012 had attracted 41 cosponsors.[287] In January 2017, the medal was approved.[288]

There was a proposed lawsuit to be filed in 2011 by The Justice for Filipino American Veterans against the Department of Veterans Affairs.[289]

In the late 1980s, efforts towards reinstating benefits first succeeded with the incorporation of Filipino veteran naturalization in the Immigration Act of 1990.[253] Over 30,000 such veterans had immigrated, with mostly American citizens, receiving benefits relating to their service.[290]

Similar language to those bills was inserted by the Senate into the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009[291] which provided a one time payment of at least 9,000 USD to eligible non-US Citizens and US$15,000 to eligible US Citizens via the Filipino Veterans Equity Compensation Fund.[292] These payments went to those recognized as soldiers or guerrillas or their spouses.[293] The list of eligibles is smaller than the list recognized by the Philippines.[294] Additionally, recipients had to waive all rights to possible future benefits.[295] As of March 2011, 42 percent (24,385) of claims had been rejected;[296] By 2017, more than 22,000 people received about $226 million in one time payments.[297]

In the 113th Congress, Representative Joe Heck reintroduced his legislation to allow documents from the Philippine government and the US Army to be accepted as proof of eligibility.[298] Known as H.R. 481, it was referred to the Committee on Veterans' Affairs.[299] In 2013, the US released a previously classified report detailing guerrilla activities, including guerrilla units not on the "Missouri list".[300]

In September 2012, the Social Security Administration announced that non-resident Filipino World War II veterans were eligible for certain social security benefits; however an eligible veteran would lose those benefits if they visited for more than one month in a year, or immigrated.[301]

Beginning in 2008, a bipartisan effort started by Mike Thompson and Tom Udall an effort began to recognize the contributions of Filipinos during World War 2; by the time Barack Obama signed the effort into law in 2016, a mere fifteen thousand of those veterans were estimated to be alive.[302] Of those living Filipino veterans of World War II, there were an estimated 6,000 living in the United States.[303] Finally in October 2017, the recognition occurred with the awarding of a Congressional Gold Medal.[304] When the medal was presented by the Speaker of the United States House of Representatives, several surviving veterans were at the ceremony.[305] The medal now resides in the National Museum of American History.[306]

Marriages

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In the mid 19th to 20th century, Filipino men often dated and cohabited white women, some married white females while most married black females due to miscegenation laws. Filipino population in all over United States was made up overwhelmingly of men. For example, in California the Filipino population was 30,470 and in mainland leapt from 5,603 in 1920 to 45,208 ten years later. [307]

Some 250,000 to 400,000 Filipino soldiers served in the United States Military. Many Filipino soldiers were in cohabitations with white american females, but miscegenations laws prevented Filipinos from marrying white women. For example, the state of California refused to grant licenses for Filipino soldiers to marry what the state calls "white women". Chapain Noury said to the Chief of Chaplains said "It jus happens that there are very few filipina girls here and consequently they have to out with white girls. As I said there is great number of our Filipino soldiers are now living for several years with white girls and were never married..... and they have children."[308]

Holidays

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Spectators at the annual Philippine Independence Day Parade in New York City

Congress established Asian Pacific American Heritage Month in May to commemorate Filipino American and other Asian American cultures. Upon becoming the largest Asian American group in California, October was established as Filipino American History Month to acknowledge the first landing of Filipinos on October 18, 1587 in Morro Bay, California. It is widely celebrated by Filipino Americans.[309][310]

Major & Regional Celebrations in the United States
Date Name Region
January Winter Sinulog[311] Philadelphia
April PhilFest[312] Tampa, FL
May Asian Pacific American Heritage Month Nationwide, USA
May Asian Heritage Festival[313] New Orleans
May Filipino Fiesta and Parade[314] Honolulu
May FAAPI Mother's Day[315] Philadelphia
May Flores de Mayo[316] Nationwide, USA
June Philippine Independence Day Parade New York City
June Philippine Festival[317] Washington, D.C.
June Philippine Day Parade[318] Passaic, NJ
June Pista Sa Nayon[319] Vallejo, CA
June New York Filipino Film Festival at The ImaginAsian Theatre New York City
June Empire State Building commemorates Philippine Independence[320] New York City
June Philippine–American Friendship Day Parade[321] Jersey City, NJ
June 12 Fiesta Filipina[322] San Francisco
June 12 Philippine Independence Day Nationwide, USA
June 19 Jose Rizal's Birthday[323] Nationwide, USA
June Pagdiriwang[324] Seattle
July Fil-Am Friendship Day[325] Virginia Beach, VA
July Pista sa Nayon[326] Seattle
July Filipino American Friendship Festival[327] San Diego
July Philippine Weekend[328] Delano, CA
August 15 to 16 Philippine American Exposition[329] Los Angeles
August 15 to 16 Annual Philippine Fiesta[330] Secaucus, NJ
August Summer Sinulog[331] Philadelphia
August Historic Filipinotown Festival[332] Los Angeles
August Pistahan Festival and Parade[333] San Francisco
September 25 Filipino Pride Day[334] Jacksonville, FL
September Festival of Philippine Arts and Culture (FPAC)[335] Los Angeles
September AdoboFest[336] Chicago
October Filipino American History Month Nationwide, USA
October Filipino American Arts and Culture Festival (FilAmFest)[337] San Diego
October Houston Filipino Street Festival[338] Sugar Land, TX
November Chicago Filipino American Film Festival (CFAFF)[339] Chicago
December 16 to 24 Simbang Gabi Christmas Dawn Masses[340] Nationwide, USA
December 25 Pasko Christmas Feast[341] Nationwide, USA
December 30 Jose Rizal Day Nationwide, USA

Notable people

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Footnotes

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References

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Further reading

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[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia

Filipino Americans are residents of the with ancestry from the , comprising an estimated 4.6 million people as of 2023 according to U.S. Bureau data. This population represents the second-largest subgroup among , following those of Chinese descent, and has grown substantially since the early through successive waves driven by colonial ties, labor demands, and family reunification policies. Initial migrants, often young men known as manongs, arrived as U.S. nationals after the 1898 acquisition of the , taking low-wage jobs in Hawaiian sugar plantations, salmon canneries, and agriculture amid exclusionary laws barring other Asians. A post-1965 surge, enabled by the Immigration and Nationality Act, shifted inflows toward educated professionals, including nurses who now form a significant portion of the U.S. nursing workforce.
Concentrated in coastal states like (home to over one-third of the population), , , and , Filipino Americans exhibit socioeconomic outcomes above national medians in household income—$112,600 for immigrant-led households in 2023—but with generational disparities in personal earnings and rates influenced by occupational clustering in service and healthcare sectors. Defining characteristics include strong ties to the , bilingualism in English and Tagalog, and cultural retention amid assimilation pressures, alongside contributions to labor organizing—such as the Delano grape strike led by Filipino workers—and military service, where over 250,000 fought for the U.S. in yet faced decades of denied veterans' benefits due to geopolitical shifts post-independence. These elements underscore a shaped by economic utility to the U.S., colonial legacies, and persistent for recognition amid historical marginalization.

