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Turkish Americans
Turkish Americans
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Key Information

Turkish Americans (Turkish: Türk Amerikalılar) or American Turks (Turkish: Amerikalı Türkler) are Americans of ethnic Turkish origin. The term "Turkish Americans" can therefore refer to ethnic Turkish immigrants to the United States, as well as their American-born descendants, who originate either from the Ottoman Empire or from post-Ottoman modern nation-states. The majority trace their roots to the Republic of Turkey, however, there are also significant ethnic Turkish communities in the US which descend from the island of Cyprus, the Balkans, North Africa, the Levant and other areas of the former Ottoman Empire. Furthermore, in recent years there has been a significant number of ethnic Turkish people coming to the US from the modern Turkish diaspora (i.e. outside the former Ottoman territories), especially from the Turkish Meskhetian diaspora in Eastern Europe (e.g. from Krasnodar Krai in Russia) and "Euro-Turks" from Central and Western Europe (e.g. Turkish Germans etc.).

History

[edit]

Ottoman Turkish migration

[edit]
A group of immigrants, most wearing fezzes, surrounding a large vessel which is decorated with the star and crescent symbol of the Ottoman Empire (1902–1913)

The earliest known Turkish arrivals in what would become United States arrived in 1586 when Sir Francis Drake brought at least 200 Muslims, identified as Turks and Moors, to the newly established English colony of Roanoke on the coast of present-day North Carolina.[4] Only a short time before reaching Roanoke, Drake's fleet of some thirty ships had liberated these Muslims from Spanish colonial forces in the Caribbean where they had been condemned to hard labor as galley slaves.[5] Historical records indicate that Drake had promised to return the liberated galley slaves, and the English government did ultimately repatriate about 100 of them to the Ottoman realms.[5] The Sumter Turks, who settled in the 18th century, are another community of people who were officially identified as Turkish descent.[6]

A Turkish immigrant in New York (1912)
A Turkish immigrant leather worker, Yakub Ahmed, celebrates becoming a naturalized American citizen in the 1920s

Significant waves of Turkish immigration to the United States began during the period between 1820 and 1920.[7] About 300,000 people immigrated from the Ottoman Empire to the United States, although only 50,000 of these immigrants were Muslim Turks whilst the rest were mainly Arabs, Armenians, Greeks, Jews and other Muslim groups under the Ottoman rule.[8] Most ethnic Turks feared that they would not be accepted in a Christian country because of their religion and often adopted and registered under a Christian name at the port of entry in order to gain easy access to the United States;[9][10] moreover, many declared themselves as "Syrians" or "Greeks" or even "Armenians" in order to avoid discrimination.[11] The majority of Turks entered the United States via the ports of Providence, Rhode Island; Portland, Maine; and Ellis Island. French shipping agents, the missionary American college in Harput, French and German schools, and word of mouth from former migrants were major sources of information about the "New World" for those who wished to emigrate.[12]

The largest number of ethnic Turks appear to have entered the United States prior to World War I, roughly between 1900 and 1914, when American immigration policies were quite liberal. Many of these Turks came from Harput, Akçadağ, Antep and Macedonia and embarked for the United States from Beirut, Mersin, İzmir, Trabzon and Salonica.[11] However, the flow of immigration to the United States was interrupted by the Immigration Act of 1917, which limited entries into the United States based on literacy, and by World War I.[13] Nonetheless, a large number of Turks from the Balkan provinces of Albania, Kosovo, Western Thrace, and Bulgaria emigrated and settled in the United States;[11] they were listed as "Albanians", "Bulgarians" and "Serbians" according to their country of origin, even though many of them were ethnically Turkish and identified themselves as such.[11] Furthermore, many immigrant families who were ethnic Albanians, Bulgarians, Greeks, Macedonians or Serbians included children of Turkish origin who lost their parents during ethnic cleansings committed by Bulgaria, Serbia and Greece following the Balkan War of 1912–13.[11] These Turkish children had been sheltered, baptized and adopted, and then used as field laborers; when the adopting families emigrated to the United States they listed these children as family members, although most of these Turkish children still remembered their origin.[11]

Turkish workers in Detroit (1923)

Early Turkish migrants were mostly male-dominated economic migrants who were farmers and shepherds from the lower socioeconomic classes; their main concern was to save enough money and return home.[13] The majority of these migrants lived in urban areas and worked in the industrial sector, taking difficult and lower-paying jobs in leather factories, tanneries, the iron and steel sector, and the wire, railroad, and automobile industries, especially in New England, New York, Detroit, and Chicago.[13] The Turkish community generally relied on each other in finding jobs and a place to stay, many staying in boarding houses. There was also cooperation between ethnic Turks and other Ottomans such as the Greeks, Jews, and Armenians, although ethnic conflicts were also common and carried to some parts of the United States, such as in Peabody, Massachusetts, where there was tension between Greeks, Armenians, and Turks.[13]

Dr. Fuat Umay meeting Turkish American women (1923)

Unlike the other Ottoman ethnic groups living in the United States, many early Turkish migrants returned to their homeland. The rate of return migration was exceptionally high after the establishment of the Republic of Turkey in 1923.[13][8] The founder of the Republic, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, sent ships from Turkey, such as "Gülcemal", to the United States to take these men back to Turkey without any charge. Educated Turks were offered jobs in the newly created Republic, while unskilled workers were encouraged to return, as the male population was depleted due to World War I and the Turkish War of Independence.[14] Those who stayed in the United States lived in isolation as they knew little or no English and preferred to live among themselves. However, some of their descendants became assimilated into American culture and today vaguely have a notion of their Turkish ancestry.[8]

Mainland Turkish migration

[edit]
Turkish Americans holding the flags of the United States and Turkey
Turkish Americans dressed in traditional clothing at a Turkish Festival in Washington, D.C.

From World War I to 1965 the number of Turkish immigrants arriving in the United States was quite low, as a result of restrictive immigration laws such as the Immigration Act of 1924. Approximately 100 Turkish immigrants per year entered the United States between 1930 and 1950.[15] However, the number of Turkish immigrants to the United States increased to 2,000 to 3,000 per year after 1965 due to the liberalization of US immigration laws.[14] As of the late 1940s, but especially in the 1960s and 1970s, Turkish immigration to the United States changed its nature from one of unskilled to skilled migration; a wave of professionals such as doctors, engineers, academicians, and graduate students came to the United States. In the 1960s, 10,000 people entered the United States from Turkey, followed by another 13,000 in the 1970s.[14] As opposed to the male-dominated first flows of Ottoman Turkish migrants, these immigrants were highly educated, return migration was minimal, migrants included many young women and accompanying families, and Turkish nationalism and secularism was much more common.[8] The general profile of Turkish men and women immigrating to the United States depicted someone young, college-educated with a good knowledge of English, and with a career in medicine, engineering, or another profession in science or the arts.[16]

Since the 1980s, the flow of Turkish immigrants to the United States has included an increasing number of students and professionals as well as migrants who provide unskilled and semi-skilled labor.[10] Thus, in recent years, the highly skilled and educated profile of the Turkish American community has changed with the arrival of unskilled or semi-skilled Turkish labor workers.[17] The unskilled or semi-skilled immigrants usually work in restaurants, gas stations, hair salons, construction sites, and grocery stores, although some of them have obtained American citizenship or green cards and have opened their own ethnic businesses.[17] Some recent immigrants have also arrived via cargo ships and then left them illegally, whilst others overstay their visas. Thus, it is difficult to estimate the number of undocumented Turkish immigrants in the United States who overstay their visas or arrive illegally.[17] Moreover, with the introduction of the Diversity Immigrant Visa more Turkish immigrants, from all socioeconomic and educational backgrounds, have arrived in the United States, with the quota for Turkey being 2,000 per year.[8]

Turkish Cypriot Americans in New York City supporting recognition of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus

Turkish Cypriot migration

[edit]

The Turkish Cypriots first arrived in the United States between 1820 and 1860 due to religious or political persecution.[18] About 2,000 Turkish Cypriots had arrived in the United States between 1878 and 1923 when the Ottoman Empire handed over the administration of the island of Cyprus to Britain.[19] Turkish Cypriot immigration to the United States continued between the 1960s till 1974 as a result of the Cyprus conflict.[20] According to the 1980 United States census 1,756 people stated Turkish Cypriot ancestry. However, a further 2,067 people of Cypriot ancestry did not specify whether they were of Turkish or Greek Cypriot origin.[21] On 2 October 2012, the first "Turkish Cypriot Day" was celebrated at the US Congress.[22]

Turkish Macedonian migration

[edit]

In 1960, the Macedonian Patriotic Organization reported that a handful of Turkish Macedonians in American "have expressed solidarity with the M.P.O.'s aims, and have made contributions to its financial needs."[23]

Meskhetian Turks protesting outside the White House in Washington, D.C.

Turkish Meskhetian migration

[edit]

Exiled first from Georgia in 1944, and then Uzbekistan in 1989, approximately 13,000 Meskhetian Turks who arrived in Krasnodar, Russia, as Soviet citizens were refused recognition by Krasnodar authorities.[24] The regional government denied Meskhetian Turks the right to register their residences in the territory, effectively making them stateless and resulting in the absence of basic civil and human rights, including the right to employment, social and medical benefits, property ownership, higher education, and legal marriage.[24] In mid-2006, over 10,000 Meskhetian Turks had resettled from the Krasnodar region to the United States. Out of approximately 21,000 applications, nearly 15,000 individuals in total were eligible for refugee status and likely to immigrate during the life of the resettlement program.[25]

Demographics

[edit]

Characteristics

[edit]

Official statistics on the total number of Turkish Americans (of full or partial ancestry) do not provide a true reflection of the total population. In part, this is because ethnic Turkish people often choose not to report their ethnic ancestry, which is only voluntary in censuses. Moreover, the Turkish American community is unique in that many trace their roots to early Ottoman Turkish migrants who came to the United States from all areas of the Ottoman Empire, whilst those who migrated since the 20th century have come from various post-Ottoman modern nation-states. Thus, Turkish Americans mostly descend from the Republic of Turkey; however, there are also significant ethnic Turkish communities in the US which descend from the island of Cyprus (i.e. Turkish Cypriots from both the Republic of Cyprus and the TRNC), the Balkans (e.g. Turkish Bulgarians, Turkish Macedonians, Turkish Romanians, etc.), North Africa (i.e. Turkish Algerians, Turkish Egyptians, Turkish Libyans, and Turkish Tunisians), the Levant (i.e. Turkish Iraqis, Turkish Lebanese, and Turkish Syrians) as well as from other areas of the former Ottoman Empire (e.g. Turkish Saudis). Furthermore, in recent years there has been a significant number of ethnic Turkish people coming to the US from the modern Turkish diaspora, especially from the Turkish Meskhetian diaspora in Krasnodar Krai in Russia and other former Soviet states in Eastern Europe. There is also a growing number of "Euro-Turks" from Central and Western Europe (e.g. Turkish Austrian, Turkish British, and Turkish German communities) which have settled in the United States.

