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Sacrifice
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Marcus Aurelius and members of the Imperial family offer sacrifice in gratitude for success against Germanic tribes: contemporary bas-relief, Capitoline Museum, Rome.

Sacrifice is an act or offering made to a deity.[1][2] A sacrifice can serve as propitiation, or a sacrifice can be an offering of praise and thanksgiving.[3]

Evidence of ritual animal sacrifice has been seen at least since ancient Hebrews and Greeks, and possibly existed before that. Evidence of ritual human sacrifice can also be found back to at least pre-Columbian civilizations of Mesoamerica as well as in European civilizations. Varieties of ritual non-human sacrifices are practiced by numerous religions today.

Terminology

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The sacrificial cairn in Janakkala, Finland

The Latin term sacrificium (a sacrifice) derived from Latin sacrificus (performing priestly functions or sacrifices), which combined the concepts sacra (sacred things) and facere (to make, to do).[4] The Latin word sacrificium came to apply to the Christian eucharist in particular, sometimes named a "bloodless sacrifice" to distinguish it from blood sacrifices. In individual non-Christian ethnic religions, terms translated as "sacrifice" include the Indic yajna, the Greek thusia, the Germanic blōtan, the Semitic qorban/qurban, Slavic żertwa, etc.

The term usually implies "doing without something" or "giving something up" (see also self-sacrifice). But the word sacrifice also occurs in metaphorical use to describe doing good for others or taking a short-term loss in return for a greater power gain, such as in a game of chess.[5][6][7]

Theories of Sacrifice

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While no scholarly consensus on the origins and function of sacrifice exist, multiple scholars have developed theories on sacrifice.[8][9]

E.B. Tylor suggested that sacrifice could be understood as a gift to the divine, either valued by the divinity on its own merits, valued as an act of homage, or valued based on the hardship of the sacrifice itself.[8]

William Robertson Smith in The Religion of the Semites argued that the sole function of sacrifice was for humans to achieve communion with the divine. Robertson Smith based his theory on the sacrificial system of the Hebrew Bible, where the eating of burnt offerings by priests brought them closer to God. Robertson Smith linked Ancient Hebrew sacrifice to sacrifices of totem animals, a claim which was rejected by later anthropologists.[8][9][10]

Influenced by Robertson Smith, Émile Durkheim in The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life argued that sacrifice served a dual function: social communion and divine communion. Working from ethnographies of the Aboriginal Australians published by Walter Baldwin Spencer and Francis James Gillen, Durkheim argued that the Aboriginal Australians sacrificed to reinforce communal ties, as sacrifices took place during periods of social gathering. Both the broader functionalist explanations of Durkheim and the accuracy of his ethnographic sources have been questioned by later scholars.[8][9]

Building from Durkheim's functionalist theories of sacrifice Durkheim’s nephew and disciple Marcel Mauss collaborated with historian Henri Hubert to argue that sacrifice is a form of gift directed to the gods with the social expectation that the gods would offer a greater gift at a later date.[8][9][11]

Sigmund Freud, influenced by the Robertson Smith’s theories of sacrifice and by Charles Darwin’s theory of evolution by natural selection, argued in Totem and Taboo that the sacrifice of a totem animal was a symbolic recapitulation of the murder and cannibalization of the primal father. Sacrifice, Freud argued, was a neurotic ritual to displace guilt for inner-psychic tension produced by repressing the Oedipal Complex.[9][10]

René Girard argued that sacrifice functioned as a temporary catharsis for the mimetic desire individuals have to possess what others have. Thus, sacrifice functions as a form of displaced aggression on an innocent scapegoat. Girard rejected Freud’s interpretation that the victim of the sacrifice was guilty, emphasizing that the victim is a surrogate target for, not a symbol of, collective violence.[9][12][13]

Nancy Jay argued that sacrifice creates and maintains patrilineal kinship structures. Jay observed that sacrificial rituals were almost exclusively performed by men. Jay argued that the shedding of “pure” blood in sacrifice by men contrasted with the shedding of “impure” blood in childbirth and menstruation by women, allowing patriarchs to ideologically justify the patrilineal inheritance of wealth and power.[9][14][15]

Georges Bataille in The Accursed Share argued that sacrifice in pre-modern societies was a deliberate form of conspicuous consumption of surplus value.[9][13]

Animal sacrifice

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Animal sacrifice offered together with libation in Ancient Greece. Attic red-figure oinochoe, c. 430–425 BC (Louvre).

Animal sacrifice is the ritual killing of an animal as part of a religion. It is practiced by adherents of many religions as a means of appeasing a god or gods or changing the course of nature. It also served a social or economic function in those cultures where the edible portions of the animal were distributed among those attending the sacrifice for consumption. Animal sacrifice has turned up in almost all cultures, from the Hebrews to the Greeks and Romans (particularly the purifying ceremony Lustratio), Egyptians (for example in the cult of Apis) and from the Aztecs to the Yoruba. The religion of the ancient Egyptians forbade the sacrifice of animals other than sheep, bulls, calves, male calves and geese.[16]

Animal sacrifice is still practiced today by the followers of Santería and other lineages of Orisa as a means of curing the sick and giving thanks to the Orisa (gods). However, in Santeria, such animal offerings constitute an extremely small portion of what are termed ebos—ritual activities that include offerings, prayer and deeds. Christians from some villages in Greece also sacrifice animals to Orthodox saints in a practice known as kourbánia. The practice, while publicly condemned, is often tolerated.[citation needed]

Human sacrifice

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Aztec human sacrifice, from Codex Mendoza, 16th century (Bodleian Library, Oxford).

Human sacrifice was practiced by many ancient cultures. People would be ritually killed in a manner that was supposed to please or appease a god or spirit.

Some occasions for human sacrifice found in multiple cultures on multiple continents include:[citation needed]

  • Human sacrifice to accompany the dedication of a new temple or bridge.
  • Sacrifice of people upon the death of a king, high priest or great leader; the sacrificed were supposed to serve or accompany the deceased leader in the next life.
  • Human sacrifice in times of natural disaster. Droughts, earthquakes, volcanic eruptions, etc. were seen as a sign of anger or displeasure by deities, and sacrifices were supposed to lessen the divine ire.

There is evidence to suggest Pre-Hellenic Minoan cultures practiced human sacrifice. Corpses were found at a number of sites in the citadel of Knossos in Crete. The north house at Knossos contained the bones of children who appeared to have been butchered. The myth of Theseus and the Minotaur (set in the labyrinth at Knossos) suggests human sacrifice. In the myth, Athens sent seven young men and seven young women to Crete as human sacrifices to the Minotaur. This ties up with the archaeological evidence that most sacrifices were of young adults or children.

The Phoenicians of Carthage were reputed to practise child sacrifice, and though the scale of sacrifices may have been exaggerated by ancient authors for political or religious reasons, there is archaeological evidence of large numbers of children's skeletons buried in association with sacrificial animals. Plutarch (ca. 46–120 AD) mentions the practice, as do Tertullian, Orosius, Diodorus Siculus and Philo. They describe children being roasted to death while still conscious on a heated bronze idol.[17]

Human sacrifice was practiced by various Pre-Columbian civilizations of Mesoamerica. The Aztec in particular are known for the practice of human sacrifice.[18] Current estimates of Aztec sacrifice are between a couple of thousand and twenty thousand per year.[19] Some of these sacrifices were to help the sun rise, some to help the rains come, and some to dedicate the expansions of the great Templo Mayor, located in the heart of Tenochtitlán (the capital of the Aztec Empire). There are also accounts of captured conquistadores being sacrificed during the wars of the Spanish invasion of Mexico.

In Scandinavia, the old Scandinavian religion contained human sacrifice, as both the Norse sagas and German historians relate. See, e.g. Temple at Uppsala and Blót.

In the Aeneid by Virgil, the character Sinon claims (falsely) that he was going to be a human sacrifice to Poseidon to calm the seas.

Human sacrifice is no longer officially condoned in any country,[20] and any cases which may take place are regarded as murder.

