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Engraving depicting two Roman women offering a sacrifice to the pagan goddess Vesta, 1887

Paganism (from Latin paganus 'rural, rustic', later 'civilian') is a term first used in the fourth century by early Christians for people in the Roman Empire who practiced polytheism,[1] or ethnic religions other than Christianity, Judaism, and Samaritanism. In the time of the Roman Empire, individuals fell into the pagan class either because they were increasingly rural and provincial relative to the Christian population, or because they were not milites Christi (soldiers of Christ).[2][3] Alternative terms used in Christian texts were hellene, gentile, and heathen.[1] Ritual sacrifice was an integral part of ancient Greco-Roman religion[4] and was regarded as an indication of whether a person was pagan or Christian.[4] Paganism has broadly connoted the "religion of the peasantry".[1][5]

During and after the Middle Ages, the term paganism was applied to any non-Christian religion, and the term presumed a belief in false gods.[6][7] The origin of the application of the term "pagan" to polytheism is debated.[8] In the 19th century, paganism was adopted as a self-descriptor by members of various artistic groups inspired by the ancient world. In the 20th century, it came to be applied as a self-descriptor by practitioners of modern paganism, modern pagan movements and polytheistic reconstructionists. Modern pagan traditions often incorporate beliefs or practices, such as nature worship, that are different from those of the largest world religions.[9][10]

Contemporary knowledge of old pagan religions and beliefs comes from several sources, including anthropological field research, the evidence of archaeological artifacts, philology of ancient language, and the historical accounts of ancient writers regarding cultures known to Classical antiquity. Most modern pagan religions existing today express a worldview that is polytheistic, pantheistic, panentheistic, or animistic, but some are monotheistic.[11][12][13]

Etymology and nomenclature

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Pagan

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Further information: Pagus

It is crucial to stress right from the start that until the 20th century, people did not call themselves pagans to describe the religion they practiced. The notion of paganism, as it is generally understood today, was created by the early Christian Church. It was a label that Christians applied to others, one of the antitheses that were central to the process of Christian self-definition. As such, throughout history it was generally used in a derogatory sense.

— Owen Davies, Paganism: A Very Short Introduction, 2011[14]

The term pagan derives from Late Latin paganus, revived during the Renaissance. Itself deriving from classical Latin pagus which originally meant 'region delimited by markers', paganus had also come to mean 'of or relating to the countryside', 'country dweller', 'villager'; by extension, 'rustic', 'unlearned', 'yokel', 'bumpkin'; in Roman military jargon, 'non-combatant', 'civilian', 'unskilled soldier'. It is related to pangere ('to fasten', 'to fix or affix') and ultimately comes from Proto-Indo-European *pag- ('to fix' in the same sense):[15]

The adoption of paganus by the Latin Christians as an all-embracing, pejorative term for polytheists represents an unforeseen and singularly long-lasting victory, within a religious group, of a word of Latin slang originally devoid of religious meaning. The evolution occurred only in the Latin west, and in connection with the Latin church. Elsewhere, Hellene or gentile (ethnikos) remained the word for pagan; and paganos continued as a purely secular term, with overtones of the inferior and the commonplace.

— Peter Brown, Late Antiquity, 1999[16]

Medieval writers often assumed that paganus as a religious term was a result of the conversion patterns during the Christianization of Europe, where people in towns and cities were converted more easily than those in remote regions, where old ways tended to remain. However, this idea has multiple problems. First, the word's usage as a reference to non-Christians pre-dates that period in history. Second, paganism within the Roman Empire centred on cities. The concept of an urban Christianity as opposed to a rural paganism would not have occurred to Romans during Early Christianity. Third, unlike words such as rusticitas, paganus had not yet fully acquired the meanings (of uncultured backwardness) used to explain why it would have been applied to pagans.[17]

Paganus more likely acquired its meaning in Christian nomenclature via Roman military jargon (see above). Early Christians adopted military motifs and saw themselves as Milites Christi (soldiers of Christ).[15][17] A good example of Christians still using paganus in a military context rather than a religious one is in Tertullian's De Corona Militis XI.V, where the Christian is referred to as paganus (civilian):[17]

Apud hunc [Christum] tam miles est paganus fidelis quam paganus est miles fidelis.[18] With Him [Christ] the faithful citizen is a soldier, just as the faithful soldier is a citizen.[19]

Paganus acquired its religious connotations by the mid-4th century.[17] As early as the 5th century, paganos was metaphorically used to denote persons outside the bounds of the Christian community. Following the sack of Rome by the Visigoths just over fifteen years after the Christian persecution of paganism under Theodosius I,[20] murmurs began to spread that the old gods had taken greater care of the city than the Christian God. In response, Augustine of Hippo wrote De Civitate Dei Contra Paganos ('The City of God against the Pagans'). In it, he contrasted the fallen "city of Man" with the "city of God", of which all Christians were ultimately citizens. Hence, the foreign invaders were "not of the city" or "rural".[21][22][23]

The term pagan was not attested in the English language until the 17th century.[24] In addition to infidel and heretic, it was used as one of several pejorative Christian counterparts to goy (גוי / נכרי) as used in Judaism, and to kafir (كافر, 'unbeliever') and mushrik (مشرك, 'idolater') as in Islam.[25]

Hellene

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Further information: Hellenes (religion)

In the Latin-speaking Western Roman Empire of the newly Christianizing Roman Empire, Koine Greek became associated with the traditional polytheistic religion of Ancient Greece and was regarded as a foreign language (lingua peregrina) in the west.[26] By the latter half of the 4th century in the Greek-speaking Eastern Empire, pagans were—paradoxically—most commonly called Hellenes (Ἕλληνες, lit. "Greeks") The word had almost entirely ceased being used in a cultural sense.[27][28] It retained that meaning for roughly the first millennium of Christianity.

This was influenced by Christianity's early members, who were Jewish. The Jews of the time distinguished themselves from foreigners according to religion rather than ethno-cultural standards, and early Jewish Christians would have done the same. Since Hellenic culture was the dominant pagan culture in the Roman east, they referred to pagans as Hellenes. Christianity inherited Jewish terminology for non-Jews and adapted it to refer to non-Christians with whom they were in contact. This usage is recorded in the New Testament. In the Pauline epistles, Hellene is almost always juxtaposed with Hebrew regardless of actual ethnicity.[28]

The usage of Hellene as a religious term was initially part of an exclusively Christian nomenclature, but some Pagans began to defiantly call themselves Hellenes. Other pagans even preferred the narrow meaning of the word from a broad cultural sphere to a more specific religious grouping. However, there were many Christians and pagans alike who strongly objected to the evolution of the terminology. The influential Archbishop of Constantinople Gregory of Nazianzus, for example, took offence at imperial efforts to suppress Hellenic culture (especially concerning spoken and written Greek) and he openly criticized the emperor.[27]

The growing religious stigmatization of Hellenism had a chilling effect on Hellenic culture by the late 4th century.[27]

By late antiquity, however, it was possible to speak Greek as a primary language while not conceiving of oneself as a Hellene.[29] The long-established use of Greek both in and around the Eastern Roman Empire as a lingua franca ironically allowed it to instead become central in enabling the spread of Christianity—as indicated for example, by the use of Greek for the Epistles of Paul.[30] In the first half of the 5th century, Greek was the standard language in which bishops communicated,[31] and the Acta Conciliorum ("Acts of the Church Councils") were recorded originally in Greek and then translated into other languages.[32]

Heathen

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"Heathen" comes from Old English: hæðen (not Christian or Jewish); cf. Old Norse heiðinn. This meaning for the term originated from Gothic haiþno (gentile woman) being used to translate Hellene[33] in Wulfila's Bible, the first translation of the Bible into a Germanic language. This may have been influenced by the Greek and Latin terminology of the time used for pagans. If so, it may be derived from Gothic haiþi (dwelling on the heath). However, this is not attested. It may even be a borrowing of Greek ἔθνος (ethnos) via Armenian hethanos.[34]

The term has recently been revived in the forms "Heathenry" and "Heathenism" (often but not always capitalized), as alternative names for the modern Germanic pagan movement, adherents of which may self-identify as Heathens.[citation needed]

Definition

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It is perhaps misleading even to say that there was such a religion as paganism at the beginning of [the Common Era] ... It might be less confusing to say that the pagans, before their competition with Christianity, had no religion at all in the sense in which that word is normally used today. They had no tradition of discourse about ritual or religious matters (apart from philosophical debate or antiquarian treatise), no organized system of beliefs to which they were asked to commit themselves, no authority-structure peculiar to the religious area, above all no commitment to a particular group of people or set of ideas other than their family and political context. If this is the right view of pagan life, it follows that we should look on paganism quite simply as a religion invented in the course of the second to third centuries AD, in competition and interaction with Christians, Jews and others.

— J A North 1992, 187–88, [35]

Defining paganism is very complex and problematic. Understanding the context of its associated terminology is important.[36] Early Christians referred to the diverse array of cults around them as a single group for reasons of convenience and rhetoric.[37] While paganism generally implies polytheism, the primary distinction between classical pagans and Christians was not one of monotheism versus polytheism, as not all pagans were strictly polytheist. Throughout history, many of them believed in a supreme deity. However, most such pagans believed in a class of subordinate gods/daimons—see henotheism—or divine emanations.[13] To Christians, the most important distinction was whether or not someone worshipped the one true God. Those who did not (polytheist, monotheist, or atheist) were outsiders to the Church and thus considered pagan.[38] Similarly, classical pagans would have found it peculiar to distinguish groups by the number of deities followers venerate. They would have considered the priestly colleges (such as the College of Pontiffs or Epulones) and cult practices more meaningful distinctions.[39]

Referring to paganism as a pre-Christian indigenous religion is equally untenable. Not all historical pagan traditions were pre-Christian or indigenous to their places of worship.[36]

Owing to the history of its nomenclature, paganism traditionally encompasses the collective pre- and non-Christian cultures in and around the classical world; including those of the Greco-Roman, Celtic, Germanic, and Slavic tribes.[40] However, modern parlance of folklorists and contemporary pagans in particular has extended the original four millennia scope used by early Christians to include similar religious traditions stretching far into prehistory.[41]

Perception and Ethnocentrism

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Paganism came to be equated by Christians with a sense of hedonism, representing those who are sensual, materialistic, self-indulgent, unconcerned with the future, and uninterested in more mainstream religions. Pagans were usually described in terms of this worldly stereotype, especially among those drawing attention to what they perceived as the limitations of paganism.[42]

Recently, the ethnocentric and moral absolutist origins of the common usage of the term pagan have been proposed,[43][44] with scholar David Petts noting how, with particular reference to Christianity, "...local religions are defined in opposition to privileged 'world religions'; they become everything that world religions are not, rather than being explored as a subject in their own right."[45] In addition, Petts notes how various spiritual, religious, and metaphysical ideas branded as "pagan" from diverse cultures were studied in opposition to Abrahamism in early anthropology, a binary he links to ethnocentrism and colonialism.[46]

History

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Prehistoric

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Bronze Age to Early Iron Age

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Ancient history

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Classical antiquity

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Main articles: Ancient Greek religion, Ancient Roman religion, Hellenistic religion, and Roman imperial cult

Ludwig Feuerbach defined the paganism of classical antiquity, which he termed Heidentum ('heathenry') as "the unity of religion and politics, of spirit and nature, of god and man",[47] qualified by the observation that man in the pagan view is always defined by ethnicity, i.e., As a result, every pagan tradition is also a national tradition. Modern historians define paganism instead as the aggregate of cult acts, set within a civic rather than a national context, without a written creed or sense of orthodoxy.[48]

Late Antiquity

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Further information: Decline of Greco-Roman polytheism and Hellenic philosophy and Christianity

Pagan as a religious concept arose out of the development of Christianity, as an exonym to refer to certain non-Christian peoples and practices, both at the center of and in the outer reaches of the Roman Empire.