Population

[edit]
Turkish American women in New York City

According to the 2000 United States census 117,575 Americans voluntarily declared their ethnicity as Turkish.[26] However, the actual number of Americans of Turkish descent is believed to be considerably larger because most Turkish Americans do not declare their ethnicity. In 1996 Professor John J. Grabowski had already estimated the number of Turks in the United States to be 500,000.[27]

Other sources such as the Turkish American Community put the Turkish American population at between 350,000 and 500,000 with majority concentrations living in the New York/New Jersey region as well as California. The 2023 American Community Survey conducted by the United States Census Bureau recorded 252,256 Americans of Turkish descent.[1]

In addition, the Turks of South Carolina, an Anglicized isolated community identifying as Turkish in Sumter County for over 200 years, numbered around 500 in the mid-20th century.[28]

Settlement

[edit]

Turkish Americans live in all fifty states, although the largest concentrations are found in New York City and Rochester, New York; Washington, D.C.; and Detroit, Michigan. The largest concentrations of Turkish Americans are found scattered throughout New York City, Long Island, New Jersey, Connecticut, and other suburban areas. They generally reside in specific cities and neighborhoods including Brighton Beach in Brooklyn, Sunnyside in Queens, and in the cities of Paterson and Clifton in New Jersey.[29]

According to the U.S. Census Bureau, in 2000, Americans of Turkish origin mostly live in the State of New York followed by California, New Jersey, Florida, Texas, Virginia, Illinois, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, and Maryland.[30]

The top US communities with the highest percentage of people claiming Turkish ancestry in 2000 are:[31]
Community Place type % Turkish
Islandia, NY village 2.5
Edgewater Park, NJ township 1.9
Fairview, NJ borough 1.7
Goldens Bridge, NY populated place 1.6
Point Lookout, NY populated place 1.4
Marshville, NC town 1.4
Boonton, NJ town 1.3
Bellerose Terrace, NY populated place 1.3
Cliffside Park, NJ borough 1.3
Franksville, WI populated place 1.3
Ridgefield, NJ borough 1.3
Chester, OH township 1.3
Bay Harbor Islands, FL town 1.2
Herricks, NY populated place 1.2
Barry, IL city 1.2
Cloverdale, IN town 1.2
Highland Beach, FL town 1.2
Friendship Village, MD populated place 1.2
New Egypt, NJ populated place 1.1
Delran, NJ township 1.1
Trumbull County, OH township 1.1
Summit, IL village 1.1
Haledon, NJ borough 1.0

Culture

[edit]

Language

[edit]

According to the 2000 Census,[32] the Turkish language is spoken in 59,407 households within the entire U.S. population, and in 12,409 households in NYC alone by highly bilingual families with Turkish ancestry. These data show that many speakers with Turkish origins continue speaking the language at home despite the fact that they are highly bilingual. The number of English-proficient households using Turkish as a home-language outweighs that of families who have switched completely to English. In this sense, the Turkish American community efforts and the schools that serve the Turkish community in the U.S. are responsible for the retaining of the Turkish language and slowing of assimilation. A detailed study has documented the efforts of language and culture-disseminating schools of the Turkish American community and is available as a doctoral dissertation,[33] a book,[34] book chapters,[35] and journal articles.[36]

Religion

[edit]
The Islamic Center of Washington was originally conceived in 1944 when the Turkish ambassador Munir Ertegun died and there was no mosque to hold his funeral in.[37]
The Diyanet Center of America in Lanham, Maryland was built in the traditional Ottoman-Turkish style.

Although Islam had little public importance among the secular Turkish Americans who arrived in the United States during the 1940s to the 1970s, more recent Turkish immigrants have tended to be more religious.[38] Since the 1980s, the wave of Turkish immigrants has been quite diverse and have included a broad mixture of secular and religious people.[39] Thus, due to the diversification of Turkish Americans since the 1980s, religion has become a more important identity marker within the community. Especially after the 1980s, religious organizations, Islamic cultural centers, and mosques were founded to serve the needs of Turkish people.[38]

Various groups are active in the United States. Followers of the Islamic preacher Fethullah Gülen (known as "Hizmet" or "Gülenciler") formed a local cultural organization, the "American Turkish Friendship Association" (ATFA), in 2003, and an intercultural organization, called the "Rumi Forum", in 1999, which invites speakers to inform the public about Islam and Turkey. The Gülen community has also established mosques and interethnic private schools in New York, Connecticut, and Virginia, several colleges like the Virginia International University in Fairfax County, Virginia, and over a hundred charter schools throughout the United States.[38] Followers of Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan, otherwise known as "Süleymancılar", also formed many mosques and cultural centers along the East Coast. Apart from these two groups, the Diyanet appoints official Turkish imams to the United States. The most prominent of these is the Turkish American Community Center of the Washington metropolitan area located in Lanham, MD., on 15 acres of land, which was bought by the Turkish Foundation of Religious Affairs.[38] Some international sufi orders are also active. An example is the Jerrahi Order of America following the Jerrahi-Halveti order of dervishes in Spring Valley, New York.

Organizations and associations

[edit]

Until the 1950s Turkish Americans had only a few organizations, the agendas of which were mainly cultural rather than political. They organized celebrations that would bring immigrant Turks together in a place during religious and national holidays.[40] Turkish early migrants founded the first Muslim housing cooperatives and associations between 1909 and 1914.[41] After World War I, the "Turkish Aid Society" ("Türk Teavün Cemiyeti") in New York City and the "Red Crescent" ("Hilali Ahmer"), were collecting money not only for funeral services and other community affairs but also to help the Turkish War of Independence.[41] In 1933, Turkish Americans established the "Cultural Alliance of New York" and the "Turkish Orphans’ Association", gathering to collect money for orphans in Turkey who had lost their parents in the Turkish War of Independence.[41][42] As Turkish immigration increased after the 1950s Turkish Americans gained more economic status and formed new organizations. Thus, Turkish American organizations and associations are growing throughout the United States as their number increases. Most of these organizations put emphasis on preserving the Turkish identity.[43]

Two umbrella organizations, the Federation of Turkish American Associations (FTAA) and the Assembly of Turkish American Associations (ATAA), have been working to bring different Turkish American organizations together for which they receive financial and political support from the Turkish government.[43] The New York–based FTAA, which started in 1956 with two associations, namely the "Turkish Cypriot Aid Society" and the "Turkish Hars Society", hosts over 40 member associations, with the majority of these groups located in the northeast region of the United States.[42] The FTAA is located in the Turkish House in the vicinity of the United Nations. The Turkish House, which was bought by the Turkish government in 1977 as the main office for the consulategeneral, also serves as a center for cultural activities: there is a Saturday school for Turkish American children,[33] and it also houses the "Turkish Women's League of America".[44] The Washington, D.C.–based ATAA, which was established in 1979, shares many of the goals of the FTAA but has clearer political aims. It has over 60 component associations in the United States, Canada, and Turkey and has some 8,000 members all over the United States.[44] The Association also publishes a biweekly newspaper, "The Turkish Times", and regularly informs its members on developments requiring community action.[42] These organizations aim to unite and improve support for the Turkish community in the United States and to defend Turkish interests against groups with conflicting interests.[40] Today, both the FTAA and the ATAA organize cultural events such as concerts, art-gallery exhibits, and parades, as well as lobby for Turkey.[40]

Politics

[edit]
The Turkish Ambassador's residence in Washington, D.C.

During the 1970s Turkish Americans began to mobilize politically in order to influence American policies in favor of their homeland as a result of the Cyprus conflict, the American military embargo targeting Turkey, the efforts to achieve recognition of the Armenian genocide and Greek genocide from the members of the Armenian American and Greek American diaspora, and the Armenian Secret Army for the Liberation of Armenia's targeting of Turkish diplomats in the United States and elsewhere.[45] Thus, this became a turning point for the changing nature of Turkish American associations from those that organized cultural events to those with a more political agenda coincided with the hostile efforts of other ethnic groups, namely the Greek and Armenian lobby.[45] As well as promoting the Turkish culture, Turkish American organizations promote Turkey's position in international affairs and generally support the positions taken by the Turkish government.[46] They have been lobbying for Turkey's entry into the European Union and have also defended the Turkish involvement in Cyprus.[46] Turkish Americans have also expressed concerns about the Greek lobby in the United States undermining the typically good Turkish-American relations.[46][47] In recent years, Turkish Americans have established more influence in the US Congress. In 2005, second-generation Turkish American Oz Bengur was the first candidate (Democrat from Maryland's 3rd district) of Turkish origin to run for Congress in US history.[48]

Festivals

[edit]

Turkish American festivals are major public events in which the community present themselves to the wider public. The Federation of Turkish American Associations (FTAA) organizes the "Turkish Cultural Month Festival" starting on 23 April each year, the date when the first Turkish parliament opened in 1920, and ending on 19 May, the date when the Turkish liberation movement led by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk started in 1919.[49] Furthermore, the annual "Turkish Day Parade", which began as a demonstration in 1981 in reaction to Armenian militant attacks on Turkish diplomats, has evolved into a weeklong celebration and has since continued to increase in scope and length.[50]

Media

[edit]

Radio and TV

[edit]
  • Ebru TV – broadcasts educational programs about sciences, art, and culture as well as news and sports events in the vein of the Gülen Movement. It can be watched online,[51] on RCN basic cable in the mid-Atlantic area and Chicago.[52]
  • Voice of Turkey – ICAT Channel 15 (cable) in Rochester, New York Wednesdays and Saturdays 8 pm −10 pm by Ahmet Turgut.

Newspapers and periodicals

[edit]
  • Turk of America – the first Turkish American bi-monthly business magazine; in English

Cable system

[edit]

Notable people

[edit]

Numerous Turkish Americans have made notable contributions to American society, particularly in the fields of education, medicine, music, the arts, science,business and Sports.

Academia

[edit]

Within academia, Feza Gürsey was a professor of physics at Yale University and won the prestigious Oppenheimer Prize and Wigner Medal.[53]

Another influential Turkish American was Muzafer Sherif who was one of the founders of social psychology which helped develop social judgment theory and realistic conflict theory.[53]

Jacob L. Moreno was a psychiatrist, psychosociologist, and educator, the founder of psychodrama, and the foremost pioneer of group psychotherapy. During his lifetime, he was recognized as one of the leading social scientists.

In 2015 Aziz Sancar was awarded the Nobel Prize in Chemistry for his mechanistic studies of DNA repair.[54]

Two prominent Turkish-American economists include Daron Acemoğlu at MIT, who writes on democracy and national development, and Dani Rodrik at Harvard Kennedy School, an expert on globalization.

Seyla Benhabib is a Turkish-born political theorist, and professor at Yale, who writes on citizenship, identity, and ethics.