By religion

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Ancient China and Confucianism

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During the Shang and Zhou dynasty, the ruling class had a complicated and hierarchical sacrificial system. Sacrificing to ancestors was an important duty of nobles, and an emperor could hold hunts, start wars, and convene royal family members in order to get the resources to hold sacrifices, [21] serving to unify states in a common goal and demonstrate the strength of the emperor's rule. Archaeologist Kwang-chih Chang states in his book Art, Myth and Ritual: the Path to Political Authority in Ancient China (1983) that the sacrificial system strengthened the authority of ancient China's ruling class and promoted production, e.g. through casting ritual bronzes.

Confucius supported the restoration of the Zhou sacrificial system, which excluded human sacrifice, with the goal of maintaining social order and enlightening people. Mohism considered any kind of sacrifice to be too extravagant for society.

A sacrificed pig during Ghost Festival

Chinese folk religion

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Members of Chinese folk religions often use pork, chicken, duck, fish, squid, or shrimp in sacrificial offerings. For those who believe the high deities to be vegetarian, some altars are two-tiered: The high one offers vegetarian food, and the low one holds animal sacrifices for the high deities' soldiers. Some ceremonies of supernatural spirits and ghosts, like the Ghost Festival, use whole goats or pigs. There are competitions of raising the heaviest pig for sacrifice in Taiwan and Teochew. [22]

Christianity

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Artwork depicting the Sacrifice of Jesus: Christ on the Cross by Carl Heinrich Bloch, 1870

In Nicene Christianity, God became incarnate as Jesus, sacrificing his son to accomplish the reconciliation of God and humanity, which had separated itself from God through sin (see the concept of original sin). According to a view that has featured prominently in Western theology since early in the 2nd millennium, God's justice required an atonement for sin from humanity if human beings were to be restored to their place in creation and saved from damnation. However, God knew limited human beings could not make sufficient atonement, for humanity's offense to God was infinite, so God created a covenant with Abraham, which he fulfilled when he sent his only Son to become the sacrifice for the broken covenant.[citation needed] According to this theology, Christ's sacrifice replaced the insufficient animal sacrifice of the Old Covenant; Christ the "Lamb of God" replaced the lambs' sacrifice of the ancient Korban Todah (the Rite of Thanksgiving), chief of which is the Passover in the Mosaic law.

In the Roman Catholic Church, the Eastern Orthodox Churches, the Lutheran Churches, the Methodist Churches, and the Irvingian Churches,[23][24] the Eucharist or Mass, as well as the Divine Liturgy of the Eastern Catholic Churches and Eastern Orthodox Church, is seen as a sacrifice. Both Lutheran and Orthodox Christians teach: "that the Eucharist is a sacrifice in the sense that 1) it is Christ, not the celebrant priest, who offers and is offered as the sacrifice, 2) Christ’s sacrifice of atonement is made once and for all with respect to God, and 3) it is sacramentally enacted so that its benefits are distributed to the believers each and every time the Eucharist is celebrated. Both Orthodox and Lutherans also regard the Eucharist as a sacrifice of thanksgiving and praise (Heb. 13,15)."[3]

Among the Anglicans the words of the liturgy make explicit that the Eucharist is a sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving and is a material offering to God in union with Christ using such words, as "with these thy holy gifts which we now offer unto Thee" (1789 BCP) or "presenting to you from the gifts you have given us we offer you these gifts" (Prayer D BCP 1976) as clearly evidenced in the revised Books of Common Prayer from 1789 in which the theology of Eucharist was moved closer to the Catholic position. Likewise, the United Methodist Church in its Eucharistic liturgy contains the words "Let us offer ourselves and our gifts to God" (A Service of Word and Table I). The United Methodist Church officially teaches that "Holy Communion is a type of sacrifice" that re-presents, rather than repeats the sacrifice of Christ on the Cross; She further proclaims that:

We also present ourselves as sacrifice in union with Christ (Romans 12:1; 1 Peter 2:5) to be used by God in the work of redemption, reconciliation, and justice. In the Great Thanksgiving, the church prays: "We offer ourselves in praise and thanksgiving as a holy and living sacrifice, in union with Christ's offering for us . . ." (UMH; page 10).[23]

A formal statement by the USCCB affirms that "Methodists and Catholics agree that the sacrificial language of the Eucharistic celebration refers to 'the sacrifice of Christ once-for-all,' to 'our pleading of that sacrifice here and now,' to 'our offering of the sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving,' and to 'our sacrifice of ourselves in union with Christ who offered himself to the Father.'"[25]

Roman Catholic theology speaks of the Eucharist not being a separate or additional sacrifice to that of Christ on the cross; it is rather exactly the same sacrifice, which transcends time and space ("the Lamb slain from the foundation of the world" – Rev. 13:8), renewed and made present, the only distinction being that it is offered in an unbloody manner. The sacrifice is made present without Christ dying or being crucified again; it is a re-presentation of the "once and for all" sacrifice of Calvary by the now risen Christ, who continues to offer himself and what he has done on the cross as an oblation to the Father. The complete identification of the Mass with the sacrifice of the cross is found in Christ's words at the last supper over the bread and wine: "This is my body, which is given up for you," and "This is my blood of the new covenant, which is shed...unto the forgiveness of sins." The bread and wine, offered by Melchizedek in sacrifice in the old covenant (Genesis 14:18; Psalm 110:4), are transformed through the Mass into the body and blood of Christ (see transubstantiation; note: the Orthodox Church and Methodist Church do not hold as dogma, as do Catholics, the doctrine of transubstantiation, preferring rather to not make an assertion regarding the "how" of the sacraments),[26][27] and the offering becomes one with that of Christ on the cross. In the Mass as on the cross, Christ is both priest (offering the sacrifice) and victim (the sacrifice he offers is himself), though in the Mass in the former capacity he works through a solely human priest who is joined to him through the sacrament of Holy Orders and thus shares in Christ's priesthood as do all who are baptized into the death and resurrection of Jesus, the Christ. Through the Mass, the effects of the one sacrifice of the cross can be understood as working toward the redemption of those present, for their specific intentions and prayers, and to assisting the souls in purgatory. For Catholics, the theology of sacrifice has seen considerable change as the result of historical and scriptural studies.[28] For Lutherans, the Eucharist is a "sacrifice of thanksgiving and praise…in that by giving thanks a person acknowledges that he or she is in need of the gift and that his or her situation will change only by receiving the gift".[24] Lutherans and Catholics both agree that the Mass is a sacrifice and that it remits sins; the language used surrounding the concept of the Eucharistic sacrifice differs in that Roman Catholics see the priest as offering Christ's body and blood as a sacrifice to God the Father, while Lutherans see Christ's sacrifice on the cross as complete and that in the Eucharist, Christ descends to humanity in, with, and under bread and wine for the forgiveness of sin (cf. sacramental union).[3][29]

The Irvingian Churches, teach the "real presence of the sacrifice of Jesus Christ in Holy Communion":

In Holy Communion, it is not only the body and blood of Christ, but also His sacrifice itself, that are truly present. However, this sacrifice has only been brought once and is not repeated in Holy Communion. Neither is Holy Communion merely a reminder of the sacrifice. Rather, during the celebration of Holy Communion, Jesus Christ is in the midst of the congregation as the crucified, risen, and returning Lord. Thus His once-brought sacrifice is also present in that its effect grants the individual access to salvation. In this way, the celebration of Holy Communion causes the partakers to repeatedly envision the sacrificial death of the Lord, which enables them to proclaim it with conviction (1 Corinthians 11: 26). —¶8.2.13, The Catechism of the New Apostolic Church[30]

The concept of self-sacrifice and martyrs are central to Christianity. Often found in Roman Catholicism is the idea of joining one's own life and sufferings to the sacrifice of Christ on the cross. Thus one can offer up involuntary suffering, such as illness, or purposefully embrace suffering in acts of penance. Some Protestants criticize this as a denial of the all-sufficiency of Christ's sacrifice, but according to Roman Catholic interpretation it finds support in St. Paul: "Now I rejoice in my sufferings for your sake, and in my flesh I complete what is lacking in Christ's afflictions for the sake of his body, that is, the church" (Col 1:24). Pope John Paul II explained in his Apostolic Letter Salvifici Doloris (11 February 1984):

In the Cross of Christ not only is the Redemption accomplished through suffering, but also human suffering itself has been redeemed. ...Every man has his own share in the Redemption. Each one is also called to share in that suffering through which the Redemption was accomplished. ...In bringing about the Redemption through suffering, Christ has also raised human suffering to the level of the Redemption. Thus each man, in his suffering, can also become a sharer in the redemptive suffering of Christ. ...The sufferings of Christ created the good of the world's redemption. This good in itself is inexhaustible and infinite. No man can add anything to it. But at the same time, in the mystery of the Church as his Body, Christ has in a sense opened his own redemptive suffering to all human suffering" (Salvifici Doloris 19; 24).