Early Christianity was one of several monotheistic cults within the Roman Empire, emerging from Second Temple Judaism and Hellenistic Judaism. It developed in context, relationship, and competition with other religions advocating both monotheism and polytheism. Early Christianity distinguished itself from these other religions through the concept of paganism, naming those "pagan" who did not worship "the one true God".

Notable monotheistic cults contemporary with Early Christianity included those of Dionysus,[49] Neoplatonism, Mithraism, Gnosticism, and Manichaeanism.[citation needed] The cult of Dionysus is thought to have strongly influenced Early Christian themes, and is an example of how Christianity defined itself against "paganism" while incorporating "pagan" religious themes and practices. Numerous scholars have concluded that the conceptual construction of Jesus the wandering rabbi into the image of Christ the Logos, reflects direct influence from the cult of Dionysus, and the symbolism of wine and the importance it held in the mythology surrounding both Dionysus and Jesus Christ exemplifies this.[50][51] Peter Wick argues that the use of wine symbolism in the Gospel of John, including the story of the Marriage at Cana at which Jesus turns water into wine, was intended to show Jesus as superior to Dionysus.[52] The scene in The Bacchae wherein Dionysus appears before King Pentheus on charges of claiming divinity can be compared to the New Testament scene of Jesus being interrogated by Pontius Pilate.[52][53][54]

Christianisation

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In Albania

[edit]
Men of Theth (Shala) practicing the gjâmë – the Albanian lamentation of the dead – in 1937. The earliest figurative representations of this practice in traditional Albanian-inhabited regions appear on Dardanian funerary stelae of classical antiquity.[55]

Paganism in Albania serves as an example of how indigenous folk religious practices persisted under official policies of Christian conversion. Proto-Albanian speakers were Christianized under the Latin sphere of influence, specifically in the 4th century CE, as shown by the basic Christian terms in Albanian, which are of Latin origin and entered Proto-Albanian before the Gheg–Tosk dialectal diversification.[56][57] Regardless of Christianization, paganism persisted among Albanians, and especially within the inaccessible and deep interior[58] where Albanian folklore evolved over the centuries in a relatively isolated tribal culture and society.[59] It has continued to persist, despite partially transformation by Christian, and later Muslim and Marxist beliefs, that were either to be introduced by choice or imposed by force.[60] The Albanian traditional customary law (Kanun) has held a longstanding, unwavering, and sacred – although secular – unchallenged authority with a cross-religious effectiveness over the Albanians, which is attributed to an earlier pagan code common to all the Albanian tribes.[61] Historically, the Christian clergy has vigorously fought, but without success, to eliminate the pagan rituals practiced by Albanians for traditional feasts and particular events, especially the fire rituals (Zjarri).[62][63]

Postclassical history

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Pagan Continuity in Mani and Mistra (800–1100) Christianity was introduced late in Mani, with the first Greek temples converted into churches during the 11th century. Byzantine monk Nikon "the Metanoite" (Νίκων ὁ Μετανοείτε) was sent in the 10th century to convert the predominantly pagan Maniots. Although his preaching began the conversion process, it took over 200 years for the majority to accept Christianity fully by the 11th and 12th centuries. Patrick Leigh Fermor noted that the Maniots, isolated by mountains, were among the last Greeks to abandon the old religion, doing so towards the end of the 9th century:

Sealed off from outside influences by their mountains, the semi-troglodytic Maniots themselves were the last of the Greeks to be converted. They only abandoned the old religion of Greece towards the end of the ninth century. It is surprising to remember that this peninsula of rock, so near the heart of the Levant from which Christianity springs, should have been baptised three whole centuries after the arrival of St. Augustine in far-away Kent.[64]

According to Constantine VII in De Administrando Imperio, the Maniots were referred to as 'Hellenes' and only fully Christianized in the 9th century, despite some church ruins from the 4th century indicating early Christian presence. The region's mountainous terrain allowed the Maniots to evade the Eastern Roman Empire's Christianization efforts, thus preserving pagan traditions, which coincided with significant years in the life of Gemistos Plethon.

Another safe area for the pagans was the city of Harran which, Despite the persecution of its pagan inhabitants by Byzantine Emperor Maurice, remained a largely pagan city well into the early Islamic period. When the city was besieged by the armies of the Rashidun Caliphate in 639–640, it was the pagan community that negotiated its peaceful surrender. Under the subsequent rule of the caliphates, Harran became a major settlement within the Diyar Mudar region and retained a significant degree of autonomy. During the First Fitna, the people of Harran sided with Mu'awiya I over Ali at the Battle of Siffin in 657, which allegedly resulted in a brutal retaliation by Ali, who massacred much of the population.[65]

Under the Umayyad Caliphate (661–750), Harran prospered and was selected as the capital by the last Umayyad caliph, Marwan II, from 744 to 750. This move may have been influenced by the city's pagan sympathies and its strategic position near the empire's eastern provinces.[66] The city's prominence under Umayyad rule saw it grow as a cultural and scholarly center, with the establishment of the first Muslim university in 717 under Umar II, attracting scholars from across the Islamic world.[67]

Although Harran lost its capital status under the Abbasid Caliphate, it continued to flourish, particularly during the reign of Harun al-Rashid (786–809), when its university became a key center for translation and intellectual activity.[68] The local religion, blending elements of Mesopotamian paganism and Neoplatonism, persisted into the 10th century, though periodic decrees enforced conversions to Islam, especially under Al-Ma'mun in 830.[69] Nonetheless, Harran retained its heterogeneity, with a population that included Muslims, Christians, Jews, and a variety of other religious groups.

The medieval church accused sects deemed heretical such as the Waldensians and Cathars of participating in pagan fertility rites.[70]

Islam in Arabia

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See also: Religion in pre-Islamic Arabia

Arab paganism gradually disappeared during Muhammad's era through Islamization.[71][72] The sacred months of the Arab pagans were the 1st, 7th, 11th, and 12th months of the Islamic calendar.[73] After Muhammad had conquered Mecca he set out to convert the pagans.[74][75][76] One of the last military campaigns that Muhammad ordered against the Arab pagans was the Demolition of Dhul Khalasa. It occurred in April and May 632 AD, in 10AH of the Islamic Calendar. Dhul Khalasa is referred to as both an idol and a temple, and it was known by some as the Ka'ba of Yemen, built and worshipped by polytheist tribes.[77][78][79]

Modern history

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Early Modern Renaissance

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The Ordine Osirideo Egizio claimed direct descent from a colony of Alexandrian priests who, fleeing persecution after the 4th century AD, sought refuge in Naples, preserving ancient pagan liturgies almost intact.[80] Through the Middle Ages (5th–15th centuries) these rites persisted in secret esoteric circles and re-emerged during the Renaissance (14th–17th centuries), later inspiring figures such as Raimondo di Sangro (1710–1771), Prince of Sansevero.[81]

Interest in reviving ancient Roman religious traditions can be traced to the Renaissance, with figures such as Gemistus Pletho and Julius Pomponius Laetus advocating for a revival,[82] when Renaissance magic was practiced as a revival of Greco-Roman magic. Gemistus Plethon, who was from Mistras (near the Mani Peninsula—where paganism had endured until the 12th century) encouraged the Medici, descendants of the Maniot Latriani dynasty, to found the Neoplatonic Academy in Florence, helping to spark the Renaissance. In addition Julius Pomponius Laetus (student of Pletho) established the Roman academy which secretly celebrated the Natale di Roma, a festival linked to the foundation of Rome, and the birthday of Romulus.[83][84] The Academy was dissolved in 1468 when Pope Paul II ordered the arrest and execution of some of the members, Pope Sixtus IV allowed Laetus to open the academy again until the Sack of Rome in 1527.

After the French Revolution, the French lawyer Gabriel André Aucler (mid 1700s–1815) adopted the name Quintus Nautius and sought to revive paganism, styling himself as its leader. He designed religious clothing and performed pagan rites at his home. In 1799, he published La Thréicie, presenting his religious views. His teachings were later analyzed by Gérard de Nerval in Les Illuminés (1852).[85] Admiring ancient Greece and ancient Rome, Aucler supported the French Revolution and saw it as a path to restoring an ancient republic.[86] He took the name Quintus Nautius, claimed Roman priestly lineage, and performed Orphic rites at his home.[87] His followers were mainly his household.[85] In 1799, he published La Thréicie, advocating a revival of paganism in France, condemning Christianity, and promoting universal animation.[88]

In the 17th century, the description of paganism turned from a theological aspect to an ethnological one, and religions began to be understood as part of the ethnic identities of peoples, and the study of the religions of so-called primitive peoples triggered questions as to the ultimate historical origin of religion. Jean Bodin viewed pagan mythology as a distorted version of Christian truths.[89] Nicolas Fabri de Peiresc saw the pagan religions of Africa of his day as relics that were in principle capable of shedding light on the historical paganism of Classical Antiquity.[90]

Late Modern Romanticism

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The 19th century saw much scholarly interest in the reconstruction of pagan mythology from folklore or fairy tales. Depictions of reconstructed themes in theater, poetry, and music flourished alongside political invocations of reimagined pagan codes and ethics.