Fikri Alican was a scientist and physician with various contributions to medical science.

Hasan Özbekhan was a systems scientist and co founder and first director of The Club of Rome.[55][56]

Muzaffer Atac was a physicist who was one of the founding scientists of Fermilab and performed important work with visible light photon counters and other detectors for particle physics.

Oktay Sinanoğlu was a physical chemist and molecular biophysicist who made contributions to the theory of electron correlation in molecules, the statistical mechanics of clathrate hydrates, quantum chemistry, and the theory of solvation.

Ahmed Cemal Eringen was a Turkish engineering scientist. He was a professor at Princeton University and the founder of the Society of Engineering. The Eringen Medal is named in his honor.

Behram Kurşunoğlu was a physicist.

Turhan Nejat Veziroğlu, founder of International Association for Hydrogen Energy

Şevket Pamuk, economics and he was the president of European Historical Economics Society

Kemal Karpat, historian

Aysegul Timur, academic administrator who serves as the 5th president of Florida Gulf Coast University

Furkan Özturk, physicist

American Civil War

[edit]

Marie Tepe, known as "French Mary," was a French-born vivandière who fought for the Union army during the American Civil War.[57] Tepe served with the 27th and 114th Pennsylvania Infantry Regiments.[58][59] Her father was Turkish and her mother was French.[60]

Ivan Turchin, from Turchaninov family was a Union Army brigadier general in the American Civil War.

Arts

[edit]

One of the earliest Turkish American artists was Ben Ali Haggin who was a portrait painter and stage designer. He began exhibiting his paintings formally in 1903.[61][62][63] The National Academy of Design awarded him the 1909 Third Hallgarten Prize for his painting Elfrida.[62] A founding member of the National Association of Portrait Painters [Wikidata], he was elected an Associate member of the National Academy of Design from 1912. In the 1930s, Haggin turned his abilities to stage design and created sets for the Metropolitan Opera Ballet and the Ziegfeld Follies.[62]

Other notable Turkish American artists include Burhan Doğançay who is best known for tracking walls in various cities across the world for half a century, integrating them in his artistic work; Haluk Akakçe is a contemporary artist who explores the intersections between society and technology through video animations, wall paintings and sound installations; Sururi Gümen was an uncredited ghost artist behind Alfred Andriola's comic strip Kerry Drake, finally receiving co-credit in 1976; Bülent Atalay is an artist whose works have been exhibited in one-man shows in London and Washington, D.C.; Serkan Özkaya is a conceptual artist whose work deals with topics of appropriation and reproduction; Gizem Saka is a contemporary artist who is a senior lecturer at the Wharton School of Business, University of Pennsylvania, and a visiting lecturer at Harvard University, teaching art markets; Özge Samancı is professor at Northwestern University whose art installations merge computer code and bio-sensors with comics, animation, interactive narrations, performance, and projection art; Pınar Yoldaş is an architect and artist whose work emphasizes the role of neuroscience in understanding artistic experience; Hakan Topal is an associate professor of New Media and Art+Design at Purchase College, SUNY; and Jihan Zencirli is a visual artist who was the first female New York City Ballet art series collaborator,[64][65] and whose work the New York Times called "the most recognizable public art installations in the country."[66]

Refik Anadol is a new media artist and designer.

LeRoy Neiman artist known for his brilliantly colored, expressionist paintings and screenprints of athletes, musicians, and sporting events.

Mehemed Fehmy Agha was a Russian-born Turkish designer, art director, and pioneer of modern American publishing.

In the performing arts, Adam Darius was a dancer, mime artist, writer and choreographer.

Altina Schinasi inventor of Cat eye glasses.

Kalef Alaton was an interior designer

Business

[edit]

One of the earliest notable entrepreneurs of Turkish origin in the United States is James Ben Ali Haggin, who was the grandson of the Ottoman Turkish migrant Ibrahim Ben Ali. Haggin was an attorney, rancher, investor, art collector, and a major owner and breeder in the sport of Thoroughbred horse racing.[67] Haggin made a fortune in the aftermath of the California Gold Rush and was a multi-millionaire by 1880.[68] Many of Haggin's descendants adopted the name "Ben Ali"[69] (e.g. the painter Ben Ali Haggin), and many continued with the family business, including his grandson, Richard Lounsbery, who established the Richard Lounsbery Foundation.[69]

Billionaire Osman Kibar (worth $2.9B in 2020[70]) is the founder and CEO of San Diego-based biotech firm Samumed. The company "raised $438 million in August 2018 to further its work developing drugs to reverse aging, claiming a valuation of $12.4 billion".[70] Forbes also listed Kibar as one of the "Global Game Changers 2016".[70]

Billionaire Melih Abdulhayoglu (worth $1.8B in 2019[71]) is the founder and CEO of Comodo Group, an Internet security company he founded in the United Kingdom in 1998 and relocated to the US in 2004.[71]

Billionaire Eren Ozmen (worth $1.2B in 2020[72]) was listed number 15 in Forbes's "America's Self-Made Women 2020".[72] Alongside her husband, Fatih Ozmen (also worth $1.2B in 2020[73]), they are the co-owners of Sierra Nevada Corporation (SNC) which is a privately held aerospace and national security contractor specializing in aircraft modification and integration, space components and systems, and related technology products for cybersecurity and eHealth. SNC is best known for providing the US military with souped-up planes, loaded with cameras, sensors, navigation gear and comms systems.[72] In particular, SNC's Dream Chaser spaceplane has been "tapped by NASA to ferry food, water, supplies and scientific experiments to the International Space Station."[73]

Yalçın Ayaslı is founder of Hittite Microwave Corporation. His company was taken over by Analog Devices for 2.45 Billion Dollars.[74]

Hamdi Ulukaya is a Turkish billionaire businessman and activist. Ulukaya is the owner, founder, chairman, and chief executive officer of Chobani, the #1-selling strained yogurt brand in the US. According to Forbes, his net worth as of June 2019 is $2 billion. On 26 April 2016, Ulukaya announced to his employees that he would be giving them 10% of the shares in Chobani.[75]

Joe Ucuzoglu is a businessman and Global CEO of Deloitte

Ahmet Mücahid Ören is an entrepreneur and the current chairman and CEO of İhlas Holding,[76]

Muhtar Kent is the former chairman of the board and chief executive officer of The Coca-Cola Company.[77]

Hikmet Ersek is the former CEO of Western Union.[78]

John Olcay was a Turkish-American financier

Aydin Senkut venture capitalist

Cinema and television

[edit]

Americans with Middle Eastern origins (including Turks, Arabs, Persians etc.) are underrepresented in American TV and cinema and often stereotyped.[79] Consequently, several actors and actresses have Anglicized or changed their names from Turkish to English names. Nonetheless, there is an increasing number of Turkish American contributions in cinema and television.

Film

[edit]

One of the earliest actors with Turkish roots in American cinema was Turhan Bey (Turkish father) who was active in Hollywood from 1941 to 1953. He was dubbed "The Turkish Delight" by his fans,[80] whilst Hedda Hopper called him a "Turkish Valentino."[81]

In animated cinema, Kaan Kalyon was the co-writer of Disney's Pocahontas (1995) and Hercules (1997), and the story artist in Treasure Planet (2002). In addition, Kalyon has worked with Sony and Columbia Pictures as the story artist for Surf's Up (2007) and Cloudy with a Chance of Meatballs (2009) and was the head of story for Hotel Transylvania (2012). He has also worked on several animated television series' including Widget (1990), Tiny Toon Adventures (1991–92) and Bebe's Kids.

Shevaun Mizrahi is a documentary filmmaker who received a Jury Special Mention Award at the Locarno Film Festival 2017 for her documentary film Distant Constellation[82] among many other awards including the Best Picture Prize at the Jeonju International Film Festival 2018 and the FIPRESCI Critics Prize at the Viennale (Vienna International Film Festival) 2018.

Furthermore, the actor and filmmaker Onur Tukel is a notable figure in the New York City independent film community. His films often deal with issues of gender and relationships.

Larry Namer is best known as the founder of E! Entertainment TV

Television shows

[edit]

Several Americans with Turkish roots have also starred in American television; for example, D'Arcy Carden (Turkish father) is an actress and comedian best known for starring in The Good Place (2016–2020) and Barry (2018–2023); David Chokachi (Turkish Iraqi father) is best known for his roles in Witchblade, Baywatch, and Beyond The Break; Tarik Ergin is known for playing the part of Lieutenant Junior Grade Ayala in Star Trek: Voyager; Eren Ozker was one of the original performers during the first season of Jim Henson's popular television series The Muppet Show; Hal Ozsan (Turkish Cypriot origin) is known for his roles in Dawson's Creek and recurring roles in Jessica Jones, The Blacklist, Graceland, Impastor, 90210, and Kyle XY; and Tiffani Thiessen (maternally of Greek, Turkish and Welsh origin) is best known for her role as Kelly Kapowski on Saved by the Bell (1989–93) and as Valerie Malone on Beverly Hills, 90210 (1994–98).

In television animation, Jason Davis (Turkish father) was best known for his role as the voice of Mikey Blumberg from the animated television series Recess.[83]

Meanwhile, the nutrition author, Daphne Oz, was a co-host on the American Broadcasting Company (ABC) daytime talk show The Chew (2011–17). Her father, Dr. Mehmet Oz, is regarded as one of the most accomplished cardiothoracic surgeons. He has made frequent appearances on The Oprah Winfrey Show. In the fall of 2009, Winfrey's Harpo Productions and Sony Pictures launched a daily talk show featuring Oz, called The Dr. Oz Show.[84] "The Dr. Oz Show" has been an enormous success with an average of about 3.5 million viewers.[84]

Outside the United States, Ayda Field (Turkish father) has been a regular panellist on the television show Loose Women in the United Kingdom. During 2018, she featured on the judging panel of the British version of The X Factor, alongside her husband, singer Robbie Williams.

Furthermore, some Turkish Americans have gained notability in Turkey where they have starring roles on Turkish TV, including Derya Arbaş, Didem Erol, Defne Joy Foster, Murat Han, and Ozman Sirgood.

Music

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Many prominent Turkish Americans have made lasting contributions to the American music industry. Ahmet Ertegun founded Atlantic Records, one of the most successful American independent music labels, in 1947.[85] He was also a prime mover in starting the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame and Museum. In a music career marked by numerous lifetime achievement awards, he was inducted into the hall in 1987.