A page from the Waldburg Prayer Book illustrating the celebration of the Holy Eucharist on Earth before the Holy Trinity and the Virgin Mary in Heaven

Some Christians reject the idea of the Eucharist as a sacrifice, inclining to see it as merely a holy meal (even if they believe in a form of the real presence of Christ in the bread and wine, as Reformed Christians do). The more recent the origin of a particular tradition, the less emphasis is placed on the sacrificial nature of the Eucharist. The Roman Catholic response is that the sacrifice of the Mass in the New Covenant is that one sacrifice for sins on the cross which transcends time offered in an unbloody manner, as discussed above, and that Christ is the real priest at every Mass working through mere human beings to whom he has granted the grace of a share in his priesthood. As priest carries connotations of "one who offers sacrifice", some Protestants, with the exception of Lutherans and Anglicans, usually do not use it for their clergy. Evangelical Protestantism emphasizes the importance of a decision to accept Christ's sacrifice on the Cross consciously and personally as atonement for one's individual sins if one is to be saved—this is known as "accepting Christ as one's personal Lord and Savior".

In the past this issue was much more contentious because private masses were big business. in more modern times the RCC will even say that the Eucharist offers the forgiveness of (venial) sins but back in the 16th and 17th centuries the common view was more of a meritorious work that you can participate in and take credit for towards your justification. indeed the council of Trent takes a low view of the sin forgiving ability of Eucharist:


The Eastern Orthodox Churches see the celebration of the Eucharist as a continuation, rather than a reenactment, of the Last Supper, as Fr. John Matusiak (of the OCA) says: "The Liturgy is not so much a reenactment of the Mystical Supper or these events as it is a continuation of these events, which are beyond time and space. The Orthodox also see the Eucharistic Liturgy as a bloodless sacrifice, during which the bread and wine we offer to God become the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ through the descent and operation of the Holy Spirit, Who effects the change." This view is witnessed to by the prayers of the Divine Liturgy of St. John Chrysostom, when the priest says: "Accept, O God, our supplications, make us to be worthy to offer unto thee supplications and prayers and bloodless sacrifices for all thy people," and "Remembering this saving commandment and all those things which came to pass for us: the cross, the grave, the resurrection on the third day, the ascension into heaven, the sitting down at the right hand, the second and glorious coming again, Thine own of Thine own we offer unto Thee on behalf of all and for all," and "… Thou didst become man and didst take the name of our High Priest, and deliver unto us the priestly rite of this liturgical and bloodless sacrifice…"

Hinduism

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The modern practice of Hindu animal sacrifice is mostly associated with Shaktism, and in currents of folk Hinduism strongly rooted in local popular or tribal traditions. Animal sacrifices were part of the ancient Vedic religion in India, and are mentioned in scriptures such as the Yajurveda. For instance, these scriptures mention the use of mantras for goat sacrifices as a means of abolishing human sacrifice and replacing it with animal sacrifice.[31] Even if animal sacrifice was common historically in Hinduism, contemporary Hindus believe that both animals and humans have souls and may not be offered as sacrifices.[32] This concept is called ahimsa, the Hindu law of non-injury and no harm. Some Puranas forbid animal sacrifice.[33]

Islam

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An animal sacrifice in Arabic is called ḏabiḥa (ذَبِيْحَة) or Qurban (قُرْبَان) . The term may have roots from the Jewish term Korban; in some places like Bangladesh, India or Pakistan, qurbani is always used for Islamic animal sacrifice. In the Islamic context, an animal sacrifice referred to as ḏabiḥa (ذَبِيْحَة) meaning "sacrifice as a ritual" is offered only in Eid ul-Adha. The sacrificial animal may be a sheep, a goat, a camel, or a cow. The animal must be healthy and conscious. "...Therefore to the Lord turn in Prayer and Sacrifice." (Quran 108:2) Qurban is an Islamic prescription for the affluent to share their good fortune with the needy in the community.

On the occasion of Eid ul Adha (Festival of Sacrifice), affluent Muslims all over the world perform the Sunnah of Prophet Ibrahim (Abraham) by sacrificing a cow or sheep. The meat is then divided into three equal parts. One part is retained by the person who performs the sacrifice. The second is given to his relatives. The third part is distributed to the poor.

The Quran states that the sacrifice has nothing to do with the blood and gore (Quran 22:37: "It is not their meat nor their blood that reaches God. It is your piety that reaches Him..."). Rather, it is done to help the poor and in remembrance of Abraham's willingness to sacrifice his son Ismael at God's command.

The Urdu and Persian word "Qurbani" comes from the Arabic word 'Qurban'. It suggests that associate act performed to hunt distance to Almighty God and to hunt His sensible pleasure. Originally, the word 'Qurban' enclosed all acts of charity as a result of the aim of charity is nothing however to hunt Allah's pleasure. But, in precise non-secular nomenclature, the word was later confined to the sacrifice of associate animal slaughtered for the sake of Allah.[34]

A similar symbology, which is a reflection of Abraham and Ismael's dilemma, is the stoning of the Jamaraat which takes place during the pilgrimage.

Judaism

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Ritual sacrifice was practiced in Ancient Israel, with the opening chapters of the book Leviticus detailing parts of an overview referring to the exact methods of bringing sacrifices. Although sacrifices could include bloodless offerings (grain and wine), the most important were animal sacrifices.[35] Blood sacrifices were divided into burnt offerings (Hebrew: עלה קרבנות) in which the whole unmaimed animal was burnt, guilt offerings (in which part was burnt and part left for the priest) and peace offerings (in which similarly only part of the undamaged animal was burnt and the rest eaten in ritually pure conditions).

After the destruction of the Second Temple, ritual sacrifice ceased except among the Samaritans.[36] Maimonides, a medieval Jewish rationalist, argued that God always held sacrifice inferior to prayer and philosophical meditation. However, God understood that the Israelites were used to the animal sacrifices that the surrounding pagan tribes used as the primary way to commune with their gods. As such, in Maimonides' view, it was only natural that Israelites would believe that sacrifice was a necessary part of the relationship between God and man. Maimonides concludes that God's decision to allow sacrifices was a concession to human psychological limitations. It would have been too much to have expected the Israelites to leap from pagan worship to prayer and meditation in one step. In the Guide for the Perplexed, he writes:

"But the custom which was in those days general among men, and the general mode of worship in which the Israelites were brought up consisted in sacrificing animals... It was in accordance with the wisdom and plan of God...that God did not command us to give up and to discontinue all these manners of service. For to obey such a commandment would have been contrary to the nature of man, who generally cleaves to that to which he is used; it would in those days have made the same impression as a prophet would make at present [the 12th Century] if he called us to the service of God and told us in His name, that we should not pray to God nor fast, nor seek His help in time of trouble; that we should serve Him in thought, and not by any action." (Book III, Chapter 32. Translated by M. Friedlander, 1904, The Guide for the Perplexed, Dover Publications, 1956 edition.)

In contrast, many others such as Nachmanides (in his Torah commentary on Leviticus 1:9) disagreed, contending that sacrifices are an ideal in Judaism, completely central.