Folklore reconstructions were notably attempted by the Brothers Grimm, especially Jacob Grimm in his Teutonic Mythology, and Elias Lönnrot with the compilation of the Kalevala. The work of the Brothers Grimm influenced other collectors, both inspiring them to collect tales and leading them to similarly believe that the fairy tales of a country were particularly representative of it, to the neglect of cross-cultural influence. Among those influenced were the Russian Alexander Afanasyev, the Norwegians Peter Christen Asbjørnsen and Jørgen Moe, and the Englishman Joseph Jacobs.[91]

Poetic examples display how paganist themes were mobilized in ethical and cultural discourse of the era. G. K. Chesterton wrote: "The pagan set out, with admirable sense, to enjoy himself. By the end of his civilization he had discovered that a man cannot enjoy himself and continue to enjoy anything else."[92] In sharp contrast, the poet Algernon Charles Swinburne would comment on this same theme: "Thou hast conquered, O pale Galilean; the world has grown grey from thy breath; We have drunken of things Lethean, and fed on the fullness of death."[93]

Romanticist interest in non-classical antiquity coincided with the rise of Romantic nationalism and the rise of the nation state in the context of the 1848 revolutions, leading to the creation of national epics and national myths for the various newly formed states. Pagan or folkloric topics were also common in the musical nationalism of the period. Paganism resurfaces as a topic of fascination in 18th to 19th-century Romanticism, in particular in the context of the literary Celtic, Slavic and Viking revivals, which portrayed historical Celtic, Slavic and Germanic polytheists as noble savages.

Great God! I'd rather be
A Pagan suckled in a creed outworn;
So might I, standing on this pleasant lea,
Have glimpses that would make me less forlorn;
Have sight of Proteus rising from the sea;
Or hear old Triton blow his wreathèd horn.

— William Wordsworth, "The World Is Too Much with Us", lines 9–14

In Italy
[edit]

With the fall of the Papal States the process of Italian unification fostered anti-clerical sentiment among the intelligentsia. The Brotherhood of Myriam, founded in 1899, inherited its lineage from the Ordine Osirideo Egizio and can be understood as a form of modern neopaganism that revives and adapts ancient Egyptian and Greco-Egyptian rituals for contemporary spiritual practice.[94][95] Intellectuals like archaeologist Giacomo Boni and writer Roggero Musmeci Ferrari Bravo promoted the restoration of Roman religious practices.[96][97] In 1927, philosopher and esotericist Julius Evola founded the Gruppo di Ur in Rome, along with its journal Ur (1927–1928), involving figures like Arturo Reghini. In 1928, Evola published Imperialismo Pagano, advocating Italian political paganism to oppose the Lateran Pacts. The journal resumed in 1929 as Krur. A mysterious document published in Krur in 1929, attributed to orientalist Leone Caetani, suggested that Italy's World War I victory and the rise of fascism were influenced by Etruscan-Roman rites.[98]

Late 20th century

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The 1960s and 1970s saw a resurgence in neo-Druidism as well as the rise of modern Germanic paganism in the United States and in Iceland. In the 1970s, Wicca was notably influenced by feminism, leading to the creation of an eclectic, Goddess-worshipping movement known as Dianic Wicca.[99] The 1979 publication of Margot Adler's Drawing Down the Moon and Starhawk's The Spiral Dance opened a new chapter in public awareness of paganism.[100] With the growth and spread of large, pagan gatherings and festivals in the 1980s, public varieties of Wicca continued to further diversify into additional, eclectic sub-denominations, often heavily influenced by the New Age and counter-culture movements. These open, unstructured or loosely structured traditions contrast with British Traditional Wicca, which emphasizes secrecy and initiatory lineage.[101]

The public appeal for pre-Christian Roman spirituality in the years following fascism was largely driven by Julius Evola. By the late 1960s, a renewed "operational" interest in pagan Roman traditions emerged from youth circles around Evola, particularly concerning the experience of the Gruppo di Ur.[102] Evola's writings incorporated concepts from outside classical Roman religion, such as Buddhism, Hinduism, sexual magic, and private ritual nudity. This period saw the rise of the Gruppo dei Dioscuri in cities like Rome, Naples, and Messina, which published a series of four booklets, including titles such as L'Impeto della vera cultura and Rivoluzione Tradizionale e Sovversione, before fading from public view.[103] The Evolian journal Arthos, founded in Genoa in 1972 by Renato del Ponte, expressed significant interest in Roman religion. In 1984, the Gruppo Arx revived Messina's Dioscuri activities, and Reghini's Pythagorean Association briefly resurfaced in Calabria and Sicily from 1984 to 1988, publishing Yghìeia.

Other publications include the Genoese Il Basilisco (1979–1989), which released several works on pagan studies, and Politica Romana (1994–2004), seen as a high-level Romano-pagan journal. One prominent figure was actor Roberto Corbiletto, who died in a mysterious fire in 1999.The 1980s and 1990s also saw an increasing interest in serious academic research and reconstructionist pagan traditions. The establishment and growth of the Internet in the 1990s brought rapid growth to these, and other pagan movements.[101]

By the time of the collapse of the former Soviet Union in 1991, freedom of religion was legally established across Russia and a number of other newly independent states, allowing for the growth in both Christian and non-Christian religions.[104]

Modern paganism

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Main article: Modern paganism
The Pietas Comunità Gentile Celebrates the 2777th Natale di Roma at the Circus Maximus

21st century

[edit]
Meeting between Thyrsus, YSEE, and Pietas Comunità Gentile

In the 2000s, Associazione Tradizionale Pietas began reconstructing temples across Italy and sought legal recognition from the state, drawing inspiration from similar groups like YSEE in Greece. In 2023, Pietas participated in the ECER meeting, resulting in the signing of the Riga Declaration, which calls for the recognition of European ethnic religions.[105] Public rituals, such as those celebrating the ancient festival of the Natale di Roma, have also resumed in recent years.[106][107][108]

Summer Solstice Ritual held in collaboration by YSEE and Pietas Comunità Gentile

The idea of practicing Roman religion in the modern era has spread beyond Italy, with practitioners found in countries across Europe and the Americas. The most prominent international organization is Nova Roma, founded in 1998, with active groups worldwide.[109]

Children standing with The Lady of Cornwall in a neopagan ceremony in England
Neopagan handfasting ceremony at Avebury (Beltane 2005)

Modern paganism, or Neopaganism, includes reconstructed practice such as Roman Polytheistic Reconstructionism, Hellenism, Slavic Native Faith, Celtic Reconstructionist Paganism, or heathenry, as well as modern eclectic traditions such as Wicca and its many offshoots, Neo-Druidism, and Discordianism.

However, there often exists a distinction or separation between some polytheistic reconstructionists such as Hellenism and revivalist neopagans like Wiccans. The divide is over numerous issues such as the importance of accurate orthopraxy according to ancient sources available, the use and concept of magic, which calendar to use and which holidays to observe, as well as the use of the term pagan itself.[110][111][112]

In 1717 John Toland became the first Chosen Chief of the Ancient Druid Order, which became known as the British Circle of the Universal Bond.[113] Many of the revivals, Wicca and Neo-Druidism in particular, have their roots in 19th century Romanticism and retain noticeable elements of occultism or Theosophy that were current then, setting them apart from historical rural (paganus) folk religion. Most modern pagans, however, believe in the divine character of the natural world and paganism is often described as an Earth religion.[114]

The hammer Mjölnir is one of the primary symbols of Germanic neopaganism.

There are a number of neopagan authors who have examined the relation of the 20th-century movements of polytheistic revival with historical polytheism on one hand and contemporary traditions of folk religion on the other. Isaac Bonewits introduced a terminology to make this distinction.[115]

Neopaganism
The overarching contemporary pagan revival movement which focuses on nature-revering, living, pre-Christian religions or other nature-based spiritual paths, and frequently incorporating contemporary liberal values.[citation needed] This definition may include groups such as Wicca, Neo-Druidism, Heathenry, and Slavic Native Faith.
Paleopaganism
A retronym coined to contrast with Neopaganism, original polytheistic, nature-centered faiths, such as the pre-Hellenistic Greek and pre-imperial Roman religion, pre-Migration period Germanic paganism as described by Tacitus, or Celtic polytheism as described by Julius Caesar.
Mesopaganism
A group, which is, or has been, significantly influenced by monotheistic, dualistic, or nontheistic worldviews, but has been able to maintain an independence of religious practices. This group includes aboriginal Americans as well as Aboriginal Australians, Viking Age Norse paganism and New Age spirituality. Influences include: Spiritualism, and the many Afro-Diasporic faiths like Haitian Vodou, Santería and Espiritu religion. Isaac Bonewits includes British Traditional Wicca in this subdivision.

Prudence Jones and Nigel Pennick in their A History of Pagan Europe (1995) classify pagan religions as characterized by the following traits:

  • Polytheism: Pagan religions recognise a plurality of divine beings, which may or may not be considered aspects of an underlying unity (the soft and hard polytheism distinction).
  • Nature-based: Some pagan religions have a concept of the divinity of nature, which they view as a manifestation of the divine, not as the fallen creation found in dualistic cosmology.
  • Sacred feminine: Some pagan religions recognize the female divine principle, identified as the Goddess (as opposed to individual goddesses) beside or in place of the male divine principle as expressed in the Abrahamic God.[116]

In modern times, Heathen and Heathenry are increasingly used to refer to those branches of modern paganism inspired by the pre-Christian religions of the Germanic, Scandinavian and Anglo-Saxon peoples.[117]

In Iceland, the members of Ásatrúarfélagið account for nearly 2% of the total population,[118] therefore being nearly six thousand people. In Lithuania, many people practice Romuva, a revived version of the pre-Christian religion of that country. Lithuania was among the last areas of Europe to be Christianized. Heathenry has been established on a formal basis in Australia since at least the 1930s.[119]

Ethnic religions of pre-Christian Europe

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Further information: Christianization

Reconstructionist groups

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See also

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Notes

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References

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Paganism

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Paganism denotes the diverse array of polytheistic and animistic religious traditions practiced in pre-Christian and adjacent regions, encompassing of multiple deities linked to natural phenomena, seasonal cycles, and ancestral forces through rituals including sacrifices, festivals, and sacred site . The term derives from the paganus, originally signifying "rural dweller" or "civilian," which early Christians in the repurposed to label adherents of these traditions, particularly those persisting in countryside areas resistant to urban Christian conversion. These historical systems varied widely—spanning Greek Olympian cults, Roman state religion, Celtic druidic practices, Germanic tribal lore, and Slavic folk rites—lacking centralized but unified by emphases on reciprocity with gods via offerings and over . Subject to systematic suppression following Christianity's ascendancy, including temple destructions and forced conversions, pagan elements nonetheless influenced and persisted covertly. In the contemporary context, Paganism refers to neopagan revival movements emerging from 19th-century and accelerating post-1950s, which reconstruct or adapt ancient forms through eclectic, earth-centered spirituality, often prioritizing ecological harmony and individual experience amid critiques of historical authenticity due to fragmentary source materials.