History

Early Interactions and Colonial Legacy

The earliest recorded interactions between Filipinos and the territory that became the occurred during the trade in the , when Filipino sailors and laborers aboard Spanish vessels reached the coast as early as 1587, predating European settlements like Jamestown. These contacts were sporadic and tied to Spanish colonial routes rather than direct American involvement. More sustained early settlement emerged in the late , when Filipino deserters from Spanish galleons evaded capture by establishing communities in bayous; by the 1830s, Filipinos had founded St. Malo in St. Bernard Parish, constructing nipa-style houses on stilts for oyster fishing and crabbing, marking the first documented Asian American community in the U.S. This settlement, sustained through intermarriage with local and Creoles, persisted until destroyed by a 1915 hurricane, illustrating adaptive resilience amid isolation and legal ambiguities under Spanish and early American rule. The pivotal shift came with the Spanish-American War of 1898, when U.S. naval victory at Manila Bay on May 1 led to Spain ceding the Philippines to the United States for $20 million under the Treaty of Paris signed December 10, 1898, annexing the archipelago as an unincorporated territory despite ongoing Filipino independence efforts under Emilio Aguinaldo. This triggered the Philippine-American War from February 4, 1899, to July 4, 1902, a conflict Filipinos viewed as a continuation of their anti-colonial struggle but which U.S. forces suppressed through scorched-earth tactics, water cure torture, and concentration camps, resulting in over 4,200 American military deaths, more than 20,000 Filipino combatants killed, and estimates of 200,000 to 1 million civilian fatalities from violence, disease, and famine. The war's brutality, often downplayed in U.S. narratives as a mere "insurrection," entrenched American colonial administration, fostering resentment while imposing governance reforms that prioritized pacification over immediate self-rule. U.S. colonial rule from 1898 to 1946 profoundly shaped Filipino-American ties, embedding English-language education via the in 1901, which reached 600,000 students by 1927 and cultivated a class of American-oriented elites, alongside economic policies that oriented the as a raw materials exporter, exacerbating land inequality and labor surpluses that later drove migration. , classified as U.S. nationals but not citizens, gained visa-free entry to the mainland until the 1934 Tydings-McDuffie Act imposed quotas, enabling early 20th-century flows to Hawaii's plantations and Alaska's canneries as substitutes for excluded Chinese and Japanese labor. This legacy instilled cultural affinity—evident in widespread English proficiency and democratic ideals—but also dependency, with military bases like reinforcing strategic ties while perpetuating a migration ethos rooted in colonial labor extraction rather than equal . Post-independence in 1946, these foundations sustained preferential immigration status, distinguishing Filipino inflows from other Asian groups until broader reforms.

Early 20th-Century Labor Migration

Following the U.S. acquisition of the as a territory after the Spanish-American War in 1898, Filipinos held the status of U.S. nationals, permitting unrestricted migration to the until 1934. This legal framework facilitated labor recruitment to address shortages in and fisheries, particularly after exclusions of Chinese and Japanese workers under prior immigration laws. The initial organized migration began in Hawaii, where sugar planters recruited the first group of 15 Filipino laborers, known as sakadas, arriving in Honolulu on December 20, 1906, aboard the steamship Dorchester. These workers, primarily from Ilocos and Visayas regions, were contracted for plantation labor amid demands for inexpensive, non-white labor to sustain the islands' sugar industry. Between 1906 and 1930, approximately 120,000 Filipinos migrated to Hawaii for sugarcane fields, comprising over half of the territory's plantation workforce by the late 1920s. On the U.S. mainland, Filipino migrants, often called manongs (elder brothers), filled roles in California's agricultural sector and Alaska's salmon canneries starting around . By 1919, Filipino workers dominated Alaska's canning industry, enduring seasonal circuits from West Coast farms—asparagus, , and grapes—to remote canneries, where they comprised up to 90% of the labor force in peak years. Overall, Filipino migration totaled over 150,000 from 1906 to 1932, with the U.S. Filipino population surging from fewer than 3,000 in to more than 100,000 by 1930. This influx prompted restrictive legislation, culminating in the Tydings-McDuffie Act of 1934, which promised Philippine independence after a decade while capping annual Filipino immigration at 50 persons, effectively curtailing the labor pipeline amid economic pressures and nativist sentiments during the Great Depression.

World War II and Postwar Developments

Over 250,000 Filipinos served alongside American forces during World War II, primarily in the Philippines after the Japanese invasion in December 1941. These troops, including members of the Philippine Commonwealth Army and USAFFE (United States Armed Forces in the Far East), endured severe hardships such as the Bataan Death March in April 1942, where thousands perished from starvation, disease, and execution. Filipino Americans already residing in the United States also enlisted, contributing to various branches including the Army and Navy, with their service often motivated by loyalty to the U.S. as nationals under colonial ties. In the postwar period, the U.S. Congress passed the Rescission Act on February 18, 1946, which retroactively nullified the service credits of most Filipino WWII veterans for veterans' benefits, pensions, and citizenship pathways, citing fiscal constraints ahead of Philippine independence on July 4, 1946. This legislation affected approximately 260,000 soldiers, providing only limited pensions to a small subset while denying full education, healthcare, and burial benefits to the majority, despite promises made during recruitment. The act's passage reflected broader racial and economic attitudes, as —unlike veterans from other allied nations—were deemed ineligible for equivalent recognition due to their non-citizen status and the impending end of U.S. colonial administration. Filipino veterans and their descendants faced ongoing in the U.S., including barriers to , , and social integration in communities like those in and , exacerbating economic challenges for early postwar migrants. Despite this, military service remained a key avenue for , with the U.S. Navy continuing to recruit Filipinos under dating back to 1901, allowing some to gain after three years of honorable service as per the Naturalization Act amendments. Efforts for redress persisted, culminating in partial recognitions like the 2009 equity compensation under President Obama, though full benefits restoration remains incomplete.

Post-1965 Immigration Waves

The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 abolished the national origins quota system, which had previously restricted Filipino immigration to 100 persons annually under the 1946 Luce-Celler Act, thereby enabling a substantial increase in arrivals from the through preferences and occupational categories for skilled professionals. This shift facilitated two primary migration chains: an initial wave dominated by educated professionals, particularly nurses responding to U.S. labor shortages in healthcare, followed by extensive family-sponsored immigration that amplified community growth. Between 1965 and 1985, over 400,000 entered the legally, with the immigrant population expanding fivefold from approximately 105,000 in 1960 to 501,000 by 1980. A pivotal driver of the early post-1965 wave was the migration of Filipino nurses, who comprised a significant portion of professional entrants amid acute U.S. nursing shortages in the late and ; by the mid-, thousands arrived annually under the Act's occupational preferences, with Philippine nursing education—often aligned with U.S. standards including English-language instruction—facilitating their recruitment by American hospitals. Over 150,000 Filipino nurses have immigrated since the , contributing to the Philippines becoming the largest source of foreign-trained nurses in the U.S. healthcare system, though this emigration strained domestic Philippine medical staffing. provisions further accelerated inflows, allowing initial professionals to sponsor relatives, which accounted for a growing share of visas; for instance, by the , this mechanism had sustained annual Filipino immigration at levels far exceeding pre-1965 figures, leading to a near tripling of the immigrant stock to about 1.4 million by 2000. Subsequent decades saw sustained but fluctuating patterns, with peaks in the 1970s and 1990s driven by economic disparities between the —marked by political instability under Ferdinand Marcos's regime until 1986—and U.S. opportunities in service sectors beyond healthcare. By 2023, Filipino immigrants numbered 2.1 million, representing 4% of the total U.S. foreign-born population and underscoring the enduring impact of chain migration, though backlogs in family visa categories have since lengthened wait times for later applicants. This post-1965 era transformed Filipino Americans from a marginal group into one of the largest Asian-origin communities, with immigration continuing at around 40,000-50,000 annually in recent years despite global mobility constraints.