The teachings of the Torah and Tanakh reveal the Israelites's familiarity with human sacrifices, as exemplified by the near-sacrifice of Isaac by his father Abraham (Genesis 22:1–24) and some believe, the actual sacrifice of Jephthah's daughter (Judges 11:31–40), while many believe that Jephthah's daughter was committed for life in service equivalent to a nunnery of the day, as indicated by her lament over her "weep for my virginity" and never having known a man (v37). The king of Moab gives his firstborn son and heir as a whole burnt offering, albeit to the pagan god Chemosh.[37] In the book of Micah, one asks, 'Shall I give my firstborn for my sin, the fruit of my body for the sin of my soul?' (Micah 6:7), and receives a response, 'It hath been told thee, O man, what is good, and what the LORD doth require of thee: only to do justly, and to love mercy, and to walk humbly with thy God.' (Micah 6:8) Abhorrence of the practice of child sacrifice is emphasized by Jeremiah. See Jeremiah 7:30–32.

See also

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References

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Sacrifice denotes the intentional relinquishment of valued entities—such as property, animals, or human life—in contexts to supplicate deities, ancestors, or forces, a practice archaeologically attested from prehistoric periods across diverse civilizations. , including mass skull deposits in Aztec sites, reveals the scale of , where thousands were ritually killed to sustain cosmic order or political . Anthropological analyses indicate that such sacrifices often reinforced social hierarchies, correlating positively with stratification levels in pre-modern societies, functioning to deter defection and uphold elite power through displays of costly commitment. Beyond ritual, self-sacrifice extends to ethical domains, encompassing altruistic behaviors where individuals forgo personal fitness to benefit kin, allies, or groups, rooted in evolutionary mechanisms like kin selection and reciprocal cooperation that enhance group survival despite individual costs. Philosophically, self-sacrifice raises debates on value, with some traditions viewing it as a pinnacle of for transcending , though empirical scrutiny highlights its dual potential to foster cohesion or enable exploitation. Controversies persist regarding the causal drivers, with evidence suggesting ritual forms propagated inequality by sanctifying against subordinates, challenging narratives that uniformly portray sacrifice as benign reciprocity.

Definition and Terminology

Core Concepts and Definitions

Sacrifice, in its foundational religious and anthropological sense, refers to a act whereby a victim—typically an animal, though historically including or other offerings—is consecrated, destroyed or transformed, and presented to a or sacred entity to forge, sustain, or mend relations between the (profane) domain and the divine (sacred) sphere. This process entails irrevocable renunciation by the sacrificer, emphasizing destruction as a conduit for transferring the victim's or potency to the sacred recipient, often yielding reciprocal benefits such as protection, fertility, or expiation. Henri Hubert and outlined the schema in their 1898 analysis, identifying three sequential phases: sacre (consecration, elevating the victim from profane to sacred status), immolatio (sacrifice proper, involving killing or obliteration that neutralizes profane elements while invoking divine intervention), and relegation (restoration to the profane world, frequently through a communal meal or distribution that diffuses sacrality back to participants). These elements underscore sacrifice's mediatory role, positioning it as a structured transaction among three parties: the sacrificer (who initiates), the (who receives and transforms), and the victim (the mediated object). Central concepts include substitution, where the victim proxies for the sacrificer or community in bearing sacred demands (e.g., averting calamity via proxy immolation); communion, achieved through shared consumption of sanctified remnants, binding participants to the divine; and propitiation, targeting appeasement of potentially wrathful powers through costly offerings that signal devotion or atonement. Victims vary—livestock for accessibility and symbolic purity, libations or grains in resource-scarce contexts—but the rite's efficacy hinges on perceived value and ritual precision, distinguishing it from mere gifts by mandating consumptive loss to preclude profane reclamation. Beyond ritual, sacrifice extends analogously to secular domains as deliberate forfeiture of valued resources (e.g., time, , or ) for prioritized ends, such as familial welfare or , rooted in the same logic of deferred gain through immediate . This broader usage preserves the core dynamic of hierarchical valuation, where empirical utility—evidenced in parental provisioning or wartime —prioritizes long-term causal outcomes over short-term retention, though lacking the mediation of ritual forms.

Etymology and Cross-Cultural Terms

The English word "sacrifice" derives from the Latin sacrificium, a compound of sacer ("sacred" or "holy," denoting something set apart from the profane) and facere ("to make" or "to do"), literally meaning "to make sacred" by offering or dedicating something to a or . This term entered around the late 13th century via sacrifice, initially referring to offerings in religious contexts before broadening to imply any voluntary forfeiture for a greater good. The Latin root underscores a transformative act, where profane elements are consecrated through ritual destruction or surrender, a concept echoed in Roman practices like the suovetaurilia (a combined offering of pig, sheep, and bull). Cross-culturally, terms for sacrifice often reflect nuanced emphases on proximity, offering, or action rather than uniform "making sacred." In ancient Hebrew, the primary term is (קָרְבָּן), rooted in karov or karav ("to draw near" or "approach"), signifying an offering that brings the offerer closer to God, as in Leviticus where animal or grain korbanot facilitate or communion. This contrasts with the Latin focus on sacralization, prioritizing relational intimacy over consecration. In classical Greek, thysia (θυσία) denotes a formal offering or burnt sacrifice, often to gods like , encompassing both animal immolation and libations, with the verb thyō implying slaughter or killing as prescribed in Homeric epics or Delphic rites. In , sacrifice is captured by yajña or the verb yájati (in middle voice, "to worship" or "arrange a sacrifice"), central to hymns (c. 1500–1200 BCE) where it involves oblations into fire (homa) to maintain cosmic order (ṛta), blending material destruction with reciprocal exchange between humans and deities like . Cognates like qurbān or uḍḥiya (used in Islamic rituals) mirror Hebrew korban, emphasizing nearness to through animal slaughter, traceable to Semitic roots shared across Abrahamic traditions. These variations highlight causal divergences: Semitic terms stress approach and covenant, Indo-European ones ritual efficacy or cosmic reciprocity, without implying equivalence across cultures.

Theoretical Frameworks

Anthropological and Sociological Theories

Henri Hubert and , in their 1899 essay Sacrifice: Its Nature and Functions, conceptualized sacrifice as a structured process involving three phases: the consecration of the victim to elevate it to the sacred realm, its immolation or destruction to sever profane ties, and the restitution or consumption that returns benefits to the sacrificer or community. They drew primarily from Vedic Indian and ancient Hebrew practices to argue that sacrifice functions as a total , bridging the profane and sacred domains while reinforcing hierarchical relations between humans and divinities. This framework emphasized sacrifice's role in establishing reciprocity and obligation, influencing later functionalist views by portraying it as essential for maintaining religious and social equilibrium rather than mere . Émile Durkheim extended these ideas sociologically, viewing sacrifice in The Elementary Forms of Religious Life (1912) as a collective rite that generates and sustains social solidarity by symbolizing the group's totemic or divine essence. For Durkheim, the act of offering—often blood or life—represents a to the collective, fostering moral interdependence and that binds individuals beyond egoistic interests, though he distinguished a secondary theory linking it to for individual sins, which aligned less consistently with and Mauss. This perspective prioritized empirical observation of totemic societies, arguing that sacrifice's persistence derives from its causal role in reproducing societal cohesion amid profane routines, rather than psychological or economic motives alone. In comparative anthropology, James Frazer's (1890–1915) advanced an evolutionary schema positing sacrifice as originating in and communion rites, evolving into propitiatory offerings to avert misfortune or appease deities, based on cross-cultural patterns from ancient Near Eastern to Oceanic practices. Frazer's unilinear progression from "primitive" to "civilized" forms has been critiqued for , yet it highlighted sacrifice's adaptive utility in explaining natural phenomena before scientific paradigms, influencing subsequent theories by compiling ethnographic data on over 400 sacrificial variants. René Girard's mimetic theory, elaborated in Violence and the Sacred (1972), sociologically interprets sacrifice as a mechanism to resolve escalating mimetic rivalry and crisis through the scapegoat process, where a victim is collectively blamed and ritually expelled to restore unanimity and found cultural institutions. Girard argued, drawing from myths, biblical texts, and ethnography, that this victimage dynamic underlies religion's origins, with empirical support in patterns of accusation and lynching across societies, though critics note its speculative extension to hominization lacks direct fossil or genetic corroboration. Unlike Durkheim's consensual view, Girard's causal realism posits sacrifice as rooted in innate human imitation leading to violence, diffused only by revelation exposing the mechanism's arbitrariness. Empirical sociological studies reinforce sacrifice's role in hierarchy enforcement; a 2016 analysis of 93 Austronesian societies found that frequency correlated positively with (r=0.41, p<0.001), as elites ritually killed subordinates to legitimize power and deter rebellion, suggesting a causal link where ritual violence suppresses inequality challenges more than egalitarian norms do. This quantitative evidence challenges purely symbolic interpretations, indicating sacrifice's functionality in pre-modern polities stemmed from tangible deterrence of lower-class mobilization, with data spanning 93 cultures coded for political complexity and ritual practices. Such findings align with causal realist accounts, prioritizing observable power dynamics over ideational biases in earlier qualitative theories.