Terminology and Etymology

Origins and Evolution of "Pagan"

The term "pagan" derives from the Late Latin paganus, originally denoting a "villager," "rustic," or "civilian," stemming from pagus, which referred to a rural district or village in ancient Rome. In the pre-Christian Roman context, paganus carried a pejorative connotation, distinguishing unsophisticated country dwellers from urban elites, but lacked any inherent religious meaning. Early Christians repurposed the term in the fourth century CE to designate adherents of traditional Roman and other non-Abrahamic faiths, particularly as Christianity gained imperial favor under Constantine (r. 306–337 CE) and (r. 379–395 CE). By the mid-to-late fourth century, paganus and its derivative paganismus (attested around 370 CE in writings like those of of ) broadly signified non-Christians, often implying backwardness or resistance to the urban-centered spread of the new faith, as rural areas retained practices longer than cities. This shift reflected Christianity's self-positioning as a cosmopolitan religion, equating paganism with obsolete, localized customs involving idol worship, sacrifice, and multiple deities. During the medieval and early modern periods, "pagan" evolved in European languages (entering English circa 1375–1425 CE via païen) to encompass not only Greco-Roman holdouts but also non-Christian peoples encountered via exploration, such as Native Americans or Asians, reinforcing a binary of Christian against "heathen" others. In Enlightenment-era scholarship, the term acquired a more neutral or academic tone when describing classical antiquity's religions, though it retained derogatory undertones in missionary contexts. In the twentieth century, amid and occult revivals, "pagan" underwent reclamation by neopagan movements emerging post-World War II, particularly in Britain and the , where groups like Gerald Gardner's Wicca (publicized 1954 CE) adopted it to signal continuity with pre-Christian earth-centered or polytheistic traditions, distinct from Abrahamic faiths. This modern usage, often self-applied as "Pagan" with a capital P, emphasizes reconstruction of ancient practices through archaeological and textual evidence rather than mere antiquarianism, though critics note its eclectic, ahistorical elements compared to verifiable historical polytheisms. By the late twentieth century, the term encompassed diverse paths like Ásatrú (reviving Norse traditions since 1972 CE in ) and Hellenic reconstructionism, broadening beyond its original rural stigma to denote intentional ethnic or nature-venerating spiritualities.

Historical Synonyms and Regional Variants

The term "pagan," derived from the paganus meaning "rural dweller" or "civilian," entered usage around the CE among early Christians in the to describe adherents of traditional polytheistic cults, particularly those persisting in rural areas after urban elites converted to . This etymology paralleled the of religious change, as countryside districts (pagi) retained ancestral rituals longer than cities. Historical synonyms included "heathen," prevalent in Germanic linguistic contexts from hǣþen (c. ), rooted in hǣþ denoting "heathland" or uncultivated wilderness, implying isolated rural communities resistant to . "," from Latin gentilis "of the or ," originally signified non-Jews in Hebrew scriptures (translating goyim "nations") and was extended by New Testament authors to non-Christians, often overlapping with "heathen" in English to denote outsiders to the . These terms carried connotations of barbarism or , reflecting monotheistic polemics against rather than neutral descriptors. Regional variants emerged through linguistic adaptation: in Greek-speaking Eastern Roman provinces, traditional polytheists were termed Hellēnes (Hellenes), evoking ethnic continuity with classical antiquity but weaponized by Christians to signify heresy. In Northern Germanic areas, "heathen" dominated missionary accounts, as in 8th-century Anglo-Saxon texts chronicling conversions among tribes like the Saxons. Slavic regions adopted derivatives like Old Church Slavonic poganъ (c. 9th century), connoting "unclean" or "filthy" to underscore ritual impurity, influencing terms such as Polish poganin. Baltic holdouts, resisting Christianization until the 14th century, were labeled "pagans" in Latin chronicles, though indigenous terms emphasized tribal deities like Perkūnas without direct equivalents to Western synonyms. These variations highlight how Christian terminologies localized insults based on geography and culture, often prioritizing conversion narratives over indigenous self-identification.

Definitions and Distinctions

Core Conceptual Boundaries

Paganism encompasses religious traditions defined by polytheistic frameworks, where multiple deities represent distinct aspects of natural and cosmic forces, setting it apart from monotheistic systems that assert a singular, omnipotent creator demanding exclusive devotion. This polycentric approach accommodates a pantheon of gods with specialized domains—such as fertility, war, or weather—often personifying immanent powers within the environment, rather than abstract, transcendent entities. Historical pagan practices, as critiqued by early Christian observers, centered on rituals invoking these deities through offerings and idol veneration, emphasizing reciprocity between humans and divine agencies embedded in the world. A key boundary lies in and pantheistic tendencies, positing spiritual vitality in landscapes, , , and celestial bodies, which engenders a of interconnected over dualistic separation of sacred and profane. Divine presence permeates nature's cycles, dictating rituals synchronized with solstices, equinoxes, and harvests to maintain cosmic balance, distinct from linear eschatologies in Abrahamic faiths focused on judgment. This experiential prioritizes —correct ritual action—over , with knowledge transmitted orally via myths, priesthoods, and seasonal festivals, eschewing centralized scriptures or prophetic intermediaries. Paganism's conceptual limits exclude revealed, universalist creeds that impose doctrinal uniformity, as well as non-theistic philosophies lacking or efficacy, confining it to ethnic or folk systems rooted in geographic and ancestral specificity. While allowing henotheistic emphases on primary gods within pluralistic cosmologies, it bounds against subordinating lesser beings to one supreme authority, preserving pluralism that historically enabled across cultures like Greco-Roman and Norse traditions. Such boundaries underscore paganism's causal realism in attributing worldly phenomena to interventions and natural harmonies, rather than omnipotent divine will or moral testing.

Differences from Monotheistic Faiths

Pagan traditions typically embrace or , involving the veneration of multiple with distinct domains, personalities, and limited powers, in contrast to monotheistic faiths such as , , which posit a singular, omnipotent, and transcendent as the sole creator and ruler of the . In polytheistic systems, gods often exhibit anthropomorphic traits, engage in rivalries, and depend on human rituals for sustenance or favor, reflecting a where divine forces are embedded within the natural and social orders rather than wholly separate from them. Monotheistic doctrines, by comparison, emphasize God's absolute unity, omniscience, and separation from creation, rejecting the existence or legitimacy of other gods as idolatrous or illusory. This divergence extends to the locus of the sacred: pagan religions frequently locate immanently within the material world, , and cyclical processes, viewing the as inherently animated by spirits or gods, whereas Abrahamic monotheisms portray as transcendent, existing beyond and independent of the physical realm, with creation as a deliberate act of will. Pagan cosmologies often emphasize harmony with natural rhythms—such as seasonal festivals tied to agricultural cycles—without a of or cosmic fall requiring redemption, unlike monotheistic eschatologies that frame history as linear progression toward and eternal based on adherence to revealed truth. In practice, paganism prioritizes —correct ritual performance, sacrifices, and communal rites to maintain reciprocal bonds with deities—over rigid of , allowing flexibility in interpretation and incorporation of foreign cults without doctrinal conflict. Monotheistic traditions, conversely, stress , with contingent on exclusive , propositional doctrines from sacred texts, and often hierarchical institutions enforcing , leading to historical intolerance toward polytheistic practices deemed incompatible. This pluralistic tendency in paganism facilitated , as evidenced by the Roman Empire's assimilation of Greek, Egyptian, and Eastern deities into its pantheon, while monotheism's —rooted in commandments against other gods—fostered zeal and suppression of rivals.

Historical Pagan Traditions

Prehistoric and Early Civilizational Roots

Evidence of spiritual practices predating appears in archaeological , including deliberate burials with from as early as 100,000 BCE, suggesting beliefs in an or spiritual continuity. Cave art from sites like , dated to around 17,000 BCE, depicts animals and hybrid figures, interpreted by some archaeologists as shamanistic rituals invoking animal spirits or forces. These practices likely formed the animistic foundations of later pagan worldviews, where natural elements and ancestors held sacred significance, though direct attribution to remains inferential due to lack of written . In the period, monumental constructions indicate more structured communal rituals. in modern-day , constructed around 9600 BCE by pre-agricultural hunter-gatherers, features T-shaped pillars arranged in enclosures, adorned with animal carvings, widely regarded as the world's oldest known religious sanctuary used for gatherings and ceremonies. This site demonstrates that complex spiritual symbolism and pilgrimage-like activities preceded settled farming, challenging assumptions that arose solely from agricultural surpluses. In , megalithic structures such as , built in phases from approximately 3000 BCE, align with solstices and include burial contexts, pointing to solar veneration and ancestor cults integral to early pagan cosmologies. Early civilizations formalized these beliefs into polytheistic systems. , emerging around 4500 BCE in , represents one of the earliest documented polytheisms, with anthropomorphic deities like An (sky god) and (water god) tied to city-states and natural forces, requiring rituals to maintain cosmic order. Temples (ziggurats) served as divine abodes, where priests mediated between humans and gods through offerings, reflecting a causal view of divine intervention in floods, harvests, and societal stability. Similar patterns appeared in contemporaneous Egyptian practices, with gods like embodying solar cycles, underscoring polytheism's roots in observable environmental causalities rather than abstract . These systems influenced subsequent Indo-European pagan traditions through migration and cultural exchange, privileging empirical of multiple deities over singular divine authority.

Classical Era Developments

In during the classical period (c. 500–323 BCE), polytheistic practices emphasized civic cults dedicated to Olympian deities, with major sanctuaries such as and Olympia serving as panhellenic religious centers hosting festivals, oracle consultations, and athletic competitions to honor gods like Apollo and . Public rituals, including sacrifices and processions, reinforced social cohesion in city-states like , where temples such as the (constructed 447–432 BCE) exemplified architectural devotion to as protector of the . These traditions drew from earlier Mycenaean and archaic roots but evolved with increased state sponsorship amid democratic experiments and Persian Wars victories, integrating religious piety with political identity. Philosophical inquiry began to interrogate traditional anthropomorphic depictions of gods, as seen in the works of pre-Socratics and culminating in ' trial for impiety in 399 BCE, where he was accused of corrupting youth by questioning divine myths. (c. 427–347 BCE) critiqued Homeric portrayals of gods as immoral in The , advocating a more abstract theology aligned with rational Forms, while (384–322 BCE) viewed gods as unmoved movers in a cosmological , influencing later theistic concepts without supplanting polytheistic rituals. Mystery cults, such as the honoring and , provided initiates with promises of afterlife benefits through secretive rites held annually near , attracting participants across social strata for personal esoteric experiences distinct from public worship. The Hellenistic era following Alexander the Great's conquests (336–323 BCE) fostered , blending Greek gods with Eastern deities—exemplified by the Ptolemaic creation of as a composite of Osiris-Apis and Zeus-Hades—to unify diverse subjects under a cosmopolitan pantheon. In , classical-era religion (c. 509 BCE–27 BCE ) prioritized ritual over doctrine, with collegia like pontifices ensuring pax deorum through , auspices, and state sacrifices to maintain divine favor for the . Romans adapted Greek theology via interpretatio romana, equating with and incorporating foreign cults like that of (introduced 204 BCE during the Second Punic War) to address crises, while household lares and penates anchored domestic piety. The transition to empire under (27 BCE) formalized the , deifying emperors post-mortem to symbolize unity, marking a shift toward personalized ruler worship alongside traditional gods.