Immigration Patterns

The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 fundamentally reshaped legal immigration pathways for Filipinos by eliminating national origins quotas and introducing a family preference system that prioritized reunification alongside skills-based admissions. Prior to this, the Tydings-McDuffie Act of 1934 had restricted Filipino entry to 50 individuals annually following the ' transition toward independence, curtailing earlier colonial-era mobility. The 1965 reforms enabled initial waves of skilled professionals, such as nurses and engineers, to enter via employment preferences, after which many naturalized and sponsored family members, creating self-sustaining migration chains. Family-sponsored immigration constitutes the largest legal pathway for Filipinos, encompassing immediate relatives of U.S. citizens—spouses, unmarried minor children, and parents—who face no numerical caps and thus shorter processing times, typically under a year for visa issuance once approved. Preference categories include unmarried adult children of citizens (F1, with Philippine backlogs around 7-10 years as of 2023), spouses and minor children of lawful permanent residents (F2A, often 1-2 years), married adult children of citizens (F3, exceeding 15 years), and siblings of citizens (F4, surpassing 23 years for Filipinos). In fiscal year 2022, approximately 66% of the roughly 40,000 green cards issued to Filipinos were family-sponsored, compared to 33% employment-based, underscoring reunification's dominance amid capped annual visas per country (7% limit, or about 25,620 family preference slots globally). These provisions have resulted in persistent backlogs for over 800,000 Filipino petitions in preference categories as of 2023, driven by high demand from established U.S. Filipino communities numbering over 4 million. Chain migration dynamics amplify inflows, as each new permanent resident or citizen can petition extended kin, contributing to annual Filipino legal averaging 35,000-45,000 since the , with accounting for the majority. Other legal routes, such as H-1B temporary worker visas transitioning to green cards or rare diversity lottery selections, supplement but do not rival family channels for volume.

Unauthorized Entry and Enforcement

Unauthorized immigration from the to the primarily occurs through visa overstays rather than clandestine border crossings, reflecting the archipelago's geographic separation from U.S. land borders and the prevalence of temporary visa categories like B-1/B-2 visitor visas used by . As of mid-2023, the estimated approximately 294,000 undocumented immigrants from the residing in the U.S., comprising about 2 percent of the total unauthorized population of 13.7 million. This figure aligns with broader patterns where Asian nationalities, including , account for a significant share of overstay cases; for instance, Department of data from 2019 indicated that Filipino H-2B temporary workers overstayed at a rate of nearly 40 percent. Overstay rates for B-1/B-2 visas from the have remained a concern in DHS annual reports, though not among the highest globally, prompting targeted restrictions such as visa bonds for certain nationalities based on 2024 overstay data. Enforcement against unauthorized Filipino immigrants falls under U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement () priorities, which emphasize interior removals of individuals with criminal convictions or final removal orders, alongside voluntary departures. In 2017, ICE conducted 226,119 total removals, with Filipinos among the nationalities repatriated, though specific annual breakdowns for the are not disaggregated in public ICE summaries; recent cases include the deportation of 28 Filipinos in 2025, none of whom were third-country removals. Enforcement actions have intensified in 2025, with reports of increased apprehensions and the Philippine ambassador publicly urging undocumented nationals to depart voluntarily ahead of escalated removals under renewed priorities. The U.S. and maintain agreements facilitating these processes, including consular coordination for voluntary returns, though challenges persist due to family ties and long-term undocumented residence among some .

Settlement Patterns and Geographic Concentration

Filipino Americans exhibit significant geographic concentration, primarily on the West Coast, reflecting historical labor migration patterns to agricultural and fishing industries in and during the early , followed by chain migration through after the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965. Approximately 40% of the Filipino American population resides in , making it the state with the largest absolute number, estimated at over 1.7 million individuals based on the 2020 total of about 4.4 million Filipino Americans alone or in combination with other races. Hawaii hosts about 9% of the population, where Filipinos comprise roughly 25% of the state's residents, a legacy of sugarcane labor recruitment starting in 1906. Other notable states include , , and , each with around 5% of Filipino immigrants, driven by professional opportunities in healthcare and sectors. Urban enclaves form key settlement hubs, with top metropolitan areas by Filipino population including (over 500,000), San Francisco-Oakland, New York, , and as of 2019 data. , stands out for its high concentration, where Filipino Americans constitute about 35% of the city's population, fostering dense community networks and cultural institutions.
Top States for Filipino AmericansApproximate Share of Population
California40%
Hawaii9%
Texas5%
These patterns underscore the role of familial ties and occupational niches, such as , in sustaining clusters, though secondary migration has dispersed communities to Midwestern and Southern states for economic mobility.

Demographics

As of the , approximately 4.4 million people identified as Filipino alone or in combination with one or more other races. U.S. Census Bureau estimates indicate the population reached 4.6 million by 2023. This figure encompasses both foreign-born individuals and U.S.-born descendants, with comprising the third-largest Asian-origin group in the country after Chinese and . The Filipino American population has exhibited robust growth over recent decades, expanding from 2.2 million in 2000 to 4.2 million by around 2020, an increase of 89 percent. Between 2010 and 2020, the alone-or-in-combination count rose by nearly 30 percent, outpacing the overall U.S. rate of about 7 percent during the same period. Earlier decadal surges were even steeper: the foreign-born Filipino population alone doubled from 1980 to 1990 before moderating to a 15 percent increase in subsequent decades. This expansion stems primarily from sustained and natural increase among established communities. In 2023, foreign-born numbered 2.1 million, accounting for roughly 45 percent of the total population and reflecting a high share of recent arrivals relative to other Asian groups. Annual inflows peaked in the mid-2010s but have since stabilized, with family-based visas driving most entries under post-1965 immigration reforms; however, overall growth persists due to higher rates among Filipino families compared to the U.S. average and chain migration patterns.

Age, Gender, and Household Composition

As of 2020 Census data analyzed in 2023, the age for the Filipino alone in the United States was 42.8 years, younger than the for (52.3 years) but older than for some other Asian subgroups like Vietnamese (37.5 years). This reflects a bimodal distribution driven by patterns: U.S.-born Filipino Americans have a age of 21.8 years, with 40% under 18 and only 4% aged 65 or older, while Filipino immigrants exhibit a age of 52 years, with 27% aged 65 or older. Overall, Filipino Americans constitute a relatively youthful demographic compared to the total U.S. ( age 38.9 years), bolstered by post-1965 waves that include children and working-age adults, though an aging immigrant cohort is increasing the proportion of seniors. Filipino American women outnumber men, particularly among the foreign-born, where historical data indicate a of approximately 67 males per 100 females as of 2011, a pattern persisting due to selective migration favoring female nurses and domestic workers under programs like the 1965 Immigration Act. Recent analyses confirm this female skew in the immigrant population, contributing to a slight overall imbalance favoring women across the , though U.S.-born cohorts show ratios closer to parity. Household composition among Filipino Americans emphasizes structures, with an average household size of 2.99 persons in 2023, exceeding the national average of 2.49. Approximately 30.5% to 34% of Filipino households are multigenerational, the highest rate among major Asian American groups, reflecting cultural familism that prioritizes intergenerational support and caregiving for elders and children. About 54% of Filipino adults are married, lower than the Asian average but indicative of stable nuclear families often augmented by relatives; this aligns with empirical patterns of co-residence to pool resources amid economic pressures and immigration dependencies.

Language Use and Proficiency

Filipino Americans exhibit high levels of English proficiency, with 85% of individuals ages 5 and older speaking English proficiently as of data. This rate surpasses many other Asian American subgroups, attributable to the ' history as a U.S. from to , during which English became an and medium of instruction in education. Among U.S.-born Filipino Americans, proficiency reaches 98%, while 71% of foreign-born individuals achieve it, reflecting selection effects in favoring educated professionals. At home, 43% of Filipino Americans ages 5 and older speak Tagalog or other Filipino languages, making Tagalog the most common non-English language among them and the fourth-most spoken non-English language overall in the U.S. with approximately 1.7 million speakers. Other Philippine languages include Ilocano (2%) and Cebuano, though is prevalent, with many households mixing English and s. Only 16% speak English exclusively at home, similar to the foreign-born average, indicating sustained heritage language use despite high proficiency. Proficiency in Philippine languages declines across generations, with first-generation immigrants more likely to maintain fluency in Tagalog or dialects, while second- and third-generation individuals increasingly default to English due to immersion in U.S. schools and media. This shift aligns with broader patterns of language assimilation among immigrant groups, accelerated by the ' widespread English use in professional and urban contexts prior to migration. In 2023, 29% of Filipino immigrants reported speaking English less than "very well," lower than the 47% for all immigrants, underscoring relatively rapid adaptation.