Evolutionary and Psychological Explanations

From an evolutionary standpoint, self-sacrifice, including forms directed toward kin, can be explained through kin selection theory, which posits that individuals may forgo personal reproductive success to enhance the survival and reproduction of genetic relatives, thereby propagating shared genes via inclusive fitness. This mechanism, formalized by W.D. Hamilton in 1964 as the rule rB>CrB > C (where rr is the coefficient of relatedness, BB the benefit to the recipient, and CC the cost to the actor), accounts for observed behaviors such as or sibling altruism in humans and other species, where the genetic payoff outweighs individual loss. For instance, extraordinary self-sacrifice evolves readily when actors are surrounded by close kin and recipients gain substantial benefits from the act, as modeled in agent-based simulations showing its emergence under localized kin structures. Beyond kin-directed acts, and communal sacrifice—such as animal or offerings in pre-modern societies—align with costly signaling theory, where demonstrably expensive behaviors serve as honest indicators of commitment to group norms, fostering and deterring free-riders in large-scale societies. This theory, drawing from Amotz Zahavi's , suggests that rituals like prolonged fasting or offerings signal reliability to potential cooperators, with empirical support from studies of 19th-century communes where groups enforcing costlier rituals (e.g., or resource forfeiture) persisted longer, up to 60% beyond averages for secular counterparts. In religious contexts, such signals enhance prosociality by verifying adherence beyond cheap talk, as evidenced by higher rates among participants in high-cost rituals compared to low-cost ones. Human sacrifice specifically co-evolved with , according to analyses of 93 Austronesian cultures, where societies practicing it exhibited 44% higher political complexity and reduced , as sacrificial acts legitimized elite authority by instilling fear and reinforcing hierarchical norms over egalitarian ones. Phylogenetic mapping confirms this bidirectional dynamic: stratification enabled sacrifice, which in turn stabilized inequality by suppressing . Psychologically, sacrificial behavior arises from schemas and motivational systems prioritizing others' welfare, often rooted in early attachments that foster empathy-driven but risk maladaptive overextension. The schema, identified in frameworks, manifests as chronic to alleviate perceived others' distress, correlating with relational burnout when unmet needs accumulate, as seen in longitudinal studies of romantic partners where frequent sacrifices predict diminished personal unless reciprocated. In scenarios, such as contexts, self-sacrificial acts enhance perceived leader authenticity and follower , mediated by attributions of over mere competence. For ideological or martyrdom-oriented sacrifice, psychological readiness involves fused group identification and perceived , enabling ultimate costs for abstract causes, as integrated in models from eight empirical studies linking it to collective efficacy over individual gain.

Philosophical and Economic Perspectives

In , sacrifice often intersects with questions of , , and human flourishing. Søren , writing pseudonymously as Johannes de Silentio in Fear and Trembling (1843), interprets the biblical story of Abraham's near-sacrifice of as exemplifying the "knight of faith," who performs a teleological suspension of the ethical universal in favor of an absolute relation to the divine, rendering the act incommunicable and beyond rational justification. This perspective posits sacrifice not as moral calculation but as an existential leap demanding total personal commitment, where the individual's isolation from communal norms underscores 's paradoxical nature. Friedrich Nietzsche, conversely, critiques sacrificial ethics rooted in traditions as manifestations of and slave morality, which invert natural hierarchies by glorifying and pity to undermine the vital instincts of the strong. Yet Nietzsche reframes sacrifice affirmatively in the context of self-overcoming (Überwindung), where the individual sacrifices lesser attachments to affirm the eternal recurrence of all events, embracing life's Dionysian totality without resentment toward suffering or contingency. This view aligns sacrifice with an aristocratic of enhancement rather than , prioritizing creative expenditure over preservative hoarding. Economic analysis frames sacrifice primarily through the lens of , defined as the value of the highest-valued alternative forgone in any decision, which compels agents to weigh trade-offs under . Rational choice theory, as articulated by , extends this to interpersonal domains, modeling familial —such as parents allocating time and resources to children's formation—as utility-maximizing transfers within a dynastic framework, where sacrifices yield indirect returns via shared genetic or bequest motives rather than pure self-abnegation. Empirical studies corroborate this by showing that such parental investments correlate with long-term offspring productivity gains, substantiating sacrifice as a calculated intertemporal exchange rather than unreciprocated loss. Becker's approach challenges sentimental views of by integrating it into neoclassical models, where endogenous preferences for family welfare explain behaviors like reduced parental consumption (averaging 20-30% of income forgone in child-rearing across data from 1990-2010) without invoking irrationality. Critics, however, note limitations in assuming stable preferences, as reveals context-dependent deviations, such as that inflates short-term sacrifices beyond equilibrium predictions. Nonetheless, the economic paradigm underscores sacrifice's role in , where market signals and incentives often outperform coerced or normative impositions in aligning individual costs with societal benefits.

Historical and Pre-Modern Practices

Origins in Prehistory and Early Societies

Archaeological evidence for sacrificial practices in the era remains scarce and interpretive, with no unambiguous instances of killing identified among remains dating prior to 10,000 BCE. Burials from sites like Sungir in (circa 30,000 BCE) include such as beads and weapons, potentially indicating offerings to the deceased or entities, but these lack direct signs of or immolation or structured deposition. In the period, beginning around 7000 BCE in and the , clearer evidence emerges for linked to emerging social hierarchies and agricultural transitions. A study of 20 cases across 14 sites from to reveals a persistent practice known as incaprettamento, where victims—predominantly young females—were bound with their necks tied to flexed legs behind their backs before burial alive, spanning approximately 2,000 years from the Early to Middle (circa 5400–3400 BCE). This method, evidenced by skeletal contortions incompatible with natural death positions, suggests strangulation or immobilization, possibly to invoke or enforce group cohesion in stratified communities. In , early sites like Sigersdal Mose (circa 4000 BCE) contain remains of young females deposited in wetlands, interpreted as deliberate sacrifices based on their isolated, non-violent deposition without tools or settlements nearby. Animal sacrifice appears concurrently in contexts, often tied to feasting and communal s. Zooarchaeological analysis from sites in (circa 3000 BCE) documents the immolation of pigs, dogs, and , with remains showing cut marks, burning, and selective slaughter of prime-age individuals, indicating structured offerings rather than subsistence killing. In , similar patterns at enclosures like those in Dorset (circa 2500 BCE, though transitional to ) reveal deposited animal bones with ritual breakage, but unambiguous examples are rarer, suggesting sacrifice amplified with and surplus production. These practices likely served to propitiate deities for yields or , as inferred from the scale and selectivity exceeding nutritional needs. Such early rituals may have originated from pragmatic exchanges—offering valuables to secure reciprocity from perceived higher powers—evolving into formalized institutions that reinforced authority, with empirical patterns showing correlation between sacrifice prevalence and societal complexity in pre-state polities. Credible interpretations caution against overgeneralizing from fragmented remains, noting that violence in mass graves (e.g., Talheim, , circa 5000 BCE) could reflect intergroup conflict rather than intra-community sacrifice, though positional anomalies support elements in select cases.