Late Antiquity Transitions

In the early 4th century AD, Emperor Constantine's victory at the Battle of the Milvian Bridge in 312 AD marked a pivotal shift, as he attributed his success to the Christian God and subsequently issued the Edict of Milan in 313 AD, which granted legal tolerance to Christianity while maintaining official support for traditional Roman polytheism. This edict ended prior persecutions of Christians but did not immediately dismantle pagan institutions; pagan sacrifices and temple cults continued under state patronage, with Constantine himself participating in some traditional rites early in his reign. However, Constantine began reallocating resources from pagan temples to Christian churches, signaling an emerging preference that pressured elite pagans to adapt or convert. Under Constantine's son , restrictions intensified; in 356 AD, a ordered the closure of all pagan temples across the , prohibiting access and effectively halting public rituals in many urban centers. This policy faced resistance, exemplified by Emperor Julian's brief apostate revival from 361 to 363 AD, during which he attempted to reorganize pagan along philosophical lines, emphasizing Neoplatonic hierarchies to counter Christian . Julian's efforts, including subsidies for temples and critiques of Christian exclusivity, ultimately failed due to military defeat and lack of sustained institutional support, highlighting paganism's vulnerability to imperial whim. The decisive legal transition occurred under , whose in 380 AD declared the empire's official religion, marginalizing non- and pagans alike by threatening divine and imperial punishment for adherence to other faiths. Subsequent decrees in 391–392 AD banned all pagan sacrifices, , and private worship, mandating temple closures and authorizing the destruction of idols, which accelerated the conversion or abandonment of sacred sites. Archaeological evidence indicates varied fates for temples—some repurposed as churches, others dismantled for materials—rather than uniform destruction, reflecting pragmatic adaptation amid enforcement challenges. Intellectually, provided a framework for pagan resistance, synthesizing Platonic philosophy with traditional theology to posit a hierarchical emanation from a supreme unity, attracting elites in and into the . Figures like , murdered by a Christian mob in 415 AD, symbolized the clash between pagan scholarship and rising Christian intolerance, while the Academy's closure in 529 AD under Justinian ended organized pagan philosophical schools. Rural areas, denoted by the term paganus (rustic), retained folk practices longer, with polytheistic holdouts persisting into the 6th century in regions like and , underscoring the uneven pace of transition driven by urban elite conversions and state coercion rather than mass popular rejection.

Causes of Decline

Internal Structural Weaknesses

Ancient pagan religions exhibited a decentralized , comprising numerous local cults, civic rituals, and practices without a centralized , unified , or hierarchical priesthood comparable to emerging monotheistic institutions. This fragmentation hindered collective mobilization or doctrinal defense against competing faiths, as evidenced by the diverse, city-state-bound nature of Greek and Roman , where priesthoods served specific temples rather than a universal body. Compounding this, pagan traditions lacked systematic proselytism or missionary outreach, relying instead on passive assimilation through conquest or trade, which failed to compete with Christianity's active conversion networks documented in the 2nd to 4th centuries CE. Historians note that while Christians formed tight-knit communities with mutual aid—such as care for the ill during plagues like the Antonine (165–180 CE), where converts survived at rates up to double pagans—pagan cults offered no equivalent communal ethic or social services, eroding appeal amid urban crises. Theologically, polytheism's inherent pluralism and —evident in the Roman adoption of foreign gods like from by the 1st century BCE—facilitated tolerance but also vulnerability to absorption by exclusive systems, as pagans often incorporated monotheistic elements without reciprocal influence. This flexibility, while adaptive historically, lacked a compelling universal narrative of or moral exclusivity, contrasting with Christianity's promise of eternal life, which motivated adherence even under ; by 300 CE, Christian numbers approached 10% of the empire's partly due to such doctrinal incentives absent in ritual-focused paganism. Furthermore, pagan reliance on and state funding for temples and festivals left the system structurally dependent on political stability; without independent endowments or laity-driven organizations, disruptions like the Crisis of the Third Century (235–284 CE) exposed underlying fragility, as local priesthoods dissolved without imperial support, unlike Christianity's grassroots resilience. Attempts at philosophical reform, such as under (204–270 CE), remained elitist and esoteric, failing to permeate popular practice or counter mass conversions among lower classes.

External Pressures from Monotheism

The rise of in the late exerted significant external pressure on pagan traditions through imperial legislation and enforcement actions. Following Emperor Constantine's reported conversion after the in 312 CE and the issuance of the in 313 CE, which granted legal tolerance to , pagan practices initially persisted but faced gradual restrictions as Christian patronage grew. By the reign of (379–395 CE), was declared the state religion via the in 380 CE, paving the way for decrees in 391–392 CE that prohibited all pagan sacrifices, divinations, and temple access, with penalties including of property and . These measures, codified in the Theodosian Code, empowered Christian officials and mobs to dismantle pagan infrastructure, as seen in the destruction of the temple-library in in 391 CE under Bishop , where edicts against idolatry justified the demolition of sacred sites housing scrolls and statues dedicated to and other deities. This legal framework facilitated widespread , including the closure of temples across the empire and execution or for practitioners of forbidden rites, accelerating the marginalization of urban priesthoods and public cults. In the provinces, Christian bishops and imperial agents coordinated raids, with reports of over 1,000 Manichaean and pagan texts burned in alone under similar edicts. The monotheistic insistence on exclusive —contrasting pagan polytheism's accommodative pluralism—drove these policies, as Christian doctrine viewed pagan altars as idolatrous threats requiring eradication for spiritual and social unity. Emperors like (367–383 CE) further stripped pagan temples of state funding and privileges, redirecting resources to churches, which eroded the economic viability of traditional cults reliant on imperial subsidies and pilgrim donations. Beyond the Roman core, monotheistic expansion into involved military campaigns enforcing conversion. Charlemagne's (772–804 CE) exemplified this, culminating in the Massacre of Verden in 782 CE, where approximately 4,500 resisting pagans were executed to compel , followed by decrees mandating Christian observance under threat of death. Such coercion extended to and the Baltic regions through like the (1147 CE), where pagan temples were razed and populations subjugated to impose tithes and ecclesiastical oversight. These pressures stemmed from monotheism's doctrinal absolutism, which rejected and prioritized territorial control, often aligning with feudal consolidation by replacing decentralized pagan hierarchies with centralized church authority. In the and Arabia, Islamic conquests from the CE similarly suppressed pre-existing pagan systems. featured polytheistic veneration of deities like at the in , with over 360 idols documented by early sources. Muhammad's in 630 CE led to the immediate destruction of these idols, enforced by Quranic injunctions against (shirk), transforming the sanctuary into an Islamic center and imposing conversion or tribute on tribes. Subsequent expansions under the and Umayyad caliphates (632–750 CE) applied taxes and status to non-Muslims, incentivizing shifts from paganism to Islam amid military dominance, with residual polytheistic practices eradicated by the 8th century through legal prohibitions and . This pattern of conquest-driven , emphasizing (absolute oneness of God), mirrored Christian tactics by leveraging state power to delegitimize and dismantle competing rituals, though initial pacts sometimes allowed temporary tolerance before full Islamization.

Regional Case Studies

In the Mediterranean regions of the Roman Empire, pagan decline accelerated after Emperor Constantine's in 313 CE, which legalized and ended prior persecutions, allowing it to expand through imperial patronage and urban networks. By 380 CE, declared the , followed by edicts in 391-392 CE prohibiting public pagan sacrifices and closing temples, which dismantled organized cult practices amid reduced prestige of priesthoods and shifting elite patronage. This top-down enforcement, combined with 's structured hierarchy and doctrinal exclusivity, eroded polytheistic rituals, though rural areas retained folk elements into the 5th century. In the , Celtic paganism waned gradually post-Roman withdrawal around 410 CE, as Anglo-Saxon incursions introduced while missionaries like St. Patrick evangelized from circa 432 CE, blending Christian rites with local customs to facilitate adoption among tribal elites. By the 7th century, synods such as in 664 CE aligned with Roman norms, suppressing druidic oral traditions and sacred sites, though survivals like well-veneration persisted as folk practices amid political fragmentation that weakened centralized pagan authority. The lack of a unified Celtic priesthood, vulnerable to Roman and later Christian literate institutions, contributed to this erosion without widespread violent suppression. Scandinavian Germanic paganism persisted longer due to geographic isolation and decentralized chieftain structures, but declined from the as Viking trade exposed elites to Christian Europe, prompting conversions for alliances; Denmark's erected the Jelling Stone in 965 CE proclaiming his , accelerating adoption through royal decrees banning blóts (sacrifices). In , Olaf Tryggvason's reign (995-1000 CE) enforced via warfare and incentives, destroying temples like that at , while lagged until the 12th century amid revolts against figures like , who opposed pagan rites. Political pragmatism—gaining legitimacy and military support from Christian powers—outweighed internal pagan resilience, as its non-proselytizing nature failed to counter organized missions. The exemplified prolonged resistance, with Prussian and Lithuanian pagans repelling early missions until the (12th-13th centuries), where Teutonic Knights conquered by 1290 CE through fortified orders and papal indulgences, imposing tithes and destroying sacred groves. , Europe's last pagan polity, officially Christianized in 1387 CE under Grand Duke Jogaila via union with , driven by dynastic marriage and survival against crusader threats, though rural practices endured into the 15th century before full suppression. Here, militarized overcame pagan tribal autonomy, highlighting how delayed exposure to centralized states amplified decline once external pressures intensified.