Religious Beliefs and Practices

Approximately 75% of Filipino Americans identify as Christian, with the vast majority of these adherents being Catholic, reflecting the historical influence of Spanish colonization on the Philippines beginning in the 16th century. This proportion exceeds that of other Asian American subgroups, where Christianity is less dominant overall. Among Filipino American Christians, about 57% specify Catholicism, while smaller shares align with Protestant denominations, including evangelical and mainline variants. Rates of religious unaffiliation remain relatively low at around 20-25%, compared to 32% across all Asian Americans, indicating sustained religiosity despite generational shifts and exposure to U.S. secular environments. Filipino American religious practices emphasize communal worship and cultural integration of faith, often adapting Philippine traditions to American contexts. Catholicism manifests in devotionals such as the veneration and processions, alongside regular attendance that serves as a social anchor for immigrant families. Many participate in Filipino-American ministries within U.S. parishes, which preserve Tagalog-language services and rituals like —a nine-day series of pre-Christmas dawn Masses—fostering ethnic and intergenerational transmission of beliefs. Protestant Filipino Americans, comprising roughly 10-15% of the group, engage in studies and evangelical outreach, sometimes blending these with folk customs from the homeland. Faith plays a pivotal role in coping mechanisms and , particularly for first-generation immigrants facing challenges; surveys indicate that religious involvement correlates with stronger family cohesion and resilience against socioeconomic stressors. However, second- and third-generation Filipino Americans show modest declines in practice intensity, influenced by intermarriage and urban , though church networks continue to support and mutual aid. Non-Christian minorities, including from Mindanao-origin families (under 5%), maintain distinct practices like observance, but these remain marginal within the broader community.

Socioeconomic Status

Educational Attainment and Outcomes

Filipino Americans demonstrate above-average educational attainment compared to the general U.S. population. Data from the , based on analysis of the 2021-2023 , indicate that 50% of Filipino Americans aged 25 and older possess a or higher, comprising 39% with a and 12% with advanced degrees. This figure exceeds the national average of 38% for adults in the same age group but falls short of the 56% attainment rate among all . High school completion rates are also elevated, aligning with the 94% adjusted cohort graduation rate for Asian/Pacific Islander students in public high schools during the 2021-2022 school year. Attainment levels vary significantly by nativity and generation. Among Filipino immigrants, 53% aged 25 and older held at least a in 2023, reflecting selective migration patterns favoring skilled professionals, particularly in healthcare and following the 1965 Immigration and Nationality Act. In contrast, U.S.-born Filipino Americans tend to have lower rates, with second-generation individuals often underrepresented in higher education relative to other Asian subgroups due to factors such as larger family sizes, socioeconomic pressures from working-class immigrant parents, and less emphasis on elite academic preparation compared to groups like Indian or . Peer-reviewed analyses highlight persistent achievement gaps, including lower scores and enrollment rates for Filipino youth in regions with high concentrations, such as and , where Filipino students lag behind other Asians despite overall Asian category aggregates. Educational outcomes reflect occupational niches and systemic influences. Filipino Americans are disproportionately represented in associate and bachelor's programs in health professions, with comprising a significant share of degrees earned; for instance, accounted for over 20% of foreign-educated nurses entering the U.S. in recent decades, sustaining high in medically oriented fields. However, advanced degree pursuit remains moderate, and outcomes for U.S.-born cohorts show slower mobility into high-prestige sectors, partly attributable to causal factors like bilingual home environments and community networks prioritizing practical over theoretical . These patterns underscore that while aggregate statistics portray success, disaggregated data reveal vulnerabilities not captured in broad "" framings, with some studies attributing gaps to underinvestment in Filipino-specific outreach amid academia's aggregated Asian categorizations.

Income, Employment, and Occupational Niches

Filipino American households reported a median annual income of $106,400 in 2023, exceeding the U.S. national median of $80,600 and slightly surpassing the median for Asian American-headed households at $105,600. This figure reflects contributions from multiple earners in larger households, as Filipino American household sizes average 2.99 persons compared to 2.49 nationally. Median personal earnings for Filipino Americans aged 16 and older were $48,000 in 2023, lower than the $52,400 average for all Asian Americans, potentially attributable to occupational distributions and immigration patterns favoring family-based entry over high-skill visas. Labor force participation among Filipino Americans remains robust, reaching 65.5% in the second quarter of 2023, above rates for many other Asian subgroups. Unemployment rates for Asian Americans, encompassing Filipino Americans, averaged 3.0% in 2023, below the national rate of 3.6%, indicating relative resilience amid economic fluctuations. These patterns stem from high educational attainment—53% of Filipino immigrants aged 25 and older hold at least a bachelor's degree—and selective migration tied to professional qualifications. Filipino Americans maintain strong occupational concentrations in healthcare, particularly , driven by colonial-era training alignments, English proficiency, and targeted recruitment. Representing roughly 1% of the U.S. population, they comprise 4% of the workforce as of 2024. Filipino immigrants accounted for 28% of foreign-born registered nurses in 2018 data, a figure sustained by ongoing visa pathways and demand in aging demographics. Beyond healthcare, participation spans and technical fields, though nursing remains the defining niche, with second-generation individuals often steered toward it via familial expectations and cultural emphasis on stable professions.

Poverty Rates and Economic Mobility

The poverty rate for Filipino Americans ranges from 6 to 9 percent, notably lower than the U.S. national average of 11.5 percent in 2023 and the Asian American average of 10 percent. Among Filipino immigrants specifically, the rate stood at 7 percent in 2023, compared to 14 percent for the foreign-born population overall. This relative economic security aligns with a of $100,600 in 2022 and $106,400 in 2023, exceeding the U.S. of approximately $75,000 and approximating the Asian American of $105,600. Factors contributing to low include selective patterns favoring skilled professionals, such as nurses and technicians, and strong family support networks that buffer economic shocks. Economic mobility among Filipino Americans is characterized by initial upward trajectories from immigrant parental occupations but shows signs of stagnation or regression in subsequent generations. High parental investment in education—often through professional fields like healthcare—enables first-generation gains, yet second-generation outcomes reveal patterns of downward mobility, with children of highly educated immigrants sometimes entering lower-status roles due to barriers like credential devaluation and labor market discrimination. Broader Asian American studies indicate robust intergenerational progress, with children of immigrants advancing 5 to 6 percentile points higher in income distribution than natives from similar starting points, though subgroup variations persist; Filipinos, entering via service-oriented visas, exhibit less explosive growth than engineering-focused groups like Indians or Chinese. Larger household sizes, averaging higher than other Asian subgroups, inflate household incomes but compress per capita resources, potentially constraining individual mobility.
MetricFilipino AmericansAsian AmericansU.S. Overall
Poverty Rate (2023)6-9%10%11.5%
Median Household Income (2023)$106,400$105,600~$75,000
These disparities highlight that while aggregate statistics suggest stability, causal factors like occupational niching in (where comprise over 20 percent of U.S. registered nurses) limit diversification and expose vulnerabilities to sector-specific downturns, such as during the when frontline roles faced heightened risks without proportional wage gains.