Animal Sacrifice in Ancient Civilizations

In ancient , animal sacrifice formed a of religious festivals from the third BCE onward, involving the of domesticated animals such as sheep, , , and pigs to honor deities and seek divine favor. Texts and archaeological evidence indicate that these rituals often included the examination of animal entrails, particularly the liver, for divinatory purposes, with clay models of livers used in training soothsayers. Sacrifices were typically performed after prayers or as part of food offerings, emphasizing the animals' role in sustaining the gods through symbolic meals placed on divine tables. Ancient Egyptian practices differed, with less central than in neighboring regions, as many species held sacred status prohibiting their killing; however, clean male oxen and calves were routinely sacrificed across the , while females were spared. Rituals involved , throat-cutting, and , often tied to festivals, royal ceremonies, or funerary rites, where animals like bulls symbolized fertility and power offered to gods such as or . Zooarchaeological finds, including mummified votive animals, suggest and mass rearing for cultic purposes, though was not the primary focus compared to statue offerings. Among the of (c. 1600–1180 BCE), sacrifices featured sheep, goats, pigs, dogs, and bulls, with meat cuts placed directly on divine tables as the key offering gesture, distinguishing it from mere slaughter. Puppies served apotropaic roles rather than as primary victims, and zooarchaeological analysis of sites like Kilise Tepe confirms young male sheep as common choices, aligning with textual prescriptions for purity and age. Canaanite communities in the imported animals, including donkeys and cattle from , for sacrifices, as evidenced by strontium isotope analysis of bones from sites like , indicating long-distance procurement for elite rituals. highlight animal offerings as major components of rites, often alongside grain and libations. In , from the Mycenaean period (c. 1600–1100 BCE) through the Classical era, —known as thysia—involved oxen, sheep, and pigs, with archaeological bone assemblages from sanctuaries like the Palace of Nestor at Pylos revealing burnt offerings and feasting distributions. Hecatombs of 100 oxen were performed for major events, such as victories or dedications, where thighbones and fat were burned for gods, while meat fed participants, reinforcing social bonds without implying divine consumption. Evidence from tablets and later sources underscores its integration with oracles and purification. Roman practices, evolving from Etruscan and Greek influences, centered on sacrificium as gifts to gods, with the suovetaurilia—a pig (sus), sheep (ovis), and bull (taurus)—standard for purification and state rites from the Republic onward. Animals had to match the deity's sex and color, slaughtered at altars with entrails inspected, and meat boiled for communal meals, as depicted in reliefs and texts like those of Varro. Imperial sacrifices, including those by emperors like Marcus Aurelius, scaled up for public spectacles, blending piety with political display.

Human Sacrifice and Its Societal Role

Human sacrifice entailed the ritual killing of individuals to appease deities, ensure societal prosperity, or accompany elites into the afterlife, documented across diverse ancient civilizations through archaeological remains, textual accounts, and iconography. In Mesoamerica, the Aztecs conducted large-scale sacrifices, with evidence from skull racks (tzompantli) in Tenochtitlan revealing hundreds of crania, primarily from young adult males likely captured in warfare, underscoring the practice's role in sustaining cosmic order by feeding gods with blood to propel the sun's movement. This ritual reinforced imperial power, as victims were often war prisoners, promoting militarism and territorial expansion while instilling fear among subjugated populations. Similarly, among the Maya, sacrifices at sites like Chichén Itzá involved children, as DNA analysis of remains from a sacred cenote indicates genetic relatedness and ties to mythological hero twins, aimed at invoking divine favor for rainfall and agricultural fertility. These acts served to legitimize rulers' divine authority and maintain social hierarchies by associating elite bloodletting with communal survival. In the , retainer sacrifices accompanied Mesopotamian royalty, as evidenced by the third-millennium BCE Royal Tombs of , where attendants were poisoned or slain to serve kings in the , reflecting a societal belief in perpetual elite entourages beyond death. Early Egyptian pharaohs at Abydos also practiced such funerary killings, with graves containing sacrificed servants, indicating human offerings as markers of pharaonic power and continuity of divine rule. Phoenician Carthage's tophets yielded urns with cremated infant remains—estimated in the thousands from 730 BCE to 146 BCE—alongside animal substitutes and inscriptions to and , confirming child immolation during crises to avert calamity, a practice that bound families to and elite vows. Archaeological consensus now affirms these as deliberate sacrifices rather than mere cemeteries, countering earlier scholarly denials influenced by modern ethical discomfort. European Iron Age bog bodies, such as those from and dated to the first centuries CE, exhibit overkill patterns like triple wounds (throat-cutting, garroting, bludgeoning), interpreted as executions possibly of failed kings or elites to restore or appease gods during famines, per classical accounts and forensic analysis. In Celtic societies, these sacrifices likely enforced accountability on leaders, ensuring societal welfare through symbolic renewal, though Roman sources may exaggerate for , with physical evidence providing independent corroboration. Overall, functioned as a mechanism of , signaling group commitment via costly rituals, deterring dissent through terror, and fabricating elite sanctity, persisting until supplanted by less lethal offerings in expanding empires and monotheistic faiths.

Religious Contexts

Abrahamic Traditions

In the Abrahamic religions—Judaism, Christianity, and Islam—sacrifice serves as a central theological motif, often symbolizing obedience to God, atonement for sin, and covenantal relationship. The foundational narrative is the near-sacrifice of Abraham's son, recounted in Genesis 22 in the Hebrew Bible as the Binding of Isaac (Akedah), where God commands Abraham to offer his son as a burnt offering on Mount Moriah, only intervening with a ram substitute to affirm Abraham's faith without requiring human blood. This episode, dated traditionally to around 2000 BCE in patriarchal chronology, underscores divine provision over human victimhood and repudiates ongoing human sacrifice, influencing subsequent prohibitions in Jewish law. Islamic tradition parallels this in the Quran (Surah 37:99-113), identifying the son as Ishmael and commemorating the event during Eid al-Adha as a test of submission (islam), with God providing a ransom to replace the offering. In , ritual dominated worship from the era (circa 1446 BCE per Exodus traditions) through the Second Temple period (516 BCE–70 CE), involving over 200 detailed procedures in Leviticus for offerings such as olah (burnt), chatat (), and shelamim (peace), performed exclusively by Aaronic priests at sanctioned altars to expiate guilt, express gratitude, or seek divine favor. These acts required unblemished livestock—cattle, sheep, goats, or birds—slaughtered with specific incantations and blood dashed on the altar, totaling estimates of hundreds of thousands annually during festivals like , where over 250,000 lambs were sacrificed in 70 CE per . The Roman destruction of the Second Temple in 70 CE halted these practices, as Deuteronomy 12:5-14 centralized them at "the place will choose"; post-Temple rabbis reframed sacrifice through prayer (tefillah), , and ethical deeds ( in later mysticism), viewing the Akedah as a for spiritual rather than literal offering. No resumption occurred, with medieval scholars like interpreting sacrifices as concessions to ancient pagan impulses, ultimately to be transcended. Christian theology reinterprets sacrifice through ' crucifixion circa 30–33 CE as the singular, efficacious , fulfilling and obviating Mosaic offerings; the (chapters 9–10) argues Christ's voluntary death as and spotless lamb—echoing and —satisfies divine justice for all , with his blood superior to animal blood in reconciling humanity to God. Early church fathers like (circa 185–254 CE) and Anselm (1033–1109 CE) developed this into satisfaction and theories, positing Jesus' innocence absorbs penal wrath, as in Romans 3:25 where he is the "sacrifice of atonement" (hilasterion). This shift ended Christian endorsement of Temple rites post-70 CE, with the (circa 90 CE) and apostolic writings emphasizing eucharistic remembrance over repetition, though some patristic texts critiqued Jewish persistence in sacrificial hopes as superseded. Islamic practice sustains animal sacrifice via udhiyya or qurbani during Eid al-Adha (10th–13th Dhul-Hijjah), mandated for those with means (Nisab threshold equivalent to 87.48 grams of gold), involving slaughter of camels, cattle, sheep, or goats—shared in thirds for family, relatives, and the poor—to emulate Ibrahim's devotion and promote piety (taqwa), as per Quran 22:37 stating "it is not their meat or blood that reaches Allah, but your taqwa." Globally, this yields millions of animals annually, with Saudi Arabia reporting over 2 million in 2023, emphasizing charity over propitiation; human sacrifice is unequivocally forbidden, rooted in the prophetic model. Across traditions, sacrifice evolves from literal rite to metaphorical submission, though debates persist on its voluntariness and divine necessity, with Christianity uniquely positing a once-for-all human-divine offering.

