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White Africans of European ancestry
White Africans of European ancestry
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White Africans of European ancestry refers to citizens or residents in Africa who can trace full or partial ancestry to Europe. They are distinguished from Arabs, Berbers, and Copts in North Africa, who are sometimes identified as white, but not European.[1] In 1989, there were an estimated 4.6 million white people with European ancestry on the African continent.[2]

Most are of Anglo-Celtic, Dutch, French, German, and Portuguese origin; to a lesser extent, there are also those who descended from Belgians, Greeks, Italians, Scandinavians, and Spaniards. The majority once lived along the Mediterranean coast or in Southern Africa.[2]

The earliest permanent European communities in Africa during the Age of Discovery were formed at the Cape of Good Hope;[3] Luanda, in Angola; São Tomé Island; and Santiago, Cape Verde[4] through the introduction of Portuguese and Dutch traders or military personnel. Other groups of white settlers arrived in newly established French, German, Belgian, and British settlements in Africa over the course of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Before regional decolonisation, whites of European ancestry may have numbered up to 6 million persons at their peak and were represented in every part of the continent.[5]

An exodus of colonists accompanied independence in most African nations.[6] Over half the Portuguese Mozambican population, which numbered about 200,000 in 1975,[7] departed en masse because of discriminatory economic policies directed against them.[8] In Zimbabwe, recent white exodus was spurred by an aggressive land reform programme introduced by late President Robert Mugabe in 2000 and the parallel collapse of that country's economy.[4] In Burundi, the local white population was blatantly expelled via a decree issued by the post-colonial government upon independence.[9]

The African country with the largest population of European descendants both numerically and proportionally is South Africa, where white South Africans number 4,504,252 people, making up 7.3% of South Africa's population, according to the 2022 South African census.[10] Smaller European-descended populations exist in Namibia, Angola, Madagascar, Morocco, Kenya, Senegal, Tunisia, Zambia, Zimbabwe and elsewhere. Although white minorities no longer hold exclusive political power, some continued to retain key positions in industry and commercial agriculture in several African states after the introduction of majority rule.[11]

Overview

[edit]
Geographic distribution of Europeans and their descendants on the African continent in 1962.[12]
  Under 1,000
  Over 1,000
  Over 10,000
  Over 50,000
  Over 100,000

During the Colonisation of Africa, European settlement patterns generally favoured territories with a substantial amount of land at least 910 metres (3,000 ft) above sea level, an annual rainfall of over 510 millimetres (20 in) but not exceeding 1,020 millimetres (40 in), and relative freedom from the Tsetse fly.[13] In contrast to Western and Central Africa, the milder, drier climates of Northern, Eastern, and Southern Africa thus attracted substantial numbers of permanent European immigrants.[14] A modest annual rainfall of under 1020 mm was considered especially suitable for the temperate farming activities to which many were accustomed.[13] Therefore, the first parts of Africa to be populated by Europeans were located at the northern and southern extremities of the continent; between these two extremes, disease and the tropical climate precluded most permanent European settlement until the late nineteenth century.[15] The discovery of valuable resources in Africa's interior and the introduction of quinine as a cure for malaria altered this longstanding trend, and a new wave of European colonists arrived on the continent between 1890 and 1918.[15]

Most European colonists granted land in African colonies cultivated cereal crops or raised cattle, which were far more popular among the immigrants rather than managing the tropical plantations aimed at producing export-oriented crops such as rubber and palm oil.[13] A direct consequence of this preference was that the territories with a rainfall exceeding 1020 mm developed strong plantation-based economies but produced almost no food beyond what was cultivated by small-scale indigenous producers; drier territories with large white farming communities became more self-sufficient in food production.[13] The latter often resulted in sharp friction between European colonists and black African tribes as they competed for land. By 1960, at least seven British, French, and Belgian colonies—in addition to the Union of South Africa—had passed legislation reserving a fixed percentage of land for white ownership.[13] This allowed colonists to legitimise their land seizures and began a process that had the ultimate consequence of commodifying land in colonial Africa.[16] Land distribution thus emerged as an extremely contentious issue in those territories with large numbers of permanent European colonists.[17] During the 1950s, black Africans owned about 13.7% of the land in South Africa and a little under 33% of the land in Southern Rhodesia.[17] An inevitable trend of this factor, exacerbated by high rates of population growth, was that large numbers of black farmers as well as their livestock began to be concentrated in increasingly overcrowded areas.[17]

Before 1914, colonial governments encouraged European settlement on a grand scale, based on the assumption that this was a prerequisite to long-term development and economic growth.[18] The concept lost popularity when it became clear that multinational corporations financed by overseas capital, coupled with cheap African labour, were far more productive and efficient at building export-oriented economies for the benefit of the metropolitan powers.[18] During the Great Depression, locally owned, small-scale businesses managed by individual whites suffered immense losses attempting to compete with large commercial enterprises and the lower costs of black labour (South Africa being the sole exception to the rule, as its white businesses and labour were heavily subsidised by the state).[18]

Unlike other former colonies such as those in the Americas and Australia, Europeans and their descendants on the African continent never outnumbered the indigenous people; nevertheless, they found ways to consolidate power and exert a disproportionate influence on the administrative policies of their respective metropolitan countries.[14] Some lost their sense of identification with Europe and created their own nationalist movements, namely in South Africa and Rhodesia (now known as Zimbabwe).[14] Permanent white residents were regarded as an increasing liability by colonial administrations as they sought to dominate their adopted African homelands.[18] They were also likely to involve the government in conflict with Africans, which required expensive military campaigns and inextricably damaged relations between the latter and the metropolitan powers.[18] This was a common trend throughout African colonies from the late eighteenth to early twentieth centuries. In the Dutch Cape Colony for instance, governor Joachim van Plettenberg demarcated the territory's boundaries around 1778 with approval from the Xhosa chiefdoms; the following year Dutch colonists violated the border and attacked the Xhosa, sparking the bloody Xhosa Wars.[19] Disputes between German colonists and the Matumbi and Ngoni peoples contributed significantly to the Maji Maji Rebellion of 1905–07.[20] During the same period, Colonial Kenya's European residents were largely responsible for provoking a revolt by the Masai.[18]

White farmers in Southern Rhodesia, early 1920s.

White settlers wielded enormous influence over many colonial administrations; for example, they often occupied influential positions on elected legislatures and held most of the senior administrative posts in the civil service.[12] Due to the relative poverty of most black Africans, whites of European ancestry also controlled the capital for development and dominated the import and export trade as well as commercial agriculture.[12] They often represented a disproportionate percentage of the skilled workforce due to much higher educational attainment. This was heightened by the discriminatory practices of the colonial authorities, which devoted more public funding to their education and technical training.[12][17] For example, in Tanganyika, the colonial authorities were estimated to have allocated up to twenty-six times more funding per year for white schools than black schools.[17] In most of colonial Africa, local whites sought employment with foreign companies, often in technical or managerial positions, or with the public service.[21] The exception were those colonies with large white farming populations, such as Kenya and Southern Rhodesia.[21] The white residents there were likelier to form their own business communities and invest heavily in the economies of their adopted homelands.[21]

The advent of global decolonisation ushered in a radical change of perspectives towards European settlement in Africa. Metropolitan governments began to place more emphasis on their relations with the indigenous peoples rather than the progressively independent colonist populations.[18] In direct opposition to the growing tide of African nationalism, whites of European descent in colonies such as Algeria began to forge new nationalist identities of their own.[22] Attitudes towards rapid decolonisation among individual white African communities were hardened by fears of irresponsible or incompetent postcolonial governments, coupled to a parallel decline in public infrastructure, service delivery, and consequently, their own standards of living.[12]

On some occasions the granting of independence to African states under majority rule was influenced by the desire to preempt unilateral declarations of independence or secession attempts by white nationalists.[23] Nevertheless, Rhodesia's white minority did succeed in issuing its own declaration of independence in 1965 and later retain power up until 1979.[24] Less successful was an attempted coup d'état by white Mozambicans in 1974, which was forcibly crushed by Portuguese troops.[25][26] White rule in South Africa ended with the country's first non-racial elections in 1994.[27]

A white flight phenomenon accompanied regional decolonisation and to a lesser extent, the termination of white minority rule in Rhodesia and South Africa.[28] A considerable reverse exodus of former colonials returning to Western Europe occurred; because they had controlled key sectors of many African economies prior to independence, their abrupt departure often resulted in devastating economic repercussions for the emerging states.[29] Consequently, some African governments have made a concerted attempt to retain sizable white communities in the interests of preserving their capital and much-needed technical skills.[30]

A few colonies had no permanent white populations at all, and in such cases the European powers preferred to construct forts and trading posts rather than large settlements accordingly.[16] Transient administrators and soldiers were posted there initially as deterrents to rival governments attempting to effectuate treaties concerning land and other resources with local African populations.[16] Their numbers were sometimes bolstered by civilian expatriates employed as missionaries, public servants, or employees of large transnational companies with headquarters located aside the African continent.[21] Few of these expatriates came to immigrate permanently, and typically worked in the colonies for a short period before returning to Europe.[21] This made them less embedded in the economy and social structure, less interested in influencing local politics, and less likely to form cohesive communities than the colonist populations elsewhere.[21]

Demographics

[edit]

Historical population

[edit]
Charlene Princess of Monaco as the wife of Prince Albert II. Olympic swimmer representing South Africa. Charlene was born in Bulawayo, Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe).
Lara Logan, South African journalist and war correspondent
Guy Scott, Vice President of Zambia from September 2011 to January 2015 and Interim President from October 2014 -January 2015.

In most of colonial Africa, Europeans accounted for under 1% of the population,[36][31] except for the colonies in Northern and Southern Africa, which had the highest proportion of European colonists.[31]

Current population

[edit]

There are 4.5 million white South Africans. Kenya, Zimbabwe, and Namibia all have white communities numbering in the tens of thousands, and thousands more are scattered among Angola, Zambia, Mozambique, Tanzania, Congo, Senegal, Gabon, and beyond. Many hold onto their British, Portuguese, German, French or Italian citizenships, but most have been on this continent all their lives.

— Christian Science Monitor correspondent Danna Harman, on Africa's white population of European descent in 2003.[37]

It is impossible to verify the number of white Africans of European ancestry, as a number of African nations do not publish census data on race or ethnic origin.[38] In 1989, the Encyclopædia Britannica editorial team estimated the size of Africa's total white population of European descent at 4.6 million, with the vast majority residing in coastal regions of North Africa or in the Republic of South Africa.[2]

The white population of Zimbabwe was much higher in the 1960s and 1970s (when the country was known as Rhodesia); about 296,000 in 1975.[39] This peak of around 8% of the population in 1975[40] dropped to possibly 120,000 in 1999, and had fallen to under 50,000 people by 2002.[41]

Dutch diaspora in Africa (Afrikaners)

[edit]

South Africa

[edit]
Painting depicting the arrival of Jan van Riebeeck, founder of Cape Town, and one of the earliest European colonists in sub-Saharan Africa.

In the late sixteenth century, the Dutch East India Company (known more formally as the Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie, or VOC) began routinely searching for sites on the African continent where its trading fleets could obtain fresh water and other supplies while en route to the Orient.[42][43] Dutch ships began calling at the Cape of Good Hope as early as 1595, since the shoreline was not treacherous and fresh water could be easily obtained by landing parties without venturing too far inland.[44] In 1651, the company built a storage facility and watering station, which included a vegetable garden to resupply its passing ships, at the Cape.[44] Under the direction of Jan van Riebeeck, a small Dutch party also constructed a fort known as the Castle of Good Hope.[44] Van Riebeeck obtained permission to bring Dutch immigrants to the Cape, and resettle former company employees there as farmers.[44] The colonists were known as "vrijlieden", also denoted as vrijburgers (free citizens), to differentiate them from bonded VOC employees still serving on contracts.[45] Since the primary purpose of the Cape colony at the time was to stock provisions for passing Dutch ships, the VOC offered grants of farmland to the vrijburgers on the condition they would cultivate crops for company warehouses.[46] The vrijburgers were granted tax-exempt status for twelve years and loaned all the necessary seeds and farming implements they requested.[47]

The VOC initially had strict requirements which the prospective vrijburgers had to fulfill: they were to be married Dutch citizens, of good character, and had to undertake to spend twenty years at the Cape.[46] During the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, however, many foreigners were amongst those who boarded ships in the Netherlands to settle in the Dutch sphere.[48] As a result, by 1691 a third of the vrijburger population of the fledgling colony was not ethnically Dutch. The heterogeneous European community included large numbers of German military recruits in the service of the VOC, as well as French Huguenot refugees driven into overseas exile by the Edict of Fontainebleau.[48][49] As the size of the vrijburger population expanded, the colonists began expanding deeper into the interior of Southern Africa; by 1800 the size of the fledgling Dutch Cape Colony was about 170,000 square kilometers; about six times the area of the Netherlands.[42]

The vast size of the colony made it almost impossible for the VOC to control the vrijburger population, and the colonists became increasingly independent.[44] Attempts by the company administration to reassert its authority and regulate the vrijburgers' activities was met with resistance.[50] Successive generations of colonists born in the colony became localised in their loyalties and national identity and regarded the colonial government with a mixture of apathy and suspicion.[50] In the early 1700s, this emerging class of people began identifying as Afrikaners, rather than Dutch subjects, after their adopted homeland.[51] Afrikaners who settled directly on the colony's frontiers were also known collectively as Boers, to describe their agricultural way of life.[44]

In 1769, the northward migration of Boers was met by a southward migration of Xhosa, a Bantu people which laid claim to the Cape region north of the Great Fish River.[44] This triggered a series of bloody frontier conflicts which raged until 1879, known as the Xhosa Wars.[44] Both the Boers and Xhosa organised raiding parties that frequently crossed the river and stole livestock from the other group.[44] Meanwhile, the VOC had been forced to declare bankruptcy and the Dutch government assumed direct responsibility for the Cape in 1794.[44] After Napoleon's occupation of the Netherlands during the Flanders Campaign, Great Britain captured the Cape Colony to prevent France from laying claim to its strategic harbour.[52] Although the Dutch authorities were permitted to administer the Cape again for a brief interlude between 1803 and 1806, the British launched another invasion of the colony as a result of political developments in Europe and became permanent.[52] Relations between the new colonial leadership and the Boers soon began to deteriorate when the British refused to subsidise the Cape Colony, insisting that it pay for itself by levying larger taxes on the white population.[44] In addition to raising taxes, the British administration abolished the burgher senate, the only Dutch-era form of government at the Cape.[53] It also took measures to bring the Boer population under control by establishing new courts and judiciaries along the frontier.[53]

Boer resentment of the British peaked in 1834, when the Slavery Abolition Act 1833 was passed, outlawing slavery throughout the British Empire.[44] All 35,000 enslaved people registered with the Cape governor were to be freed and given rights on par with other citizens, although in most cases the slavers could retain them as paid apprentices until 1838.[54] Many Boers, especially those involved in grain and wine production, had enslaved people at the time, and the number of people they had enslaved correlated greatly to their production output.[54] The British government offered preexisting slavers compensation for the freeing of enslaved people, but payment had to be claimed in person in London, and few Boers possessed the funds to travel there.[44] The abolition of slavery, along with Boer grievances over taxation and the perceived Anglicisation of the Cape judiciary, triggered the Great Trek: an eastward migration of 15,000 Boers determined to escape British rule by homesteading beyond the Cape Colony's frontiers.[44] The Great Trek brought the migrating Boers, known as the Voortrekkers, into direct conflict with the Zulu Empire, upon which they inflicted a decisive defeat at the Battle of Blood River in February 1838.[55] The Voortrekkers eventually established several independent Boer republics deep in the southern African interior, the most prominent of which were the Natalia Republic, the Orange Free State, and the South African Republic (also known simply as the Transvaal).[56]

Boer guerrillas during the Second Boer War, 1900.