Cultural Elements

Family Dynamics and Social Values

Filipino American families maintain a strong emphasis on familism, defined as a cultural value prioritizing family loyalty, interdependence, and obligations to extended kin over individual pursuits. This manifests in higher rates of multigenerational households and frequent involvement of relatives in child-rearing and decision-making, contrasting with the norm prevalent in broader American society. Research using validated scales shows Filipino American parents endorsing greater familial support norms, such as providing financial aid to relatives and prioritizing events, compared to European American counterparts. Family dynamics are typically hierarchical, with authority concentrated in elders and parents, fostering respect (paggalang) and obedience from younger members. Gender roles often align with traditional expectations, where mothers focus on nurturing and household management while fathers emphasize provision and discipline, though these patterns show variation among second-generation immigrants adapting to U.S. egalitarianism. Interdependence is reinforced through practices like shared caregiving for children and elders, with studies noting that Filipino American youth report stronger senses of familial duty, including emotional support and resource sharing, linked to lower individualism. Core social values include kapwa, a sense of shared identity that promotes empathy and collective harmony, and pakikisama, which encourages accommodating group consensus to avoid discord. These values, rooted in pre-colonial indigenous and Spanish colonial influences, contribute to resilience in facing stressors like but can inhibit open or discussions due to hiya ( avoidance). pressures lead to intergenerational tensions, as younger Filipino Americans increasingly adopt American , potentially eroding traditional cohesion while retaining familistic commitments like remittances to Philippine relatives. Empirical data from parent-youth studies indicate that sustained familism correlates with positive outcomes, such as reduced substance use, when balanced with adaptive flexibility.

Cuisine, Holidays, and Traditions

Filipino American cuisine emphasizes home-cooked staples like adobo (braised meat in vinegar and soy sauce), sinigang (sour soup with tamarind), lumpia (spring rolls), pancit (noodle stir-fry), and sisig (sizzling pork face and liver dish), which reflect Spanish, Chinese, and indigenous Philippine influences adapted for American ingredients and palates. These dishes are commonly prepared for family gatherings, with rice as a central component in nearly every meal, underscoring the cultural priority of communal eating. In the United States, Filipino cuisine has gained visibility through food trucks and restaurants, particularly in California; for instance, San Francisco's Señor Sisig truck specializes in fusion sisig tacos, blending Filipino flavors with Mexican street food elements since 2011. Los Angeles hosts longstanding eateries like LA Rose Cafe (opened 1984), serving classics such as bistek (beef steak) and lechon kawali (fried pork belly). By 2023, Filipino establishments received recognition, with three nominated for James Beard Awards, signaling growing mainstream acclaim despite prior underrepresentation. Holidays among Filipino Americans blend Philippine observances with U.S. customs, prioritizing family-centric events. , recognized in October since 2009, commemorates the first documented Filipino arrival in the continental U.S. on October 18, 1587, at , via trade; celebrations include festivals, exhibits, and pop-ups in communities like and New York. Christmas holds particular prominence, extending from early December with (dawn masses) and featuring elaborate Noche Buena feasts of lechon (roast pig), (rice cake), and queso de bola (edam cheese ball), often lasting through January 6 for the Feast of . Philippine Independence Day on June 12 is marked by parades and cultural shows in cities with large populations, such as . Traditions emphasize collectivism and kinship, with extended families often spanning dozens or more members who maintain close ties through remittances, balikbayan boxes (care packages shipped to the Philippines), and frequent gatherings. Respect for elders (mano po hand-kissing gesture) and multi-generational households persist, contrasting American individualism; surveys indicate Filipino American parents score higher on traditional familism scales, valuing family obligation over autonomy. Community barrio fiestas replicate Philippine town festivals with street food, tinikling bamboo dances, and kundiman music, fostering cultural continuity in U.S. suburbs. Rites of passage, such as the debut (18th birthday cotillion with 18 roses and sponsors), adapt formal sponsorship systems to American venues, reinforcing social networks. These practices sustain identity amid assimilation pressures, with 2024 data showing sustained participation in heritage events.

Media Representation and Arts

Filipino Americans have faced persistent underrepresentation in mainstream U.S. media, comprising a small fraction of the already limited Asian American portrayals. In the 2021-2022 television season, Asian actors held 5.5% of roles in broadcast scripted shows and 2.5% in cable scripted shows, with Filipinos forming an even smaller subset often rendered invisible within broader "Asian" categorizations that prioritize East Asian narratives. This underrepresentation stems partly from historical factors, including the U.S. colonial legacy in the , which has been downplayed in American , leading to less emphasis on Filipino-specific stories in Hollywood productions. Despite these challenges, Filipino American actors have achieved breakthroughs in film and television. Lou Diamond Phillips gained prominence portraying Ritchie Valens in the 1987 biopic La Bamba, marking an early high-profile role for a Filipino American performer. More recent examples include Nico Santos as Mateo Liwanag in the NBC sitcom Superstore (2015-2021) and in (2016-2020), contributing to incremental visibility amid calls for explicit Filipino representation beyond generic Asian roles. Representation has shown modest gains in the 2020s, with Filipino-led projects like the 2022 Disney+ series featuring partial Filipino influences, though critics note persistent stereotyping or marginalization in major studio outputs. In literature, Filipino Americans have produced seminal works chronicling immigrant experiences and labor struggles. Carlos Bulosan, who immigrated to the U.S. in 1930, authored America Is in the Heart (1946), a semi-autobiographical novel depicting the hardships of Filipino migrant workers during the early 20th century, establishing him as the first major literary voice for Filipino Americans. Bulosan's writings, including poetry and essays on class inequality tied to U.S.-Philippine relations, influenced subsequent Asian American literature by emphasizing revolutionary themes over assimilation narratives. Filipino American contributions extend to music and , with rising prominence in contemporary genres. In , artists of Filipino descent dominated Grammy nominations, including for Album of the Year (Sour), for multiple categories, and for Best R&B Album, highlighting a surge in pop, R&B, and alternative music influence. In , Filipino Americans have fostered platforms for identity exploration, as seen in exhibitions connecting colonial history to modern multimedia works, though institutional recognition remains uneven compared to other Asian subgroups. These efforts reflect a broader push for authentic storytelling, countering media invisibility through independent productions and community-driven initiatives.

Sports Participation and Achievements

Filipino Americans exhibit strong interest in , influenced by its dominance in Philippine , with community leagues and youth programs widespread in areas of high concentration like and . However, representation in remains limited relative to population size, comprising about 1.2% of the U.S. population but under 1% of athletes in major leagues such as the NBA and . In the (NBA), Filipino Americans have achieved milestones since became the first to play in 1978. , of Filipino descent through his mother, debuted in 2014 and has earned All-Star honors, currently playing for the after stints with the and . , drafted second overall in 2021 by the , has emerged as a scoring guard with Filipino heritage. In the 2025 NBA Draft, Dylan Harper was selected second overall by the , marking another high-profile entry and tying for the highest draft position among Asian American players. American football features prominent Filipino American contributors in the NFL. Tedy Bruschi, a linebacker of Filipino descent, won three Super Bowls with the New England Patriots between 2002 and 2005, contributing to their dynasty. Doug Baldwin, wide receiver for the Seattle Seahawks, secured a Super Bowl victory in 2014 and amassed over 6,500 receiving yards in his career. Other notables include Roman Gabriel, the first Asian American NFL quarterback who played 16 seasons and earned NFL MVP in 1969; Camryn Bynum, a safety for the Minnesota Vikings since 2021; and Josh Jacobs, running back for the Green Bay Packers with multiple Pro Bowl selections. At least eight Filipino Americans have appeared in Super Bowls or come close, highlighting breakthroughs in a sport historically dominated by other demographics. In gymnastics, Filipino American women made history at the 2024 Paris Olympics, with Emma Malabuyo, , and Levi Jung-Ruivivar competing as the first such trio for the U.S., advancing Filipino American visibility in . Boxing and have seen fewer professional standouts among Filipino Americans compared to native Filipinos like , though community-level participation persists. Overall, achievements underscore resilience against underrepresentation, often tied to cultural emphasis on discipline and family support in athletic pursuits.

