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Neo-Nazism
Neo-Nazism
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Nordic Resistance Movement's 2018 "612 march" (on Finnish independence day)

Neo-Nazism comprises all social, political, and militant movements that have professed or idealized Nazism, whether in whole or in part, since the end of World War II in 1945. Neo-Nazi individuals and organizations employ their ideology to promote what they perceive as the racial or ethnic supremacy (often White supremacy) of their own group; to incite or engage in hatred or discrimination against demographic minorities (often antisemitism and Islamophobia); and, in some cases, to establish a fascist state (e.g., "Fourth Reich").[1][2] Also common in neo-Nazi circles is engagement in historical negationism and propagation of conspiracy theories—not limited to absolving or glorifying the Nazi Party or those who inspired or are thought to have inspired Adolf Hitler and other prominent Nazi figures—such as Holocaust denial and Jewish war; White genocide and Great Replacement; and "cultural" Marxism.

While mainly concentrated in the Western world, neo-Nazism is a global phenomenon and has organized representation in several international networks. However, it is not exclusive to people of European origin—many similar supremacist movements among local racial or ethnic groups in non-Western regions have been observed adhering to tenets of or inspired by neo-Nazi ideology. Much of this manifests in adopting original Nazi ideological doctrine and practices, including racism, ultra-nationalism, ableism, homophobia, and conspiratorial anti-communism, among others.

Neo-Nazis regularly display Nazi symbols and express admiration for the actions of Hitler's Germany before and during World War II. In a number of Western and non-Western countries (and especially in Germany), neo-Nazism is prohibited by laws specifically targeting Nazi ideology, in addition to general laws against hatred and discrimination. Likewise, among these countries, Nazi-related symbols are also banned as part of a long-running effort of de-Nazification that began with the Allies of World War II.[3]

Definition

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The term neo-Nazism describes any post-World War II militant, social or political movements seeking to revive the ideology of Nazism in whole or in part.[4][5]

The term 'neo-Nazism' can also refer to the ideology of these movements, which may borrow elements from Nazi doctrine, including ultranationalism, anti-communism, racism, ableism, xenophobia, homophobia, antisemitism, up to initiating the Fourth Reich. Holocaust denial is a common feature, as is the incorporation of Nazi symbols and admiration of Adolf Hitler.

Neo-Nazism is considered a particular form of far-right politics and right-wing extremism.[6]

Esotericism

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Neo-Nazi writers have posited a spiritual, esoteric doctrine of race, which moves beyond the primarily Darwinian-inspired materialist scientific racism popular mainly in the Anglosphere during the 20th century. Figures influential in the development of neo-Nazi racism,[citation needed] such as Miguel Serrano and Julius Evola (writers who are described by critics of Nazism such as the Southern Poverty Law Center as influential within what it presents as parts of "the bizarre fringes of National Socialism, past and present"),[7] claim that the Hyperborean ancestors of the Aryans were in the distant past, far higher beings than their current state, having suffered from "involution" due to mixing with the "Telluric" peoples; supposed creations of the Demiurge. Within this theory, if the "Aryans" are to return to the Golden Age of the distant past, they need to awaken the memory of the blood. An extraterrestrial origin of the Hyperboreans is often claimed. These theories draw influence from Gnosticism and Tantrism, building on the work of the Ahnenerbe. Within this racist theory, Jews are held up as the antithesis of nobility, purity and beauty.

Ecology and environmentalism

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Neo-Nazism generally aligns itself with a blood and soil variation of environmentalism, which has themes in common with deep ecology, the organic movement and animal protectionism.[8][9] This tendency, sometimes called "ecofascism", was represented in the original German Nazism by Richard Walther Darré who was the Reichsminister of Food from 1933 until 1942.[10]

History

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Germany and Austria (1945–1950s)

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The final leader of the National Socialist German Workers' Party (NSDAP) was Martin Bormann, who died on 2 May 1945 during the Battle of Berlin. As his remains were not discovered until 1973, fringe theories claimed that he survived and fled to South America (as did numerous Nazis).[11][12] Similar theories assert that Hitler faked his death and lived for a number of years in South America.[13]

The Allied Control Council officially dissolved the NSDAP on 10 October 1945, marking the end of "Old" Nazism. A process of denazification began, and the Nuremberg trials took place, where many major leaders and ideologues were condemned to death by October 1946, others committed suicide.