British expansion of the Cape Colony into South Africa's interior followed the Boer migration within the subsequent decades; in 1843 Britain annexed the Natalia Republic, and in 1877 it annexed the Transvaal.[56] The Transvaal Boers subsequently went to war with the British in 1880, which became known as the First Boer War.[56] The war was resolved with the Pretoria Convention, by which Great Britain restored independence to the Transvaal and withdrew from the territory.[56] However, relations between the Boer republics and the British administration at the Cape remained poor, with the latter concerned that Boer independence was a lingering threat to the Cape's strategic security.[56] In 1899, the Second Boer War broke out when the British rejected an ultimatum by the Transvaal to remove its military presence from the latter's borders.[56] The first stages of the war consisted of several unsuccessful Boer sieges of British colonies, followed by a British push into the two Boer republics. The last stage of the war consisted of Boer guerrillas, termed "bitter-enders", who refused to lay down their arms and took several years to defeat.[57] In early 1902, the Boers finally surrendered under the terms of the Treaty of Vereeniging, which annexed the Transvaal and Orange Free State into the Cape (forming the Union of South Africa) in exchange for allowing the former Boer republics some form of political autonomy and granting financial assistance to aid in postwar reconstruction.[57]

The postwar years saw the dramatic rise of Afrikaner nationalism, as many of the former Boer military leaders turned to politics and came to dominate the legislatures of the Transvaal and Orange Free State.[57] An Afrikaner party was also elected for the first time in the Cape Colony in 1908.[58] Afrikaner politicians heavily promoted the use of Afrikaans, a language derived from the Middle Dutch dialect spoken by the colonial vrijburger population, as a fundamental part of Afrikaner identity and national consciousness.[57] In 1908 and 1909, a constitutional convention was held for the establishment of a self-governing dominion which incorporated the old Boer republics into a unitary state with the Cape Colony and the Natal.[58] This emerged as the Union of South Africa in 1910.[57] Due to the fact that the electorate was limited predominantly to white South Africans, Afrikaners–which composed over half the white population at the time–quickly achieved political ascendancy.[58] Afrikaners occupied the top political positions in South African government from 1910 until 1994, when the country held its first multiracial elections under a universal franchise.[59] Prior to 1994, the Afrikaner ruling party with the longest tenure in South Africa was the National Party, which was noted for introducing a strict system of racial segregation known as apartheid in 1948, and declaring the country a republic in 1961.[58]

The size of the Afrikaner population in South Africa was estimated at 2.5 million people in 1985.[60] According to the country's 2011 census, there were about 2.7 million white South Africans who spoke Afrikaans as a first language, or slightly over 5% of the total population.[61]

Namibia

[edit]
Oliver Risser, former Namibian footballer of German origin

In the mid to late 19th century and beforehand, South African trekboers found their way into Namibia (then South-West Africa) and established colonies. A significant number even penetrated as far north as Angola during the Dorsland Trek.[citation needed]

The South-West became a German colony during the late 19th century, and with the onset of the First World War a number of local Boers volunteered to serve with the imperial authorities against invading Allied troops.[62] After that conflict left the territory under South African occupation, thousands of fresh Afrikaner migrants poured into the region to occupy available plots of prime stock-farming land and exploit untapped resources.[43] Their government further encouraged new colonists by offering easy loans, necessary infrastructure, and more expropriated land to white newcomers. This policy was generally considered a success, as South-West Africa's white population more than doubled between 1913 and 1936.[63]

Current estimates for the Afrikaner population in Namibia range from 60,000 to 120,000; they continue to make up the majority of the country's white citizens.[43] 45% of the best ranging and agricultural land is presently owned by Namibians of European background, mostly Afrikaner ranchers.[43]

Botswana

[edit]

As early as 1815, individual Afrikaners had begun to arrive in what is today modern Botswana, mainly traders and ivory hunters from the Cape of Good Hope.[64] By the mid nineteenth century, some of these itinerant Afrikaners had settled in Molepolole.[64] In 1852, the Transvaal Boers organised a failed expedition against the Northern Tswana people which included several relatively large engagements such as the Battle of Dimawe.[64] As a result of this raid, the Tswana launched a series of retaliatory raids into the northern Transvaal which forced the Boers to evacuate Swartruggens.[64] In 1853, Transvaal President Paul Kruger signed an armistice with Tswana chief Sechele I, ending the state of war and checking further Boer expansion into Botswana for decades.[64]

Ghanzi, Botswana, home to a large Afrikaner community.

A notable voortrekker community was established inadvertently near Ghanzi in 1877.[64] Ghanzi was settled by migrating Boers from the Dorsland Trek who had lost their wagons and supplies in the central Kalahari, and were forced to seek sanctuary near the water source there.[11]

After the establishment of the Bechuanaland Protectorate in the 1880s, the British colonial authorities and the British South Africa Company (BSAC) designated several parts of the region as freehold farming areas, open to white farmers of any nationality.[64] This induced hundreds of Boer migrants to resettle there.[64]

In 1894 the BSAC made a concentrated attempt to recruit Boers from the Transvaal and Orange Free State to settle the area around Lake Ngami.[11] This was an attempt to control the large numbers of wandering trekboers in both regions by diverting them into territory already under British control rather than risk them establishing new Boer republics further abroad.[11] The British also hoped that a large Boer population along the frontiers of Bechuaneland would serve as a potential buffer to German colonial expansionism from the west.[11] From 1898 until the early 1900s, a small but steady stream of Boers began trekking towards Lake Ngami from South Africa, with the vast majority concentrating around the previously established Afrikaans-speaking community at Ghanzi.[11] In 1928, the size of Ghanzi's population was bolstered by the arrival of a number of Boer exiles from Angola, who had departed that territory due to disputes with the Portuguese colonial government there.[11] Most of the Boers were engaged in cattle ranching, using the vast, unpopulated lands around Ghanzi as a massive range to drive their herds.[11] For a number of years, one of Botswana's most prominent white politicians was Christian de Graaff, who represented Ghanzi's southern district in the National Assembly.[64]

Aside from those engaged in ranching and farming, a small number of recent Afrikaner migrants have moved to Botswana in the postcolonial era to manage small businesses.[64]

As a group, Afrikaners formed 1.2% of Botswana's total population in 2009.[65]

Zimbabwe

[edit]

While Afrikaners were always a small minority in Zimbabwe's population, some did arrive with the early pioneer columns and permanently settled, especially in the Enkeldoorn farming areas.[66] After 1907, an increasing number of dispossessed Boers arrived in what was then the British territory of Southern Rhodesia, seeking better economic opportunities.[67] They soon found themselves discriminated against by the other Europeans, who expressed alarm at an "invasion" of "poor Dutch" and what they described as the "human wreckage of the Union". This aversion was condemned by elements in the South African press, which charged that "the settlement of Afrikaners in Rhodesia is being emphatically worked against".[67]

During World War I, the Maritz Rebellion in South Africa caused consternation among Rhodesian authorities, prompting them to conclude that their colony's Afrikaner inhabitants could not be relied upon against the German Empire.[67] In the following decades a sharp cleavage continued to divide Afrikaners from their English-speaking countrymen,[68] reflecting entrenched divisions in class and culture. The former generally earned lower incomes, and never advanced far in capital, education, and influence. They were also considered to be Rhodesia's single most conservative white community, almost unanimously opposing a multiracial school system and any concessions to black Africans regarding land apportionment.[68][69]

With the ensuing Rhodesian Bush War and Zimbabwean independence under Prime Minister Robert Mugabe by 1980, over one-fifth of white Rhodesians, including most resident Afrikaners, emigrated from the country.[70]

Kenya

[edit]

During and following the Boer Wars some Afrikaners chose to leave South Africa. The first 700 Afrikaner colonists that migrated to British East Africa were supporters of the British during the various conflicts. This first wave settled in the fertile Rift Valley.[71] The community founded the colony of Eldoret in 1903 and played an important part in establishing agriculture in the region. An additional 100 Afrikaners arrived in 1911.[72] At the height of British rule in the colony, the population composed of several thousand Afrikaners farming 2,600 square kilometres (1,000 square miles) around Eldoret. The Mau Mau Rebellion sparked great panic among the white community in the country and much of the Afrikaner community left the country and mostly returned to South Africa. However some continued to farm in the region long after independence, and were very successful in doing so.[72]

Angola

[edit]

There were originally around 2,000 Afrikaners in Angola, descendants of those who had survived Namibia's unforgiving Dorsland Trek. For fifty years they formed a distinct enclave in the underdeveloped Portuguese territory, joined by new Afrikaner migrants in 1893 and 1905.[73] By 1928, however, the South African authorities arranged to have 300 such households repatriated to Outjo, where they settled comfortably into farming. The few Afrikaners who remained fled their homes during Angola's subsequent colonial and civil wars.[74]

Tanzania and elsewhere

[edit]

In the early 20th century a number of Afrikaners trekked into German Tanganyika, where they were parceled land by colonial authorities then attempting to boost agricultural production. After Tanganyika became a British trust territory on Germany's defeat during World War I, London reaffirmed such grants as they existed. Few Afrikaners stayed beyond the eve of Tanzanian independence in 1961.[75]

With the retreat of European colonialism, Afrikaner communities outside South Africa and its immediate neighbours generally diminished in size and a significant number of colonists returned to their countries of origin during the decades which followed the Second World War.[citation needed]

British in Africa

[edit]

South Africa and the Cape Colony

[edit]
Cecil John Rhodes, the 6th Prime Minister of the Cape Colony and founder of the De Beers diamond company.

Although there were small British colonies along the West African coast from the 18th century onwards, mostly consisting of trading posts and castles, British colonisation of Africa began in earnest only at the end of the 18th century, in the Cape of Good Hope. It gained momentum following British annexation of the Cape from the Dutch East India Company, and the subsequent encouragement of migrating colonists in the Eastern Cape in an effort to consolidate the colony's eastern border.[citation needed]

In the late 19th century, the discovery of gold and diamonds further encouraged colonisation of South Africa by the British. The search for gold drove expansion north into the Rhodesias (now Zimbabwe, Zambia, and Malawi). Simultaneously, British colonists began expansion into the fertile uplands (often called the "White Highlands") of British East Africa (in Kenya). Most of these colonies were not planned by the British government, with many colonial officials concluding they upset the balance of power in the region and left the long-established British interests vulnerable.[citation needed]

Cecil Rhodes utilized his wealth and connections towards organizing this ad hoc movement and colonisation into a unified British policy. This policy had as its general aim the securing of a Cairo to Cape Town railway system, and colonising the upper highlands of East Africa and the whole of Southern Africa south of the Zambezi with British colonies in a manner akin to that of North America and Australasia.[citation needed]

However, prioritization of British power around the globe in the years before World War I, initially reduced the resources appropriated toward colonisation. World War I and the Great Depression and the general decline of British and European birthrates further hobbled the expected colonist numbers. Nonetheless, thousands of colonists arrived each year during the decades preceding World War II, mostly in South Africa, where the birthrates of British Africans increased suddenly. Despite a general change in British policy against supporting the establishment of European colonies in Africa, and a slow abandonment in the overall British ruling and common classes for a separate European identity, large colonial appendages of European separatist supporters of continued colonial rule were well entrenched in South Africa, Rhodesia, and Kenya.[citation needed]

In keeping with the general trend toward non-European rule evident throughout most of the globe during the Cold War and the abandonment of colonial possessions in the face of American and Soviet pressure, the vestigial remnants of Cecil Rhodes' vision was abruptly ended, leaving British colonists in an exposed, isolated, and weak position. Black Nationalist guerrilla forces aided by Soviet expertise and weapons soon drove the colonists into a fortress mentality which led to the break-off of ties with perceived collaborationist governments in the United Kingdom and Commonwealth.[citation needed]

The result was a series of conflicts which eventually led to a reduced presence of White Africans due to emigration and natural death.[citation needed]

Since 1994

[edit]

Hundreds of thousands of British-South Africans left the nation to start new lives abroad, settling in the United Kingdom, Australia, New Zealand, United States, Canada, and the Netherlands. In spite of the high emigration rates, a large number of white foreign immigrants from countries such as United Kingdom and Zimbabwe have settled in the country. For example, by 2005, an estimated 212,000 British citizens were residing in South Africa. By 2011, this number may have grown to 500,000.[76] Since 2003, the numbers of British immigrants coming to South Africa has risen by 50%. An estimated 20,000 British immigrants moved to South Africa in 2007. South Africa is ranked as the top destination of British retirees and pensioners in Africa.

There was also a significant number of arrivals of white Zimbabweans of British ancestry, fleeing their home country in light of the economic, political problems which faced the country and persecution at the hands of the ZANU government. As well as recent arrivals, a significant number of white Zimbabweans of British descent emigrated to South Africa after the independence of Zimbabwe in 1980. The greatest white British populations in South Africa are in the KwaZulu-Natal province and in cities such as Johannesburg and Cape Town.[citation needed]

By province

[edit]

Zambia

[edit]

At the brink of the country's independence in 1964, there were roughly 70,000 Europeans (mostly British) in Zambia (Northern Rhodesia before independence), making up roughly 2.3% of the 3 million inhabitants at the time.[77] Zambia had a different situation compared to other African countries. It included segregation, similar to South Africa, Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) and South-West Africa (Namibia); but as the Europeans constituted a smaller fraction of the population they did not dominate politics. There were a few cities in Northern Rhodesia that had British place names, but all except one (Livingstone) were changed when the country became independent or soon after. These included:

Vice President Guy Scott served as acting president of Zambia after the death of Michael Sata, the first (and so far only) white head of state of an African country since FW de Klerk in 1994, and the first outside South Africa since Henry Everard in 1979.[78]

Livingstone

[edit]

A good example of segregation in Zambia before independence was in the city of Livingstone, on the border with Zimbabwe. This featured a white town, with black townships, which were also found in South Africa and Namibia. In Zambia, however, Livingstone was one of the few places in the country that used this system and was close to the Rhodesian border. British influence was reflected in town and city names. Livingstone (which is currently the only town left with a British name) was nearly changed to Maramba, but the decision was later dismissed. When Zambia became independent in 1964, the majority of white colonists left for Rhodesia, just by crossing the border. An almost identical town of Victoria Falls lies on the other side.[citation needed]

Kenya

[edit]

There were 60,000 mostly Anglophone white people living in Kenya in 1965. However, encouraged by the fear brought by the Mau Mau Uprising, nearly half of Kenya's European population emigrated out of the country after Kenya's independence from colonial rule.[79] Today, they are estimated to be around 30,000.[80] Well known white people born in Kenya include road racing cyclist Chris Froome, biologist Richard Dawkins, singer Roger Whittaker, and evolutionary scientist Richard Leakey.

Zimbabwe

[edit]

In contrast to the rest of Central Africa, Zimbabwe (formerly Rhodesia) was once intended to become a "white man's country" – to be settled and ruled by European colonists who would remain there permanently.[81] Until Zimbabwean independence in 1980, White Rhodesians prevailed over the nation politically, socially, and economically. They numbered some 240,000 by late-1979.[82] Most were fairly recent immigrants, particularly blue collar workers attracted by the promise Rhodesia's economic opportunities offered. Throughout the 1960s they were joined by White South Africans and white colonists fleeing independent colonies elsewhere.[82]

The white population in Zimbabwe dropped from a peak of around 300,000 in 1975 to 170,000 in 1982[82] and was estimated at no more than 50,000 in 2002, possibly much lower.[41]

Angola

[edit]

When Angola won independence from Portugal in 1975, most British people in Angola resettled in the United Kingdom, South Africa, Namibia (South-West Africa), Zimbabwe (Rhodesia), Portugal or Brazil. Meanwhile, most from Mozambique left for either Zimbabwe (Rhodesia), South Africa or the UK. However, even before 1975, the number of British people in Angola and Mozambique was small, especially compared to the inhabiting Portuguese population.[citation needed]

Mozambique

[edit]

When Mozambique gained independence from Portugal in 1975, most British people left for either Rhodesia or South Africa, while others resettled in Portugal and Brazil. However, just like Angola, the British population in Mozambique is/was tiny compared to both their share of the nation's population and in comparison to the Portuguese.[citation needed]

Elsewhere

[edit]
Australian Liberal Party leader Sussan Ley, who was born in Nigeria.

Sizable numbers of people of British descent are also nationals of Ghana, Namibia, Tanzania, Swaziland (3% of the population),[83] Nigeria,[84] and Botswana.[85] In addition, nearly 10,000 white Ugandans of British extraction were living under the regime of Idi Amin as recorded by Time Magazine in 1972. Due to the subsequent deterioration of conditions under Amin (including the constant threat of forced expulsion), most of the local British diaspora emigrated to the United Kingdom and South Africa.[86] In 2006, approximately 2,500 Britons lived in Uganda.[87]

Scots in Africa

[edit]

Nyasaland (Malawi)

[edit]

The Scots played an enormous part in British overseas colonisation, alongside the English and Welsh. Scotland supplied colonial troops, administrators, governors, prospectors, architects, and engineers to help construct the colonies all over the world.[citation needed]

From the 1870s, Scottish churches began missionary work in Nyasaland/Malawi, in the wake of their illustrious predecessor, David Livingstone. Their pressure on the British Government resulted in Nyasaland being declared a British Protectorate. A small Scottish community was established here, and other Scots immigration occurred in Southern Rhodesia/Zimbabwe, Northern Rhodesia/Zambia, and South Africa. The table below represents how small their numbers were compared to other sections of the future Central African Federation.

Numbers of white and black inhabitants in the federation
Year Southern Rhodesia Northern Rhodesia Nyasaland
White Black White Black White Black
1927 38,200 922,000 4,000 1,000,000 1,700 1,350,000
1946 80,500 1,600,000 21,919 1,634,980 2,300 2,340,000

The largest city and commercial capital of the country, Blantyre, is named after a town in Scotland and birthplace of David Livingstone. The reason for the small number of Europeans was mainly the lack of mineral resources (Northern Rhodesia had copper and Southern Rhodesia has gold).

After Nyasaland became independent (and upon adopting a new name, Malawi), many Scots returned to Scotland or moved to South Africa or Rhodesia (formerly Southern Rhodesia and later known as Zimbabwe). Despite this, Scots had an enormous South African community (compared to that of Nyasaland).[citation needed]

To this day most Scots in Africa reside in South Africa and until the 21st century, also in Zimbabwe (formerly Rhodesia). Most Scottish colonists from Rhodesia left for South Africa after Rhodesia's independence and after economic and political problems in 2001. Evidence of the continued Scottish influence is seen in the continuing traditions of Highland games and pipe bands, especially in Natal. Ties between Scotland and Malawi also remain strong.[citation needed]

French in Africa

[edit]

North Africa

[edit]
Notre Dame d'Afrique, a church built by the French Pieds-Noirs in Algeria.