Modern Neopaganism

19th-Century Romantic Precursors

The Romantic movement of the early 19th century emphasized emotion, nature, and the sublime, often drawing on pre-Christian mythologies as symbols of vitality against the perceived sterility of Enlightenment rationalism and industrial modernity. Poets such as Percy Bysshe Shelley and John Keats invoked pagan deities and rituals in their works, portraying them as embodiments of untamed creativity and harmony with the natural world; for instance, Shelley's 1820 "Hymn of Pan" celebrated the Greek god as a force of pastoral freedom, while Keats's 1819 "Ode on a Grecian Urn" evoked eternal pagan rites to critique temporal decay. These literary evocations were not organized religious practice but aesthetic and philosophical idealizations that romanticized paganism's polytheism and earth-centered ethos as antidotes to monotheistic orthodoxy. In parallel, folklore collection and nationalist scholarship across amplified interest in indigenous pagan legacies. German Romantics like , active from the late 18th into the early , promoted the study of Volkslieder (folk songs) and myths as authentic expressions of national spirit, influencing later völkisch movements that glorified Germanic pre-Christian traditions such as those in the Eddas. The Brothers Grimm's 1812 Kinder- und Hausmärchen preserved tales with pagan roots, framing them as rather than , which fueled a scholarly revival of Norse and Teutonic lore by mid-century figures like Viktor Rydberg in , whose 1874 Our Fathers' Gods synthesized Eddic sources into a cohesive pagan . British counterparts, including , incorporated pantheistic and druidic elements—evident in his 1798 collaboration with Coleridge—portraying nature as animated by immanent spirits akin to pagan . By the late 19th century, these currents manifested in proto-organizational efforts and periodicals. The , formalized in 1834 amid Romantic antiquarianism, staged public rituals drawing on fabricated Celtic traditions to evoke a mythic British past, though its practices blended with invented paganism rather than historical fidelity. William Sharp's 1892 Pagan Review, published under pseudonyms, explicitly advocated a "pagan" aesthetic revival, urging reconnection with earth's "elemental forces" through art and rite, bridging Romantic sentiment to fin-de-siècle occultism. Such endeavors, while eclectic and often ahistorical, cultivated a cultural soil for 20th-century Neopaganism by legitimizing pagan motifs as viable alternatives to dominant Christian narratives, prioritizing experiential authenticity over doctrinal purity.

20th-Century Formative Movements

Gerald Gardner, a British civil servant and amateur anthropologist born in 1884, is credited with founding Wicca, the most influential early movement in 20th-century Neopaganism, through his initiation into a supposed coven in the New Forest in the late 1930s and the formalization of rituals by the early 1940s. Gardner publicized Wicca following the 1951 repeal of Britain's Witchcraft Act, publishing Witchcraft Today in 1954, in which he described it as a surviving ancient fertility religion centered on a horned god and triple goddess, drawing from ceremonial magic, Freemasonry, and folk customs. While Gardner asserted continuity with pre-Christian practices, subsequent analysis indicates Wicca as a modern synthesis rather than a direct survival, incorporating elements from 19th-century occultism like the Golden Dawn and Aleister Crowley's Thelema, which itself emerged in 1904. Wicca's structure emphasized covens of 13 members, initiatory degrees, seasonal sabbats, and esbats, with practices including ritual nudity (skyclad) and the use of tools like athames and chalices, influencing subsequent Neopagan groups through offshoots such as , developed by Alex Sanders in the . By the mid-1950s, had spread beyond Britain, reaching the via emigrants like , who established the first American in 1964, coinciding with the of anti-witchcraft laws in states like . This expansion aligned with the , where Wicca's emphasis on , , and personal empowerment resonated amid broader rejection of institutional religion. In the United States, the Church of All Worlds (CAW) emerged as a formative eclectic movement in 1962, co-founded by college students Tim Zell (later Oberon Zell-Ravenheart) and Lance Christie after sharing water in a ritual inspired by Robert A. Heinlein's 1961 novel Stranger in a Strange Land. Incorporated as a church in 1968, CAW promoted pantheistic reverence for Gaia as a living planet, communal living, and water-sharing as sacraments, becoming the first legally recognized U.S. Pagan organization to ordain women ministers and influencing environmentalist strains in Neopaganism. Parallel developments included Feraferia, founded by Frederick Adams in 1967, focusing on Hellenic-inspired nature festivals. Revivals of specific ethnic traditions gained traction later in the century, with modern Druidry advancing through Ross Nichols, who established the Order of Bards, Ovates & Druids (OBOD) in 1964, building on 19th-century groups by integrating Celtic mythology, meditation, and seasonal rites at sites like Stonehenge. Germanic Heathenry, or Ásatrú, saw early 20th-century precursors in Odinism, initiated by Alexander Rud Mills in Australia during the 1930s amid völkisch influences, though post-World War II organizations like the Icelandic Ásatrúarfélagið formed in 1972 to reconstruct Norse blots and blots without fascist ties. These movements collectively laid the groundwork for Neopaganism's growth, shifting from secretive occult circles to public festivals and federations by the 1970s, despite varying degrees of historical reconstruction versus innovation.

21st-Century Expansion and Challenges

In the United States, self-identification as Pagan or Wiccan rose from 134,000 adherents in 2001, according to the American Religious Identification Survey, to approximately 1 million by 2014 per data, representing about 0.3% of the population. By 2021, Pew estimates held steady at around 984,600 individuals, or 0.3%, amid broader declines in traditional religious affiliation. This growth correlates with increased online communities, social media platforms like , and public festivals, which have diversified and expanded since the , drawing diverse participants to events celebrating solstices and equinoxes. Europe has seen parallel developments, particularly in reconstructionist traditions among Slavic, Baltic, and Germanic groups, with post-communist liberalization enabling organizations such as Romuva in , which gained official state recognition in 2020 after prior denials. The , founded in 1998, has facilitated networking across the continent, hosting annual congresses that promote indigenous European spiritualities and attract participants from multiple countries. Factors driving expansion include environmental concerns aligning with nature-centric beliefs and youth disillusionment with monotheistic institutions, though absolute numbers remain small, often under 1% nationally. Despite growth, neopaganism faces challenges including social discrimination and legal barriers; in , groups encounter restrictive regulations applied unevenly compared to majority faiths, hindering social inclusion and site access. Internal divisions persist between eclectic, modern practices and strict reconstructionism, with debates over historical authenticity and adaptation to contemporary complicating cohesion. Some movements grapple with associations to ethnonationalist , prompting schisms and reputational harm, while of rituals and symbols raises concerns about dilution of traditions. Scholarly assessments note that claims of rapid expansion may overstate impact due to survey biases and lack of institutional structures, limiting long-term institutionalization.

Reconstructionist Paganisms

Germanic and Norse Revivals

Modern Germanic and Norse revivals, collectively known as Heathenry, seek to reconstruct the pre-Christian religious practices of the , including those of , Anglo-Saxon , and , using historical texts such as the Eddas and sagas, archaeological findings, and . These efforts emphasize centered on gods like , Thor, and , with rituals including blóts (offerings) and sumbels (toasting ceremonies) adapted from literary and material evidence. The contemporary movement traces its organized origins to the early 1970s, distinct from earlier romantic interests. In , Sveinbjörn Beinteinsson founded the Ásatrúarfélagið on of June 21, 1972, which gained official recognition as a in 1973, marking the first modern state-recognized revival of Norse paganism. Concurrently , A. McNallen established the Viking Brotherhood around 1972 in , evolving into groups like the Asatru Free Assembly by 1977, focusing on ancestral European heritage. Distinctions exist between Ásatrú, emphasizing fidelity to the Æsir gods and broader reconstruction, and Odinism, which originated in the 1930s with Alexander Rud Mills' writings in but gained traction in the 1960s–1970s through figures like Elsagood in Britain, often prioritizing and sometimes linking to folkish (ancestry-based) exclusivity over universalist approaches. Ásatrú groups tend toward decentralized, non-dogmatic structures, while Odinist variants may incorporate political or cultural preservation elements. By the 1990s, organizations proliferated, including the universalist in the U.S. (founded 1987) and folkish entities like the (revived 1994 by McNallen). Membership remains modest globally, with estimates of 10,000 to 20,000 adherents in the early , though Scandinavian countries report hundreds to low thousands; for instance, has 500–1,000 practitioners. Growth accelerated in the via online communities, but internal debates over inclusivity—particularly excluding non-European practitioners in folkish kindreds—have led to schisms, with universalist groups rejecting ethnic restrictions as modern inventions not inherent to ancient practices. These revivals prioritize empirical reconstruction over with other pagan paths, though source limitations from Christian-era redactions necessitate interpretive choices grounded in causal historical analysis.

Hellenic and Slavic Reconstructions

Hellenic reconstructionism, known as Hellenismos, reconstructs the polytheistic religion of ancient Greece by drawing on primary sources such as Homeric epics, Hesiod's Theogony, and inscriptions detailing rituals. Practitioners prioritize eusebeia (piety) through offerings like libations of wine and oil, hymns (hymnoi), and processions honoring deities including Zeus, Athena, and Apollo, adapting ancient practices to contemporary contexts while avoiding animal sacrifice in most cases due to legal and ethical considerations. The movement emphasizes virtues derived from ancient texts, such as reciprocity (charis), moderation (sophrosyne), and hospitality (xenia), integrated into daily ethical conduct. Modern Hellenic groups emerged in the late , with organizations like Hellenion establishing structured liturgies and community events since its founding around 2000, promoting education through essays and public heortai (festivals) aligned with lunar-solar calendars. In , efforts include public s by groups advocating recognition as an , reflecting a resurgence tied to preservation amid declining Orthodox adherence, though participant numbers remain small and estimates are anecdotal rather than census-based. structures often follow thysia () sequences documented in epigraphic , involving purification, , and communal feasting, with adaptations for urban settings. Slavic reconstructionism, termed , revives pre-Christian Slavic beliefs centered on deities like (thunder god), Veles (underworld and cattle deity), and (earth mother), reconstructed from folklore, chronicles such as the , and archaeological finds like the . Core practices include seasonal svyato (holy days) marking solstices and equinoxes, ancestor veneration at kapishche (sacred groves), and communal rituals with fire, water, and bread offerings to foster and kin. often posits a monistic with Rod as the supreme generative principle manifesting in familial and cosmic orders, emphasizing collectivity over . Rodnovery originated in the amid post-communist identity revival, with early figures like (Dobroslav) promoting self-published texts on Slavic cosmology, though the movement diversified into non-nationalist strains. In , the Rodzima Wiara (Native Faith) movement formalized through groups like the Native Church of Poland (RKP), founded in the , which reported 2,723 registered members by , reflecting steady annual growth since 2011 via online outreach and local assemblies. Across Slavic Europe, adherents number in the low tens of thousands, concentrated in , , and Poland, with practices varying from ecstatic kupala night fires to structured (community) governance modeled on tribal (councils), though some factions incorporate 19th-century Romantic inventions critiqued for historical inaccuracy.