Otto Ernst Remer, Wehrmacht general and leader of the postwar Socialist Reich Party

In both the East and West, surviving ex-party members and military veterans assimilated to the new reality and had no interest in constructing a "neo-Nazism".[citation needed] However, during the 1949 West German elections a number of Nazi advocates such as Fritz Rössler had infiltrated the national conservative Deutsche Rechtspartei, which had five members elected. Rössler and others left to found the more radical Socialist Reich Party (SRP) under Otto Ernst Remer. At the onset of the Cold War, the SRP favoured the Soviet Union over the United States.[citation needed]

In Austria, national independence had been restored, and the Verbotsgesetz 1947 explicitly criminalised the NSDAP and any attempt at restoration. West Germany adopted a similar law to target parties it defined as anti-constitutional; Article 21 Paragraph 2 in the Basic Law, banning the SRP in 1952 for being opposed to liberal democracy.

As a consequence, some members of the nascent movement of German neo-Nazism joined the Deutsche Reichspartei of which Hans-Ulrich Rudel was the most prominent figure. Younger members founded the Wiking-Jugend modelled after the Hitler Youth. The Deutsche Reichspartei stood for elections from 1953 until 1961 fetching around 1% of the vote each time.[citation needed] Rudel befriended French-born Savitri Devi, who was a proponent of Esoteric Nazism. In the 1950s she wrote a number of books, such as Pilgrimage (1958), which concerns prominent Third Reich sites, and The Lightning and the Sun (1958), in which she claims that Hitler was an avatar of the God Vishnu. She was not alone in this reorientation of Nazism towards its Thulean-roots; the Artgemeinschaft, founded by former SS member Wilhelm Kusserow, attempted to promote a new paganism.[citation needed]

In the German Democratic Republic (East Germany) a former member of SA, Wilhelm Adam, founded the National Democratic Party of Germany. It reached out to those attracted by the Nazi Party before 1945 and provide them with a political outlet, so that they would not be tempted to support the far-right again or turn to the anti-communist Western Allies.[citation needed] Joseph Stalin wanted to use them to create a new pro-Soviet and anti-Western strain in German politics.[14] According to top Soviet diplomat Vladimir Semyonov, Stalin even suggested that they could be allowed to continue publishing their own newspaper, Völkischer Beobachter.[14] While in Austria, former SS member Wilhelm Lang founded an esoteric group known as the Vienna Lodge; he popularised Nazism and occultism such as the Black Sun and ideas of Third Reich survival colonies below the polar ice caps.[citation needed]

Otto Strasser, leader of the German Social Union, returned from exile to Germany in the mid-1950s.

With the onset of the Cold War, the allied forces had lost interest in prosecuting anyone as part of the denazification.[15] In the mid-1950s this new political environment allowed Otto Strasser, an NS activist on the left of the NSDAP, who had founded the Black Front to return from exile. In 1956, Strasser founded the German Social Union as a Black Front successor, promoting a Strasserite "nationalist and socialist" policy, which dissolved in 1962 due to lack of support. Other Third Reich associated groups were the HIAG and Stille Hilfe dedicated to advancing the interests of Waffen-SS veterans and rehabilitating them into the new democratic society. However, they did not claim to be attempting to restore Nazism, instead functioning as lobbying organizations for their members before the government and the two main political parties (the conservative CDU/CSU and the Nazis' one-time archenemies, the Social Democratic Party)

Many bureaucrats who served under the Third Reich continued to serve in German administration after the war. According to the Simon Wiesenthal Center, many of the more than 90,000 Nazi war criminals recorded in German files were serving in positions of prominence under Chancellor Konrad Adenauer.[16][17] Not until the 1960s were the former concentration camp personnel prosecuted by West Germany in the Belzec trial, Frankfurt Auschwitz trials, Treblinka trials, Chełmno trials, and the Sobibór trial.[18] However, the government had passed laws prohibiting Nazis from publicly expressing their beliefs.