Large numbers of French people settled in French North Africa from the 1840s onward. By the end of French rule in the early 1960s there were over one million European Algerians, mostly of French origin and Catholic[88] (known as pieds noirs, or "black feet"), living in Algeria, consisting about 16% of the population in 1962.[89]

There were 255,000 Europeans in Tunisia in 1956,[90] while Morocco was home to half a million Europeans.[91] French law made it easy for thousands of colons, ethnic or national French from former colonies of Africa, French India and French Indochina, to live in mainland France. After Algeria became independent in 1962, about 800,000 Pieds-Noirs of French nationality were evacuated to mainland France while about 200,000 chose to remain in Algeria. Of the latter, there were still about 100,000 in 1965 and about 50,000 by the end of the 1960s.[92] 1.6 million European colons migrated from Algeria, Tunisia, and Morocco.[93] As of December 31, 2011, there were 94,382 French citizens in all three countries, Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia. 2,5 million people in Algeria have at least one European ancestor, 1 million people in Tunisia have at least one European ancestor according to DNA studies.[94] Both countries were part of the Roman Empire and the French colonial empire.

Francophone West Africa

[edit]
A European child in Gabon

Unlike Algeria, permanent European colonisation in most of France's tropical African colonies was not especially successful; during World War II the entire white population of French West Africa numbered only about 22,000.[95] Immigration to French West Africa spiked after the war due to an influx of French people seeking to escape depressed economic opportunities at home.[95] In June 1951, there were 49,904 whites of French origin in French West Africa, as well as an undetermined number of Europeans of other nationalities.[95] The total number of white residents in these colonies never exceeded 0.3% of the population, and was predominantly urban: two-thirds of them lived in one of French West Africa's nine administrative capitals.[95] Their most popular destination was Senegal, where over half the French-speaking whites resided.[95] Nevertheless, French West Africa's white population remained subject to a high turnover rate; in 1951 78% of this group had been born in France, and the number of European families which had lived in Dakar for more than a generation was described as "negligible".[95] The postwar influx also introduced the phenomenon of unemployed whites in French West Africa, who were mostly unskilled workers that secured only temporary jobs or were not engaged in any specific profession, and found themselves having to compete with a growing skilled black workforce.[95] It also contributed to a rise in housing segregation as exclusively white neighbourhoods became more common.[95]

Following the dissolution of French West Africa and the independence of its constituent states, sizable white minorities survived in Gabon and the Ivory Coast.[96] 2,500 French people reside in Chad.[97] 4,500 French soldiers reside in Burkina Faso, Chad, Mali, Mauritania and Niger.[98] 3,000 French reside in Mali and 1,000 French soldiers reside in Niger.[99]

Djibouti

[edit]

In 1917, Djibouti (then French Somaliland) had a European population of 294, of which 107 were French.[100] In 1974, 10,255 Europeans lived in the colony, which gained independence just 3 years later.[101]

Madagascar

[edit]

A sizeable number of French people reside in Madagascar, many of whom trace their ties to Madagascar back to the colonial period. An estimated 20,000 French citizens lived and worked in Madagascar in 2011.[102] The numbers make Madagascar the home of the largest ethnic French population in terms of absolute numbers in Sub-Saharan Africa, other than the French département Réunion.

Mauritius

[edit]

Franco-Mauritians account for approximately 2% of the population of Mauritius.[103]

Mayotte

[edit]

Réunion

[edit]

In Réunion, a French island in the Indian Ocean, white islanders, mostly of ethnic French origin, are estimated to make up approximately 30% of the population.[104] 260,000 white people live in Réunion.

South Africa

[edit]

Huguenots

[edit]

A large number of French Huguenots settled in the Cape Colony, following their expulsion from France in the 17th century. However, the use of the French language was discouraged and many of their descendants intermarried with the Dutch. This early contact is visible in the Francophone names of a few historic towns in Western Cape such as Courtrai and in the surnames of some Afrikaners and Cape Coloureds, such as Marais, Joubert, de Lille, and du Plessis. The Huguenot-descended South African community is the largest in France's African diaspora.[citation needed]

Franschhoek (meaning French Corner in Dutch) is a large town in the Western Cape, so named for the French Huguenots, who traveled and settled there. There is a striking French influence in the town, which can be found firstly in street names which include La Rochelle Street, Bordeaux Street, Huguenot Street, Roux Malherbe Street, and Cabriere Street. Nearby farms, hamlets, and villages often hold French names such as La Roux; a township north of Franschhoek, Chamonix Estate, and so forth. Many Huguenot-dedicated buildings have been erected in Franschhoek, the major one being the Huguenot Monument.[citation needed]

In 1979, there were 49 Huguenot congregations in South Africa.[citation needed]

Franco Mauritians

[edit]

Between 1945 and 1969, many Franco-Mauritians emigrated to South Africa. In 1981, their population in the KwaZulu Natal province was estimated at more than 12,000.[citation needed]

Portuguese in Africa

[edit]
Jorge Carlos Fonseca, former President of Cape Verde

The first Portuguese colonies in Africa were built in the 15th century. The descendants of the soldiers who accompanied Christopher da Gama expedition to support the Ethiopian throne in the 16th century continued to exert a significant influence in that country's history over the next two centuries; for example, the Empress Mentewab was extremely proud of her Portuguese ancestry. In the late 17th century, much of Portuguese Mozambique was divided into prazos, or agricultural estates, which were settled by Portuguese families. In Portuguese Angola, namely in the areas of Luanda and Benguela, there was a significant Portuguese population. 20,000 people from the former Portuguese colony of Brazil currently live in Angola. In the islands of Cape Verde and São Tomé and Príncipe, besides Portuguese colonists, most of the population was of mixed Portuguese and African origin. The descendants of the Portuguese colonists who were born and raised locally since Portuguese colonial time were called crioulos. As of 2022, 421,136 or 71% of people living in Cape Verde has European ancestry, mostly Portuguese.[105]

In the early 20th century, the Portuguese government encouraged white migration to the Portuguese territories of Angola and Mozambique, and by the 1960s, at the beginning of the Portuguese Colonial War, there were around 650,000 Portuguese colonists living in their overseas African provinces, and a substantial Portuguese population living in other African countries. In 1974, there were up to 1,000,000 Portuguese colonists living in their overseas African provinces.[106] In 1975, Angola had a community of approximately 400,000 Portuguese, while Mozambique had approximately more than 350,000 colonists from Portugal.[107]

Most Portuguese colonists were forced to return to Portugal (the retornados) as the country's African possessions gained independence in the mid-1970s,[108] while others moved south to South Africa, which now has the largest Portuguese-African population (who between 50 and 80% came from Madeira), and to Brazil. When the Mozambican Civil War (1977–1992) began suddenly, large numbers of both Portuguese-born colonists and Mozambican-born colonists of Portuguese blood went out again.

However, after the war in Mozambique, more Portuguese colonists returned and the newer ones settled Mozambique while White Brazilians, especially those of Portuguese descent, moved to Mozambique to work as aid workers and investors and have adopted Mozambique as their home. It is estimated the population of Portuguese people in Mozambique has increased to over 20,000 since the peace settlement of Mozambique in 1992. Notable demographics of Portuguese Mozambicans could be found in cities like Maputo, Beira, and Nampula with Maputo accumulating the highest percentage. 82,593 Portuguese Mozambicans live in Mozambique as of 2012.

In recent years, some Portuguese have migrated to Angola for economic reasons, mainly the country's recent economic boom.[109] In 2008, Angola was the preferred destination for Portuguese migrants in Africa.[109] 300,000 white people with Portuguese heritage currently live in Angola. 500,000 are mixed race, half white and half black.[110] The majority of Angolan whites live in Luanda, the capital of Angola. They represent 260,000 from the 2.5 million inhabitants or over 10% of Luanda.[citation needed]

Portuguese South Africans

[edit]

South Africa largely featured two Portuguese waves of immigration, one was a constant but small flow of Portuguese from Madeira and Portugal itself, while the second was ethnic Portuguese fleeing from Angola and Mozambique after their respective independences. The reason behind the immigration of Madeirans to South Africa was both a political and economic one. After 1950, prime minister Hendrik Verwoerd encouraged immigration from Protestant northern Europeans, such as his own ethnic group the Dutch, to bolster the white population. He later began to approve immigration policies also favouring Southern Europeans, including Madeirans, who were facing high unemployment rates. Many Madeirans and other Portuguese who immigrated were at first isolated from other white populations due to their differences, such as the fact that few could speak English or Afrikaans and were Roman Catholic.[107] Eventually they ended up setting up businesses in Johannesburg or coastal fisheries, and a substantial number intermarried with other white South African groups.[111]

One known Portuguese South African creation was the restaurant chain Nando's, created in 1987, which incorporated influences from former Portuguese colonists from Mozambique, many of whom had settled on the south-eastern side of Johannesburg, after Mozambique's independence in 1975. There is currently a 300,000-strong Portuguese community in South Africa.[112]

Italians in Africa

[edit]

Libya

[edit]
Arrival of the first Italian locomotive in Tripoli, Italian Tripolitania, in 1912.

Libya had some 150,000 Italian colonists until World War II, constituting about 18% of the total population in Italian Libya.[113] The Italians in Libya resided (and many still do) in most major cities like Tripoli (37% of the city was Italian), Benghazi (31%), and Hun (3%). Their numbers decreased after World War II. Most of Libya's Italians were expelled from the North African country in 1970, a year after Muammar Gaddafi seized power (a "day of vengeance" on 7 October 1970),[114] but a few hundred Italians returned to Libya in the 2000s.

Year Italians Percentage Total Libya Source for data on population
1936 112,600 13.26% 848,600 Enciclopedia Geografica Mondiale K-Z, De Agostini, 1996
1939 108,419 12.37% 876,563 Guida Breve d'Italia Vol.III, C.T.I., 1939 (Censimento Ufficiale)
1962 35,000 2.1% 1,681,739 Enciclopedia Motta, Vol.VIII, Motta Editore, 1969
1982 1,500 0.05% 2,856,000 Atlante Geografico Universale, Fabbri Editori, 1988
2004 22,530 0.4% 5,631,585 L'Aménagement Linguistique dans le Monde Archived 2009-04-26 at the Wayback Machine

Somalia

[edit]

Somalia had over 50,000 Italian Somali colonists during World War II, constituting more than 5% of the total population in Italian Somaliland.[115][116] The Italians resided in most major cities in the central and southern parts of the territory, with around 22,000 living in the capital Mogadishu. Other major areas of colonisation included Jowhar, which was founded by the Italian prince Luigi Amedeo, Duke of the Abruzzi. Italian used to be a major language, but its influence significantly diminished following independence. It is now most frequently heard among older generations and the educated.[117] 1,000 Italian Somalis currently live in Somalia.[citation needed]

South African Italians

[edit]
Italian Club in Boksburg

Although Italians did not immigrate to South Africa in large numbers, those who have arrived have nevertheless made an impact on the host country.

Before World War II, relatively few Italian immigrants arrived, though there were some prominent exceptions, such as the Cape's first Prime Minister John Molteno, who was of Anglo-Italian descent. South African Italians made big headlines during World War II, when Italians captured in Italian East Africa needed to be sent to a safe stronghold to be kept as prisoners of war (POWs). South Africa was the perfect destination, and the first POWs arrived in Durban, in 1941.[118][119]

Despite being POWs, the Italians were treated well, with a good food diet and friendly hospitality. These factors, along with the peaceful, cheap, and sunny landscape, made it very attractive for Italians to settle down, and therefore, the Italian South African community was born. Although over 100,000 Italian POW were sent to South Africa, only a handful decided to stay. During their capture, they were given the opportunity to build chapels, churches, dams, and many more structures. Most Italian influence and architecture can be seen in the Natal and Transvaal area. Esselenpark (Railway College) is particularly notable.

Today there are roughly 77,400 South Africans of Italian descent.[120]

Ethiopia

[edit]

During the Italian occupation of Ethiopia, roughly 300,000 Italians settled in Italian East Africa (1936-1947). Over 49,000 lived in Asmara (now located in and the capital of Eritrea) in 1939 (around 10% of the city's population), and over 38,000 resided in Addis Ababa. After independence, many Italians remained for decades after receiving full pardon by Emperor Selassie, as he saw the opportunity to continue the modernization efforts of the country.[121] However, due to the Ethiopian Civil War in 1974, nearly 22,000 Italo-Ethiopians left the country.[121] 80 original Italian colonists remained alive in 2007, and nearly 2000 mixed descendants of Italians and Ethiopians. In the 2000s, some Italian companies returned to operate in Ethiopia, and a large number of Italian technicians and managers arrived with their families, residing mainly in the metropolitan area of the capital.[122] 3,400 Italians still live in Ethiopia.[123] and 1,300 British people live in Ethiopia.

Elsewhere in Africa

[edit]
Church of Our Lady of the Rosary in Asmara, built by Italian Eritreans in 1923.

The Italians had a significantly large, but very quickly diminished population in Africa. In 1926, there were 90,000 Italians in Tunisia, compared to 70,000 Frenchmen (unusual since Tunisia was a French protectorate).[124] Former Italian communities also once thrived in the Horn of Africa, with about 50,000 Italian colonists living in Italian Eritrea in 1935,[125] with 49,000 of them lived in Asmara, like mentioned above. The Italian Eritrean population grew from 4,000 during World War I to nearly 100,000 at the beginning of World War II.[126] Of all the former Italian territories, Eritrea is the only one where the educated population can speak Italian, as there is 1 Italian-language school in Asmara, the Scuola Italiana di Asmara, and the Italian language is still spoken in Eritrean commerce. The size of the Italian Egyptian community had also reached around 55,000 just before World War II, forming the second-largest expatriate community in Egypt. 100,000 people in Italian Eritreans living in Eritrea have at least one Italian ancestor, accounting for 2.2% of its total population.

A few Italian colonists stayed in Portuguese colonies in Africa after World War II. As the Portuguese government had sought to enlarge the small Portuguese population through emigration from Europe,[106] the Italian migrants gradually assimilated into the Angolan Portuguese community.

Italian Catholic church in Tangier.

The first Italian presence in Morocco dates back to the times of the Italian maritime republics, when many merchants of the Republic of Venice and of the Republic of Genoa settled on the Maghreb coast.[127] This presence lasted until the 19th century.[127] The Italian community had a notable development in French Morocco; already in the 1913 census about 3,500 Italians were registered, almost all concentrated in Casablanca, and mostly employed as excavators and construction workers.[128][127] The Italians were mainly dedicated to the trade and the Moroccan construction industry.[129] The Italian presence in the Rif, included in Spanish Morocco, was minimal, except in Tangier, an international city, where there was an important community, as evidenced by the presence of the Italian School.[130] A further increase of Italian immigrants in Morocco was recorded after World War I, reaching 12,000 people, who were employed among the workers and as farmers, unskilled workers, bricklayers and operators.[128][127] In the 1930s, Italian-Moroccans, almost all of Sicilian origin, numbered over 15,600 and lived mainly in the Maarif district of Casablanca.[127] With decolonization, most Italian Moroccans left Morocco for France and Spain.[127]

Greeks in Africa

[edit]

Egypt

[edit]
The geographer Ptolemy was a Greek born in Alexandria

Greeks have been living in Egypt since and even before Alexander the Great conquered Egypt at an early stage of his journey of conquests. Herodotus, who visited Egypt in the 5th century BC, wrote that the Greeks were the first foreigners that ever lived in Egypt.[131] Diodorus Siculus attested that Rhodian Actis, one of the Heliadae, built the city of Heliopolis before the cataclysm; likewise the Athenians built Sais. While all Greek cities were destroyed during the cataclysm, the Egyptian cities including Heliopolis and Sais survived.[132]

In modern times the official 1907 census showed 62,973 Greeks living in Egypt. The expulsion of 2.5 million Greeks from Turkey saw a large number of those Greeks move to Egypt and by 1940 Greeks were numbered at around 500,000. Today the Greek community numbers officially about 3,000 people although the real number is much higher since many Greeks have changed their nationality to Egyptian. In Alexandria, apart from the patriarchate, there is a patriarchal theology school that opened recently after being closed for 480 years. Saint Nicolas church and several other buildings in Alexandria have been recently renovated by the Greek Government and the Alexander S. Onassis Foundation.[citation needed]

During the last decade, there has been a new interest from the Egyptian government for a diplomatic rapprochement with Greece and this has positively affected the Greek diaspora. The diaspora has received official visits of many Greek politicians. Economic relationships have been blossoming between Greece and Egypt. Egypt has been recently the centre of major Greek investments in industries such as banking, tourism, paper, and oil. In 2009, a five years cooperation memorandum was signed among the NCSR Demokritos Institute in Agia Paraskevi, Athens and the University of Alexandreia, regarding Archeometry research and contextual sectors.[133]

South Africa

[edit]

The Greeks have had a presence in South Africa since the late 19th century. After the flight of the Greeks from Egypt in reaction to Nasser's nationalization policy the Greek population of South Africa dramatically increased to around 250,000.[134] Today the number of Greeks in South Africa is estimated between 60,000 – 120,000.[135]

Zimbabwe

[edit]

The Greek community in Zimbabwe numbered between 13,000 and 15,000 people in 1972 and once comprised Rhodesia's second largest white community after individuals of British origin.[136] Today the Greek community in Zimbabwe numbers under 3,000.[136] Zimbabwe currently hosts eleven Greek Orthodox churches and fifteen Greek associations and humanitarian organizations.[137]

Elsewhere

[edit]

The Greeks have a presence in a number of African countries such as Cameroon (1,200 people),[138] Zambia (800 people),[139] Ethiopia (500 people),[140] Uganda (450 people),[141] Democratic Republic of Congo (300 people),[142] Kenya (100 families),[143] Nigeria (300 people),[144] Tanzania (300 people),[138] Sudan (200 people),[145] Botswana (200–300 people),[146] Malawi (200 people),[147] and Morocco (150 people).[138]

Germans in Africa

[edit]

Namibia

[edit]
Examples of daily use of German in Namibia.