Celtic and Other Ethnic Traditions

Celtic Reconstructionist Paganism emerged in the late among scholars and practitioners seeking to reconstruct ancient Celtic spiritual practices using archaeological evidence, historical texts, and surviving , adapted to contemporary Celtic cultural contexts such as Irish, Scottish, Welsh, and Manx traditions. This approach emphasizes , , and reverence for local land spirits, with rituals including seasonal offerings, hearth-based devotions, and festivals aligned to the , such as on October 31 and on May 1, drawn from medieval Irish texts like the Féilire. Deities invoked include figures from Gaelic mythology, such as the Tuatha Dé Danann (e.g., , associated with fire and poetry, and , linked to skills and harvest), though primary evidence for worship practices remains fragmentary due to reliance on biased Roman accounts (e.g., Julius Caesar's , ca. 50 BCE) and later Christian-filtered lore. Practitioners prioritize linguistic study of and Scots Gaelic to interpret sources accurately, rejecting syncretic elements from or Romantic-era inventions like the "ancient druidic" , which lack pre-Christian attestation. Historical reconstruction faces inherent limitations, as Celtic religious texts were not preserved in native scripts—unlike Norse or Greek papyri—and much knowledge was oral, suppressed by Roman conquest (1st century BCE–1st century CE) and (4th–7th centuries CE). Critics within pagan scholarship note that Roman ethnographies, such as those by , often portrayed through a lens of cultural superiority, exaggerating (e.g., claims in Caesar) without corroboration from Celtic artifacts, leading reconstructionists to cross-reference bog bodies and votive deposits for evidence of ancestor veneration and nature offerings instead. Modern CR communities, numbering in the low thousands globally based on self-reported surveys from pagan federations, maintain decentralized groves focused on ethical reciprocity with spirits (e.g., a reciprocal relationship via hospitality codes like Irish fían laws) rather than . Among other ethnic reconstructionist traditions, Baltic paganism includes Romuva in Lithuania, founded in 1967 by Jonas Trinkūnas amid Soviet suppression, which revived pre-Christian practices honoring thunder god Perkūnas and earth mother Žemyna through solstice fires (rasos) and folk songs (dainos) preserving animistic beliefs in sacred groves (alkai). The movement, drawing from 19th-century ethnographic collections, achieved official state recognition in Lithuania on December 14, 2024, after decades of legal battles, reflecting Lithuania's late Christianization in 1387 CE as the last pagan European state. Similarly, Latvian Dievturība, initiated in the 1920s by Ernests Brastiņš through analysis of folk poetry and mythology, reconstructs worship of sky god Dievs and fate spinners Laimes, emphasizing harmony with nature and ancestral rites; it gained full legal status via parliamentary law on October 9, 2025, marking Europe's first state-recognized pagan faith in over six centuries. These Baltic efforts benefit from relatively intact folklore due to delayed Christian impact, though Soviet-era interruptions forced underground survival via cultural clubs. Roman reconstructionism is advanced by Pietas Comunità Gentile, also known as Associazione Tradizionale Pietas, a major group in Italy reviving Religio Romana through historical rituals and cultic practices. The organization has reconstructed temples to deities such as Jupiter and Apollo across Italy and organizes public religious events, including celebrations of Natale di Roma marking the city's founding. It received formal recognition as a religious community under Italian law in 2020. Finnish Suomenusko represents a looser reconstruction of pre-Christian Uralic beliefs, centered on Kalevala-inspired figures like Väinämöinen (a shamanic ) and forest spirits (haltiat), with practices involving rituals and bear cults inferred from ethnographic records of Sami and Karelian traditions up to the 16th-century Christianization. Oral traditions pose reconstruction challenges, as the epic (compiled 1835–1849 by Elias Lönnrot) blends authentic with 19th-century , leading to debates over authenticity versus romantic fabrication. Adherents, estimated in the hundreds, prioritize ecological ethics and personal noaidi-like spirit work over organized temples, distinguishing it from more structured ethnic revivals. Across these traditions, reconstruction prioritizes verifiable cultural continuity—e.g., Baltic dainos songs or Celtic inscriptions—over universalist neopagan tropes, though all contend with evidential gaps from monotheistic erasures.

Beliefs, Practices, and Variations

Theological Frameworks

Pagan theological frameworks are characterized by a rejection of monotheistic exclusivity, favoring instead diverse models of that emphasize multiplicity, , and relationality with the natural world. predominates, positing the existence of numerous deities as autonomous beings with specific domains, personalities, and agencies, often drawn from historical mythologies or experiential encounters. These gods are not mere symbols but literal entities capable of interaction, as articulated in reconstructionist traditions that prioritize fidelity to ancient sources over modern reinterpretations. In contrast, some contemporary pagan paths adopt "soft" , viewing deities as archetypal manifestations of a singular divine essence or psychological projections, though this approach draws criticism from hard polytheists for diluting empirical claims of divine independence. Animism forms a foundational layer, asserting that entities—such as , , rivers, and landscapes—possess inherent spirits or , enabling reciprocal relationships between humans and the environment. This belief underpins rituals invoking land spirits or wights, particularly in ethnic revival movements, where the doctrine of holds that the sacred permeates all creation rather than residing in a transcendent . Empirical observations of natural cycles, such as seasonal solstices observed since prehistoric times (e.g., alignments at dating to circa 2500 BCE), reinforce this framework by linking divine presence to observable causal patterns in and astronomy. Pantheistic and panentheistic elements appear in traditions like , where divinity is immanent in nature as a unified force manifesting through a dual and , representing complementary polarities of fertility and power. Naturalistic variants, emerging in the late 20th century, strip supernatural claims, interpreting gods and spirits metaphorically through scientific lenses like , yet retain efficacy for psychological and communal benefits. Across these, theology prioritizes —correct practice—over , with beliefs validated through lived experience rather than dogmatic texts, reflecting a causal realism where divine efficacy is tested against outcomes in and ethics. This pragmatic approach accommodates within pagan umbrellas, as seen in surveys indicating up to 20% of self-identified pagans in the U.S. reject literal deities while affirming nature's sacrality.

Ritual and Ethical Dimensions

Rituals in modern Pagan traditions emphasize connection with , deities, and through offerings, seasonal observances, and communal gatherings. Common practices include cyclical ceremonies marking solstices, equinoxes, and lunar phases, often conducted outdoors to align with natural rhythms. These rites typically involve purification, of gods or spirits, symbolic acts like libations or fire-kindling, and communal feasting to foster altered states of consciousness and reciprocity with the divine. In reconstructionist paths, rituals draw from historical precedents with greater fidelity to ancestral forms. Germanic Heathenry features the , a sacrificial offering of or food to gods like or Thor, followed by the sumbel, a toasting round honoring ancestors, deities, and kin through vows and shared drink. Hellenic reconstructionists perform structured sacrifices (thusia) with processions, prayers, and animal or vegetal offerings at altars, adhering to protocols of purity (katharsis) to avoid miasma (spiritual impurity). Celtic traditions integrate s with daily life, emphasizing interactive exchanges with land spirits via hearth offerings and seasonal fires. Ethical frameworks in Paganism prioritize personal responsibility, harmony with nature, and over dogmatic commandments. The , "An it harm none, do what ye will," guides many eclectic Neopagans by promoting actions free of harm to self or others, underscoring consequences in magical workings and daily conduct. Reconstructionist ethics derive from cultural virtues: Germanic paths uphold the —courage, truth, honor, fidelity, discipline, hospitality, self-reliance, industriousness, and perseverance—as behavioral ideals fostering communal strength. Hellenic ethics stress xenia (hospitality and reciprocity), moderation (), and piety toward gods, viewing moral excellence () as alignment with cosmic order. Celtic reconstruction emphasizes virtues like generosity, courage, and kinship loyalty, integrated into ethical living without universal codes. These systems reject absolutist morality, favoring contextual judgment rooted in tradition and empirical outcomes.

Diversity Across Traditions

Modern Pagan traditions exhibit significant diversity in theological frameworks, ritual practices, and organizational structures, reflecting their decentralized nature without a unifying or scripture. While many share a reverence for , or , and cyclical views of time, interpretations of the divine range from viewing deities as distinct, autonomous entities in reconstructionist paths to archetypal forces or a singular Goddess-God duality in more eclectic traditions. This variance stems from efforts to revive pre-Christian ethnic religions alongside 20th-century innovations, leading to emphases on —correct action—over in belief. Reconstructionist traditions, such as Heathenry (also known as Ásatrú or ), prioritize historical sources like the and sagas to honor Norse and Germanic deities as literal, independent beings with their own agendas, often excluding with non-native pantheons. Rituals include blots (sacrificial offerings, typically of or food) and sumbels (toasting ceremonies) conducted in kindreds or hearths, focusing on community reciprocity, fate ( as woven by the ), and ancestral veneration rather than personal magic. In contrast, Hellenic Polytheism reconstructs ancient Greek practices from texts like and Pausanias, emphasizing household worship (e.g., to at the hearth) and civic virtues, with gods seen as anthropomorphic patrons of specific domains; rituals involve libations, hymns, and festivals tied to the , underscoring piety () without a focus on salvation. Kemetic reconstructionism similarly revives Egyptian polytheism, honoring netjeru (deities) through daily rites balancing ma'at (order) against (chaos), drawing from temple inscriptions and papyri for practices like offerings and processions. Wicca, a modern initiatory tradition formalized by in the 1950s, diverges by centering a duotheistic theology of the and Triple Goddess as universal principles manifesting in myriad forms, incorporating and the ("An it harm none, do what ye will"). Practices revolve around covens casting sacred circles for sabbats (eight seasonal festivals, e.g., for fertility) and esbats ( rites), blending British with Eastern and Western influences, often prioritizing personal empowerment and spellwork over ethnic specificity. Druidry, revived in the 18th century through figures like but distinct from ancient Celtic priesthood due to scant historical records, emphasizes philosophical inquiry, nature poetry (e.g., as inspiration), and grove-based rituals for spiritual growth, with theology varying from animistic earth reverence to without mandatory invocation; modern orders like the Order of Bards, Ovates & Druids promote and seasonal observances over magic. These traditions also differ in cosmology and : reconstructionist paths often depict multiple creation myths (e.g., Norse world's formation from Ymir's body) and afterlives tied to valor or fate, such as for warriors, eschewing universal judgment; and Druidic views lean toward or spirit return to without doctrinal enforcement. Ethical dimensions vary, with Heathenry stressing tribal and (from lore like the ), while Wicca highlights harm avoidance and ecological harmony. This pluralism fosters individualism, with solitary practitioners common across paths, yet invites debates over authenticity, as eclectic approaches may dilute historical elements criticized by reconstructionists for cultural appropriation.