Eastern and Indic Religions

In Vedic Hinduism, yajna rituals formed the core of sacrificial practices, involving offerings of ghee, grains, and animals into consecrated fires to invoke deities and maintain cosmic order (ṛta). These included paśubandha sacrifices where goats, sheep, or horses were immolated, as detailed in texts like the Yajurveda, with the act symbolizing the transfer of life force to sustain divine powers and human prosperity. Historical evidence from archaeological sites, such as the Harappan civilization's potential ritual altars dated to circa 2500 BCE, suggests continuity with later Vedic forms, though interpretations vary on whether early practices emphasized symbolic or literal killing. Over time, post-Vedic Hinduism shifted toward symbolic yajna, such as fruit or flower offerings in bhakti traditions, reducing animal involvement amid influences from ahimsa doctrines, yet regional practices like those at the Gadhimai festival in Nepal persist with thousands of animals slain biennially as of 2019. Buddhism explicitly rejected Vedic animal sacrifices as futile and karmically harmful, with criticizing them in early suttas for perpetuating suffering without spiritual merit. Instead, it elevated —selfless giving of material aid, teachings, or protection—as a paramita (perfection), fostering detachment and merit accumulation, as exemplified in the where offerings to monks yield greater ethical returns than ritual killings. Mahāyāna traditions idealize self-sacrifice, as in where the future donates his body to starving beings, such as tigresses in the Vyāghrī Jātaka, underscoring () over self-preservation to delay nirvāṇa for others' benefit; these narratives, compiled by the CE, influenced ethical models but were not literal prescriptions for . Jainism, rooted in extreme (non-violence), prohibits all forms of animal or as violations of the soul's purity, viewing them as generators of negative karma that bind jīva to saṃsāra. Ascetic practices emphasize self-discipline, culminating in —a voluntary, gradual to undertaken by monks or laypersons in or advanced age to shed karmic residues, documented in canonical texts like the Ācārāṅga Sūtra (circa 300 BCE) and practiced historically with over 200 cases recorded in between 2002 and 2010. This rite, distinct from by intent, requires monastic oversight and , aiming for mokṣa through bodily without harming others. In East Asian traditions, Confucian rituals reinterpreted sacrifice (jì) as ethical expressions of filial piety and social harmony, with ancestral offerings of food, wine, and incense at family altars or state ceremonies like the biannual worship at the in , performed by emperors until 1911 to legitimize rule. Taoism integrated sacrificial elements into longevity rites and deity invocations, often using paper effigies or vegetarian substitutes burned for immortals (xiān), as in the Zhengyi tradition's communal festivals, prioritizing energetic balance (qì) over . Shinto practices center on shinsen offerings—rice, sake, salt, and fish presented at shrines to without , emphasizing purification () and seasonal renewal, as standardized in the compendium of 927 CE, to avert calamity and secure blessings.

Indigenous and Folk Practices

In various indigenous religions of , sacrifice constitutes a primary mode of , involving the offering of animals, foodstuffs, or libations to ancestors, spirits, or deities to secure blessings, avert misfortune, or resolve communal issues. Among the of , ebo—a sacrifice prescribed through —functions as a targeted intervention, where unblemished animals like goats or chickens are slaughtered to address personal or societal problems, reflecting a where such acts transfer vitality to the divine realm. Similarly, in broader African Traditional Religions, sacrifices range from blood offerings to propitiate gods for rain and harvests to symbolic gestures disassociating killing from , with empirical ethnographic studies documenting their role in reinforcing social reciprocity rather than arbitrary violence. ![Aztec sacrifice depiction from Codex Magliabechiano](./assets/Codex_Magliabechiano_141cropped141_cropped In the Americas, indigenous practices varied by region and societal complexity, with Mesoamerican cultures like the Aztecs engaging in institutionalized human sacrifice to sustain cosmic order and nourish gods, as evidenced by skeletal remains and codices from sites such as the Templo Mayor in Tenochtitlan, where thousands of victims—often war captives—were ritually killed annually via heart extraction atop pyramids. Archaeological data confirm over 20,000 skull racks (tzompantli) associated with these rites, linking the practice to agricultural fertility cycles and elite power consolidation in stratified polities. In contrast, North American tribes rarely systematized human sacrifice, though historical accounts note occasional ritual burning of captives among groups like the Iroquois or Natchez to honor war deities or mark victories, without the scale seen southward. South American Inca society practiced capacocha, selecting physically perfect children for strangulation or exposure at sacred peaks like Llullaillaco volcano, with mummified remains dated to the 15th-16th centuries revealing coca and alcohol intoxication prior to death, interpreted as offerings to mountain spirits (apus) during crises like imperial succession or famine. Folk practices in syncretic indigenous contexts, such as Afro-Brazilian , perpetuate (orô) using species like chickens or goats at terreiros (temples), where veterinary studies from 2009 identified common victims including pigeons and rats, tied to invocations for health and protection amid Yoruba-derived orixás blended with Catholic elements. Among Philippine indigenous groups, rituals integrate —avoiding blemished specimens—with rice wine libations to animistic spirits, sustaining pre-colonial traditions despite colonial overlays. These acts, grounded in empirical observations of reciprocity between and domains, underscore sacrifice's adaptive in pre-modern societies facing environmental and social uncertainties, though variants declined post-contact due to external prohibitions.

Modern and Secular Dimensions

Self-Sacrifice in Ethics and Altruism

Self-sacrifice in ethics refers to the deliberate forgoing of one's own interests, resources, or well-being to benefit others, often framed as a moral imperative in altruistic frameworks. In philosophical terms, it contrasts with self-interest by prioritizing others' welfare, sometimes to the point of personal detriment or loss. This concept underpins altruism, originally coined by Auguste Comte in 1851 to denote living for others rather than oneself, where self-sacrifice serves as the foundational act of moral value creation. Altruistic ethics, such as utilitarianism, endorse self-sacrifice when it maximizes overall utility, as articulated by thinkers like Peter Singer, who argues that affluent individuals have a stringent duty to donate significantly to prevent suffering, akin to rescuing a drowning child at minimal personal cost. In , a modern secular movement formalized in the 2010s, is rationalized through evidence-based prioritization of high-impact interventions, such as interventions via organizations like , which have directed over $1 billion in donations since 2007 to save an estimated 200,000 lives by 2023. Proponents like Singer emphasize that such acts need not entail total self-denial but require forgoing lesser personal expenditures for greater collective good, supported by cost-effectiveness analyses showing interventions like malaria bed nets averting deaths at under $5,000 per life saved. However, critiques reveal potential overemphasis on sacrifice, with empirical studies indicating that sustained altruism correlates more with aligned , such as reputational benefits or reciprocal networks, rather than pure self-abnegation, as extreme often leads to psychological burnout or diminished long-term giving. Critics, including in her 1957 novel and subsequent essays, contend that morally equates with virtue, inverting causality by demanding the surrender of the achieved (one's life and values) to the unearned, fostering dependency and societal decay rather than genuine progress. Rand's Objectivist ethics posits as the proper moral code, viewing obligatory as destructive because it erodes individual agency and productivity, which empirically underpin societal wealth creation—as evidenced by historical correlations between property rights enforcement and rates exceeding 2% annually in market-oriented societies post-1800. Empirical supports qualified approval of , with experiments showing participants rate it more favorably than equivalent harm to others (e.g., 72% approval for sacrificing oneself to save five strangers versus 23% for pushing another), yet this preference diminishes when personal costs escalate beyond immediate threats, suggesting evolved heuristics favoring kin or over indiscriminate sacrifice. From a first-principles standpoint, self-sacrifice's ethical value hinges on causal outcomes: voluntary, limited forms can enhance reciprocal bonds and social stability, as seen in evolutionary models where costly signaling of boosts group and fitness by up to 20% in simulated populations. However, institutionalized demands for sacrifice, as in some traditions, risk exploitation, with feminist analyses noting how they disproportionately burden women, correlating with higher rates of relational dissatisfaction when sacrifices exceed mutual reciprocity. Thus, while self-sacrifice enables 's empirical benefits—like increased charitable donations totaling $557 billion in the U.S. in —its unchecked promotion ignores human motivational realities, where self-regard sustains productive benevolence more reliably than duty-bound abnegation.