Germany was late to colonize Africa (or to have an empire), mainly due to it not being a unified country until the late 19th century. However, many Germans settled in South West Africa (modern day Namibia) as well as South Africa. Those Germans who migrated to South West Africa retained German culture, religion, and even language, while those in South Africa often had to learn English or Afrikaans as a first language and adopt another culture.[citation needed]

Unlike other Europeans in Africa, when many African states gained independence, the Germans (along with the English and Dutch/Afrikaners) stayed in Southern Africa because they retained political dominance (now being a mandate under South African control). The country was administered as a province of South Africa during the apartheid era (though South African rule was not widely recognized internationally.) German influence in Namibia is very strong and noticeable. Because Namibia has not changed any town names since independence, many of the largest cities in the country retain their German names. These include Lüderitz, Grünau, Maltahöhe, Wasser, Schuckmannsburg, and even the capital city has a German name (Windhuk). In the southern Regions of Karas and especially Hardap, the vast majority of town names are German, or a mixture of German, Afrikaans and English. In the Hardap region, some 80% of colonies have a name of German origin.[citation needed]

Namibia is also the only nation outside Europe to have a Lutheran majority. This is due to many German missionaries during the 19th century who converted the Ovambo and Damara people to Christianity. Until 1990, German was an official language of Namibia, and is now a recognized regional language (the only one of its kind for the German language outside of Europe).[citation needed]

Tanzania

[edit]
A classroom in a German East African school.

When mainland Tanzania, Rwanda, and Burundi were under German control they were named German East Africa and received some migration from German communities.[citation needed]

A number of locations in Tanzania formerly bore German names. The city of Tabora was formerly named Weidmannsheil and Kasanga was known as Bismarckburg. Mount Kilimanjaro was known as Kilimandscharo, a German way of spelling it. Despite virtually all German names being reverted since World War I, some places still hold German names. These include the majority of Glaciers on Mount Kilimanjaro, such as Rebmann Glacier and Furtwängler Glacier.[citation needed]

Some colonial German-style buildings still exist in some of Tanzania's largest cities and former German strongholds, but they are in bad condition and need extensive renovation.[citation needed]

Togo

[edit]
A map of Togoland in 1885, with Lomé in the south-west. Note that all land above the coast is called 'Unexplored country', despite the whole territory being under German control.

Togoland was a German colony from 1884 to 1914.[citation needed]

Cameroon

[edit]

Kamerun was a German colony in present-day Cameroon between 1884 and 1916. During German control, few German families migrated in comparison with Germany's other colonies, but plantations, trading posts, and infrastructure projects were built to aid the growing German Empire with goods, such as bananas and important minerals. These trading posts were most abundant around the former capital city, and largest city in Cameroon: Douala.[citation needed]

Douala itself was known as Kamerunstadt (German for 'Cameroon City') between 1884 and 1907. Most trading took place with Hamburg and Bremen, and was later made easier by the construction of an extensive postal and telegraph system. Like all German colonies (except South West Africa), after World War I, many Germans left for Europe, America, or South Africa.[citation needed]

After World War I, the colony of Kamerun was split between British and French administrations. Once Germany was admitted to the League of Nations, the new colonial administrations were forced to allow German colonists and missionaries to return and repossess their land beginning in 1925. The German-run factories and plantations in Southern Cameroon employed over 25,000 Cameroonians at this time.[148] Sentiment among native Cameroonians at the time remained overwhelmingly pro-German, which was made most evident when only 3,500 Cameroonians enlisted to fight for the British at the outbreak of World War II.[149] By the 1930s, Germans accounted for more than 60% of the white population in British Cameroon and owned more than 300,000 acres of cocoa plantations in both the French and British Cameroons.[150]

Former Portuguese colonies

[edit]

A number of German colonists stayed in Portuguese African colonies as World War II refugees when the Portuguese government tried to request Europeans of other nationalities to increase the very tiny Portuguese population and during the war, although that plan of the Portuguese government was unsuccessful.[106] Prior to the Angolan Civil War, the German population in Benguela and Moçâmedes was very active and had a German-language school in Benguela.[151] The German families remaining in Angola today live mainly in Luanda and Calulo.[152]

South Africa

[edit]

There is a German community within South Africa, many of whom have been absorbed into the Afrikaner community, but some still maintain a German identity. Migration to South Africa from Germany has existed since the establishment of the first refreshment station in 1652. German missionaries were present throughout the region. Under British rule, there was increased immigration from Germany with significant numbers settling in the Natal and in the Eastern Cape. Under apartheid, much of the land given to German colonists was confiscated so many dispersed throughout the country.[153][154]

Ghana

[edit]

There are some Germans remaining in Ghana. Most of them have ancestors from Brandenburg and Prussia.[citation needed]

Spanish in Africa

[edit]
The Spanish Church (Church of Our Lady of Victory of Tétouan) in Tétouan, Morocco

The Spanish have resided in many African countries (mostly former colonies), including Equatorial Guinea, Western Sahara, South Africa, and Morocco. 94,000 Spaniards chose to go to Algeria in the last years of the 19th century; 250,000 Spaniards lived in Morocco at the beginning of the 20th century. Most Spaniards left Morocco after its independence in 1956 and their numbers were reduced to 13,000.[155]

In 1950, Catholics in Spanish protectorate in Morocco and Tangier constitute 14.5% of the population, and the Spanish Morocco was home to 113,000 Catholic settlers.[156] Catholics in Spanish protectorate in Morocco and Tangier were mostly of Spanish descent, and to a lesser extent of Portuguese, French and Italian ancestry.[156]

Prior to Spain's abandoning the Western Sahara in 1975, there were over 20,000 Spanish Catholics, who formed roughly 32% of the total population before the Moroccan occupation.[157]

Equatorial Guinea

[edit]
A 1924 stamp depicting a typical Spanish-owned plantation in Spanish Guinea

The Spanish have resided in Equatorial Guinea (when under Spanish rule known as Spanish Guinea) for many years and first started as temporary plantation owners originally from Valencia, before returning to Spain. Few Spaniards remained in Spanish Guinea permanently and left only after a few years. At independence in 1968 Spanish Guinea had one of the highest per capita incomes in Africa (US$332).[158] The Spanish also helped Equatorial Guinea achieve one of the continent's highest literacy rates and developed a good network of health care facilities.[158]

Many left Spanish Guinea when the colony gained independence in 1968. After independence, many Spanish-named cities and places in Equatorial Guinea were changed to more African names, the most obvious one being the capital city, Malabo (formerly Santa Isabel), and the island it is located on, Bioko (formerly Fernando Poo). [citation needed]

Despite a large loss of Spanish residents during the rule of Masie Nguema Biyogo, their numbers have somewhat increased after he was overthrown. They almost exclusively speak Spanish as their first language; French or Portuguese, which are official languages, are often spoken as second languages, sometimes alongside the indigenous Bantu languages. Their religion is almost entirely Catholic, and this can be reflected by the population, which also remains Catholic. Since the discovery of oil, and an economic 'boom', a large number of Europeans of other ancestries have also migrated the country for business and in Malabo, they are located in the western half of the city and in new housing estates.[citation needed]

Canary Islands

[edit]

The Canary Islands are part of the Macaronesia, Atlantic islands detached from the African mainland. The Canary Islanders are a mixture of the indigenous North African proto-Berber Guanches, Spanish and Portuguese people and other Europeans, mainly from Germany, Italy and the UK, and the descendants of African slaves.[citation needed]

Plazas de soberanía

[edit]

Spain holds the plazas de soberanía ("strongholds of sovereignty") on Northern African coast. They are small islands garrisoned by the Spanish Army and two autonomous cities: Ceuta and Melilla. About 60% of the population of Ceuta is "Christian",[159] meaning the descendants of the Portuguese and Spanish ancestral people and recent immigrants mostly linked to the Spanish state. A similar proportion of "Christians" is present in Melilla.[160]

Moriscos

[edit]

The Moriscos (Christianized descendants of Iberian Muslims of mixed Hispano-Roman, Visigothic, Berber and Arab ancestry) were expelled from Spain between 1609 and 1614. Thousands of them settled in Muslim North Africa. Some number their descendants as high as 5 million people.[161]

Belgians in Africa

[edit]

Belgian colonials and their descendants have been especially represented in Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, although post-colonial instability in these states has led to exodus.

Belgian Congo

[edit]

In the Belgian Congo, Belgium's largest overseas possession, European missionaries, corporations, and officials had entrenched a comprehensive political, social, economic, and cultural hegemony.[162] This was disrupted as 1955 drew to a close, however, as mild proposals for a form of Congolese self-government provoked furious protests across the Belgian Congo. A Belgian-appointed study commission subsequently recommended a complicated formula which would lead to gradual self-government for the Congo by 1985, although this was opposed by the most militant nationalists, who demanded immediate and full independence.[162]

On 5 July 1960, five days after the new Republic of the Congo gained independence from Belgium, members of the Force Publique (Dutch: Openbare Weermacht) garrison near Léopoldville/Leopoldstad mutinied.[163] African soldiers, resentful over the fact that independence had brought little change to their status, ousted 1,000 of their Belgian officers from the command structure. The new government was slow to react, allowing a state of panic to develop among the 120,000 colonists still resident in the territory as roving bands of mutineers attacked numerous European targets, assaulting and killing with impunity.[163] Belgium's attempt to defend her nationals with military force only aggravated the situation; within ten days of independence white civil servants were emigrating en masse. As Congo's infamous crisis developed further, the predominantly white magistrate corps also fled the growing chaos, dealing a severe blow to their nation's basic judicial apparatus – considered by several prominent observers to be "the worst catastrophe in this series of disasters".[162]

In 1965, there remained a mere 60,000 Belgians spread throughout the Congo.[164]

As of 2011, roughly 9,500 European-descended people live in the Congo, many of whom are of Belgian ancestry.[165] As of 2024, 2,746 people in the Congo are Belgian citizens.[166]

Flemings in Rwanda, South Africa, and the DRC

[edit]

Many Flemish colonists in Rwanda were targeted for extermination as part of the Rwandan genocide. This seemed to be largely because Belgian colonists had offered better education and employment opportunities to Tutsi tribesmen under colonial rule than the Hutus, who controlled the government during the genocide. Many of those remaining today are of Flemish descent, and part of the large "reverse diaspora" currently occurring in Rwanda.[167]

Radio messages broadcast by Hutu extremists advocated the killing of white Rwandans should they be of Belgian ancestry, despite the fact that Belgium itself attempted to remain neutral during the 1994 conflict.[168] Furthermore, one of the main radio propagandists was a white Belgian man who moved to Rwanda, Georges Ruggiu.

3,000 Belgians are living in Burundi,[169] and 14,000 Belgians are living in Burundi, DR Congo and Rwanda together.

Norwegians in Africa

[edit]

Southern Africa

[edit]

Although Norwegians in Africa are one of the smallest immigrant communities, they are not unheard of. Emigration to South Africa from Norway in 1876–85 was dominated by emigrants from the districts of Romsdal and Sunnmøre.[170]

One notable incident was the Debora Expedition [no], when a dozen families left Bergen in 1879 to establish a Norwegian colony on the Indian Ocean atoll of Aldabra (now part of Seychelles).[171] The mission was aborted because of a lack of fresh water on the atoll, and they instead settled in Durban, with a few opting to settle in Madagascar.

The town of Marburg in the South African province of KwaZulu-Natal was founded by Norwegians in 1882. Marburg's founders were mostly from Ålesund in Sunnmøre.[172] It was the only successful Scandinavian colony in southern Africa. Many of the original founders later left the colony, a number of them joining the other Norwegian community already in Durban and a smaller number moving on to Australia.[173]

A number of Norwegian colonists stayed in Portuguese African colonies when the Portuguese government tried to request Europeans of other nationalities to increase the very tiny Portuguese population, although the plan was unsuccessful. They were already acculturated to the Portuguese population.[106]

Serbs in Africa

[edit]

Southern Africa

[edit]

Serbs and people of Serbian descent constitute a fairly large population in South Africa, accounting for 25–30,000 people, mostly residing in Gauteng. Over 22 Serbian folklore groups are active in South Africa, and participate in church-based activities. There are a number of diaspora clubs and associations, as well as several Serbian Orthodox churches in the country. The Serbian community in South Africa has existed since the 19th century, and during World War II the government of Yugoslavia sent agents to recruit Serbian immigrants, then mostly concentrated in Cape Town.[174] In 1952, the Serbian community that left Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia after World War II founded a local Saint Sava church and school municipality in Johannesburg.[175] In 1978, a local Serbian Orthodox Church dedicated to Thomas the Apostle was built.[175] Today, a local school teaches students Serbian language with support under the program defined by the Ministry of Education of Serbia.[176]

Additionally, there are Serbian communities in Zambia numbering nearly 3,000 which has existed in Zambia for over six decades and Botswana. In 2009 the Rector of St. Thomas the Apostle Serbian Orthodox Church in Johannesburg visited the Serbian community of Zambia, who attend the local Greek church.[177]

Hungarians in Africa

[edit]

Other European diaspora in Africa

[edit]

Virtually all European ethnic groups can be found in South Africa. Several Sub-Saharan African countries have more than one million inhabitants with at least one Eurasian ancestor, like Angola, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Ghana, Madagascar, Mauritania, Mauritius, Niger, Nigeria, Somalia, South Africa and Sudan, according to DNA studies.[178]

Armenians once numbered thousands in Ethiopia and Sudan, before civil wars, revolutions, and nationalization drove most of them out. They still have community centers and churches in these countries. Before 1952 there were around 75,000 Armenians in Egypt.[179] Today, they number around 6,000 and live primarily in Cairo. The Armenian Apostolic Church and Coptic Orthodox Church are in communion as Oriental Orthodox churches.

There are an estimated 100,000 Europeans living in Tunisia, most are French with some Italians.[180] Morocco has about 100,000 Europeans, most of them French with some Spanish.[181] In Cape Verde, around 50% of the population has at least one European ancestor, resulting in many people having blond hair or blue eyes.[182] Some 15,000 French people lived in the Ivory Coast in 2004.[183]

Liberia was founded and settled mostly by liberated African-Americans as well as West Indians, most of whom had varying degrees of European ancestry. Americo-Liberians comprise 2.5% of Liberia’s population, numbering about 150,000 people.[184]

In Egypt, there is an Albanian community.

Languages

[edit]

White Africans speak Indo-European languages as their first languages (Afrikaans, English, Portuguese, French, German, Spanish and Italian).