"Universal National Socialism" (1950s–1970s)

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Neo-Nazism found expression outside of Germany, including in countries who fought against the Third Reich during the Second World War, and sometimes adopted pan-European or "universal" characteristics, beyond the parameters of German nationalism.[citation needed] The two main tendencies, with differing styles and even worldviews, were the followers of the American Francis Parker Yockey, who was fundamentally anti-American and advocated for a pan-European nationalism, and those of George Lincoln Rockwell, an American conservative.[nb 1][citation needed]

Yockey, a neo-Spenglerian author, had written Imperium: The Philosophy of History and Politics (1949) dedicated to "the hero of the twentieth century" (namely, Adolf Hitler) and founded the European Liberation Front. He was interested more in the destiny of Europe; to this end, he advocated a National Bolshevik-esque red-brown alliance against American culture and influenced 1960s figures such as SS-veteran Jean-François Thiriart. Yockey was also fond of Arab nationalism, in particular Gamal Abdel Nasser, and saw Fidel Castro's Cuban Revolution as a positive, visiting officials there. Yockey's views impressed Otto Ernst Remer and the radical traditionalist philosopher Julius Evola. He was constantly hounded by the FBI and was eventually arrested in 1960, before committing suicide. Domestically, Yockey's biggest sympathisers were the National Renaissance Party, including James H. Madole, H. Keith Thompson and Eustace Mullins (protégé of Ezra Pound) and the Liberty Lobby of Willis Carto.[citation needed]

Rockwell, an American conservative, was first politicised in the anti-communism and anti-racial integration movements before becoming anti-Jewish. In response to his opponents calling him a "Nazi", he theatrically appropriated the aesthetic elements of the NSDAP, to "own" the intended insult. In 1959, Rockwell founded the American Nazi Party and instructed his members to dress in imitation SA-style brown shirts, while flying the flag of the Third Reich. In contrast to Yockey, he was pro-American and cooperated with FBI requests, despite the party being targeted by COINTELPRO due to the mistaken belief that they were agents of Nasser's Egypt during a brief intelligence "brown scare".[nb 2] Later leaders of American white nationalism came to politics through the ANP, including a teenage David Duke and William Luther Pierce of the National Alliance, although they soon distanced themselves from explicit self-identification with neo-Nazism.[citation needed]

In 1961, the World Union of National Socialists was founded by Rockwell and Colin Jordan of the British National Socialist Movement, adopting the Cotswold Declaration. French socialite Françoise Dior was involved romantically with Jordan and his deputy John Tyndall and a friend of Savitri Devi, who also attended the meeting. The National Socialist Movement wore quasi-SA uniforms, was involved in streets conflicts with the Jewish 62 Group. In the 1970s, Tyndall's earlier involvement with neo-Nazism would come back to haunt the National Front, which he led, as they attempted to ride a wave of anti-immigration populism and concerns over British national decline. Televised exposes on This Week in 1974 and World in Action in 1978, showed their neo-Nazi pedigree and damaged their electoral chances. In 1967, Rockwell was killed by a disgruntled former member. Matt Koehl took control of the ANP, and strongly influenced by Savitri Devi, gradually transformed it into an esoteric group known as the New Order.[citation needed]

In Franco's Spain, certain SS refugees most notably Otto Skorzeny, Léon Degrelle and the son of Klaus Barbie became associated with CEDADE (Círculo Español de Amigos de Europa), an organisation which disseminated Third Reich apologetics out of Barcelona. They intersected with neo-Nazi advocates from Mark Fredriksen in France to Salvador Borrego in Mexico. In the post-fascist Italian Social Movement splinter groups such as Ordine Nuovo and Avanguardia Nazionale, involved in the "Years of Lead" considered Nazism a reference. Franco Freda created a "Nazi-Maoism" synthesis.