In 1956, Ahmet Ertegun's older brother, Nesuhi Ertegun, joined Atlantic Records as vice-president of the company, attracting many of the most inventive jazz musicians of the era.[85][86]

By 1963, arranger, composer and record producer Arif Mardin joined the Ertegun brothers at Atlantic Records. Mardin was the winner of 12 Grammys, including two for best producer, non-classical (in 1976 and 2003).[87] He retired from Atlantic Records in May 2001 and began a new corporate relationship as senior vice president and co-general manager of the EMI label Manhattan Records. Mardin was considered one of the most successful and significant behind-the-scenes figures in popular music in the last half-century. His son, Joe Mardin is also a record producer and arranger.[87]

Other notable musicians include the songwriter Oak Felder who was nominated for a 2015 Grammy Award for Best R&B Song for writing Usher's single "Good Kisser",[88][89] he also produced two songs on the Alicia Keys album Girl on Fire which won the 2014 Grammy Award for Best R&B Album;[90] the violinist and conductor Selim Giray is an associate professor of Violin, Viola and Chamber Music at Pittsburg State University; the composer Kamran Ince was awarded the Rome Prize, a Guggenheim Fellowship and the Lili Boulanger Memorial Prize; the composer Mehmet Ali Sanlıkol was nominated for a Grammy in 2014; and the composer Pinar Toprak has won two International Film Music Critics Association Awards for The Lightkeepers (2009) and The Wind Gods (2013).

Several notable Turkish American musicians have established their careers outside the United States; for example, the fusion jazz drummer Atilla Engin was active in Denmark; the singer, guitarist and songwriter Deniz Tek was a founding member of the Australian rock group Radio Birdman; and the singer Özlem Tekin has released most of her songs in Turkey.

Rosalyn Tureck was a Turkish American pianist and harpsichordist and was among the founders of the Music Academy of the West.

Politics

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In the United States, Turkish Americans remain relatively underrepresented politically. Typically, Turkish Americans have voted Republican due to the party's support for Turkey regarding various foreign policy issues, such as the Cyprus conflict.[91] Turkish American lobbying groups have donated money to politicians of both parties over the years who they felt best represented Turkish American interests, such as helping Texas Republican and former Turkey Caucus co-chair Pete Sessions return to the U.S. House in 2021 after suffering a defeat in 2018, or helping California Democrat Farrah Khan win an election to mayor of Irvine, California, in 2020.[92]

In 2019, Tayfun Selen became the first Turkish American mayor, having been elected mayor of Chatham Township, New Jersey.[93] In 2021, three Turkish American women were selected for positions within the Biden administration, including Didem Nişancı (chief of staff at the Department of the Treasury); Özge Güzelsu (deputy general counsel at the Department of Defense); and Naz Durakoğlu (assistant secretary for the Bureau of Legislative Affairs at the Department of Foreign Affairs).[94] That same year, Mehmet Oz announced his bid for the 2022 United States Senate election in Pennsylvania as a Republican, making references to his Turkish ancestry in his campaign announcement.[95]

There are also notable Turkish Americans in politics outside the United States. For example, American-born Selin Sayek Böke is a member of the Republican People's Party (CHP) and has served as a Member of Parliament for İzmir's second electoral district since 2015. Merve Kavakçı, who holds dual citizenship, was elected as a Virtue Party deputy for Istanbul in 1999. She is now serving as the Turkish ambassador to Malaysia.

On September 6, 2024, Turkish-American human rights activist Ayşenur Ezgi Eygi was shot in the head by an Israel Defense Forces (IDF) sniper during a protest against illegal Israeli settlements in Beita, Nablus, in the West Bank.[96]

Constantine Menges was an American scholar, author, professor, and Latin American specialist for the White House's US National Security Council and the Central Intelligence Agency.

Steve Cohen (politician) American attorney and politician.

Kasım Gülek was a prominent Turkish statesman.

Sports

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In December 1970 Ahmet Ertegun and Nesuhi Ertegun founded the New York Cosmos American professional soccer club which was based in New York City and its suburbs. The team competed in the North American Soccer League (NASL) until 1984 and was the strongest franchise in that league, both competitively and financially. The team were champions of the North American Soccer League in 1972, 1977, 1978, 1980, and 1982. In particular, the signing of Pelé by the Cosmos transformed soccer across the United States, lending credibility not only to the Cosmos, but also to the NASL and soccer in general.

On January 16, 2013, Ersal Ozdemir founded Indy Eleven which is an American professional soccer team based in Indianapolis, Indiana. The team came second place in the 2016 North American Soccer League season and third place in the 2019 USL Championship season.

Tunch Ilkin (born Tunç Ali İlkin; September 23, 1957 – September 4, 2021) was a Turkish-born player of American football and sports broadcaster. A two-time Pro Bowl selection as an offensive tackle with the Pittsburgh Steelers, he was the first Turk to play in the National Football League (NFL).[2][3] He was voted to the Pittsburgh Steelers All-Time Team. After his playing career, he was a television and radio analyst for the Steelers from 1998 to 2020.

Lou Novikoff professional baseball player.

Jim Loscutoff professional basketball player.

Shirley Babashoff Olympic swimming champion.

Lisa Marie Varon professional wrestler, fitness competitor and bodybuilder.

Yusuf İsmail professional wrestler.

Alperen Şengün professional basketball player.

Madame Bey and Sidki Bey was an American boxing trainers. they ran a boxing camp for world champion boxers.

Sadettin Saran 34th president of Fenerbahçe Sports Club.

Turkic Americans

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See also

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References

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Bibliography

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Turkish Americans are individuals in the United States of Turkish ancestry, including immigrants from modern Turkey or the Ottoman Empire and their descendants, forming a small but distinct ethnic community primarily engaged in professional, business, and service sectors. According to the latest U.S. Census estimates, the population stands at 241,156, concentrated in states like New York (with over 30,000), New Jersey, California, and Texas, though self-reported figures from community groups reach up to 350,000 accounting for undercounting in official data. Immigration occurred in three main waves: an initial surge from to , when Ottoman subjects—mostly rural Muslim men—arrived as laborers in industrial cities amid economic hardships and political instability; a mid-20th-century influx from to of students and professionals under U.S. exchange programs; and post-1970s reunifications and economic migrants, shifting toward urban, educated profiles. Notable achievements include entrepreneurial successes such as Muhtar Kent's as CEO of from to , driving global expansion, and Hamdi Ulukaya's founding of , which captured significant in the industry through innovative production. Turkish Americans also maintain cultural organizations and for issues like recognition of the Turkish of , reflecting ties to ancestral despite assimilation pressures.

History

Ottoman Turkish Migration

The migration of ethnic Turks from the Ottoman Empire to the United States commenced in the late 19th century, characterized by small-scale arrivals primarily motivated by economic prospects in America's burgeoning industrial economy rather than mass displacement. These early migrants, often consisting of sailors, laborers, and occasional students or merchants, entered through East Coast ports such as New York and New Jersey, where they engaged in maritime trades, peddling, or manual labor in urban settings. Unlike larger outflows from Ottoman Christian or other minority communities fleeing persecution, ethnic Turkish migration remained limited, reflecting the relatively privileged position of Muslims within the Empire despite its economic strains and administrative reforms. Political upheavals, including the of and ensuing , prompted modest additional flows, though these were dwarfed by intra-European movements and transatlantic migrations from other regions. immigrants typically maintained ties to their through consular and remittances, forming nascent communities in port cities that served as hubs for further settlement. U.S. immigration from the often categorized arrivals broadly as "Turks" encompassing various Ottoman , complicating precise tallies, but estimates indicate around 9,000 ethnic Turkish workers by the early . By 1920, the cumulative number of Ottoman Turkish immigrants totaled fewer than 10,000, curtailed by escalating U.S. restrictive policies such as the 1917 Immigration Act, which imposed literacy tests and barred certain Asian-adjacent groups, alongside the Ottoman Empire's internal dynamics that discouraged widespread Muslim exodus until its final dissolution. This era laid a foundational, albeit sparse, presence, with migrants contributing to early labor markets without forming large enclaves, in contrast to subsequent waves post-Empire collapse.

Republican-Era Turkish Migration

Following the founding of the Republic of Turkey on October 29, 1923, migration from Turkey to the United States entered a phase of restricted flows influenced by both U.S. immigration policies and economic conditions in the nascent republic. The Immigration Act of 1924 established national origins quotas that severely limited entries from non-Western European countries, assigning Turkey an annual quota of approximately 100 immigrants from 1925 onward. This cap, combined with the economic downturn of the Great Depression in the 1930s, resulted in annual arrivals typically numbering in the low hundreds, predominantly students seeking higher education, professionals in fields like medicine and engineering, and merchants establishing trade links. These early Republican-era migrants often arrived via ports such as New York and settled temporarily in urban hubs to pursue studies or opportunities before returning , reflecting Turkey's modernization efforts under that emphasized and secular reforms but also prompted selective . Unlike the labor-oriented Ottoman inflows, this period saw a shift toward skilled individuals motivated by personal advancement rather than economic escape, with many leveraging consular for visa approvals amid stringent U.S. scrutiny of "undesirable" immigrants. Post-World II, Turkish gradually expanded to amendments in U.S. , including the and Act of , which prioritized skilled workers and over rigid quotas. This enabled a modest uptick, with arrivals including educated professionals—such as , academics, and technicians—who benefited from in America's expanding postwar . These migrants concentrated in like New York, Chicago, and Detroit, where they engaged in , , and academia, often forming support through ethnic associations. Chain migration patterns emerged as these pioneers sponsored relatives, fostering family-based communities by the mid-1950s and transitioning from transient sojourns to more permanent settlements. This was supported by inclusive family visa provisions, contrasting earlier quota constraints and laying groundwork for Turkish American enclaves without relying on large-scale labor .

Turkish Cypriot and Balkan Turkish Migration

Turkish Cypriot migration to the United States accelerated in the 1960s due to escalating intercommunal violence on the island, which began with clashes in December 1963 following constitutional disputes and Greek Cypriot attacks on . Turkish Cypriots, comprising about 18% of 's population, faced isolation, economic blockade, and targeted violence, prompting thousands to flee abroad; while the United Kingdom received the largest share, smaller numbers arrived in the , often via family networks or as political refugees, settling primarily in urban centers like New York and . The 1974 Turkish in Cyprus, launched on in response to a Greek junta-backed coup aiming for enosis (union with ), further displaced populations but primarily benefited Turkish Cypriots by securing control over northern territories; however, ongoing economic hardships and political post-1974 spurred additional , with some Turkish Cypriots entering the through refugee or immigrant visas up to the late 1970s. Contemporary estimates place the Turkish Cypriot in the at approximately 6,100, reflecting limited but sustained inflows tied to these conflict-driven rather than economic pull factors from mainland . Balkan Turkish migration to the from regions like and Macedonia occurred sporadically in the through , driven by communist regimes' assimilation policies, expulsions, and ethnic , though major waves primarily directed toward . In , the 1950-1951 exodus saw over 150,000 flee to amid and seizures, with a seeking refuge in Western including the via anti-communist programs; similar pressures in Yugoslav Macedonia prompted Turkish minorities to emigrate, some arriving in America as part of post-World War II displaced persons or family reunifications. These Balkan Turkish arrivals, often documented under broader Turkish or Muslim refugee categories, numbered in the low thousands and integrated into existing Turkish American communities, fostering subgroup diversity while preserving cultural and linguistic ties to Anatolian origins despite distinct regional dialects and histories of Ottoman Balkan settlement. Unlike voluntary mainland migrations, these flows emphasized ethnic survival amid authoritarian ethnic engineering, contributing to advocacy efforts for kin communities in the Balkans and Cyprus.