Afrikaans

[edit]
Geographical distribution of Afrikaans in South Africa: proportion of the population that speaks Afrikaans at home.
  •   0–20%
  •   20–40%
  •   40–60%
  •   60–80%
  •   80–100%

Afrikaans is the most common language spoken at home by white South Africans. It is spoken by roughly 60% of South Africa's, 60% of Namibia's, and about 5% of Zimbabwe's white population. In South Africa they make up a major white speaking group in all provinces except KwaZulu-Natal, where Afrikaans speakers make up 1.5% of the population. In Rhodesia (and later Zimbabwe), Afrikaans was not as common and the country was dominated by English throughout its history. There were however a few Afrikaans inhabitants, mostly from South Africa. Afrikaans was also very limited culturally in Rhodesia and so only a few Afrikaans place names existed, most notably Enkeldoorn (renamed Chivhu in 1982). Most Afrikaners in Zimbabwe have now immigrated to South Africa or European countries.[citation needed]

English

[edit]

English is the second most spoken language among white Africans, spoken by 39% of South Africa's, 7% of Namibia's, and 90% of Zimbabwe's white population. In South Africa they remain the dominant white ethnic group in KwaZulu-Natal, while in Gauteng and the Western Cape they also contribute to a large percentage of the English-speaking population.[citation needed]

English is a second language of many non-British white Africans with higher education in almost all non-English-speaking African nations. Outside of South Africa, Namibia, and Zimbabwe, British White Africans make up a large minority in Zambia, Kenya, Botswana, and Swaziland, therefore growing the presence of English in these countries.[citation needed]

German

[edit]

German is spoken by 32% of Namibia's white population (making up 2% of the Namibian population). There is also a now nearly extinct German dialect in Namibia known as Namibian Black German (or in German as Küchendeutsch or Kitchen German), and used to be spoken by black domestic servants to German colonists. However, the government has tried to lower the use of German and Afrikaans due to its colonial roots, and instead try and enforce English, the sole official language, and Bantu languages. There is also known to be a German dialect, spoken in the south-east of South Africa, known as Nataler German [de] (German from Natal).[citation needed]

Other languages

[edit]

Most whites in Angola and Mozambique use Portuguese as their first language. The other 1% of whites in South Africa, who do not speak Afrikaans or English, mostly speak Portuguese (from immigrant communities who come from Angola and Mozambique), or German, and Dutch (from European immigration). Equally, in Namibia, the remaining 1% of the white population speaks mostly Portuguese because of the immigration from Angola following independence of all Portuguese colonies in 1975.[citation needed]

Only a small white population in Libya, Tunisia, Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Somalia has the fluency of Italian, because it is no longer the official language there. Spanish is also spoken in some areas of Morocco, Western Sahara, Equatorial Guinea, as well as in those territories that form part of Spain such as the Canary Islands and the autonomous cities of Ceuta and Melilla. Very few White Africans speak Bantu languages at home, but still a small percentage of white Africans speak Bantu languages as second languages.[citation needed]

The Greek language has long existed on the continent since antiquity. In South Africa the population estimates vary with the Greek government reporting that roughly 50,000 Greeks lived in the country in 2012.[185] The South African constitution and Pan South African Language Board seeks to promote and respect the language. Zimbabwe also once held a large Greek-speaking community and there is still a Greek school.[186] This is also the case in South Africa. The language was also commonly spoken among Greeks in Egypt in both the ancient era and more recent times. There is a continued presence of the Greek language because of the small Greek community in the country as well as interest among cultural institutions.[187]

Sport

[edit]
Namibia Rugby Team 7s team warming up at the Telstra Dome

The Namibia National Rugby team is largely white.[citation needed]

Many European sports have become popular in Africa after the arrival of Europeans on the continent. Football was first introduced in the 19th century by British colonists in South Africa in 1862. The sport was quickly spread throughout the continent by missionaries, explorers, and other Europeans on the continent.[188] French colonists in Algeria were the first to introduce formalized clubs on the continent beginning with Club Athlétique d'Oran in 1897. The sport continues to be popular amongst Portuguese South Africans who founded the Vasco de Gama Football Club.

Cricket was introduced by British serviceman shortly after the takeover of the Cape Colony from the Dutch. The first known match in South Africa took place in 1808.[189] The sport continues to be popular amongst White Africans of British descent. Since the end of apartheid the sport has seen increased popularity with Afrikaners. Cricket was also played by Europeans in other countries on that are members of the commonwealth. The first recorded match of cricket in Zimbabwe took place in 1890. Following from this point the sport continued to grow with the arrival of more European colonists. The sport continued to be dominated by Europeans throughout much of the 20th century, and in 1983 they successfully defeated Australia in a stunning victory.[190]

The Zimbabwean women's field hockey team that won gold at the 1980 Olympics

Field hockey is also popular amongst White Africans. In South Africa the majority of players at the Olympic level are of European descent. Similarly the Zimbabwean field hockey team famous for its 1980 gold medal match was historically dominated by white Africans. The sport has a long history on the continent, and its modern iteration was first introduced by European colonists.[191]

Similarly to cricket, football, and field hockey; rugby was first introduced to the continent by the British. The sport was initially played in 1861 at Diocesan College but it quickly spread to the local population. The sport became popular among White Afrikaners after the first club outside of Cape Town had been created being in Stellenbosch. The expansion of European colonisation on the Cape towards the interior continued to increase the sports popularity.[citation needed]

Competitive swimming is also popular amongst white Africans. Such swimmers include Kirsty Coventry of Zimbabwe, and Jason Dunford of Kenya.[citation needed]

See also

[edit]
Diaspora

References

[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
White Africans of European ancestry are individuals residing on the African whose primary lineage derives from European migrants, forming distinct ethnic communities that have historically comprised a small fraction of Africa's overall , estimated at around 4.6 million today, with the vast majority—approximately 4.5 million—concentrated in and smaller groups, such as 53,773 in , elsewhere in . These populations emerged from successive waves of settlement beginning in the , initially driven by commercial imperatives rather than large-scale conquest, and persisted through colonial expansion, independence movements, and post-colonial transitions. The foundational settlement occurred in 1652 when the established a provisioning station at the under to support maritime trade routes to , marking the inception of permanent European presence in and leading to the development of Afrikaner culture through intermarriage, adaptation to local conditions, and . Subsequent influxes included British settlers in the 19th century, who introduced English legal traditions and industrialized mining in regions like the , alongside German, Portuguese, and other groups in territories such as (now ) and , facilitated by the late-19th-century partition of the continent among European powers. These communities engineered transformative —railways, harbors, irrigation systems, and urban centers—that underpinned export-oriented economies centered on commodities like , diamonds, and cash crops, while disseminating technical expertise, literacy, and medical practices that elevated living standards in settler-dominated areas beyond pre-colonial norms. Defining characteristics include cultural retention of European languages (Afrikaans, English) and Protestant traditions, alongside adaptations like Boer resilience during frontier conflicts, yet their minority status under majority-rule governments has engendered tensions rooted in colonial legacies of racial stratification, exemplified by 's apartheid regime (1948–1994), which institutionalized segregation to preserve white political and economic dominance amid demographic realities. Post-1960s prompted sharp demographic shifts, with accelerating after events like Zimbabwe's independence in 1980 and 's 1994 transition—over one million whites departed between 1995 and 2005 alone—due to land expropriations, policies, and rising insecurity, reducing communities in former from peaks of 270,000 to under 30,000 today. Despite such outflows, white Africans remain pivotal in high-skill sectors, sustaining agricultural productivity and innovation against systemic challenges like and policy instability in host nations.

Definition and Overview

Terminology and Self-Identification

White Africans of European ancestry are commonly described using the broad category "White" in national censuses and demographic statistics across countries like South Africa and Namibia, where self-identification by race or population group remains a standard practice rooted in post-colonial administrative frameworks. In South Africa, Statistics South Africa employs the term "White" for the approximately 4.5 million individuals who self-select this category in mid-2025 estimates, reflecting predominantly European genetic and cultural heritage without further ethnic subdivision in primary data collection. This classification, inherited from apartheid-era racial designations but adapted for voluntary reporting, encompasses diverse subgroups but prioritizes phenotypic and ancestral criteria over self-chosen ethnic labels. Among South African whites, self-identification often aligns with specific ethnic identities, particularly "Afrikaner" for the Afrikaans-speaking descendants of 17th- and 18th-century Dutch, German, French Huguenot, and other who developed a distinct , Calvinist-influenced culture, and frontier-oriented ethos. , numbering around 2.7 million based on proxies within the white population, emphasize this ethnic label to denote generational ties to dating to 1652, rejecting notions of transience and asserting continuity with the continent's landscapes and history despite European origins. English-speaking whites, comprising the remainder and tracing ancestry mainly to 19th-century British immigrants, typically self-identify as "English South Africans" or simply "South Africans," highlighting linguistic and imperial heritage over a unified ethnic construct. In Namibia, white residents—estimated at 6% of the population or about 180,000—self-identify as "" or "Europäische Namibier" in German-speaking communities, with subgroups like and invoking ancestral ties to 19th-century colonial settlement. processes allow self-identification, leading to groupings that reflect European descent, though some opt for broader Namibian to underscore post-independence integration. Zimbabwe's smaller white population, around 28,000, employs "White Zimbabwean" as a descriptor, with informal terms like "" persisting among those evoking pre-1980 Rhodesian identity tied to British settler culture. In , individuals of Portuguese descent self-identify as "" or simply Angolans, prioritizing national belonging amid historical colonial migration waves. Across these contexts, self-identification frequently incorporates national qualifiers (e.g., "South African ") to affirm rootedness, distinguishing long-term descendants from expatriates, while cultural and linguistic markers like or reinforce subgroup cohesion.

Geographic Scope and Historical Context

White Africans of European ancestry are primarily concentrated in , where they form established communities descended from 17th- to 20th-century settlers. The largest population resides in , numbering approximately 4.5 million individuals or 7.3% of the total population according to the 2022 national census. In , they comprise about 53,773 people, or 1.8% of the population, as recorded in the 2023 census, with ancestries tracing mainly to German, Dutch, and British origins. Smaller groups persist in neighboring countries such as (primarily British descent, fewer than 30,000), , , and , alongside residual Portuguese-descended communities in and . These southern African strongholds contrast with , where historical European settler populations—such as the French pieds-noirs in , exceeding 1 million by 1962—largely repatriated to following independence and decolonization upheavals. The historical context of these communities originates from European maritime expansion during the Age of Discovery, with establishing coastal trading posts along shores from the 1480s onward, though these remained limited to enclaves without extensive inland settlement. Permanent European agricultural and civilian settlement began in 1652, when the founded a refreshment station at (modern ) under to supply ships en route to ; this outpost rapidly expanded into the through free burgher grants and immigration from the , , and French fleeing persecution. By the late , the colony's European-descended population had grown to tens of thousands, fostering a distinct Afrikaner identity amid conflicts with indigenous groups and Bantu-speaking arrivals. British acquisition of the Cape in 1795 (formalized 1814) spurred further English immigration and inland migrations, including the Boer of 1835–1840s, which established independent republics in the interior regions. The 19th-century "" accelerated settlement elsewhere: British pioneers under founded (modern and ) from 1890, attracting thousands of farmers and miners; Germans claimed (Namibia) in 1884, developing settler farming communities; and Portuguese reinforced long-standing coastal footholds in and with increased 19th-century migration. In , in 1830 invited Mediterranean European settlers (including and ), building a substantial agrarian base by the early . from 1911 and earlier similarly created modest settler enclaves. Post-World War II , independence movements, and land reforms prompted mass exoduses from most regions outside southern Africa, reducing European-descended populations dramatically—e.g., from peaks of hundreds of thousands in (, ) to remnants today—while southern communities endured due to entrenched economic roles and negotiated transitions.

Genetic Ancestry and Origins

Predominant European Heritage

Genetic studies of populations, particularly through autosomal analysis, consistently demonstrate a predominant European ancestry component, typically exceeding 95% on average. In the Afrikaner population of , which forms the largest subgroup of white Africans, genotyping of 77 individuals across five million genomic sites revealed an average of 95.3% European ancestry (standard deviation 3.8%), with the remainder consisting of non-European contributions primarily from sub-Saharan African (mean 2.2%) and South Asian (1.7%) sources dating to the 17th-18th centuries. This admixture reflects early colonial intermarriages but does not alter the overwhelming European genetic foundation derived from Dutch, German, and French Huguenot settlers arriving from 1652 onward. English-speaking , tracing descent mainly from 19th-century British immigrants, exhibit even higher proportions of unmixed European ancestry, often approaching 98-100% in autosomal profiles, with minimal non-European input due to later settlement patterns and social . Similar patterns hold for other white African groups; sero-genetic marker analyses of Afrikaans- and German-speaking populations in (formerly ) show close resemblance to their northwestern European parental stocks, with gene frequencies aligning with Dutch and German reference populations rather than local African variants. (former Rhodesians), predominantly of British origin, maintain comparably high European genetic continuity, as their settlement from the involved limited early admixture. These findings are corroborated by uniparental markers: Y-chromosome haplogroups in white South African males predominantly feature European lineages such as R1b (common in ) and I1 (Scandinavian/Germanic), reflecting patrilineal descent from male settlers, while traces maternal lines overwhelmingly to . Subclades within autosomal European ancestry clusters vary by subgroup—e.g., northwestern European signals in Afrikaners and British whites—but collectively affirm origins in metropolitan without significant dilution from pre-colonial African gene pools. Such underscore that white Africans' genetic profile remains distinctly European, shaped by founder effects from small settler cohorts rather than extensive local .

Non-European Admixture Patterns

Genetic studies of , the largest group of white Africans of Dutch, German, and French descent, reveal low levels of non-European admixture averaging 4.7%, with the remainder predominantly northwestern European. This admixture primarily stems from early colonial interactions at the Cape, dated to approximately 1681 (about 9.3 generations ago), involving enslaved individuals from (1.7%), (0.9%), and West/ (0.8%), alongside 1.3% from indigenous Khoe-San populations. Khoe-San contributions are ubiquitous across Afrikaner genomes, though minimal in aggregate, reflecting sporadic unions with local foragers and pastoralists during frontier expansion, while slave-derived ancestry is more pronounced in lineages. Bantu-speaking African admixture in is limited, often below 2%, and lacks the pervasive distribution of Khoe-San or Asian components, consistent with later Bantu migrations postdating initial European settlement. Overall European ancestry constitutes 95.3%, underscoring the demographic dominance of settler despite historical opportunities for mixing. Genealogical records underestimate this admixture, as genetic data show it in 98.7% of sampled , highlighting incomplete historical documentation of non-European progenitors. Among other white African populations, such as those of British descent in former (now ) or German descent in , non-European admixture appears negligible, with no large-scale genomic studies quantifying elevated sub-Saharan or Asian inputs beyond trace levels potentially inherited via Afrikaner intermarriage. Portuguese, Italian, and other settler descendants in , , , or exhibit similarly low admixture, attributable to shorter colonial durations, urban segregation, and cultural barriers limiting with indigenous groups. Empirical data on these cohorts remain sparse, but patterns mirror broader European experiences where isolation preserved ancestry purity.

Historical Settlement and Development

Early Exploration and Colonization (15th-18th Centuries)

European exploration of Africa's coastlines began in the early under initiative, driven by the desire to bypass Islamic intermediaries in the and access gold and slaves directly. sponsored voyages that reached in 1434 and advanced southward, establishing trading forts such as in 1445 and in 1482. These feitorias served primarily as commercial outposts manned by small garrisons rather than sites of large-scale settlement, with presence limited to soldiers, traders, and administrators who rarely established permanent families on the mainland. The Portuguese also colonized uninhabited Atlantic islands off Africa's west coast, initiating the first enduring European-descended populations in African territories. was settled starting in 1462, with Portuguese colonists, including degredados (exiles) and adventurers, populating the islands and intermarrying with imported slaves, though a minority retained predominantly European ancestry. Similarly, , discovered around 1470 and settled from 1485, received Portuguese planters, convicts, and converted Jews, who developed sugar estates using African labor; by the early , these islands hosted several hundred white settlers amid a growing enslaved population. These island colonies, while foundational for Portuguese claims, saw limited demographic growth of unmixed European groups due to high mortality, isolation, and assimilation. The establishment of the first significant mainland settlement occurred in 1652 when the (VOC) dispatched to the to create a provisioning station for ships en route to . Van Riebeeck arrived on April 6 with about 90 company employees, constructing Fort de Goede Hoop and cultivating gardens to supply fresh produce. Initially a transient outpost, the Cape evolved into a as the VOC permitted "free burghers" to farm independently from 1657, attracting Dutch, German, and French Huguenot settlers; by 1700, the European-descended population numbered around 1,500, concentrated in the southwestern Cape region and engaging in , wheat farming, and pastoralism alongside Khoikhoi pastoralists. This settlement laid the groundwork for the Afrikaner population, distinct from earlier enclaves due to its agricultural focus and inland expansion. French and British efforts in the 17th and 18th centuries remained marginal for white settlement. The French founded trading posts like Saint-Louis in around 1659, but these were small, mulatto-dominated riverine communities rather than settler colonies. British activities focused on slave-trade forts in , such as James Island in River from the early 1600s, with minimal permanent European residency. No substantial white populations emerged from these ventures until the , underscoring the Dutch Cape as the pivotal early hub for European ancestry in continental .

19th-Century Expansion and Frontier Conflicts

In the , the early 19th century witnessed ongoing frontier wars between European settlers—primarily Dutch-descended and British colonists—and Xhosa chiefdoms, culminating in a series of nine conflicts from 1779 to 1879 that secured land for white expansion eastward. The Sixth Frontier War (1834–1836) arose from Xhosa cattle raids and settler reprisals, leading to British military intervention and the annexation of additional Xhosa territory under Governor Benjamin D'Urban's policies. Subsequent wars, including the Seventh (1846–1847) and Eighth (1850–1853), involved mass Xhosa displacements and the establishment of British Kaffraria as a , enabling further Boer and British farmstead proliferation along the Fish River frontier. These clashes, often triggered by resource competition over grazing lands and water, resulted in the deaths of thousands on both sides and facilitated the extension of white-controlled territory by over 100,000 square kilometers by mid-century. The (1835–1846) marked a pivotal Boer exodus from British-ruled Cape areas, with 12,000 to 14,000 Voortrekkers migrating inland to evade policies like the 1834 abolition of and anglicization efforts, founding self-governing republics such as the (1839) and (1854). En route and upon settlement, clashed with Zulu forces; the on December 16, 1838, saw 464 Voortrekkers under repel an estimated 10,000 Zulu warriors, attributing victory to divine intervention and securing short-term control over Natal. These migrations and conflicts displaced indigenous polities, including Ndebele groups, and laid foundations for Boer-dominated Transvaal (1852) and republics, where white populations grew through natural increase and further inflows, reaching tens of thousands by the 1870s. Northern expansion accelerated in the late 19th century under British auspices, exemplified by ' (BSAC), chartered on October 29, 1889, to administer and develop territories north of the . The BSAC's , comprising about 200 white settlers and 400 police, trekked from Bechuanaland to occupy in September 1890, founding (now ) amid minimal initial resistance but sparking the (1893–1894) against Ndebele king Lobengula's forces. ' strategy, blending mining concessions with armed settlement, drew British emigrants seeking land and gold, establishing as a white settler enclave with populations exceeding 1,000 Europeans by 1895, sustained by victories over African polities through superiority. German colonization in began with the protectorate declaration on April 24, 1884, following Adolf Lüderitz's coastal claims, attracting initial missionary and trader inflows before systematic settlement. By the , around 1,500 German colonists had arrived, focusing on farming and ranching in arid interiors, precipitating tensions with Herero pastoralists over land and livestock that escalated into skirmishes by decade's end, though major uprisings occurred post-1900. These efforts, supported by imperial subsidies, prioritized white agrarian communities, contrasting with extractive models elsewhere and fostering a distinct German-African identity amid insecurities. Overall, 19th-century expansions entrenched white European-descended groups through martial , with conflicts underscoring demographic advantages in firepower and organization that enabled territorial consolidation despite numerical inferiority to African populations.