Political Engagement

Voter Registration and Turnout

Filipino Americans exhibit high rates, reflecting their elevated success among Asian immigrant groups, with approximately 75% of Filipino immigrants becoming U.S. citizens. As of recent estimates, the citizen voting-age population (CVAP) stands at around 2.65 million, with about 2.7 million registered voters nationwide, indicating near-universal registration among eligible individuals. This aligns with broader Asian American patterns, where barriers have diminished post-1965 immigration reforms, enabling higher eligibility compared to earlier exclusionary eras. Despite strong registration, voter turnout among Filipino Americans remains comparatively low within Asian American subgroups. In the 2020 presidential election, turnout reached 54%, the lowest among major Asian ethnic categories such as Indian (71%), Chinese (59%), and Vietnamese (59%) Americans. This figure, while elevated from prior cycles due to pandemic-era mobilization efforts like expanded mail-in voting, underscores persistent gaps relative to the national voting-eligible population turnout of 66%. Factors contributing to subdued participation include a sense of political alienation, limited targeted outreach by parties, and cultural tendencies toward non-confrontational , as noted in analyses of Filipino American political behavior. Surveys of registered non-voters in 2022 midterms highlight barriers like exposure (60% affected) and convenience preferences, with 39% citing early/absentee options for participation when they do vote. Turnout trends show incremental growth amid AAPI-wide surges, yet Filipino Americans lag in mobilization compared to peers. The 2022 midterms drew responses from over 350 Filipino registered voters in national surveys, revealing patterns of convenience-driven voting but no subgroup-specific turnout exceeding overall Asian rates. By 2024, eligible voters numbered approximately 2.14 million, with advocacy groups emphasizing untapped potential in battleground states, though actual participation dipped slightly from 2020 peaks while remaining above 2016 levels. This dynamic suggests that while demographic expansion—projected from 15% of AAPI eligible voters in key states—bolsters influence, structural disengagement hinders full electoral impact.

Party Preferences and Ideological Leanings

Filipino American registered voters predominantly align with the Democratic Party, with approximately 68% identifying as or leaning Democratic and 31% as or leaning Republican, according to a 2023 survey. This partisan distribution mirrors broader Asian American trends but shows Filipino Americans as slightly more balanced than groups like Indian or , who exhibit similar Democratic majorities around 67-68%. In the 2024 , an estimated two-thirds of Filipino Americans supported Democratic candidate , consistent with their historical preference for Democrats in national contests. Voter turnout among eligible Filipino Americans reached record levels in recent cycles, contributing to their influence in battleground states like , where they comprise a notable share of the Asian electorate. Despite this Democratic tilt, Filipino Americans exhibit ideological tendencies that diverge from typical progressive alignments, particularly on social issues. A 2012 Pew analysis found 33% identifying as conservative compared to 20% as liberal, higher conservative self-identification than among most other Asian subgroups. This conservatism stems largely from the community's strong Catholic heritage—over 80% of Filipino Americans report religious affiliation, influencing opposition to abortion and . Generational patterns show older Filipino immigrants leaning more Republican and conservative, while younger cohorts trend liberal, though social values like family-centric priorities persist across ages. Economic and immigration policies often drive Democratic support, yet anti-communist sentiments rooted in foster toward left-leaning stances. These leanings reflect a pragmatic blend rather than ideological purity, with priorities on , healthcare, and economic opportunity outweighing partisan loyalty; 97% of Asian American voters, including , emphasize positions over ethnicity. Surveys indicate about 25% consistently vote Republican, undeterred by rhetoric, prioritizing fiscal restraint and traditional values. This internal diversity underscores Filipino Americans' potential to shift in response to issues like or , as evidenced by modest Republican gains among Asians in exit polls.

Elected Officials and Policy Influences

Filipino Americans remain underrepresented in federal elective office relative to their population share of approximately 1.2% of the U.S. total, with no members of fully Filipino descent serving as voting representatives or senators in as of 2025. The sole congressional member with partial Filipino ancestry is Representative Robert C. "Bobby" Scott (D-VA), whose maternal grandfather was Filipino, marking him as the first individual with such heritage to serve as a voting member since his election in 1992. Historical figures include former Representative Steve Austria (R-OH), who served from 2009 to 2013 and focused on economic issues affecting small businesses, a sector with significant Filipino American participation. This limited federal presence contrasts with growth at state and local levels, where Filipino Americans have secured positions amid increasing political mobilization in states like , , and New York. At the state level, representation has expanded recently. In November 2024, Jessica Caloza was elected to the (District 25), becoming the first Filipina American to serve in the state legislature, alongside Christopher Cabaldon, elected to the State Assembly (District 8), forming the first such duo in history. In New York, Steven Raga made history in 2022 as the first Filipino American elected to the State Assembly (District 36), advocating for affordable housing and small business support in communities with large Filipino populations. Earlier, served as from 1994 to 2002, the first Filipino American to hold a U.S. governorship, during which he prioritized economic development and education reforms benefiting 's substantial Filipino community, comprising about 25% of the state's population. Local offices, such as city councils in and , have seen dozens of Filipino American officeholders, including mayors like San Francisco's (partial descent), though full-descent examples predominate in suburban and urban enclaves. Filipino American elected officials have influenced policies strengthening U.S.-Philippines ties, including military cooperation and veteran recognition. Cayetano's administration in advanced bilateral economic initiatives, laying groundwork for enhanced trade under the U.S.-Philippines Mutual Defense Treaty. State legislators like Caloza have prioritized bills on immigrant integration and family-based immigration pathways, reflecting the chain migration patterns that have sustained Filipino American growth since the 1965 Immigration Act. has supported resolutions affirming U.S. commitments to Philippine sovereignty in the , aligning with broader community advocacy amid territorial disputes. At the federal level, partial-descent figures like Scott have backed legislation for Filipino veterans' benefits, culminating in the 2009 rescission of benefit denials, though implementation delays persist due to evidentiary hurdles. These efforts underscore a pattern of policy focus on diaspora remittances, defense alliances, and rectification of historical inequities from U.S. colonial and wartime roles, driven by empirical community priorities rather than partisan ideology.

Military Contributions

Enlistment History and Service Rates

Filipino American enlistment in the U.S. military traces to the early after the U.S. colonization of the . In 1901, President authorized the U.S. to enlist up to 500 as part of an insular force, mainly in steward and mess attendant roles, which became a primary avenue for Filipino entry into the armed forces. By 1922, Filipino Americans accounted for 5.7 percent of enlisted personnel, reflecting early patterns of service concentrated in naval support positions. During , Filipino Americans in the continental mobilized into segregated units, such as the 1st Filipino formed in March 1942 at , , which expanded to over 2,000 enlistees by May. The 2nd Filipino also served in Pacific campaigns including and . These units drew from the small pre-war Filipino American population, highlighting community commitment despite discrimination. Postwar enlistment persisted, bolstered by executive orders like President Dwight D. Eisenhower's in the 1950s expanding opportunities for Filipinos . Filipino Americans exhibit elevated service rates relative to other Asian American groups; in 2005, those of Filipino descent represented 35 percent of active-duty Asian-Pacific Islander personnel, exceeding their roughly 18 percent share of the U.S. Asian population. As of 2020, approximately 69,100 foreign-born veterans originated from the , the second-highest nationality after , often via enlistment for benefits. This overrepresentation stems from historical ties, economic incentives, and cultural emphasis on service as a path to integration.

Key Conflicts and Roles

Filipino Americans served prominently in , particularly through dedicated units like the 1st Filipino Infantry Regiment, formed in 1942 from Filipino residents in the United States who advocated for combat roles beyond naval stewards. This regiment, later redesignated, fought in the Pacific theater, including campaigns in and the liberation of in the , contributing to Allied advances against Japanese forces. Over 250,000 Filipinos, including those integrated into U.S. commands like the United States Armed Forces in the Far East (USAFFE), defended and against Japanese invasion in 1941-1942, enduring the where thousands perished. In the , Filipino Americans continued combat service, exemplified by Gaudencio Licercio, who earned the Distinguished Service Cross for leadership under fire. During the , Filipino Americans served in U.S. forces, with individuals like Major Maximo P. Young participating across multiple conflicts, reflecting sustained enlistment patterns. Filipino Americans have maintained high military participation in post-Cold War conflicts, including the , , and , often in naval and army roles; for instance, Captain Tem E. Bugarin commanded during the , and troops served on deployments like the USS Abraham Lincoln in 2003, where Filipinos naturalized post-service. Their roles span , medical support, and leadership, bolstered by historical enlistment programs that recruited over 35,000 into the U.S. from 1952 to 1991.