Meskhetian Turkish Migration

The Meskhetian Turks, also known as Ahiska Turks, originate from the Meskheti region in southern Georgia and were subjected to mass deportation by Soviet authorities under Joseph Stalin's orders on November 14, 1944. Approximately 92,000 individuals were forcibly relocated to Central Asia, primarily Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, and Kyrgyzstan, under accusations of potential disloyalty due to their ethnic ties to Turkey; an estimated 15-20% perished during the harsh transport in cattle cars and subsequent exile conditions. They endured forced labor in special settlements until partial rehabilitation in the late 1950s, though return to Georgia was prohibited, confining them to marginalized existence in Central Asia. Escalating ethnic tensions culminated in the pogroms from to 12, 1989, where Uzbek mobs targeted Meskhetian communities in , resulting in at least 57 deaths, widespread property destruction, and the displacement of over Meskhetians from the . This violence prompted mass flight to , particularly Krasnodar Krai, where they faced further discrimination, statelessness, and denial of citizenship, exacerbating vulnerability to xenophobic attacks. In response, the United States initiated a dedicated refugee resettlement program in for Meskhetian Turks in , admitting over by mid- through political asylum claims, with approximately 14,000 applications processed and 12,000 approvals granted under the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program for and . Resettlement waves peaked in the mid-2000s, dispersing families to states like , New York, and ; in , for instance, around 1,000 Ahiska Turkish families established communities by the early , engaging in labor-intensive sectors such as and food processing for economic integration. Despite intergenerational trauma from repeated displacements, these groups have demonstrated resilience in maintaining Turkish language, Sunni Islamic practices, and communal organizations, though challenges persist in cultural preservation amid assimilation pressures. Since the early , Turkish immigration to the United States has emphasized skilled professionals and students, driven by U.S. in sectors like technology, , and healthcare amid Turkey's economic fluctuations and political . Annual inflows through nonimmigrant pathways such as H-1B specialty occupation visas and F-1 visas have typically ranged from several hundred to low thousands, contributing to sustained growth without overwhelming volumes. For instance, the number of Turkish students enrolled in U.S. institutions reached 8,656 in the 2022-2023 , up from prior decades, with many transitioning to employment-based stays via or H-1B petitions. The failed 2016 coup in prompted a notable uptick in asylum claims from Turkish nationals, particularly those alleging linked to perceived opposition affiliations. U.S. and indicate over 32,000 Turkish citizens encountered at the southern seeking asylum between fiscal years 2021 and 2024, a sharp rise from pre-2016 levels, though approval rates remain variable and many claims involve migration from already established in the U.S. This trend reflects broader pressures from post-coup purges but has not translated into skilled outflows, as H-1B approvals for Turkish nationals stayed modest relative to global totals (e.g., under 1% of annual cap-subject petitions). The February 2023 earthquakes in southeastern , which killed over 50,000 and displaced millions, exacerbated economic hardships but did not significantly alter U.S.-bound migration patterns, with no documented surge in visa applications or border encounters attributable to the . Family reunification under immigrant visas continues to support incremental growth, bolstered by U.S.- diplomatic frictions that have not deterred professional exchanges. By 2025 estimates, these dynamics have expanded the Turkish American to approximately 241,000 self-identified individuals per census-linked , though sources suggest 350,000-500,000 including undercounts and recent arrivals. Overall, inflows stabilized in 2024-2025 at 1,000-2,000 annually across legal channels, avoiding exodus-scale movements despite 's volatility.

Demographics

Population Estimates

The American Community Survey conducted by the United States Census Bureau estimated 252,256 individuals of Turkish descent in 2023, reflecting self-reported ancestry that includes ethnic Turks from Turkey as well as subgroups such as Turkish Cypriots, Balkan Turks, and Meskhetian Turks. This figure represents a conservative count, as census data often underreports due to generational assimilation, intermarriage, and reluctance to specify Turkish heritage among descendants. Community organizations, including the Turkish Coalition of America, provide higher estimates of 350,000 to 500,000 Americans of Turkish descent as of 2023, incorporating broader self-identification and undocumented undercounts in official surveys. These expansive figures account for recent immigrants and partial descendants not captured in ancestry reporting. The population has grown steadily, from 117,575 in the 2000 Census to approximately 223,000 by 2017, driven by annual immigration inflows of 2,000 to 3,000 individuals since the 1965 Immigration Act liberalization. This equates to an approximate 2-3% annual growth rate, augmented by family reunification and selective migration patterns.

Geographic Distribution

Turkish Americans exhibit concentrated settlement patterns in the Northeast and West Coast regions, driven by economic opportunities in metropolitan job markets. hosts the largest state-level , with approximately 25,336 individuals identifying as Turkish, representing 0.27% of the state's ; this includes a prominent enclave in Paterson, often called "Little " or "Little ," to around Turkish Americans who established businesses and communities attracted by and sectors. The , encompassing parts of such as and , follows closely with over Turkish , fostering cultural hubs through proximity to , media, and international . California ranks third with about 27,500 Turkish Americans, dispersed across urban centers like and the , where professional opportunities in and have drawn skilled migrants, contributing to suburban rather than tightly knit ethnic enclaves. Nationally, roughly 40% of the Turkish American population resides in the Northeast, with 20% on the West Coast, reflecting initial migration to industrial hubs followed by broader dispersion post-1990s amid rising levels and professional mobility. Secondary concentrations appear in (around 19,000) and , while Meskhetian Turks—a subgroup resettled as refugees—form notable communities in Ohio, particularly Dayton with approximately 2,500 individuals, and parts of Texas, often in response to federal resettlement programs targeting Midwestern and Southern labor needs. This geographic spread has led to trends, diluting dense urban enclaves like Paterson's in favor of integration into cities such as , where Turkish Americans pursue high-tech careers, though Northeast hubs retain vibrant commercial with Turkish markets, mosques, and restaurants. Overall, while early waves clustered in immigrant gateways for mutual support and in textiles or small enterprises, contemporary patterns emphasize economic over ethnic isolation, resulting in Turkish presence across all states albeit unevenly.

Socioeconomic and Cultural Characteristics

Turkish Americans display demographic traits indicative of relative stability, including a median 38.4 years among immigrants as recorded in 2000 , reflecting a mature cohort with nearly 94% adults over 18. Early waves of migration were male-dominated, comprising 55% males and 45% females, though later has trended toward . The remains predominantly urban, with 56.4% concentrated in the ten largest consolidated metropolitan statistical areas as of early 2000s analyses. Culturally, Turkish Americans are overwhelmingly Muslim, mirroring Turkey's demographics where 99% of the population identifies as such, including both Sunni and Alevi adherents, though levels of observance vary in the U.S. context. Family structures emphasize collectivism and intergenerational ties, rooted in Turkish traditions that prioritize marital stability and extended household support, contributing to empirical indicators of cohesion amid assimilation pressures. Higher-than-average educational attainment, with approximately 42.7% holding bachelor's or advanced degrees in 2000, underscores socioeconomic pragmatism and adaptation.

Cultural Practices and Identity

Language Retention and Use

Among Turkish Americans, the first generation maintains high fluency in Turkish, with most foreign-born immigrants speaking it proficiently as their primary language upon arrival and continuing regular use at home. U.S. Census Bureau data from the American Community Survey indicate that in Turkish-origin households, approximately 64% speak a non-English language at home, reflecting strong initial retention driven by familial communication needs and limited early English exposure. This pattern aligns with broader immigrant trends where heritage language dominance persists among adults who immigrated as speakers of Turkish. Second- and later-generation Turkish Americans experience a marked shift toward English, resulting in bilingualism with varying degrees of Turkish proficiency. Immersion in English-only public schools accelerates this transition, as children prioritize the host language for peer interactions and academic success, leading to reduced heritage language input outside the home. Qualitative studies of Turkish immigrant families document parental concerns over this decline, noting that second-generation children often achieve only receptive or basic productive skills in Turkish despite early exposure. By adulthood, English proficiency approaches universality (near 100%), enabling full societal integration but contributing to heritage language attrition. Community initiatives, including weekend schools operated by Turkish cultural associations, actively promote retention through structured instruction in reading, writing, and . These programs, present in urban centers with sizable Turkish populations like New York and Chicago, emphasize Turkish as a tool for cultural continuity and counterbalance school-based assimilation pressures. fosters bilingual competence, though participation rates vary with commitment and access. Key causal factors include the dominance of English in educational and media environments versus countervailing influences like Turkish television, content from , and one-parent-one-language strategies in homes. Parents' deliberate policies—such as enforcing Turkish-only interactions—can sustain proficiency , but structural immersion often prevails, hastening the generational pivot to English-majority bilingualism.

Religion and Religious Observance

The majority of Turkish Americans adhere to Islam, with estimates indicating that over 85 percent identify as Muslim, mirroring the predominant religious composition in Turkey where surveys report 85 to 95 percent self-identification despite official figures of near 100 percent. Predominantly Sunni Hanafi in tradition, the community includes a notable Alevi minority, a heterodox Shia-influenced sect comprising 10 to 25 percent of Turkey's population and likely overrepresented among Turkish immigrants to the United States due to patterns of migration from Alevi-heavy regions. Alevis maintain distinct practices centered on communal cem ceremonies rather than orthodox rituals, fostering separate cultural associations in the U.S. that emphasize syncretic folk Islam blended with pre-Islamic Anatolian elements. Religious observance among Turkish Americans centers on core Islamic practices, though empirical data specific to the subgroup remains limited; patterns drawn from broader Turkish and U.S. Muslim surveys suggest 40 to 50 percent engage in regular daily prayers (salah), with participation spiking during Ramadan where fasting adherence exceeds 65 percent even in secularizing contexts. Mosque attendance aligns with general U.S. Muslim trends, bolstered by post-1980s immigration that spurred the establishment of Turkish-led Islamic centers and contributions to over 2,700 nationwide mosques by 2020, many in Turkish enclaves like New Jersey and Chicago. These institutions facilitate Friday prayers (jumu'ah) and community iftars, promoting integration through interfaith initiatives while preserving resistance to full assimilation into American secular norms, as evidenced by sustained halal dietary observance and gender-segregated spaces. Charitable giving via zakat, the obligatory alms tax of 2.5 percent of wealth, underscores communal welfare efforts, with nearly 70 percent of U.S. Muslims—including Turkish Americans—reporting consistent donations during Ramadan to support local food banks, orphan sponsorships, and disaster relief. Organizations like the Zakat Foundation of America, founded in 2001 by Turkish immigrant Halil Demir, exemplify this by distributing aid domestically and abroad, countering notions of religious isolation through partnerships with non-Muslim charities and direct community aid programs that have served thousands in U.S. Turkish hubs. Among younger Turkish Americans, secularization trends parallel those in Turkey, where youth religiosity has declined— with self-reported devotion dropping 7 to 15 percent across generations amid urbanization and education—potentially amplified in the U.S. by exposure to pluralistic environments, though community mosques counteract this via youth programs emphasizing Islamic ethics over ritual orthodoxy. This shift manifests in lower regular prayer rates among those under 30, yet cultural identification with Islam persists, blending faith with American individualism.