20th-Century Migrations and Colonial Peaks

In the early , European migrations to British-controlled territories in accelerated, driven by opportunities in , , and colonial administration. In , initial settler arrivals under the British East Africa Protectorate numbered around 168 by mid-1904, with subsequent influxes from Britain, , and swelling the European population to support large-scale farming in the highlands. By the , settler economies in and emphasized white-owned estates, fostering further immigration despite economic challenges. Southern Rhodesia experienced notable growth in its European settler community, reaching approximately 23,730 by the early 1920s, primarily engaged in land ownership and development under the British South Africa Company's legacy. This expansion continued through mid-century, peaking during the colonial era at around 250,000 whites by the 1960s, bolstered by natural increase and targeted recruitment for and sectors. In , the white population, augmented by post-Boer War British , expanded steadily, reflecting sustained economic pull from and industries alongside internal demographic growth. French Algeria saw the European colon population, known as Pieds-Noirs, reach its zenith of 1,025,000 in 1959 amid intensifying tensions before independence. This group, including , Spanish, Italian, and Maltese descendants, comprised about 10% of Algeria's total population of roughly 10 million, concentrated in urban coastal areas and agricultural plains. Under Portugal's Estado Novo regime, settlement policies incentivized migration to and through subsidies and land grants, resulting in a sharp rise in white Portuguese residents during the mid-20th century. In , the European population grew from tens of thousands in the 1940s to over 300,000 by the 1970s, paralleled by similar expansions in , marking the colonial demographic peaks just prior to in 1975. These migrations underscored the era's reliance on European labor and capital to exploit resources, though often constrained by tropical climates and local resistances.

Demographics and Population Dynamics

Historical Population Estimates

In , the white population, primarily of Dutch, British, and other European descent, expanded significantly from the late onward due to and natural growth. The 1904 census across the pre-Union colonies recorded 579,741 whites. By the 1911 Union , this had risen to 1,276,242, reflecting post-Boer War recovery and influxes from . Growth continued, with the 1936 enumerating 2,003,857 whites, driven by economic opportunities in and . Subsequent censuses in 1946, 1951, and 1960 showed further increases to approximately 2.3 million, 2.6 million, and 3.1 million respectively, peaking at around 5 million in the early amid high birth rates and selective before post-apartheid accelerated decline. In (now ), white settlement peaked during the mid-20th century amid tobacco farming booms and political stability under minority rule. The 1962 census counted 221,000 whites, rising to 228,296 by 1970 per official statistics. Immigration from Britain and pushed numbers to an estimated 250,000–300,000 by the mid-1970s, before the Bush War prompted mass exodus, reducing the figure to under 100,000 by 1980. Portuguese colonies hosted substantial settler communities post-World War II, fueled by state-sponsored migration. In , the 1960 census recorded 172,529 whites, growing to around 350,000 by 1974 through incentives for farmers and administrators. Mozambique saw a similar trajectory, with approximately 200,000–220,000 whites by 1970–1974, concentrated in urban centers like Lourenço Marques and focused on plantations and commerce. in 1975 triggered rapid repatriation, with over 500,000 leaving and combined by 1978. Smaller but notable white populations existed in other territories. In South West Africa (now ), under South African mandate, whites numbered about 66,000 in 1958 and 68,000 in 1965, comprising mostly and engaged in and ranching; numbers stabilized around 70,000–90,000 into the before reduced them. In Kenya, British settlers peaked at 61,000 in 1960, mainly in the for coffee and farming, declining sharply post- in 1963. East African totals elsewhere, like , remained under 20,000, with limited long-term settlement.
Region/CountryPeak YearEstimated White Population
Early 1990s~5 million
1974~350,000
Rhodesia/ZimbabweMid-1970s250,000–300,000
1974~220,000
1970s~90,000
196061,000
Overall, continental white populations of European ancestry approached 5–6 million by the 1970s, dominated by (over 80%), before , civil conflicts, and economic shifts caused widespread . These figures derive from colonial censuses, which emphasized European self-identification and often undercounted transient workers, but provide consistent baselines for demographic analysis.

Current Distributions by Country

South Africa hosts the largest population of white Africans, with the 2022 national enumerating 4,504,252 individuals self-identifying as white, representing 7.3% of the total population of approximately 62 million. This group is concentrated in urban provinces such as and the , where whites constitute higher proportions due to historical settlement patterns and economic opportunities. Namibia's white population, primarily of German and Afrikaner descent, numbered 53,773 according to the 2023 and Housing , equating to 1.8% of the country's roughly 3 million residents. These individuals are disproportionately represented in commercial farming and urban centers like and , reflecting legacies of colonial-era land allocation. In Zimbabwe, estimates place the white population at around 25,000 to 30,000 as of the early 2020s, less than 0.2% of the 16 million total, following substantial post-independence driven by reforms and economic . Official 2022 data categorizes a small "Caucasian" group, consistent with these figures, with most remaining in farming enclaves or . Angola's white population, mainly , is estimated at 1% or about 360,000 amid a national total exceeding 36 million, bolstered by and influxes tied to oil sector growth since the ; however, precise enumeration remains challenging due to fluid migration and limited recent censuses disaggregating by European ancestry. Mozambique harbors a smaller white community, predominantly Portuguese descendants, numbering in the low tens of thousands (under 0.1% of 34 million), clustered in and Beira, with numbers stabilized after civil war-era exodus but augmented by recent business investments. Elsewhere, white populations are marginal: and each host several thousand, often in agricultural or expatriate roles; and similarly maintain communities under 5,000, sustained by and rather than demographic growth. These distributions reflect post-colonial outflows, with retention linked to economic niches amid broader African majorities exceeding 99% in most nations.
CountryEstimated White PopulationPercentage of TotalYear/Source
4,504,2527.3%2022 Census
53,7731.8%2023 Census
~360,000~1%2023 Estimate
~25,000–30,000<0.2%2022 Estimate
~10,000–20,000<0.1%Recent Estimate
White African populations in have undergone significant numerical decline since the mid-20th century, driven by fertility rates persistently below the replacement level of 2.1 children per woman and net exceeding natural . In , where the largest such community resides, the white fell from over 5 million in the early 1990s to approximately 4.5 million by 2025, comprising just 7.1% of the national total after a 0.9% decrease in recent years. This contraction reflects both low birth rates—historically the lowest among racial groups, with sustained declines documented since the late —and outflows estimated at over 500,000 individuals in the preceding 25 years, often to destinations like , the , and other European countries seeking better economic prospects and security. Emigration among has accelerated amid factors including high rates, policies limiting opportunities, and uncertainties surrounding land ownership reforms, leading to a brain drain of skilled professionals. Annual out-migration estimates for this group rose notably in the , contributing to an aging demographic structure with fewer young entrants to offset departures. While national has declined to 2.21 children per woman by 2025, white rates remain lower, aligning with patterns in comparable high-income European-descended groups elsewhere and insufficient to sustain levels without , which has been negligible. Similar dynamics prevail in other countries. In , the population plummeted from about 300,000 (8% of the total) in the mid-1970s to roughly 50,000 by 2005 and under 30,000 in subsequent years, largely due to post-independence triggered by political and fast-track seizures that displaced many farmers. Namibia's , numbering around 53,000 (1.8% of the population) in the 2023 , faces ongoing decline from sub-replacement births since the 1990s and of youth, though at a slower pace than in , with concentrations in and sustaining some retention. In former Portuguese colonies like and , numbers dropped sharply after 1975 independence, from tens of thousands to a few thousand today, via and exodus amid civil wars and nationalizations. These patterns underscore a broader contraction, with African groups projected to diminish further absent policy reversals addressing security and economic disincentives.

Major Ethnic and Diasporic Groups

Afrikaners and Dutch-Derived Populations

trace their origins to the employees and free burghers who established a refreshment station at in 1652 under commander , initially comprising about 90 settlers to supply ships en route to Asia. This settlement expanded into agricultural pursuits, with early colonists focusing on , wheat farming, and cattle herding, displacing local Khoikhoi pastoralists through competition for grazing lands and direct conflict. Subsequent arrivals included French Huguenot refugees from 1688 onward, numbering around 200 families by 1700, alongside German and Scandinavian settlers, contributing to a diverse but predominantly Low Dutch genetic and cultural base among the growing frontier population known as or . By the late 18th century, these semi-nomadic farmers had pushed inland, forming a distinct identity shaped by isolation from metropolitan Dutch influences and adaptation to African environments. The development of a separate ethnic consciousness accelerated during British occupation of the Cape from 1795 and formalized rule after 1806, prompting resistance to policies such as the abolition of in 1834 without compensation adequate to Boer economic realities. This culminated in the of 1835–1843, during which approximately 12,000 to 15,000 , including families and servants, migrated northeastward to establish independent republics like the and (Transvaal), evading British oversight and seeking self-governance amid clashes with indigenous groups such as the Zulu. These Voortrekkers, as they became known, solidified Boer republican traditions, with victories like in 1838 reinforcing a narrative of and martial prowess. The Anglo-Boer Wars of 1880–1881 and 1899–1902 further defined Afrikaner resilience, as guerrilla tactics prolonged the Second War despite overwhelming British numerical superiority, resulting in significant demographic losses including over 20,000 Boer civilian deaths in concentration camps from disease and privation. Linguistically, emerged as a of 17th-century Dutch dialects spoken by settlers, undergoing grammatical simplification—such as loss of verb conjugations and noun genders—while retaining core vocabulary, with divergence accelerating by the mid-18th century due to oral transmission among frontier families and limited literacy in standard Dutch. It gained official recognition alongside Dutch in 1925 within the , reflecting cultural nationalism. Demographically, constitute the largest group among , estimated at around 2.7 to 3 million individuals primarily in the , , and Free State provinces as of recent censuses, comprising roughly 60% of the white population totaling about 4.5 million. In , Dutch-derived populations number in the tens of thousands, often bilingual in and English, forming part of the 6-7% white minority and maintaining ties to South African networks through shared language and Reformed church affiliations. Genetic studies indicate minimal non-European admixture, averaging under 5% sub-Saharan ancestry, attributable to historical intermarriages but not altering the overwhelmingly European descent. Post-1948, Afrikaner-led National Party governance emphasized ethnic mobilization, yet post-1994 political shifts have driven , reducing relative population shares amid lower birth rates compared to broader African demographics. Today, remain concentrated in rural strongholds and urban enclaves, sustaining agricultural expertise in grains and while facing pressures grounded in historical dispossession claims by black majorities. Their identity persists through institutions like the and cultural festivals commemorating Trek heritage, underscoring a continuity of pioneer ethos despite modern challenges.

British and English-Speaking Communities

British settlement in southern and eastern began with organized migrations in the early , primarily under British colonial administration. In , approximately 4,000 settlers arrived in the between April and June 1820, sponsored by the British government to bolster the frontier against Xhosa incursions and promote agricultural development. These , drawn from distressed British laborers, artisans, and farmers, established towns such as Grahamstown and Port Elizabeth, introducing English-language institutions, Protestant nonconformist churches, and market-oriented farming practices distinct from the Dutch-descended . Subsequent waves included skilled miners and administrators during the 1860s-1880s diamond and rushes, swelling English-speaking communities in urban centers like and . By the early , English-speakers formed a significant portion of South Africa's white population, often aligning with imperial loyalties during conflicts like the South African War (1899-1902). In the Rhodesias (modern and ), British expansion accelerated after 1889 under the (BSAC), led by , which dispatched columns to claim territory for settlement and mining. The 1890 comprised 200 who founded (now ), followed by influxes of farmers, prospectors, and railway workers attracted by fertile highlands and tobacco cultivation opportunities. English-speaking Rhodesians developed a distinct identity, emphasizing and loyalty to the British Crown, with populations peaking at around 250,000 in by the 1970s amid post-World War II immigration. In , smaller BSAC-era settlements focused on mining, yielding English-dominant communities in and . These groups prioritized ranching, export agriculture, and infrastructure, but faced demographic pressures from African nationalist movements. Kenyan English-speaking communities originated in the early 1900s, when British officials opened the "White Highlands" to European farmers to offset railway construction costs from Mombasa to Uganda. Initial settlers numbered about 100 by late 1903, growing to tens of thousands by the 1920s through aristocratic "Happy Valley" elites and post-World War I veterans seeking land grants for coffee, tea, and sisal plantations. This community, concentrated in the Rift Valley, maintained British social structures, including private clubs and equestrian traditions, but encountered resistance culminating in the Mau Mau Uprising (1952-1960). Post-independence in 1963, many sold land under government buyout schemes, reducing numbers sharply. Smaller English-speaking pockets persist in Zambia (Northern Rhodesia legacy), Malawi (Nyasaland settlers), and Botswana, often tied to missionary, administrative, or commercial roles, with populations under 5,000 each by recent estimates. Demographically, these communities have experienced steep declines since mid-20th-century . South Africa's white population, including a majority English-speaking segment, stood at 4.5 million (7.3% of total) in the 2022 , with English as the primary home language for roughly 1.5 million whites, concentrated in , , and . In , the white population fell from 277,000 in the mid-1970s to fewer than 30,000 by 2000, accelerated by the (1964-1979), economic sanctions, and post-2000 fast-track land reforms that expropriated commercial farms without compensation, prompting mass to Australia, the UK, and . Kenyan whites numbered around 40,000 at independence but dwindled to about 30,000 by 1980 and under 5,000 today, driven by land redistribution and political instability. Emigration trends reflect causal factors like policies, crime rates, and affirmative economic shifts favoring indigenous majorities, with remittances sustaining some residual ties. Culturally, British-descended Africans preserved English as the , alongside Anglican and Methodist affiliations, public school traditions, and sports like rugby and . Identity formation emphasized pioneer heritage, with organizations such as South Africa's 1820 Settler Memorial and Zimbabwe's Rhodesian legacy groups fostering continuity amid assimilation pressures. Economic roles historically centered on commercial farming, , and , contributing disproportionately to GDP in colonial eras, though post-independence marginalization has shifted many to or networks.

Portuguese and Lusophone Descendants

Portuguese and Lusophone descendants form a distinct subgroup among white Africans, primarily tracing their origins to settlers from and its Atlantic islands, such as and the . These communities emerged through waves of migration driven by economic opportunities, colonial policies, and escapes from hardship in , rather than large-scale state-sponsored akin to British or Dutch efforts. Unlike earlier Portuguese explorers who established trading posts in the 15th-16th centuries, significant white settlement occurred mainly in the , concentrating in former Portuguese colonies like and , as well as neighboring [South Africa](/page/South Africa). In Angola, Portuguese settlement remained limited until the mid-20th century under the Estado Novo regime, which promoted European immigration to bolster colonial economies; the white population grew from approximately 80,000 in 1950 to around 172,000 by 1960, peaking near 300,000 by 1974 through agrarian and urban development. Following in 1975 and ensuing , up to 90% of these settlers repatriated to amid violence and of assets, drastically reducing the community to a few thousand by the . A partial resurgence occurred post-2002 with , drawing expatriates for oil and reconstruction work, numbering over 100,000 by 2011, though permanent white descendants remain a small fraction amid transient workers. Mozambique followed a parallel trajectory, with white Portuguese numbers expanding in the early via encouraged to urban centers like Lourenço Marques (now ); by 1974, the white population approached 200,000, focused on administration, agriculture, and trade. in 1975 triggered mass exodus, with most fleeing to or due to policies and instability, leaving fewer than 10,000 whites by the late 1970s. Current estimates place white Portuguese-origin residents at under 20,000, sustained by niche economic roles in and , though high persists amid political risks. South Africa hosts the largest enduring Portuguese-descended community, with immigration accelerating from the 1890s onward as Madeirans and Azoreans sought refuge from famines and volcanic eruptions, later joined by continental post-World War II. Government data indicate around 500,000 of Portuguese descent as of 2023, plus 200,000 holding Portuguese citizenship, comprising 10-15% of the white population and ranking third after and English-speakers. Concentrated in and , they integrated into , , and retail sectors, maintaining cultural enclaves through Catholic parishes and festivals honoring saints like São João. These groups exhibit high and linguistic retention of alongside local languages, with Catholicism predominant; however, post-colonial declines in and reflect causal factors like asset expropriation and security threats, contrasting Africa's stability-driven growth. Demographic trends show net from Lusophone due to underinvestment and issues, while African communities sustain modest growth via intra-continental mobility.