Veterans' Benefits and Recognition Disputes

During , approximately 250,000 Filipino soldiers served in the United States Armed Forces in the (USAFFE) under American command, with promises of full veterans' benefits including pensions, healthcare, and pathways. However, on February 18, 1946, President Harry Truman signed the Rescission Act (Public Law 79-301), which retroactively nullified these commitments for most Filipino troops, denying them U.S. veteran status and benefits except for a token allowance to about 50,000 who relocated to the . This legislation uniquely singled out Filipino service members among all Allied forces, motivated by post-war budget constraints and underlying racial and colonial attitudes amid the ' impending independence. Decades of advocacy by Filipino American veterans' groups led to partial remedies, such as the 2009 Filipino Veterans Equity Compensation Fund under the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act, providing a one-time payment of $15,000 to eligible U.S. citizen veterans and $9,000 to non-citizen veterans recognized by the U.S. or Philippine governments. Despite this, the fund faced widespread criticism for its inadequacy compared to ongoing VA benefits received by other WWII veterans, stringent verification requirements that disqualified thousands due to lost records or discrepancies, and failure to address lifetime healthcare or pension needs. By 2015, over 18,000 appeals were filed against denials, highlighting bureaucratic hurdles and perceived inequities in eligibility criteria that differentiated between "recognized" and "unrecognized" guerrillas. Recognition disputes persist, with ongoing lawsuits challenging the Rescission Act's constitutionality and VA denial practices, as seen in federal cases filed by surviving veterans and widows seeking back benefits. As of April 2024, only about 966 Filipino WWII veterans remain alive, underscoring the urgency of unresolved claims amid dwindling numbers. Advocacy continues for full parity, including repeal of the Rescission Act, though fiscal and legal barriers maintain the status quo of limited compensation over comprehensive entitlements.

Health and Social Issues

Physical Health Disparities

Filipino Americans exhibit elevated rates of several chronic physical health conditions compared to the general U.S. population and other Asian American subgroups, including , , and , which contribute to higher morbidity and premature mortality. These disparities persist even after adjusting for socioeconomic factors, highlighting potential genetic, dietary, and lifestyle influences such as high-sodium intake and use among men. prevalence among Filipino Americans reached 45.1% in recent assessments, more than double that of , with death rates at 396.3 per 100,000 versus 192.7 overall. Hypertension affects approximately 53% to 60% of Filipino American adults, rates comparable to those among African Americans and exceeding other Asian groups, with early onset particularly pronounced. Three in five Filipino Americans experience this condition, often linked to metabolic syndrome and contributing to downstream cardiovascular risks. Type 2 diabetes prevalence stands at around 13% for diagnosed cases, with an additional 17% at incident risk, representing a 70% higher odds compared to other Asian Americans; even non-obese individuals face over twice the risk relative to non-Hispanic whites. Cancer incidence shows mixed patterns, with colorectal, , and rates elevated in generational analyses, while has risen 1.6% annually; overall, cancer ranks as a leading among , surpassing some aggregated Asian figures due to disaggregation needs. contributes, though rates vary (around 22% to 30%), often underestimating risks when are aggregated with leaner Asian subgroups. These patterns underscore the limitations of broad "Asian American" categorizations, which mask Filipino-specific vulnerabilities requiring targeted interventions.

Mental Health Prevalence and Factors

Filipino Americans experience notable mental health challenges, including elevated rates of psychological distress and depression relative to certain benchmarks. A 2023 study of 184 adults found that 57.3% of Filipino Americans reported psychological distress, compared to 83.2% among Filipinos residing in the , with distress linked to anxiety and depressive symptoms. Among Asian American subgroups, a of 58 studies encompassing 21,731 adults indicated a 34.4% depression prevalence for Filipino Americans, higher than rates in other groups such as Japanese or . Filipino adolescents exhibit 29.0% clinically significant depressive symptoms, exceeding the 17.9% rate among non-Hispanic white peers. rates stand at 3.5 per 100,000, while approximately 12% endure psychological distress surpassing U.S. norms for depression and anxiety. These patterns persist despite Filipino Americans' "model minority" status, which may mask underreporting due to cultural reluctance to disclose issues. Among Filipina mothers, severe depressive symptoms affect 9.6%, akin to rates in U.S.-born mothers. Youth face disproportionate risks, including higher , substance use, and depressive symptoms compared to white and other Asian peers. Contributing factors include acculturative stress from and , with and financial pressures as primary stressors, though less acute than in the . Cultural elements exacerbate vulnerabilities: stigma views mental illness as a familial , prompting of symptoms and preference for spiritual or faith-based coping over biomedical interventions. Family dynamics feature hierarchical structures and interdependence, where revealing distress risks reputational harm, reinforced by fatalistic attitudes like (a resignation) and fostering self-denigration. Intergenerational conflicts arise from parent-child communication gaps and harsh discipline, compounded by parental issues such as depression or . These barriers yield low service utilization, with Filipino Americans accessing care primarily in crises and often discontinuing prematurely, despite comparable needs to other groups. Protective elements involve resilience through family support, religiosity (especially Catholicism), and community socialization, which align with health-promotion strategies like exercise and rest. However, systemic issues, including limited culturally competent providers and historical colonial legacies, perpetuate disparities, necessitating targeted interventions like parent training to enhance communication and reduce stigma via faith-based channels.

Identity Formation and Intergenerational Conflicts

Second-generation Filipino Americans frequently develop a hybrid ethnic identity that integrates elements of Filipino heritage with American cultural norms, influenced by the ' colonial history under U.S. rule from 1898 to 1946, which fostered linguistic and institutional affinities such as widespread English proficiency. This fluidity manifests in multi-ethnic self-conceptions, where individuals report shifting identifications based on , such as emphasizing Filipino roots in settings versus broader Asian American affiliations in diverse urban environments. Scholarly models, including the Pilipino American Identity Development Model, delineate stages progressing from initial ethnic —often sparked by narratives or phenotypic traits like skin color—to assimilation into mainstream society, followed by socio-political awakening regarding historical marginalization, and culminating in bicultural integration. Phenotypic biases further shape this process, with lighter-skinned Filipino Americans more readily assimilating into white-dominant spaces, while those with indigenous Austronesian features encounter intragroup that reinforces distinct ethnic assertions over pan-Asian categorizations. Family socialization plays a pivotal , as parents transmit cultural portals like religious practices (predominantly Catholicism) and communal obligations, yet second-generation youth often reinterpret these amid peer influences and media portrayals that dilute traditional markers. Studies of young adults aged 18–24 indicate that exploration of heritage through or community events accelerates resolution of identity ambiguity, contrasting with unexamined diffusion leading to lower . Intergenerational conflicts emerge primarily from acculturation gaps, where immigrant parents uphold collectivist Filipino values—such as utang na loob (debt of gratitude) and deference to elders—with U.S.-raised children prioritizing individualism, autonomy, and mental health expression, resulting in heightened parent-child discord. These tensions, termed intergenerational cultural dissonance, correlate with elevated depressive symptoms and reduced academic performance among Filipino American adolescents, as parental expectations for high achievement clash with youths' experiences of racial microaggressions or identity confusion. Empirical data from longitudinal surveys show that such conflicts peak during emerging adulthood, exacerbated by economic pressures on first-generation families, though protective factors like bilingualism and familial religiosity mitigate long-term relational strain. Unlike more insulated Asian subgroups, Filipino Americans' historical U.S. ties amplify these divides, as later generations question colonial legacies while elders romanticize pre-immigration solidarity.