Traditions, Festivals, and Cuisine

Turkish Americans preserve national holidays through celebrations that emphasize heritage and community cohesion. The annual Turkish Day in New York City, initiated in 1981 following the assassination of Turkish diplomats by Armenian extremists, occurs on the third Saturday of May and features marches along Madison Avenue with thousands of participants displaying Turkish flags and traditional attire. on October 29, commemorating the 1923 founding of the of Turkey, involves dinners, balls, and cultural programs across U.S. cities, reinforcing ties to secular republican values established by . Regional festivals further sustain performative traditions, blending folk dances, , and communal gatherings. The Turkish Festival in , held annually since the early , attracts over visitors who engage with live performances and artisan displays, fostering intergenerational transmission of like whirling exhibitions rooted in Sufi practices. In , similar events draw more than attendees over multiple days, highlighting endurance of oral storytelling and regional dances adapted for urban American settings. These gatherings, often exceeding anticipated , demonstrate how economic incentives in event hosting and vendor participation maintain traditions amid dispersion, avoiding enclave isolation. Cuisine forms a daily anchor for cultural continuity, with staples like döner kebabs and integrated into American diets via restaurants and markets. Kebabs rank as the most preferred Turkish dish in U.S. consumer trials, reflecting their grilled meat preparation's appeal and contribution to the $1.5 billion ethnic fast-food sector as of 2023. , layered phyllo pastries with nuts and , appears in fusion variants such as Americanized cheesecakes or toppings, yet retains core Ottoman-era recipes that sustain family rituals and catering businesses. Festivals amplify this through food stalls offering gözleme pancakes and börek pastries, where vendor sales data indicate sustained demand drives preservation without dependency on residential clusters. This culinary persistence, grounded in portable recipes favoring fresh ingredients over heavy processing, enables adaptation to U.S. supply chains while preserving flavor profiles tied to Anatolian agrarian origins.

Socioeconomic Profile

Education and Academic Achievement

Turkish Americans demonstrate elevated educational attainment compared to the national , with 60.7% of those aged 25 and older holding a bachelor's, , or professional as of U.S. Bureau derived from the . This figure exceeds the contemporaneous U.S. rate of about 35% for bachelor's or higher attainment among the general aged 25 and over. Such outcomes stem from cultural priorities placing rigorous and family-supported academic at the forefront, fostering self-reliant pathways to higher education rather than external preferential programs. A pronounced orientation toward science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) fields characterizes Turkish American academic pursuits, with community members frequently achieving prominence in these disciplines through merit-based excellence. For instance, Turkish American scholars like Bilge Yildiz, a professor at MIT specializing in materials science and nuclear engineering, exemplify contributions to advanced research. This STEM emphasis aligns with broader patterns among high-achieving immigrant groups, where parental investment in tutoring and extracurricular preparation yields causal advantages in competitive admissions and performance. Turkish American organizations these trends through targeted scholarships and support . The American Turkish Society's Promising Turks Fund, for example, awards to students demonstrating STEAM , with applications open through for recipients pursuing existing scholarships. Similarly, the provides 100 scholarships for undergraduate and study, often emphasizing heritage learners and underrepresented U.S. minorities to expand access to international programs, including those in . The Turkish Cultural Center's scholarship program further aids immigrant-origin students, prioritizing academic merit. These initiatives, rooted in communal , have sustained upward educational mobility, with recent indicating sustained high degree pursuit among Turkish-origin cohorts despite economic variability.

Employment and Professional Success

Turkish Americans demonstrate notable success in white-collar professions, with approximately 50% employed in managerial and professional roles, including fields like , , healthcare, and academia. This occupational distribution underscores a shift among immigrants and their toward skilled, knowledge-based sectors, facilitated by high levels of and selective migration patterns that prioritize professionals. Data from analyses of foreign-born Turkish migrants indicate that nearly two-thirds possess high-skill qualifications, contributing to their overrepresentation in technical and specialized relative to the general U.S. . Median household income for individuals reporting Turkish ancestry reaches $99,389, approximately 34% above the national median of $74,580 as of 2023, reflecting economic outcomes tied to professional attainment rather than manual labor. Labor force participation remains robust, with employment rates exceeding those of less-skilled immigrant groups, though specific unemployment figures for Turkish Americans are not separately tracked by the Bureau of Labor Statistics; inferences from skilled immigrant cohorts suggest rates below the 4% national average for similar demographics. Professional networks play a key role in career placement and advancement, connecting members to opportunities in competitive industries without reliance on preferential treatment. Organizations like ETAC-USA provide directories and events for Turkish American professionals, enabling merit-driven networking in sectors such as tech and consulting. This integration aligns with causal factors like credential recognition and English proficiency, countering underemployment risks faced by some highly skilled arrivals through targeted reskilling and intra-community support. Overall, these patterns highlight achievement via individual capability and market responsiveness, distinct from broader ethnic enclaves.

Entrepreneurship and Economic Impact

Turkish Americans exhibit primarily in small-scale enterprises such as restaurants, import-export firms, and retail, with concentrations in urban centers like New York and . As of , the hosted approximately 150 Turkish-owned restaurants, including 63 in , in northern , and others in and surrounding locales, generating through services and employing workers. These establishments contribute to regional economies via taxes and payrolls, often serving as entry points for recent immigrants into . Larger-scale ventures underscore significant economic contributions. , founded in by Turkish-born , revolutionized the U.S. market, achieving over $1 billion in by and employing more than 2,000 individuals, with 70% being American-born. In and defense, Özmen and Özmen, Turkish immigrants, expanded after acquiring it in into a firm with over 4,000 employees across 33 U.S. locations, supporting contracts like NASA's program and bolstering high-tech job creation. Other sectors include , as seen in Osman Kibar’s Biosplice Therapeutics, focused on regenerative medicine since 2008. New York State alone is home to over 35,000 Turkish Americans, many operating small businesses that drive local commerce and trade linkages with . In New Jersey, hundreds of Turkish-American-owned firms span services and manufacturing, enhancing bilateral economic ties and creating jobs without substantial public subsidies. This pattern aligns with broader immigrant entrepreneurship trends, where cultural familiarity with —stemming from Turkey's mercantile —facilitates niche market dominance and sustained growth.

Political Engagement

Civic Participation and Voting Patterns

Turkish Americans demonstrate relatively high levels of civic participation, with self-reported voter turnout reaching 86.77% among respondents in a post-election survey conducted by the Assembly of Turkish American Associations (ATAA) from November 14 to 24, 2024, across 40 states. This figure, drawn from 756 participants (656 of whom voted), suggests robust engagement compared to the national U.S. average of approximately 66% in the 2020 presidential election, though the sample's self-selection via email and social media may skew toward more politically active individuals. Specific registration rates remain undocumented in community-specific studies, but the ATAA data indicates widespread eligibility and motivation to participate, particularly among highly educated respondents (over 60% holding master's or doctoral degrees). Voting patterns in recent elections reveal a pragmatic orientation, with priorities often centering on domestic economic stability, taxation, and immigration policy rather than strict partisan loyalty. In the 2024 presidential election, 68.75% of ATAA survey voters supported Kamala Harris (Democrat), 16.31% backed Donald Trump (Republican), and 11.28% chose Jill Stein (Green Party), reflecting a majority Democratic tilt influenced potentially by education levels and urban concentrations. This contrasts with historical tendencies, where Turkish Americans have typically leaned Republican, as noted in analyses of pre-2008 elections emphasizing conservative values on family, economy, and security. For instance, community discussions around the 2020 election highlighted support for Trump on immigration and economic grounds, though exact percentages were not polled comprehensively. Generational divides shape these patterns, with older cohorts (e.g., those influenced by Turkey's conservative politics under President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan) showing stronger alignment with Republican stances on border security and traditional values, while younger Turkish Americans prioritize U.S.-centric issues like taxes and job markets, leading to more varied choices. The ATAA survey's age breakdowns indicate the 36-45 group had higher Trump support (21.5% of his voters), suggesting pragmatic conservatism among mid-career professionals, whereas the dominant 46-55 cohort favored Harris (28%). Overall, 2024 data points to border security and economic pragmatism as key drivers, with no single party dominating amid evolving community demographics.

Political Organizations and Lobbying

The Assembly of Turkish American Associations (ATAA), the largest representing over 50 Turkish American chapters nationwide, engages in political through educational seminars on , civic , and conferences addressing U.S. issues affecting . Similarly, the Turkish Coalition of America (TCA), a nonprofit promoting Turkish-American relations, funds and campaigns, including to ATAA and the Federation of Turkish American Associations (FTAA) for efforts. These groups focus on influencing U.S. congressional resolutions, particularly by opposing measures recognizing the 1915 Armenian as , coordinating letter-writing campaigns, and building bipartisan coalitions to urge lawmakers to prioritize alliance considerations over historical affirmations. Turkish American organizations have achieved partial successes in stalling or defeating such resolutions historically; for instance, intensive contributed to the of a 2007 House bill to advance beyond , despite initial , by leveraging arguments on bilateral military ties and economic partnerships. Broader Turkish-linked advocacy, amplified by groups, involves public relations expenditures in the millions—FARA-registered firms alone received approximately $5 million in 2020 for Turkey-related work—supporting promotion and that these organizations through domestic . However, critics, including foreign influence watchdogs, argue that unregistered entities like ATAA and TCA evade Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA) scrutiny, potentially enabling undisclosed foreign principal influence despite their claims of independent representation. Efforts have yielded mixed results, with breakthroughs like the 2019 House passage of H.Res. 296 despite opposition, highlighting limits to grassroots sway against entrenched Armenian diaspora coalitions, yet sustaining dialogue on issues like Northern Cyprus recognition through targeted congressional outreach. Accusations of undue sway persist, particularly amid Turkey's overall U.S. lobbying surge to $7.3 million by 2018, where community organizations serve as force multipliers for professional firms in cultivating pro-Turkey sentiment among policymakers.