Criticisms and Controversies

Historical Moral and Intellectual Critiques

Early Christian apologists leveled moral critiques against pagan religions, emphasizing the depravity depicted in their mythological narratives and rituals. (c. 155–220 AD), in his Apology (c. 197 AD), argued that pagan deities such as and exemplified human vices like , , and lust, rendering them unfit as moral exemplars and instead encouraging societal corruption through imitation. Similarly, (354–430 AD), writing (413–426 AD) in response to the sack of Rome in 410 AD, contended that Roman gods failed to restrain immorality among worshippers, citing myths where gods engaged in rape, theft, and violence—acts that pagans rationalized as divine prerogatives, thereby undermining ethical accountability. These critiques extended to practices like the festivals, which involved public drunkenness, orgies, and temple prostitution, contrasting sharply with Christian emphases on and . Intellectual critiques focused on the irrationality and incoherence of . portrayed pagan as the worship of crafted images or demons masquerading as gods, devoid of or unity, as evidenced by the gods' inability to prevent calamities like the fall of or despite extensive cults. , in On Idolatry, dismissed polytheistic systems for their contradictions—such as gods born from or dependent on human offerings—arguing this fostered over reason and elevated created matter above the creator. Augustine further dismantled pagan by highlighting mythological absurdities, like gods quarreling or transforming shapes, which lacked philosophical consistency and failed to provide a coherent cosmology or ethical framework, contrasting with monotheism's logical singularity. These arguments drew on pagan philosophers' own admissions of flaws in popular , such as Plato's exclusion of immoral myths from ideal , but repurposed them to affirm Christianity's intellectual superiority.

Modern Sociological and Ethical Issues

Some reconstructionist pagan traditions, particularly Germanic and Norse variants, have faced criticism for attracting or being co-opted by white nationalist and far-right extremist groups, who employ symbols such as Thor's hammer, , and the to promote racial and anti-immigrant ideologies. This association stems from "folkish" interpretations that restrict participation to those of European descent, fostering exclusionary under the guise of ancestral revival, as documented in analyses of groups like the and events such as the 2017 Charlottesville rally where pagan imagery appeared alongside supremacist chants. Sociologically, this has stigmatized broader pagan communities, complicating legal recognitions and interfaith dialogues, with reports noting increased monitoring of pagan symbols in contexts since the 2010s. Ethical debates within and about include accusations of cultural appropriation, where eclectic practitioners adopt rituals from indigenous or closed traditions—such as Native American smudging or Yoruba-derived elements—without lineage or permission, commodifying sacred practices and eroding their original cultural authority. Critics argue this reflects a postmodern that prioritizes personal over historical fidelity, potentially harming marginalized groups by diluting their heritage for commercial or aesthetic gain, as seen in the proliferation of mass-produced "pagan" items like dreamcatchers since the 1990s boom. Reconstructionists counter that their focus on European ethnic sources avoids such issues, but internal divisions persist, with some Slavic or Hellenic groups accused of similarly nationalist appropriations of for political ends. Animal sacrifice represents another ethical flashpoint, with proponents in traditions like certain Ásatrú or Hellenic groups advocating its revival as a means to honor gods through historical reciprocity, citing ancient texts and arguing that humane slaughter aligns with pre-industrial norms. Opponents, including many Wiccan-influenced pagans, decry it as incompatible with contemporary animal welfare standards, pointing to legal bans in countries like the UK since 1980s animal rights legislation and ethical concerns over inflicting suffering absent necessity, which could alienate paganism from mainstream society. This tension highlights broader moral relativism in polytheistic ethics, where deity-specific virtues may conflict with universal human rights frameworks, leading to schisms documented in pagan surveys from 2010-2020 showing majority opposition to blood rites.

Theological Objections from Abrahamic Perspectives

From the Abrahamic standpoint, paganism's polytheistic framework fundamentally contradicts the monotheistic doctrine of a singular, transcendent Creator God who demands exclusive devotion, rendering pagan deities as false idols or demonic deceptions that divert humanity from true . This objection traces to scriptural mandates prohibiting the of multiple gods or images, viewed as spiritual infidelity akin to against the divine covenant. In Jewish theology, the explicitly forbids crafting or bowing to graven images, as articulated in the Second Commandment, which condemns such acts as enmity toward and grounds for generational punishment. Rabbinic tradition further classifies pagan worship (avodah zarah) as a capital offense under law, emphasizing its role in corrupting ethical monotheism with anthropomorphic and nature-bound divinities. Christian theology amplifies these prohibitions, interpreting paganism as not merely erroneous but actively oppositional to the Gospel's revelation of Christ as the sole mediator. The Apostle Paul instructs believers to "flee from idolatry," equating participation in pagan sacrifices with communion with demons rather than God. Early Church Fathers, such as Tertullian and Origen, critiqued pagan myths as fabrications inspired by Satan to mimic divine truths, arguing that polytheistic rituals—often involving blood sacrifices or ecstatic rites—fostered moral depravity and obscured salvation through Christ's atonement. This perspective holds that paganism's relativistic pantheons undermine absolute moral standards derived from God's unchanging nature, leading adherents toward eternal separation from the divine. In Islamic doctrine, pagan polytheism constitutes shirk, the gravest sin of associating partners with , deemed unforgivable if unrepented and surpassing even murder in severity. The Quran repeatedly denounces idolaters and polytheists as destined for perpetual Hellfire, portraying their gods as powerless inventions that cannot create or sustain . Surah An-Nisa (4:48) declares that forgives all sins except shirk, framing it as a profound injustice that nullifies righteous deeds and invites divine wrath. Theologically, this objection posits paganism's fragmented divinities as a rejection of (absolute oneness of God), perpetuating ignorance () and obstructing submission to prophetic revelation culminating in Muhammad's message in 610 CE.

Sociological and Cultural Dimensions

Demographics and Global Prevalence

, a diverse umbrella encompassing , Druidry, Heathenry, and various reconstructionist and eclectic traditions, lacks centralized membership records, complicating global counts; estimates place the total number of adherents worldwide at approximately 1 to 2 million as of the early , predominantly in Western countries. This figure derives from national surveys and academic extrapolations, accounting for solitary practitioners who may not affiliate with groups, though underreporting persists due to in some regions, including undercounting of niche subgroups like Druids where adherents may select the broader "Pagan" category instead of specifying or leave the question blank. In the United States, where no mandatory religious exists, data from 2021 indicates that 0.3% of adults identify as Pagan or Wiccan, corresponding to about 1 million individuals amid a population exceeding 330 million. Earlier estimates from the 2014 Pew survey similarly pegged the figure at 0.4%, reflecting steady but modest growth from 342,000 self-identified Wiccans in 2008 Census Bureau projections. The movement remains a tiny fraction—under 1%—of the overall religious landscape, concentrated in urban and coastal areas. The United Kingdom's 2021 census for England and Wales recorded 74,464 respondents selecting "Pagan" as their religion, up from 56,620 in 2011 and equating to 0.15% of the population; this includes sub-identifications such as 12,819 Wiccans, 4,722 Heathens, and 2,489 Druids. Scotland and Northern Ireland reported smaller numbers, yielding a national total around 80,000–90,000. In Australia, the 2021 census tallied 33,148 adherents of "Nature and/or Pagan religions," a slight increase from 32,083 in 2011, representing about 0.13% of the populace. Canada's 2001 counted 21,080 Pagans, with subsequent growth estimated to exceed 100,000 by the 2010s based on organizational reports and surveys, though 2021 data aggregates Pagans under broader categories like without precise breakdowns. In , pockets exist: Iceland's registered 5,815 members in 2024, while Finland's indigenous and neo-Pagan communities numbered in the low thousands and showed increases post-2014. features tens of thousands across , the , and , often via ethnic reconstructionist groups, but formal data remains sparse outside .
Country/RegionEstimated Adherents% of PopulationSource Year
~1,000,0000.3%2021
~80,000–90,000~0.15%2021
33,1480.13%2021
>100,000 (est.)~0.3% (est.)2010s
(Ásatrú)5,815~1.6%2024
These figures underscore Paganism's marginal status globally, with growth driven by interest in and alternatives to Abrahamic faiths, yet constrained by definitional fluidity—some surveys conflate it with beliefs, inflating counts, while others exclude unaffiliated nature worshippers. Scholarly consensus holds that the movement's prevalence hovers below 1% in most host nations, reflecting its appeal among younger demographics seeking personalized over institutional .

Societal Reception and Impacts

, as a in Western societies, has benefited from broader legal protections for religious freedom, yet persists as a target of and underreporting in due to fears of backlash. In the , courts have affirmed that Paganism and related practices like qualify for safeguards under laws prohibiting . Similarly, in , Pagan and nature-based faiths have expanded following the repeal of anti- laws in territories like the Australian Capital Territory in 2013, enabling more open practice amid rising identification with such beliefs. In , formal state recognition often requires decades of organized activity, as seen in processes evaluating Pagan groups after 25 years of registration in some nations. Discrimination remains prevalent, particularly in workplaces and social settings, where Pagans face stereotyping, , and exclusion at elevated rates. A Scottish Pagan Federation survey revealed that 63.24% of respondents were aware of fellow Pagans experiencing direct faith-based , contributing to undercounts as practitioners conceal their beliefs to avoid repercussions. In the United States, empirical analysis indicates Pagans report overt and subtle bias roughly twice as frequently as the broader population, often tied to perceptions of occultism or incompatibility with monotheistic norms. Such experiences underscore Paganism's status as a stigmatized in majoritarian Christian or secular contexts, where media portrayals frequently amplify associations with fringe or elements over empirical community data. On societal impacts, has shaped cultural expressions and activist orientations without dominating mainstream institutions. It reinforces seasonal observances influencing holidays like Halloween, drawing from pre-Christian rites to emphasize communal festivity and nature cycles in contemporary . Neopagan involvement correlates with pro-environmental and pro-equality actions; affiliation enhances self-expansion, boosting advocacy for ecological preservation and through ritual-reinforced solidarity. Rituals also yield measurable psychological benefits, including reduced stress and heightened personal agency, as documented in studies of practitioner . Critically, these influences stem from Paganism's decentralized, experiential , which prioritizes individual and over rigid hierarchies—potentially fostering in but risking fragmentation or self-indulgence, as some analyses describe it as hedonistic rather than strictly ecological in core orientation. Overall, while numerically marginal, Paganism exerts niche effects on countercultural trends, environmental , and tolerance discourses, challenging Abrahamic legacies without reversing in host societies.

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