In Germany itself, the various Third Reich nostalgic movements coalesced around the National Democratic Party of Germany in 1964 and in Austria the National Democratic Party in 1967 as the primary sympathisers of the NSDAP past, although more publicly cautious than earlier groups.[citation needed]

Holocaust denial and subcultures (1970s–1990s)

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Holocaust denial, the claim that six million Jews were not deliberately and systematically exterminated as an official policy of the Third Reich and Adolf Hitler, became a more prominent feature of neo-Nazism in the 1970s. Before this time, Holocaust denial had long existed as a sentiment among neo-Nazis, but it had not yet been systematically articulated as a theory with a bibliographical canon. Few of the major theorists of Holocaust denial (who call themselves "revisionists") can be uncontroversially classified as outright neo-Nazis (though some works such as those of David Irving forward a clearly sympathetic view of Hitler and the publisher Ernst Zündel was deeply tied to international neo-Nazism), however, the main interest of Holocaust denial to neo-Nazis was their hope that it would help them rehabilitate their political ideology in the eyes of the general public. Did Six Million Really Die? (1974) by Richard Verrall and The Hoax of the Twentieth Century (1976) by Arthur Butz are popular examples of Holocaust denial material.

The radicalisation of Flemish activist group Vlaamse Militanten Orde in the 1970s energised international neo-Nazism.

Key developments in international neo-Nazism during this time include the radicalisation of the Vlaamse Militanten Orde under former Hitler Youth member Bert Eriksson. They began hosting an annual conference; the "Iron Pilgrimage"; at Diksmuide, which drew kindred ideologues from across Europe and beyond. As well as this, the NSDAP/AO under Gary Lauck arose in the United States in 1972 and challenged the international influence of the Rockwellite WUNS. Lauck's organisation drew support from the National Socialist Movement of Denmark of Povl Riis-Knudsen and various German and Austrian figures who felt that the "National Democratic" parties were too bourgeois and insufficiently Nazi in orientation. This included Michael Kühnen, Christian Worch, Bela Ewald Althans and Gottfried Küssel of the 1977-founded ANS/NS which called for the establishment of a Germanic Fourth Reich. Some ANS/NS members were imprisoned for planning paramilitary attacks on NATO bases in Germany and planning to liberate Rudolf Hess from Spandau Prison. The organisation was officially banned in 1983 by the Minister of the Interior.

During the late 1970s, a British subculture came to be associated with neo-Nazism; the skinheads. Portraying an ultra-masculine, crude and aggressive image, with working-class references, some of the skinheads joined the British Movement under Michael McLaughlin (successor of Colin Jordan), while others became associated with the National Front's Rock Against Communism project which was meant to counter the SWP's Rock Against Racism. The most significant music group involved in this project was Skrewdriver, led by Ian Stuart Donaldson. Together with ex-BM member Nicky Crane, Donaldson founded the international Blood & Honour network in 1987. By 1992 this network, with input from Harold Covington, had developed a paramilitary wing; Combat 18, which intersected with football hooligan firms such as the Chelsea Headhunters. The neo-Nazi skinhead movement spread to the United States, with groups such as the Hammerskins. It was popularised from 1986 onwards by Tom Metzger of the White Aryan Resistance. Since then it has spread across the world. Films such as Romper Stomper (1992) and American History X (1998) would fix a public perception that neo-Nazism and skinheads were synonymous.

Serrano identified Aryan-Hyperborean blood as the "light of the Black Sun", a symbol found at SS-cult site Wewelsburg Castle.

New developments also emerged on the esoteric level, as former Chilean diplomat Miguel Serrano built on the works of Carl Jung, Otto Rahn, Wilhelm Landig, Julius Evola and Savitri Devi to bind together and develop already existing theories. Serrano had been a member of the National Socialist Movement of Chile in the 1930s and from the early days of neo-Nazism, he had been in contact with key figures across Europe and beyond. Despite this, he was able to work as an ambassador to numerous countries until the rise of Salvador Allende. In 1984 he published his book Adolf Hitler: The Ultimate Avatar. Serrano claimed that the Aryans were extragalactic beings who founded Hyperborea and lived the heroic life of Bodhisattvas, while the Jews were created by the Demiurge and were concerned only with coarse materialism. Serrano claimed that a new Golden Age can be attained if the Hyperboreans repurify their blood (supposedly the light of the Black Sun) and restore their "blood-memory". As with Savitri Devi before him, Serrano's works became a key point of reference in neo-Nazism.