Achievements and Criticisms

Economic and Professional Successes

Filipino Americans demonstrate notable economic achievements, reflected in their median household income of $106,400 for Filipino-headed households in 2023, exceeding the overall Asian American median of $105,600 and the national median of approximately $80,600. This income level stems partly from selective patterns favoring skilled professionals, combined with cultural emphasis on education and English proficiency inherited from U.S. colonial influence in the , enabling rapid integration into high-wage sectors. Educational attainment underpins these outcomes, with 50% of Filipino Americans aged 25 and older possessing a (39%) or advanced degree (12%) in 2023, rates that, while slightly below the Asian aggregate of 56%, surpass U.S. averages and facilitate access to professional fields. In urban centers like , over 65% of Filipino adults hold a bachelor's or higher, correlating with levels 37% above city medians. Professionally, Filipino Americans are overrepresented in healthcare, comprising more than half of Asian American registered nurses and nursing assistants, a dominance driven by historical recruitment of Filipino nurses since the mid-20th century and ongoing demand for their skills in understaffed U.S. facilities. This concentration yields stable, above-average earnings, with many advancing to supervisory or specialized roles, though trails some Asian subgroups due to larger household sizes supporting networks. Entrepreneurial activity has expanded, with over 250,000 Filipino-owned businesses in the U.S. by the early , particularly in food services, retail, and , building on community networks and remittances-driven . These ventures contribute to local economies, though data gaps persist compared to salaried professions, highlighting untapped potential in tech and where educational credentials position Filipino Americans competitively.

Assimilation Patterns and Cultural Retention

Filipino Americans exhibit high levels of linguistic assimilation, with English serving as the primary language in most households and public interactions, facilitated by the ' historical status as a U.S. colony where English became an . According to data from 2023 estimates, while 43% of Filipino Americans ages 5 and older speak Tagalog or Filipino at home, the group's overall English proficiency ranks among the highest for Asian American subgroups, enabling rapid integration into educational and spheres. This proficiency contrasts with lower rates among other Asian immigrant groups, contributing to socioeconomic mobility but also accelerating generational shifts away from heritage languages. Intermarriage rates underscore marital assimilation, with Filipino Americans showing elevated out-marriage compared to other Asian groups; a 2012 Pew survey reported 48% intermarriage prevalence, often with whites or other Asians, reflecting reduced ethnic driven by geographic dispersion and cultural familiarity with Western norms. Native-born second-generation individuals display even higher rates, around 55% for native-born Asians broadly, with Filipinos aligning closely due to their "model minority" trajectory and colonial legacy minimizing perceived cultural barriers. Economic assimilation is evident in occupational patterns, where Filipino Americans achieve median household incomes exceeding the national average, though this masks disparities in among recent immigrants. Despite assimilation, cultural retention remains robust through familism—emphasizing extended family obligations and collectivism—which persists across generations, as measured by validated scales showing higher familism scores among Filipino Americans than . Religious practices, predominantly Roman Catholicism (over 60% adherence), reinforce retention via church-based communities and rituals like (Christmas dawn masses). Culinary traditions, such as and , and festivals like the annual events in October, sustain heritage; for instance, parades and cultural fairs in cities like draw thousands, blending Philippine fiestas with American civic life to foster ethnic pride. Intergenerational dynamics reveal selective retention: first-generation immigrants prioritize cultural transmission through language classes and remittances to the , while second-generation individuals often adopt a hybrid "Fil-Am" identity, navigating biculturalism without full bilingualism in Tagalog. Studies indicate that while economic and linguistic assimilation proceeds swiftly, identity fluidity—marked by "white adjacent" positioning—coexists with resistance to complete erasure, as evidenced by community organizations promoting to counter colonial mentality effects. This pattern aligns with empirical observations of "segmented assimilation," where Filipino Americans leverage U.S. ties for upward mobility while preserving core values like bayanihan (communal unity) amid suburban dispersal.

Community Challenges and Policy Debates

Filipino Americans encounter , including verbal harassment and physical assaults, with experiences intensifying during the as many served as frontline healthcare workers exposed to anti-Asian rhetoric. A 2023 Pew Research Center survey found that 30% of , including Filipinos, reported being subjected to slurs or jokes about the , while qualitative studies document Filipino workers facing workplace and off-duty linked to perceptions of them as disease carriers. These incidents reflect broader anti-Asian hate crimes, which surged over 300% in major U.S. cities from 2020 to 2021, though Filipino-specific data often aggregates within Asian categories, potentially understating unique vulnerabilities due to their visibility in . Socioeconomic challenges persist among certain subgroups, particularly recent immigrants and those in low-wage sectors like caregiving and agriculture, despite overall community metrics showing resilience. In 2023, Filipino immigrant stood at 7%, lower than the 14% foreign-born average, but disaggregated analyses reveal higher rates in enclaves like , where and informal labor contribute to housing instability and . Family separation from prolonged waits exacerbates these issues, as remittances to the —totaling over $12 billion annually from U.S.-based —strain household finances and delay reunification, fostering intergenerational tensions over cultural adaptation. Policy debates center on immigration backlogs and visa reforms, given the Philippines' status as a major source of family-based and skilled migration. Filipino family-sponsored petitions face waits exceeding 20 years for some categories due to per-country caps, prompting calls from community advocates for legislative adjustments like the Fairness for High-Skilled Immigrants Act to prioritize merit-based systems without fully displacing . A 2021 Russell Sage Foundation study notes Filipino support for expanding work visas, reflecting their overrepresentation in (over 150,000 Filipino RNs in the U.S. as of 2020), amid concerns that restrictive policies, such as those proposed in 2024 Republican platforms, could deter essential labor inflows. Undocumented Filipinos, estimated at tens of thousands and often entering via overstays or unauthorized routes, highlight risks from inadequate pathways, with debates emphasizing versus regularization to address labor shortages in healthcare. Additionally, 59% of Asian immigrants, including Filipinos, advocate for major overhauls to the U.S. system in a 2024 poll, citing inefficiencies that perpetuate undocumented status and exploitation. Critics within the community argue that aggregation under the "Asian American" label obscures Filipino-specific needs, as evidenced by 2025 data showing 8.8% of self-identifying as rather than Asian, potentially skewing policy allocations for targeted aid. These debates underscore tensions between celebrating —Filipino median household income reached $100,273 in 2021—and addressing overlooked vulnerabilities like elder care burdens and urban poverty pockets, where advocacy groups push for disaggregated data to inform equitable resource distribution.

Notable Filipino Americans

Filipino Americans have distinguished themselves in politics, entertainment, business, sports, and activism, often leveraging bicultural experiences to achieve prominence despite historical underrepresentation. In politics and labor activism, (1913–1977) organized Filipino farmworkers and co-founded the union, leading the 1965 that united Filipino and Mexican laborers for better wages and conditions. Recent electoral gains include Steven Raga's 2022 election as the first Filipino American to the , representing District 36 in . In 2024, Jessica Caloza and Christopher Cabaldon were elected to California's state legislature, marking the first simultaneous service of two Filipino Americans there. In entertainment, (born February 20, 2003), of Filipino descent through her father, rose to fame with her 2021 debut album Sour, which debuted at number one on the and earned three , including Best New Artist. (born Peter Gene Hernandez, October 8, 1985), whose mother is Filipino, has sold over 200 million records worldwide, winning 15 for hits like "" and albums such as 24K Magic. (born February 17, 1962), with a Filipino mother, gained acclaim for roles in La Bamba (1987) and (1988), earning a Tony nomination for The King and I on Broadway in 1991. In business and technology, Diosdado "Dado" Banatao (born May 23, 1946), an immigrant engineer, invented the first 10-Mbit Ethernet with coupler transceiver in 1981 and the first system logic chip set for the PC-AT in 1984, later founding (sold for $279 million in 1997) and other ventures. In sports, Vicki Manalo Draves (1923–2002), born to a Filipino father, became the first Asian American woman to win an Olympic gold medal, securing both the 3-meter and 10-meter platform diving events at the 1948 Games.

References

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