German, French, and Other Continental European Groups

German descendants form one of the most prominent continental European groups among white Africans, concentrated primarily in , where they number approximately 30,000 individuals, or about 2% of the national population. These trace their origins to settlers who arrived during the German Empire's colonization of starting in 1884, with the settler population reaching around 12,000 by 1914. Following the colony's loss after and incorporation into the South African mandate, a significant portion remained, preserving elements of German culture, including language and Lutheran religious practices, though intermarriage and English dominance have led to bilingualism among many. Smaller German communities exist in former colonies like (from , 1885–1919), but permanent settlement there was limited, with most expatriates departing post-World War I, leaving minimal lasting demographic impact beyond linguistic and architectural traces. French groups of European ancestry in are sparse and lack distinct ethnic continuity. French , Protestant refugees who settled in the from 1688 onward, numbered around 200 families initially but assimilated linguistically and culturally into the emerging Afrikaner population within two generations, contributing to vocabulary and winemaking traditions without maintaining a separate identity. In French colonial territories such as and , European settlement was predominantly temporary among administrators and traders, with low permanent numbers due to tropical climates and policy emphasis on rather than mass , unlike in North African . Other continental European groups include remnants of Belgian settlers in the , where colonial-era numbers peaked but collapsed after 1960 independence, with most expatriates returning to and only a small, unquantified descendant population persisting amid ongoing instability. Italian communities, once substantial in (108,000 in 1939) and (over 50,000 in by 1939), have similarly dwindled to negligible sizes post-World War II and repatriations, with current figures in the low hundreds maintained through cultural associations rather than demographic vitality. Swiss and other minor nationalities contributed marginally to settlement in various colonies but left no significant ongoing groups.

Cultural and Linguistic Features

Primary Languages and Dialects

White Africans of European ancestry primarily speak languages inherited from their colonial forebears, with , English, and dominating due to historical settlement patterns in southern and eastern . , a West Germanic language evolved from 17th-century Dutch spoken by early settlers, serves as the first language for the majority of and Namibians, incorporating lexical influences from Malay, , , and while retaining Dutch grammatical structure simplified over generations. In , where the largest white population resides, approximately two-thirds of white individuals report as their home language, reflecting the enduring legacy of Afrikaner communities, while the remaining third predominantly use English. English, as a primary tongue, prevails among descendants of 19th-century British settlers in regions like (formerly ) and , where white communities historically engaged in and farming; , a distinct variety with non-rhotic accents and local vocabulary (e.g., "braai" for ), is spoken by urban professionals across white subgroups. In , English holds official status but ranks third among white speakers after Afrikaans, with about 10% fluency as a , often alongside in Oshiwambo or Herero for rural interactions. Dialectal variations include , characterized by flattened vowels and British-derived idioms, preserved in expatriate communities post-independence. Portuguese remains the for white populations in and , comprising with African substrate influences like loanwords; these communities, numbering in the tens of thousands as of estimates, maintain it as a marker of identity amid post-colonial . German, spoken by around 30% of as a , traces to 19th-century Southwest colonization and features standard High German with minor Namibian adaptations, used in private and cultural contexts despite English dominance in public life. Smaller dialects, such as French among Algerian pieds-noirs remnants or Italian in Libya's pre-1969 settlers, persist marginally but lack widespread vitality outside networks. Many white Africans exhibit bilingualism, with Afrikaans-English common in for intergenerational communication.

Religious Composition and Practices

White Africans of European ancestry exhibit a religious composition dominated by , with affiliations largely determined by colonial-era migrations from Protestant and Catholic . In , home to the largest such population exceeding 4 million, surveys indicate that approximately 87 percent of whites are Christian, with a small Jewish minority at 1.4 percent; recent reaffirms 's above 85 percent across white demographics. , who form the ethnic core of South Africa's white population, adhere predominantly to Calvinist denominations, particularly the , which traces its doctrines to 17th-century Dutch settlers emphasizing , divine sovereignty, and scriptural authority. English-speaking whites, descended from British settlers, favor Anglican, Methodist, or Presbyterian traditions, often maintaining liturgical practices akin to those in the . In Namibia, where whites number around 50,000 primarily of German origin, prevails, reflecting the influence of 19th-century German missionaries and settlers who established churches integrating European Protestant hymns and catechism with local contexts. , mostly of British descent and totaling fewer than 30,000, align with Anglican and other Protestant denominations, sustaining practices such as Sunday services and community Bible studies amid post-independence demographic shifts. Portuguese-descended whites in and , though diminished to several thousand each, remain overwhelmingly Roman Catholic, participating in sacraments like and as introduced by Portuguese colonial authorities from the onward. Religious practices among these communities emphasize familial and communal worship, with higher rates compared to secularizing ; for instance, fosters conservative moral frameworks, including opposition to and promotion of , embedded in cultural festivals like Geloof en Hei celebrations. German-descended groups preserve Advent and observances, as seen in historical settler gatherings featuring carol singing and nativity reenactments, underscoring continuity with European Lutheran customs. Smaller French or Italian remnants in and elsewhere retain Catholic devotions, such as feast days honoring saints, though with local elements is minimal due to ethnic insularity. among South African whites, concentrated in urban centers, involves orthodox synagogue attendance and kosher adherence, with communal institutions dating to 19th-century . Overall, these practices reinforce ethnic identity, with limited interfaith mixing and resistance to indigenous spiritual incorporations, prioritizing doctrinal purity from ancestral traditions.

Social Customs and Identity Formation

White Africans of European ancestry maintain social customs that blend European heritage with adaptations to the African environment, emphasizing family cohesion, communal gatherings, and outdoor pursuits. Among , traditions include the braai (), a central social ritual involving grilled meats and vegetables shared among family and friends, often accompanied by and dance. toward guests is a core value, with hosts providing abundant food and drink without expectation of reciprocation, reflecting a cultural norm of generosity rooted in rural farming lifestyles. English-speaking white communities, influenced by British traditions, prioritize structures and polite , such as formal greetings and avoidance of confrontational topics like in casual interactions. Across both groups, religious observances—predominantly Protestant—structure social life, with Sunday services and festivals reinforcing community bonds and moral frameworks derived from Calvinist or Anglican doctrines. Identity formation among these populations arises from generational ties to the African continent, fostering a sense of indigeneity distinct from metropolitan Europeans. trace their identity to 17th-century Dutch , evolving through events like the (1835–1840s), which symbolized self-reliance and resistance to British rule, culminating in a distinct ethnic consciousness tied to language and land stewardship. This narrative positions them as "Africans" by virtue of birthplace and historical struggle, rather than mere Europeans, with cultural markers like traditional attire and festivals preserving a narrative of pioneering endurance. English-speaking whites, descending from 19th-century British immigrants, initially aligned with imperial loyalties but increasingly adopted localized identities post-Union of (1910), emphasizing contributions to infrastructure and commerce while navigating minority status. In self-descriptions, often highlight personal achievements, , and relational ties over racial categories, reflecting a pragmatic adaptation to multiracial societies. Post-apartheid dynamics have intensified identity negotiations, with many whites asserting an "African" belonging amid pressures and concerns, yet retaining European-ancestral as anchors of continuity. Afrikaner identity, in particular, grapples with historical associations to apartheid while seeking relevance in contemporary , often through cultural revivalism and economic self-sufficiency. English-speakers, more urban and globally oriented, exhibit fluid identities blending with local patriotism, such as support for rugby or as unifying rituals. These formations prioritize empirical rootedness in African soil—evident in high rates of and enclaves—over abstract continental affiliations, countering perceptions of transience despite ongoing demographic declines. In smaller communities, like Namibian whites of German descent, identities similarly fuse histories with bilingualism and agrarian values, sustaining cohesion through shared narratives of adaptation.

Economic Contributions and Roles

Pioneering Agriculture and Land Management

European settlers in initiated systematic agriculture starting with the Dutch East India Company's establishment of a refreshment station at the in 1652 under , where initial crops including wheat, barley, and vines were planted to supply passing ships. Vine cultivation began experimentally in 1655, yielding South Africa's first wine harvest in 1659, laying the foundation for a commercial industry that expanded with French Huguenot settlers arriving between 1688 and 1690, who introduced advanced techniques and expanded plantings in the and regions. Boer , descendants of Dutch settlers, pioneered extensive pastoral land management from the late onward, practicing semi-nomadic and sheep herding across the Cape frontier with seasonal migrations to optimize grazing on marginal lands, which prevented overgrazing through natural rotation and adapted European livestock to African conditions. In , British settlers from the 1890s developed flue-cured tobacco farming on cleared highlands, achieving peak production of over 100 million pounds annually by the 1950s through , mechanized harvesting, and soil fertility management via and fertilizers, transforming bushveld into export-oriented estates. German colonists in established banana plantations from the 1890s, employing systematic cultivation and export infrastructure that shipped produce to by 1912, while in Southwest Africa, they focused on large-scale sheep ranching in arid zones with fenced paddocks for . French colons in Algeria from the 1830s converted coastal and highland areas into productive vineyards, olive groves, and citrus orchards, applying intensive European methods like terracing and irrigation to boost yields, with vineyards comprising nearly half of European-owned farmland value by the early 20th century. Colonial powers introduced large-scale irrigation from the late 19th century, such as canal systems in South Africa post-1912, enabling expansion into semi-arid interiors previously unsuitable for settled farming and increasing arable land through dam construction and furrow networks. These practices emphasized capital-intensive inputs, precise land surveying for farm demarcation, and export commercialization, contrasting with subsistence indigenous systems and yielding sustained productivity gains documented in colonial agricultural records.

Development of Mining and Industry

The discovery of diamonds near Kimberley in 1867 initiated large-scale mining operations spearheaded by , primarily British prospectors who transformed scattered claims into organized enterprises. By the 1870s, the Kimberley diamond fields attracted thousands of diggers, leading to the formation of mining companies that introduced mechanized extraction techniques, such as steam-powered pumps to combat flooding. , arriving in 1870, expanded his holdings through strategic acquisitions and founded Consolidated Mines in 1888, consolidating 95% of the region's output under centralized control and stabilizing prices via export monopolies. The 1886 gold strike on the reef revolutionized South Africa's economy, drawing British capitalists who financed deep-level mining , including cyanide leaching processes patented in 1887 for ore processing. European entrepreneurs established firms like Anglo American Corporation in , which by the controlled significant portions of gold production, employing advanced to access seams over 2,000 meters deep. initially resisted foreign influx but benefited from taxes and , such as railways built by British firms to transport ore, fueling Johannesburg's rise as an industrial hub with steel production commencing at the end of the . In , the , chartered in 1889 under ' influence, prospected for gold and other minerals, establishing mines like the Shamva and Hartley fields by the , which supported settler agriculture through capital inflows. and extraction expanded post-1900, with European companies introducing smelters and rail links to ports, contributing to the colony's GDP where accounted for over 10% by the mid-20th century. German settlers in developed copper mining at from 1906, utilizing local ore deposits with imported machinery, while along the coast began in 1908, yielding 1 million carats annually by 1914 through concession-based operations. These efforts, though curtailed by , laid foundations for sustained extraction under subsequent South African administration, emphasizing technological adaptations to arid conditions.

Innovations in Infrastructure and Technology

European-descended settlers in pioneered extensive railway networks to facilitate mining exports and internal connectivity. In , the constructed primary trunk lines between 1890 and 1911, extending from Mafeking in northward to connect mining districts and promote white settlement, laying over 1,200 miles of track under challenging terrain conditions. Similarly, in , railway expansion from the 1860s onward, driven by English and Afrikaner entrepreneurs, integrated and with ports, totaling over 13,000 miles by 1910 and enabling in settler-dominated regions. Electricity infrastructure advanced significantly through , established in 1923 as the Electricity Supply Commission to supply power to railways, mines, and industry without . By 1948, following , Eskom had installed coal-fired stations generating over 4,000 MW, expanding to 40,000 MW by 1990 and providing some of the world's lowest-cost electricity, primarily benefiting urban and industrial areas developed by white communities. Major hydroelectric projects exemplified engineering feats by European-ancestry teams. The , built from 1955 to 1959 under the white-led , featured an designed by French Coyne and constructed by an Italian firm, creating the world's then-largest artificial (5,500 km²) and generating 2,000 MW for regional power needs. In Mozambique, Portuguese settlers oversaw the Dam's completion in 1974 via a of European and South African firms, yielding Africa's fourth-largest hydroelectric capacity at 2,075 MW and supporting export-oriented infrastructure. In technology, South African innovators scaled production through , founded in 1950 and operational from 1955, adapting Germany's Fischer-Tropsch process to convert into 1.5 billion barrels of liquid fuels by 2005, achieving energy self-sufficiency amid via proprietary advancements in and refining. These developments, rooted in economies' emphasis on resource extraction and , contrasted with limited pre-colonial precedents and sustained industrial output despite political isolation.

Political History and Involvement

Colonial Governance and Administration

![Cecil Rhodes, founder of the British South Africa Company][float-right] The , chartered on 29 October 1889 by , administered from its occupation in 1890 until 1923, establishing governance structures that prioritized white settler interests through land grants, taxation systems, and a police force derived from pioneer columns. The company's administration facilitated the allocation of over 11 million acres of land to white farmers by 1920, while imposing hut taxes on African populations to fund like railways extending from . This period saw the formation of legislative councils with white settler representation, culminating in the 1922 where settlers voted for status over union with , leading to in 1923 under white minority rule. In the of , Afrikaner settlers of Dutch descent established independent administrations following the . The , recognized by Britain via the Bloemfontein Convention on 23 February 1854, functioned as a governed by an elected president and Volksraad , focusing on agrarian policies and defense against African chiefdoms through systems. Similarly, the (Transvaal), formalized under the Sand River Convention of 17 January 1852, maintained sovereign rule with a state president and legislative council dominated by Boer burghers, administering justice via landdrosts and heemraden local courts until British annexation in 1877 and subsequent wars. These republics emphasized self-reliance, with governance rooted in Calvinist principles and exclusionary franchise laws limiting non-Boer participation. German colonial administration in South West Africa from 1884 integrated white settlers into land management and auxiliary roles, though direct control rested with imperial officials and the military. Settlers, numbering around 14,000 by 1914, received concessions for farming and mining, influencing policies like the 1907 land ordinance that reserved prime areas for Europeans, amid efforts to suppress Herero and Nama resistance through concentration camps between 1904 and 1908. In and , white settlers, encouraged from the but surging post-1961 with over 300,000 by 1974, participated in local councils and economic oversight, though ultimate authority emanated from Lisbon's governor-generals enforcing assimilationist statutes like the 1928 Colonial Act. French Algeria's pied-noirs, European settlers reaching 984,000 by 1954, dominated municipal administrations and held disproportionate seats in the 1948 Algerian Assembly, advocating for departmental status integrating Algeria as provinces of France, which shaped policies on land expropriation and infrastructure development favoring settler agriculture.

Apartheid Era Policies and Justifications

The apartheid regime in South Africa, established following the National Party's electoral victory on May 26, 1948, institutionalized racial classification and segregation through a series of legislative measures aimed at maintaining white minority control over political, economic, and social domains. The Population Registration Act of 1950 mandated the categorization of all inhabitants into racial groups—primarily White, Black (Bantu), Coloured, and Indian—serving as the foundational mechanism for enforcing differential treatment across society. Subsequent laws, such as the Group Areas Act of 1950, demarcated residential and business zones by race, displacing over 3.5 million non-whites from urban areas historically developed under white administration to enforce spatial separation. The Bantu Authorities Act of 1951 and the Promotion of Bantu Self-Government Act of 1959 further advanced the policy by establishing ethnically delineated "homelands" or Bantustans, comprising about 13% of South Africa's land, intended for black self-governance and labor reserves, thereby limiting black political claims on the core white-designated territories. Proponents within the white African community, particularly influenced by Calvinist-nationalist ideology, justified these policies as essential for "separate development" (aparte ontwikkeling), positing that racial groups possessed inherently distinct cultural, developmental, and civilizational trajectories incompatible with integration. National Party leaders, including —who articulated apartheid's framework as Minister of Native Affairs from 1950—argued that unchecked black urbanization and enfranchisement would erode white-built institutions, economic productivity, and Christian-Western standards, given the perceived vast numerical disparity (blacks outnumbered whites by roughly 4:1 by 1950) and cultural disparities. This rationale framed segregation not as domination but as mutual preservation: whites retaining sovereignty over advanced industrial areas they had pioneered since the , while blacks developed autonomously in tribal homelands suited to their purported traditional structures, ostensibly averting conflict and promoting parallel progress without one group subsuming the other. Economic justifications emphasized safeguarding white labor markets and skills from competition, as the party's 1948 platform explicitly opposed policies allowing non-white advancement into white economic spheres, crediting white enterprise for South Africa's GDP growth from R2.7 billion in 1946 to R11.8 billion by 1960 under protected conditions. Security and ideological dimensions underpinned these defenses, with white advocates citing the need to insulate against communist infiltration via black nationalist movements, as evidenced by the regime's suppression of groups like the African National Congress under the Suppression of Communism Act of 1950. From a first-principles view of demographic realism, supporters contended that majority rule in a multiracial state would inevitably lead to the marginalization or exodus of the white minority, drawing parallels to historical conquests in Africa where European settlers had previously lost ground without segregationist barriers. While international critics and post-1994 analyses often portray these justifications as pretexts for exploitation—highlighting disparities like white per capita income exceeding black by a factor of 10-15 during the era—contemporary white rationales prioritized causal self-preservation amid empirical observations of rapid black population growth (from 8.5 million in 1946 to 15 million by 1970) and urban influxes straining white-managed infrastructure. Policies like the pass laws under the Natives (Abolition of Passes and Co-ordination of Documents) Act of 1952, which restricted black mobility, were defended as necessary to regulate labor flows into white economic zones without overwhelming them, maintaining output in sectors like gold mining where whites oversaw operations yielding 70% of global supply by the 1960s.