Views on U.S.-Turkey Relations and Domestic Issues

Turkish American organizations have advocated for resolving tensions arising from U.S. sanctions on Turkey, particularly the Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA) imposed in December 2019 following Turkey's acquisition of Russian S-400 air defense systems, which led to Turkey's exclusion from the F-35 . These measures, intended to deter reliance on Russian weaponry within , have been criticized within the community as undermining bilateral defense ties and Turkey's security needs against regional threats. Views on reflect a mixed stance, with Turkish American lobbying efforts emphasizing Turkey's strategic value as a ally despite frictions over issues like the S-400 purchase and U.S. support for Syrian Kurdish forces. Analogous to broader Turkish , where favorability toward rose to 42% in 2024 amid geopolitical shifts, community perspectives prioritize cohesion while opposing unilateral U.S. actions perceived as punitive toward . The U.S. provision of over $185 million in following the 2023 earthquakes in and , including search-and-rescue teams and field hospitals, garnered appreciation within the Turkish American and contributed to temporary improvements in bilateral perceptions. Support for Turkish President among the remains notable, as evidenced by overseas voters favoring him with 59.4% in the May 2023 presidential runoff, though targeted campaigns by his and Development (AKP) to consolidate U.S.-based Turkish support indicate uneven backing amid criticisms of . This aligns with domestic Turkish polls showing 55% unfavorable views of Erdoğan as of , potentially influencing diaspora sentiments through familial and media ties. On U.S. domestic issues, Turkish Americans exhibit a conservative orientation, with a historical tendency to vote Republican, reflecting alignment with policies promoting and family-oriented values over expansive welfare systems, consistent with their emphasis on and . This underscores opposition to policies seen as hindering personal advancement, favoring instead measures like to support upward mobility.

Community Institutions

Professional and Cultural Associations

The Assembly of Turkish American Associations (ATAA), founded in , serves as the largest for Turkish Americans, coordinating over 50 chapters nationwide to promote , cultural preservation, and on issues affecting and the Turkish-American . It organizes conferences, educational seminars on , and networking that facilitate connections among members, while emphasizing -driven initiatives independent of . ATAA also administers scholarships, such as $1,000 awards for students presenting on studies at academic conferences, supporting academic pursuits without reliance on assistance programs. Business-oriented groups like the Turkish American Chamber of Commerce and Industry (TACCI), established in 2002, focus on fostering economic ties by connecting Turkish-American entrepreneurs with U.S. markets through trade summits, business matchmaking, and regional networking chapters. Similarly, the Turkish American Chamber of Commerce of the South (TACCS) hosts galas and collaboration events to bridge Turkish firms with American partners, prioritizing private-sector innovation and self-funded growth. These chambers enable members to expand professional networks via directories and advisory boards, contributing to bilateral trade without external subsidies. Cultural associations, such as the , operate as non-profit entities to host celebrating Turkish heritage, including festivals and educational programs that build and intergenerational ties. The American Turkish (ATS), the oldest such to , facilitates networking through memberships starting at $100 annually and aimed at strengthening economic and cultural , on private donations for . networks like the Turkish American and Scholars Association (TASSA) provide platforms for academics and researchers to collaborate on STEM initiatives, offering and opportunities rooted in member contributions. Collectively, these groups underscore a pattern of voluntary, member-supported structures that prioritize internal networking and self-advancement over state intervention.

Media and Communication Networks

Turkish American media outlets, primarily serving diaspora communities in urban centers like New York and Chicago, include print publications that maintain linguistic and cultural connections to Turkey through bilingual content on homeland news, community events, and bilateral relations. The Turkish Times, a bi-weekly English-language newspaper published by the Assembly of Turkish American Associations since 1989, focuses on Turkish American issues, U.S.-Turkey policy developments, and advocacy against perceived distortions in mainstream coverage of Turkish history and politics. Similarly, USA Turkish Times distributes content in both Turkish and English, featuring news, health features, and travel pieces tailored to U.S.-based readers while highlighting Turkish cultural exports and economic ties. Broadcast networks emphasize radio and limited television programming accessible via stations or , often relaying content from Turkish sources to preserve among second-generation audiences. Radyo Turkum and RadyoTVOnline provide Turkish-language radio broadcasts discussing current in , challenges, and integration topics, distributed through apps and web platforms targeting East . Turkish American Television offers a monthly show with segments on cultural preservation and ties to Anatolian heritage, streamed to counter selective narratives in U.S. media about 's geopolitical . A shift toward digital platforms has expanded reach, with channels and streaming apps enabling real-time access to Turkish broadcasts without reliance on cable . Services like Giniko Turkish aggregate over 100 live channels from , including and , via subscription models that prioritize user-generated content alongside imported programming. Play facilitates on-demand viewing of homeland series and debates, fostering sustained by integrating English for mixed-heritage families. These outlets often frame coverage to challenge institutional biases in Western reporting on issues like Cyprus or EU- dynamics, drawing from primary Turkish diplomatic sources rather than aggregated U.S. outlets. Funding derives mainly from advertising tied to Turkish import businesses, event sponsorships, and viewer subscriptions, avoiding direct state subsidies to maintain editorial autonomy amid scrutiny of foreign influence regulations.

Religious and Educational Organizations

Turkish American religious organizations primarily consist of mosques and Islamic centers affiliated with the Turkish Directorate of Religious Affairs (Diyanet) or the Turkish American Religious Foundation (TARF), which provide spaces for worship, religious education, and community gatherings. The Diyanet Center of America (DCA) in Lanham, Maryland, established as a major hub, encompasses a mosque, educational facilities, and programs for religious instruction and social support, funded partly by the Turkish government and private donations. Affiliated mosques, such as the Eyup Sultan Mosque in Brooklyn, New York, and Ertugrul Gazi Masjid in Redwood City, California, extend these services to local communities, hosting prayer services, Quran classes, and cultural events to foster religious continuity among Turkish immigrants and their descendants. Educational organizations among Turkish Americans focus on weekend and supplementary schools that teach , , and cultural heritage to preserve identity amid assimilation pressures. These institutions, often housed within community centers or mosques like those under TARF, offer classes for children aged 5 to 18, emphasizing oral and written Turkish proficiency alongside lessons on Ottoman and Republican history. Programs such as the Atatürk Children School in Washington, D.C., integrate heritage content with interactive activities, while Saturday schools in cities like New York adapt curricula to include English-language resources, facilitating bicultural competence and code-switching between Turkish and English. Funding derives mainly from parental donations and community fundraising, supporting enrollment that sustains generational ties without supplanting formal U.S. schooling.

Notable Turkish Americans

Academics and Intellectuals

Turkish American scholars have achieved prominence in the natural sciences, economics, and philosophy, often leveraging rigorous empirical methodologies to advance knowledge in their fields. Aziz , born in 1946 in , , and a naturalized U.S. citizen, earned the 2015 for elucidating mechanisms of , particularly pathways that protect cells from UV damage and cancer. His work at the at Hill has informed cancer therapies and studies, demonstrating the causal of precise biochemical processes in cellular resilience. In economics, , born in 1967 in to an Armenian-Turkish and a professor at MIT since 1993, shared the 2024 Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences with Simon Johnson and for empirical research on how institutions shape economic prosperity and inequality. Their analyses, grounded in historical from colonial and post-colonial contexts, highlight causal pathways where extractive institutions growth, contrasting with inclusive that foster —findings derived from econometric models rather than ideological priors. Acemoglu's over 100 peer-reviewed publications the empirical rigor typical of Turkish American contributions to . In the humanities, Seyla Benhabib, born in 1950 in Istanbul to a Sephardic Jewish family of Turkish citizenship, serves as Professor Emerita of Political Science and Philosophy at Yale University, influencing debates on deliberative democracy and cosmopolitan rights through works like The Rights of Others (2004), which apply first-principles reasoning to migration and universalism amid critiques of unchecked relativism in multicultural theory. Her scholarship, spanning Habermas-inspired discourse ethics, emphasizes causal accountability in normative claims, countering biases in academic discourse that prioritize identity over reasoned universality. Other figures include Zeynep Tufekci, a Turkish-born sociologist at Princeton University since 2018, whose research on digital platforms and social movements integrates data-driven analysis of algorithmic biases and protest dynamics. Turkish American academics in Turkish and Ottoman studies, such as Cemal Kafadar at , have produced empirically grounded histories challenging overstated decline narratives in Western , prioritizing archival of economic adaptability and administrative reforms over ideologically laden interpretations influenced by Orientalist frameworks. These contributions reflect a where Turkish-origin scholars, trained in analytical traditions, often prioritize verifiable to systemic underrepresentations in academia, where left-leaning institutional biases can skew portrayals of non-Western empires. With dozens holding tenured positions at elite institutions like MIT, Yale, and Princeton, their output—exceeding thousands of citations collectively—demonstrates outsized impact relative to demographic .

Business and Industry Leaders

Turkish Americans have made significant contributions to U.S. business sectors including production, , and , frequently ascending through and operational expertise rather than inherited advantages. Many have built or led companies generating substantial , employing thousands, and influencing market dynamics, exemplifying merit-driven in competitive environments. Hamdi Ulukaya, a Turkish immigrant who arrived in the U.S. in 1994, founded in 2007 after purchasing an abandoned yogurt factory in New Berlin, New York, with a small business loan. Under his leadership as sole initial shareholder, Chobani popularized Greek-style yogurt, expanding its U.S. market share from less than 1% to over 50% by focusing on product quality and domestic production. The company achieved annual revenue exceeding $1 billion by 2012 and now operates multiple facilities, employing over 2,000 workers, many from immigrant and refugee backgrounds, while maintaining profitability without early outside investors. In aerospace and defense, Eren Ozmen and Fatih Ozmen, Turkish immigrants who arrived in the U.S. in the 1980s, acquired Sierra Nevada Corporation in 1994 when it had just 20 employees. As president and CEO respectively, they grew the firm into a global leader with over 3,000 employees across 30 locations in 16 states, securing major contracts for spacecraft, satellites, and national security systems, resulting in a multi-billion-dollar enterprise valued for its engineering innovations. Muhtar Kent, born in New York in 1952 to Turkish diplomat parents and raised partly abroad, joined The Coca-Cola Company in 1978 and rose to CEO in 2008 and chairman in 2009. During his tenure through 2017, he navigated the firm through the global financial crisis, achieving record stock highs and revenue growth to over $44 billion annually by emphasizing emerging markets and sustainability initiatives. Hikmet Ersek, born in in 1961 and immigrating to pursue opportunities, became CEO of in 2010 after over a with the company. He oversaw diversification into digital payments and expanded , handling a significant portion of the $600 billion cross-border remittance market, leveraging his multilingual expertise in German, Turkish, and English to drive international .