Sacrifice in Warfare, Nationalism, and Economics

In warfare, sacrifice often manifests as the deliberate forfeiture of soldiers' lives to achieve strategic objectives, a practice rooted in and ideological commitment. During , approximately 15 to 22 million military and civilian deaths occurred, with major powers like mobilizing 7.5 million troops and suffering 1.385 million fatalities, underscoring the scale of human cost in trench stalemates and offensives. amplified this, with 21 to 25 million military deaths globally, including over 8.8 million Soviet soldiers killed, reflecting total mobilization where individual lives were subordinated to national survival. Extreme forms, such as Japan's operations from October 1944 onward, involved roughly 3,000 to 4,000 pilots crashing explosive-laden aircraft into Allied ships, resulting in about 3,000 Japanese deaths and 14 to 19 percent mission success rates, driven by imperial propaganda emphasizing honorable over retreat. Nationalist ideologies frequently frame such martial sacrifices as moral imperatives, portraying the nation as a collective entity demanding that transcends personal survival. In wars of national defense or liberation, individuals are exhorted to offer their lives for the polity's perpetuation, as seen in the sacrificial rhetoric permeating across , where all belligerents invoked national destiny to justify mass enlistment and endurance of attrition. This ethos aligns with nationalism's core tenet that social bonds form around shared identity and value, compelling adherents to prioritize group cohesion over self-preservation, evidenced in phenomena like the U.S. Civil War's 600,000 Union deaths framed as preservation of the . Strategic doctrine reinforces this by positing as essential to safeguarding vital interests, as articulated in analyses of modern conflicts where leaders invoke national honor to sustain troop morale amid high casualties. Economic dimensions of sacrifice in these contexts involve reallocating resources from civilian consumption to collective defense, often through coercive or voluntary measures that impose widespread privation. In , the U.S. implemented of gasoline, , , and canned goods starting in 1942, diverting supplies to military needs and disrupting global trade, while factories converted from consumer durables to munitions production, altering lifestyles for millions. Financing relied on war bonds and withholding taxes introduced in , mobilizing public savings equivalent to billions in adjusted terms to fund operations costing tens of billions annually. Similarly, World War I's U.S. expenditure reached $32 billion—52 percent of gross national product—sustained by bond drives and industrial shifts, illustrating how wartime economies demand deferred gratification and resource to prioritize victory over immediate prosperity. These mechanisms highlight causal trade-offs where short-term sacrifices enable long-term national objectives, though they risk and shortages if prolonged, as observed in post-1918 .

Controversies and Critiques

Ethical and Moral Debates

Ethical debates surrounding sacrifice often center on the tension between religious liberty and in cases of ritual animal killing. In the 1993 U.S. Supreme Court case Church of the Lukumi Babalu Aye, Inc. v. City of Hialeah, ordinances banning were struck down as violations of the First Amendment's , as they targeted practices specifically while permitting other forms of animal killing, such as or kosher slaughter. This ruling prioritized religious freedom over local animal cruelty concerns, though critics argue it undervalues empirical evidence of animal suffering, with studies showing unstunned slaughter causes prolonged pain due to retained consciousness during . In Europe, the has upheld restrictions requiring pre-slaughter stunning for welfare reasons, deeming them proportionate limitations on religious expression despite claims of cultural insensitivity toward Muslim and Jewish /kosher practices. Human sacrifice, once widespread in ancient societies like the and Maya for purported divine or social cohesion, is now ethically condemned across major philosophical frameworks for violating the intrinsic and of individuals. Historical analyses link its prevalence to stratified hierarchies, where elites sanctioned killings to maintain order, as evidenced by archaeological data from sites like showing correlations between violence and inequality. Deontological ethics, as articulated by , prohibits treating persons as mere means to ends, rendering sacrificial acts impermissible regardless of purported benefits like communal stability. Utilitarian perspectives, while potentially justifying sacrifices in hypothetical dilemmas to maximize net utility, falter in real-world applications due to unverifiable supernatural claims and the risk of abuse, with modern consensus viewing such practices as net harms given advances in rational alternatives like symbolic s. Self-sacrifice elicits divided moral evaluations, praised in as supererogatory heroism but critiqued as potentially irrational or enabling exploitation. Empirical reveals that individuals approve more than equivalent harm to others for the same outcome, attributing this to reduced perceived agency in self-inflicted costs. Objectivist philosopher condemned altruism-driven as immoral, arguing it inverts values by demanding the forfeiture of one's life or values for lesser or non-values, fostering dependency rather than productive achievement. In contrast, consequentialist views, such as those in sacrificial moral dilemmas, endorse it when it yields greater overall welfare, though critiques highlight that "utilitarian" judgments often stem from egocentric traits rather than impartial calculation, undermining claims of objectivity. Philosophers like those in Sacrifice and Moral Philosophy emphasize that duties to sacrifice arise only under stringent conditions, such as non-frustration of natural inclinations, to avoid pathologizing benevolence as obligatory.

Critiques of Power Dynamics and Social Control

Anthropological research has posited that ritual often functioned to legitimize and stabilize hierarchical social structures, serving as a mechanism for elites to enforce over subordinates. A study of 93 traditional societies in Austronesia, published in in 2016, analyzed ethnographic data and found that the presence of correlated strongly with greater , including hereditary rulers and rigid class systems; societies practicing it exhibited 2.5 times more types of stratification than those without. This pattern suggests sacrifice acted not merely as religious but as a tool to deter and consolidate power, with elites monopolizing the right to dictate victims, thereby reinforcing their divine or moral superiority. from pre-Columbian , such as Aztec practices documented in codices and Spanish chronicles from the , indicates that large-scale sacrifices—estimated at up to 20,000 victims annually during temple dedications—were tied to imperial expansion and control, channeling societal violence to maintain order amid conquests. René Girard's critiques sacrificial rituals as veiled mechanisms for managing mimetic rivalry and , where communities unite against a designated victim to avert undifferentiated and preserve social cohesion under elite guidance. In works like (1972), Girard argues that myths and rituals obscure the arbitrary nature of the original that founds culture, allowing authorities—priests or kings—to ritualize violence as sacred, thus perpetuating cycles of control without revealing its human origins. This process, Girard contends, benefits those in power by diffusing rivalry that might otherwise target them, as evidenced in tragedies and biblical texts where sacrificial substitution restores but masks foundational injustice. Critics of Girard, including some anthropologists, note that while mimetic escalation explains resolution, empirical testing in small-scale societies shows variable efficacy, yet the theory underscores how sacrifice ideologically naturalizes inequality by framing victims as threats to the collective good. From a Marxist perspective, sacrificial ideologies in religion critique as superstructure upholding class domination, where doctrines of self-denial and offering legitimize exploitation by portraying suffering as redemptive or divinely ordained. , in Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right (1843), described religion as promoting illusory happiness that consoles the oppressed while preserving material inequities, with sacrificial elements—such as Christian martyrdom or pagan offerings—instilling resignation to rulers' demands. Later Marxist analyses, like those in Antonio Gramsci's (1929–1935), extend this to , viewing ritual sacrifice as cultural apparatus that embeds elite interests in popular consent, as seen in feudal tithes or colonial missions extracting labor under guise of spiritual duty. However, such views risk overemphasizing , as ethnographic data reveals sacrifice also emerging in egalitarian groups for non-hierarchical bonding, challenging purely instrumental interpretations. In modern secular contexts, critiques analogize sacrifice to state-induced self-denial, such as wartime or economic austerity, as tools of that elites deploy to sustain power amid scarcity. For instance, during (1914–1918), propaganda in Britain and Germany framed soldier deaths as noble offerings for national survival, correlating with reduced domestic unrest despite over 16 million fatalities, per historical tallies from the . These dynamics echo ancient patterns, where, per the social control hypothesis tested in global datasets, sacrifice's absence in more egalitarian societies—like certain Pacific islands with flat hierarchies—implies its utility in stratified ones for quelling dissent through fear and collective . Such analyses, while supported by statistical correlations, warrant caution against ahistorical generalization, as causal links between ritual and control vary by ecological and political factors.

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