Post-Colonial Transitions and Minority Rights

In , the negotiated end to apartheid in led to the adoption of the 1996 Constitution, which prohibits on racial grounds and guarantees equal protection under the for all citizens, including the that declined from about 14% in to roughly 7.7% by 2022. This framework facilitated a peaceful power transfer from white minority rule, with provisions for to address historical inequalities, though such measures have been contested for effectively discriminating against whites in employment and procurement, where receive preferential treatment under policies introduced in 2003. Despite constitutional safeguards, have reported systemic barriers to socioeconomic advancement, with rates among whites rising to 7.5% by 2023 amid broader . Zimbabwe's 1980 independence, formalized via the , initially preserved white property rights through a clause barring compulsory land acquisition without compensation until 1990, protecting the approximately 5,500 white farmers who farmed 15.6 million hectares of the most productive land. This arrangement collapsed with the launch of the in 2000 under President , entailing the violent occupation and seizure of white-owned farms by war veterans and state actors, often without or recompense, displacing over 4,000 white farmers and violating international standards on property. The reforms, justified as redress for colonial dispossession, triggered a 60% drop in agricultural output by 2008 and exceeding 89 sextillion percent, underscoring the causal link between abrupt expropriation and economic decline, while breaching minority protections embedded in the independence constitution. In , independence from South African administration in 1990 maintained legal continuity for the white minority—primarily German descendants numbering around 30,000 or 1.5% of the population—granting them full citizenship rights without mass expropriation, in contrast to more disruptive transitions elsewhere. retained of 36.2 million hectares of commercial farmland at independence, compared to 33.5 million hectares under black communal tenure, supporting ongoing agricultural productivity where white-managed farms contribute disproportionately to exports like and grapes. The constitution's ensures non-discrimination, enabling political participation, such as the of white members to , though debates over land redistribution persist without the coercive seizures seen in . Elsewhere, post-colonial transitions often prompted near-total exodus of European-descended populations due to insecure minority status; in , following 1962 , over 900,000 pieds-noirs (French and other Europeans) repatriated amid violence and nationalization, eroding any prospect for sustained rights protections. In , after 1963 , white settlers numbering about 60,000 sold much of the former under government-facilitated schemes like the Million Acre Programme, which transferred 1.1 million acres to black smallholders by 1970 via willing-buyer-willing-seller arrangements, allowing a residual white community of around to persist with property rights intact but diminished in influence. These patterns highlight how negotiated settlements in preserved white minorities more effectively than abrupt decolonizations in North and , where property seizures and insecurity accelerated demographic collapse.

Controversies and Debates

Legacy of Colonialism and Racial Separation

European colonial administrations in frequently instituted racial separation policies to safeguard interests, allocating prime lands and urban areas preferentially to Europeans while confining indigenous populations to reserves or homelands. In , the 1913 Natives Land Act prohibited black ownership of land outside designated areas comprising about 7% of the territory, a measure extended under apartheid from 1948 through laws like the of 1950, which enforced residential segregation by race. Similar policies operated in (now ), where the 1930 Land Apportionment Act reserved 51% of arable land for the minority despite their comprising less than 5% of the population, and in , where the "" were exclusively reserved for European farmers from 1902 onward. These arrangements stemmed from demands for security against land competition and labor unrest, enabling concentrated development of commercial agriculture and mining sectors dominated by capital. Such policies yielded economic advancements attributable to European management, including infrastructure expansion and institutional frameworks that supported growth during the colonial . In white-settler colonies, empirical analyses show for African workers rose under formal colonial , alongside investments in railways, ports, and urban centers that integrated these economies into global . South Africa's GDP per capita grew at an average annual rate of approximately 2.4% from 1946 to 1970 under segregationist governance, outpacing many non-settler African peers and fostering industrialization in and . Proponents of these systems argued they prevented ethnic conflicts and resource depletion by maintaining order, though critics, often from post-colonial perspectives, highlight suppressed African and enforced dependency. However, causal assessments indicate that racial hierarchies facilitated and technological transfer, with economies exhibiting higher post-colonial GDP levels where white populations persisted compared to rapid expropriation cases. The enduring legacy manifests in post-independence tensions over inequality and governance, where racial separation's dismantlement has correlated with divergent outcomes. In Zimbabwe, the 2000 fast-track land reforms redistributing white-owned farms to black beneficiaries without compensation triggered a 60% collapse in tobacco production and hyperinflation exceeding 89 sextillion percent by 2008, underscoring risks of abrupt reversal without institutional continuity. Namibia, retaining a significant white minority post-1990 independence from South African rule, sustains higher agricultural productivity and GDP per capita (around $4,700 in 2023) than Zimbabwe ($2,200), partly due to gradual reforms preserving commercial farming expertise. In South Africa, apartheid's end in 1994 preserved much of the inherited economic base, yet persistent racial disparities in wealth—whites holding 70% of private wealth despite being 8% of the population—fuel debates on whether separation's structures enabled broad modernization or merely entrenched exclusion, with academic sources varying in emphasis due to ideological lenses. This heritage positions white Africans as custodians of developed assets amid claims of historical privilege, complicating reconciliation efforts.

Land Ownership and Expropriation Disputes

White farmers of European ancestry historically acquired substantial land holdings in through colonial-era grants, purchases, and settlement schemes, establishing commercially viable operations that contributed significantly to regional agricultural output. In , prior to 2000, approximately 4,000 white-owned farms accounted for the bulk of the country's commercial , producing over 90% of marketed and , positioning the nation as a net exporter often dubbed Africa's "." These holdings, totaling around 11 million hectares, were targeted in post-independence redistribution efforts justified by historical dispossession, though initial reforms from 1980 emphasized willing-buyer-willing-seller models with limited success. The Zimbabwean government's Fast Track Land Reform Programme (FTLRP), initiated in 2000 amid political unrest, authorized the seizure of white-owned farms without compensation, redistributing over 10 million hectares to black beneficiaries by 2013 through state-led occupations and evictions. This process displaced nearly all of the 2,500 remaining white commercial farmers, leading to a sharp decline in ; total food production fell by 60% within a decade, with maize output dropping from 2.3 million tons in 2000 to under 500,000 tons by 2008, exacerbated by the loss of technical expertise, , and inadequate support for new owners. Economic analyses attribute much of the subsequent and GDP contraction—agriculture's GDP share plummeted from 15% pre-2000 to near collapse—to disrupted supply chains and underutilization of seized lands, many of which reverted to subsistence use or were allocated to political elites rather than productive smallholders. While some post-reform beneficiaries achieved higher input use per hectare, overall yields lagged behind pre-FTLRP levels due to insecure tenure and limited access to finance. In , white farmers retain ownership of an estimated 70-72% of private farmland as of recent audits, despite comprising about 7% of the population, fueling ongoing disputes over redistribution to address apartheid-era inequalities. The Expropriation Act, signed into law by President on January 23, 2025, empowers the state to seize property without compensation in specific cases, such as abandoned or underutilized deemed in the , reviving fears of Zimbabwe-style outcomes among agricultural communities. Proponents argue it accelerates reform beyond the slow pace of market-based transfers, which have redistributed only 8-10% of targeted since 1994, while critics highlight risks to investment and , noting that -owned farms generate 80-90% of commercial output. The policy's implementation remains contested, with constitutional challenges pending and international scrutiny, including from figures like , emphasizing potential violations of property rights under bilateral investment treaties. Namibia has pursued a more measured approach, with expropriations of white-owned farms beginning in under a "willing seller, willing buyer" framework supplemented by compulsory acquisitions; by 2008, only five farms had been seized, targeting unproductive holdings to minimize disruption to the sector where white farmers still control over 70% of commercial agriculture. Disputes persist over valuation and pace, but the process has avoided the wholesale upheaval seen elsewhere, preserving relative stability in output. Across these cases, expropriation efforts underscore tensions between claims and economic imperatives, with linking rapid, uncompensated transfers to productivity losses absent complementary investments in skills and infrastructure.

Farm Attacks, Violence, and Security Claims

Farm attacks in involve violent crimes such as , , , and targeting rural properties, predominantly those owned by farmers of European ancestry. These incidents have persisted since the end of apartheid, with farmer advocacy groups like the Transvaal Agricultural Union of South Africa (TAU SA) documenting over 2,295 s on farms from 1990 to 2024, including farmers, family members, and workers. TAU SA reported 50 farm s in 2023 and 32 in 2024, the majority involving victims, attributing many to excessive brutality beyond mere , such as and racial invective. This yields a victimization rate for commercial farmers estimated at 100-130 per 100,000, exceeding the national rate of approximately 45 per 100,000. South African Police Service (SAPS) statistics, however, aggregate farm crimes into broader categories and report lower figures, with 49 farm murders in the 2023-2024 period amid 27,621 total national murders. Recent SAPS data for early 2025 indicate six murders in farming communities, with five black and one white victim, emphasizing that such crimes affect multiple racial groups and stem from general rural criminality rather than targeted racial violence. Discrepancies arise from SAPS ceasing dedicated farm murder tracking in 2007 and alleged underreporting, as claimed by groups like AfriForum, which verify incidents independently. White farmer organizations assert that attacks are disproportionately directed at them due to their ownership of high-value, isolated assets amid land expropriation debates and rhetoric like "Kill the Boer" chants at political rallies, fostering perceptions of ideological motivation. Empirical analysis from the Institute for Security Studies notes low rates for crimes (under 20% from 2016-2021) and attributes vulnerability to geographic isolation rather than race alone, though class and location correlate strongly with victimization. In response, many white farmers have invested in private security, rural patrols, and gated communities, contributing to trends; security fears were cited in surveys by groups like as a primary driver for thousands leaving annually since 2010. In Zimbabwe, similar violence accompanied the 2000 fast-track land reforms, where white farmers faced targeted evictions, assaults, and murders, with at least 10-12 killed and over 4,000 displaced, leading to agricultural collapse and food shortages. These events underscore broader security claims among white Africans, where historical land ownership intersects with post-colonial policies, though South African officials maintain no systematic campaign exists, dismissing "white genocide" narratives as exaggerated. Independent verifications highlight ongoing risks from robbery syndicates but find insufficient evidence for coordinated racial extermination, prioritizing improved policing over racial framing.

Contemporary Status and Challenges

Integration and Economic Pressures

In post-apartheid , where white Africans constitute about 7.7% of the population as of the 2022 census, economic policies such as Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment (B-B-BEE) and the Employment Equity Act of 1998 have imposed integration mandates on businesses, requiring racial quotas for ownership, management, and skills development to address historical disparities. These measures prioritize hiring and promotion of black , designated groups under the law, often resulting in white applicants facing barriers in roles and certain private industries, with studies indicating marginal overall reductions in racial wage gaps despite implementation since 1998. Compliance costs, including mandatory equity transfers and training programs, have been estimated to erode 2-4% of GDP annually, disproportionately affecting white-owned firms through penalties and lost contracts. Persistent and inequalities underscore these pressures, with the average annual for white-headed households at R444,446 in 2022/2023, nearly five times that of African-headed households at R92,983, reflecting apartheid-era legacies compounded by policy-induced barriers to white in regulated sectors. rates further highlight disparities, standing at approximately 7% for in late 2024 compared to 35.8% for Africans, yet has limited ' access to entry-level opportunities in government and state-owned enterprises, where targets favor designated groups. Critics, including analyses from the World Bank, argue that B-BBEE has primarily enriched a small elite rather than fostering broad integration, constraining overall growth and exacerbating skills mismatches that indirectly pressure professionals into or niche private markets. Social integration remains challenged by residential and educational segregation, with whites predominantly in affluent suburbs and former model C schools, where enrollment patterns perpetuate cultural divides despite desegregation efforts post-1994. among younger "Born Frees" show limited mixing, with qualitative studies revealing persistent racial stereotypes and low rates—under 1% nationally—hindered by language barriers (e.g., vs. indigenous languages) and economic status differences. In , a smaller white minority (about 1.8% of the ) faces analogous pressures through in hiring, where whites, despite comprising 60% of skilled professionals, encounter quotas limiting advancement, contributing to economic isolation in commercial farming and mining. These dynamics reflect causal tensions between redress imperatives and merit-based systems, with empirical data indicating that while whites retain economic leverage, policy frameworks compel adaptive integration or marginalization.

Emigration Drivers and Diaspora Impacts

Emigration of white Africans has accelerated since the end of apartheid in and land reforms in , with primary destinations including the , , the , and . In , official data indicate that 95,158 white individuals emigrated between 2011 and 2015, contributing to a broader trend where approximately 500,000 departed over the subsequent 25 years, reducing their share of the national population to 7.1% by 2025. In , the 2000 fast-track land redistribution program, which seized commercial farms owned predominantly by whites without compensation, prompted a mass exodus, reducing the white population from around 120,000 in 2000 to fewer than 30,000 by 2010. Similar patterns occurred in and post-independence in 1975, where civil unrest and nationalization policies drove out most Portuguese-descended populations. Key drivers include persistent high crime rates, economic stagnation, and policies perceived as discriminatory against whites. Surveys of skilled South Africans highlight crime—particularly violent farm attacks—as a leading factor, with over 400 such incidents annually in recent years often involving and targeting white farmers, fostering a sense of insecurity despite official claims of declining overall farm murder rates. measures like , opposed by 83% of skilled whites, limit employment and business opportunities, exacerbating and energy crises such as load-shedding. In , exceeding 89 sextillion percent in 2008 and agricultural collapse following land seizures compounded political instability under Robert Mugabe's rule. The has induced significant brain drain, depleting of professionals in , , and , where whites historically dominated skilled roles, hindering productivity and innovation amid skills shortages. This correlates with economic underperformance, including stalled GDP growth and reduced foreign , as departing whites take capital and expertise abroad. Remittances from the provide some offset, estimated at contributing to inflows averaging $13 annually, though these pale against the fiscal losses from high earners' departure. In , the white exodus accelerated commercial farming decline, with output dropping 75% initially before partial recovery under new owners, underscoring long-term disruptions to sectors. Positive diaspora effects include occasional returns—driven by and factors—and networks influencing international perceptions of home-country . Overall, these outflows strain demographic sustainability for white communities while amplifying economic pressures on origin nations through lost .

Future Prospects and Demographic Sustainability

The white African population, concentrated primarily in and , exhibits declining demographic trends driven by and sustained , raising questions about long-term . In , the 2022 recorded 4.5 million white individuals, comprising 7.3% of the total of 62 million, a decrease from 8.9% in 2011. This contraction reflects a net loss of over 286,000 whites through migration between 2011 and 2021, amid broader patterns where skilled professionals cite , power outages, and employment barriers under policies as key drivers. rates among have dropped to approximately 1.7 children per woman, the lowest among racial groups and below the 2.1 replacement threshold, contributing to an aging with fewer young entrants. In Namibia, the 2023 census enumerated 53,773 whites, or 1.8% of the 3 million total, stable but vulnerable to similar dynamics of low fertility—aligned with European-descended groups globally—and episodic outflows to Europe or for better opportunities. Zimbabwe's white community, reduced to roughly 28,000-30,000 (under 0.2% of 16 million), illustrates a stark : post-2000 land expropriations accelerated a drop from 270,000 at independence, halving numbers repeatedly through and negligible natural increase. Smaller pockets in , , and (fewer than 10,000 combined) face analogous erosion, with no significant offsetting losses. Projections indicate further contraction absent policy shifts; South Africa's white cohort could shrink by 0.36% annually, potentially falling below 3 million by mid-century if sustains at 80,000-100,000 per year and remains suppressed. This trajectory imperils sustainability, as an older demographic skews dependency ratios and depletes in , , and —sectors where whites retain disproportionate expertise despite affirmative measures. Causal factors include persistent insecurity, with farm attacks claiming over 400 white victims annually in recent years, and economic exclusion, fostering a "brain drain" to destinations like and the . While some occurs during booms, net outflows dominate, underscoring reliance on endogenous growth that current conditions undermine.

References

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