Arts, Entertainment, and Media Figures

Turkish Americans have contributed to , , and media sectors primarily through , blending Eastern and Western influences, and , with increased visibility since the early 2000s amid broader cultural exchanges. These figures often incorporate Turkish heritage into their work, such as fusion genres or narratives exploring immigrant experiences, though representation remains compared to larger ethnic groups in Hollywood and major institutions. In film and media, Onur Tukel stands out as a Turkish-American actor, writer, and director active in New York City's independent scene, producing works like low-budget features that critique American society. Özlem Altıngöz, a director trained at the New York Film Academy since 2016, has focused on horror genres, drawing from her Mersin roots to create atmospheric narratives. Similarly, Sean GK has co-produced projects aiming for Oscar contention, collaborating with Turkish filmmakers on U.S.-based productions as of 2025. Bilge Ebiri has worked as a journalist and filmmaker, contributing to film criticism and documentaries that bridge cultural perspectives. Actors of Turkish descent include Ayda Field, who appeared in U.S. television roles and gained media attention through her marriage to British entertainer Robbie Williams, highlighting cross-cultural celebrity dynamics. Nicholas Kadi has taken on supporting roles in American thrillers, such as a Turkish official in The International (2009). In music, Ela Ozturk, a singer-songwriter performing since age two, released tracks like "Roots" in 2022, fusing personal Turkish-American identity with contemporary pop. Jeyhan blends R&B, soul, and Turkish influences akin to Tarkan in her Washington, D.C.-area performances, creating hybrid sounds since at least 2021. The Turkish American Orchestra, active in symphonic fusions of Ottoman and Western traditions, performs to promote cultural synthesis. Visual artists like Yücel Dönmez have resided in Chicago since 1980, producing paintings that integrate Turkish motifs into American , exhibited in galleries reflecting dual heritage. These contributions underscore successes in niche areas but highlight ongoing underrepresentation in mainstream outlets.

Political and Military Figures

Turkish Americans have engaged in U.S. politics mainly at the municipal and school board levels, with limited representation in higher offices. John Alpay, a Turkish American resident of , was elected as Area 3 Trustee to the Capistrano Unified School District—the ninth-largest school district in the state—in , focusing on educational and . Other local figures include Kemal Bozkurt, who served on the Clifton City Council in , advocating for urban infrastructure and immigrant integration issues. Hacibey Catalbasoglu held positions in local government in , emphasizing fiscal responsibility and public safety. These elections reflect the community's emphasis on grassroots involvement rather than national prominence, consistent with their demographic concentration in suburban areas. In the military domain, Turkish Americans and Turkish-born naturalized citizens have enlisted in the , often citing admiration for American prowess observed during exercises in . Pvt. Basar Findikli, a Turkish native who immigrated to the U.S., joined the in after multiple attempts to pass the , serving in roles. Similarly, Spc. Yurt, a Soldier of Turkish descent at the U.S. Army Medical Research Institute of Infectious Diseases, earned U.S. citizenship through service in 2010, highlighting pathways for immigrants via the Military Accessions Vital to National Interest program. Service records indicate participation in post-9/11 operations, though comprehensive statistics on Turkish American veterans remain limited due to the community's size of approximately 350,000. The community's political views often align with Republican priorities, including robust national defense and toward expansive foreign interventions, as evidenced by their typical voting patterns in presidential elections. This conservative tilt stems from cultural values emphasizing security and traditionalism, paralleling broader immigrant group dynamics where recent arrivals prioritize stability over progressive policies. Turkish American elected officials and veterans frequently for strengthened U.S.- ties, such as cooperation, reflecting a pragmatic stance on amid geopolitical tensions.

Athletes and Sports Personalities

, a Turkish-born player who naturalized as a U.S. citizen in , competed in the () for 11 seasons across teams including the , , and , accumulating averages of 5.2 points and 4.2 rebounds per game in 584 appearances. His tenure highlighted Turkish athletic talent in American professional , though his outspoken criticism of the Turkish government led to the revocation of his Turkish citizenship in 2017. In wrestling, Abdurrahim Kuzu, who immigrated from and became a naturalized U.S. citizen in 1983, represented the at the 1984 Los Angeles Olympics in , finishing fourth in the 90 kg division after advancing through preliminary rounds with victories over competitors from and . Kuzu's Olympic participation exemplified early integration of Turkish immigrants into U.S. , drawing on Turkey's strong wrestling tradition to contribute to American Greco-Roman efforts. Turkish American involvement in soccer remains more prominent at the community and youth levels rather than professional Major League Soccer (MLS), where no players of Turkish descent have achieved star status as of 2025. Organizations like the Turkish American Sports Association (TASA) operate youth soccer leagues, such as fall programs emphasizing skill development and early registration to encourage participation among second-generation children. Similarly, the Turkish Youth Group in Rochester, New York, hosts weekly soccer sessions as a tool for community building and cultural retention among young Turkish Americans. These activities facilitate assimilation by exposing Turkish American to mainstream American athletic norms, with and wrestling providing pathways to higher levels and soccer reinforcing ethnic ties while promoting and . Participation in such programs correlates with improved intergenerational , as evidenced by college-level athletes like Ece Turkoglu, who earned All-American honors in women's soccer at in 2019.

Integration and Intergroup Dynamics

Assimilation Processes and Success Metrics

Turkish Americans demonstrate rapid linguistic assimilation across generations, with second-generation individuals typically achieving native-level English proficiency as they are raised in English-dominant environments. By the third generation, a shift toward English predominates, aligning with broader patterns observed among immigrant groups where maintenance diminishes beyond the second generation. This progression facilitates without reliance on ethnic enclaves for daily communication, as familial and community networks evolve to support bilingualism in early generations while prioritizing host-language acquisition for economic participation. Economic metrics underscore successful mobility, with 2000 Census data reporting a of $60,000 for Turkish Americans, surpassing the national of $41,990 at the time. stood at $29,120, reflecting contributions from full-time averaging $42,361 and at $31,843, indicative of labor market entry and upward driven by selective migration favoring skilled professionals post-1965 Act. High among Middle Eastern and North African (MENA) immigrants, including Turks, bolsters this, with 49% holding bachelor's degrees or higher in 2022 compared to 35% of U.S.-born adults, correlating with reduced poverty exposure and enhanced occupational access. Welfare dependency remains low, consistent with profiles of high-skilled immigrant cohorts emphasizing ; while specific rates for Turkish Americans are not disaggregated in public datasets, analogous groups exhibit usage under 5% due to cultural premiums on and family support systems that mitigate reliance on public assistance. Strong intrafamilial networks provide initial economic buffers—such as job referrals and capital pooling—without fostering long-term isolation, as evidenced by third-wave immigrants integrating via professional sectors rather than ethnic niches. Causal factors include ingrained and familial emphasis on education, which propel intergenerational gains beyond models that prioritize preservation over adaptation, yielding outcomes superior to less selective migrant streams.

Intermarriage and Generational Identity Shifts

Intermarriage rates among Turkish Americans remain relatively low compared to other immigrant groups, reflecting strong driven by community size, cultural preferences, and selective patterns favoring educated professionals who maintain ties to co-ethnic networks. Qualitative studies indicate that while first-generation immigrants predominantly marry within the group, second-generation individuals occasionally enter mixed unions, as evidenced by interviewees with one Turkish and one non-Turkish parent, which influences family language use and cultural transmission. Comprehensive quantitative data specific to the U.S. is limited due to the community's modest size—estimated at around 500,000 including descendants—and recent waves post-1965, but patterns align with broader trends among Muslim-origin groups where outmarriage hovers below 20% for second-generation members in similar contexts. Generational identity among Turkish Americans evolves toward hybridization, with younger cohorts exhibiting diluted ethnic exclusivity amid assimilation pressures. A 2025 survey by the Assembly of Turkish American Associations found that Turkish Americans, largely second- or third-generation, identify primarily as American at 40.6%, contrasting sharply with older groups like (87.3% Turkish) and (85% Turkish), signaling a causal shift driven by prolonged U.S. exposure, English dominance, and reduced enclave reliance. This transition fosters broader social networks through multicultural exposure—15.8% of embrace such identities—but raises concerns over cultural dilution, as 35.5% of Gen Z cite assimilation as their top challenge, with lower emphasis on Turkish history (4.8%) or language retention compared to elders. Empirical evidence suggests these shifts enhance cohesion via adaptive rather than ; second-generation Turkish Americans in areas like preserve core traditions through and organizations despite racial and post-9/11 , often negotiating "White Turk" secular personas to balance ethnic with mainstream integration. While intermarriage expands relational capital, it correlates with selective cultural retention, as mixed-heritage youth report dual influences shaping resilient, context-dependent identities rather than wholesale loss. Community surveys underscore that, despite pros like diversified alliances, the primary vector of identity stems from endogenous generational transmission under U.S. institutional pressures, yielding empirically successful bicultural outcomes without uniform dilution.

Perceptions, Stereotypes, and Ethnic Tensions

Turkish Americans maintain a relatively low public profile in the United States, leading to perceptions shaped more by general associations with Muslim immigrants than distinct ethnic traits. Surveys and anecdotal accounts indicate that most Americans possess limited familiarity with Turkish Americans specifically, often conflating them with broader Middle Eastern or Muslim groups, which can result in neutral to indifferent views absent direct interaction. Post-9/11 dynamics have amplified stereotypes linking Turkish Americans to Islam, fostering occasional experiences of rejection or microaggressions, such as assumptions of cultural incompatibility or security concerns, despite the community's emphasis on secular integration. Common stereotypes portray Turkish Americans as entrepreneurial and family-oriented, with strengths in and sectors, but also as somewhat insular due to transnational ties and enclaves in cities like New York and . These views stem from observable patterns of and cultural preservation efforts, though they can imply resistance to full assimilation. Religious stereotyping persists, with some perceiving the through the lens of Turkish state versus Islamist influences, particularly amid debates over constructions or cultural festivals. Empirical on socioeconomic , including high attainment, counters narratives of underachievement, while the absence of prominent associations—consistent with low offending rates among select immigrant groups—debunks exaggerated perceptions. Ethnic tensions primarily manifest with Armenian and Greek American communities, rooted in conflicting historical narratives over the late Ottoman Empire and Cyprus. Turkish Americans frequently align with Ankara's official stance denying the Armenian Genocide, lobbying against U.S. congressional recognitions, such as the 2019 House Resolution 354, which passed despite opposition from Turkish advocacy groups like the Assembly of Turkish American Associations. This position, viewed by Armenian advocates as denialism, fuels reciprocal accusations and occasional protests, exacerbating divides; Armenian sources emphasize systematic extermination from 1915-1923, while Turkish perspectives frame events as wartime relocations amid mutual violence. Similarly, support for Northern Cyprus independence strains relations with Greek Americans, evident in diaspora demonstrations and lobbying disparities, where Cyprus conflicts perpetuate mutual distrust. Criticisms of pro-Erdoğan sympathies among segments of the community contribute to perceptions of dual loyalties, particularly given Erdoğan's authoritarian policies and ; while support varies, older polls suggested notable backing from conservative factions, though recent Turkish domestic surveys show eroding approval at 43% favorable in . Such alignments draw amid U.S.-Turkey frictions, contrasting with the community's broader in integration. Intergroup dialogues, including academic panels and civic initiatives, seek to address these rifts through historical , yet causal barriers like entrenched limit , underscoring ongoing challenges despite empirical successes in low-conflict coexistence.

References

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