Lifting of the Iron Curtain (1990s–present)

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With the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the Soviet Union during the early 1990s, neo-Nazism began to spread its ideas in the East, as hostility to the triumphant liberal order was high and revanchism a widespread feeling. In Russia, during the chaos of the early 1990s, an amorphous mixture of KGB hardliners, Orthodox neo-Tsarist nostalgics (i.e., Pamyat) and explicit neo-Nazis found themselves strewn together in the same camp. They were united by opposition to the influence of the United States, against the liberalising legacy of Mikhail Gorbachev's perestroika and on the Jewish question, Soviet Zionology merged with a more explicit anti-Jewish sentiment. The most significant organisation representing this was Russian National Unity under the leadership of Alexander Barkashov, where black-uniform clad Russians marched with a red flag incorporating the Swastika under the banner of Russia for Russians. These forces came together in a last gasp effort to save the Supreme Soviet of Russia against Boris Yeltsin during the 1993 Russian constitutional crisis. As well as events in Russia, in newly independent ex-Soviet states, annual commemorations for SS volunteers now took place; particularly in Latvia, Estonia and Ukraine.

Members of the National Bolshevik Party. "Nazbols" tailor ultra-nationalist themes to a native Russian environment while still employing Nazi aesthetics.

The Russian developments excited German neo-Nazism who dreamed of a Berlin–Moscow alliance against the supposedly "decadent" Atlanticist forces; a dream which had been thematic since the days of Remer.[citation needed] Zündel visited Russia and met with ex-KGB general Aleksandr Stergilov and other Russian National Unity members. Despite these initial aspirations, international neo-Nazism and its close affiliates in ultra-nationalism would be split over the Bosnian War between 1992 and 1995, as part of the breakup of Yugoslavia. The split would largely be along ethnic and sectarian lines. The Germans and the French would largely back the Western Catholic Croats (Lauck's NSDAP/AO explicitly called for volunteers, which Kühnen's Free German Workers' Party answered and the French formed the "Groupe Jacques Doriot"), while the Russians and the Greeks would back the Orthodox Serbs (including Russians from Barkashov's Russian National Unity, Eduard Limonov's National Bolshevik Front and Golden Dawn members joined the Greek Volunteer Guard). Indeed, the revival of National Bolshevism was able to steal some of the thunder from overt Russian neo-Nazism, as ultra-nationalism was wedded with veneration of Joseph Stalin in place of Adolf Hitler, while still also flirting with Nazi aesthetics.

Analogous European movements

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Outside Germany, in other countries which were involved with the Axis powers and had their own native ultra-nationalist movements, which sometimes collaborated with the Third Reich but were not technically German-style National Socialists, revivalist and nostalgic movements have emerged in the post-war period which, as neo-Nazism has done in Germany, seek to rehabilitate their various loosely associated ideologies. These movements include neo-fascists and post-fascists in Italy; Vichyites, Pétainists and "national Europeans" in France; Ustaše sympathisers in Croatia; neo-Chetniks in Serbia; Iron Guard revivalists in Romania; Hungarists and Horthyists in Hungary and others.[19]

Issues

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Ex-Nazis in mainstream politics

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The 1980s dispute between Austrian president Kurt Waldheim and the World Jewish Congress caused an international incident.

The most significant case on an international level was the election of Kurt Waldheim to the Presidency of Austria in 1986. It came to light that Waldheim had been a member of the National Socialist German Students' League, the SA and served as an intelligence officer during the Second World War. Following this he served as an Austrian diplomat and was the Secretary-General of the United Nations from 1972 until 1981. After revelations of Waldheim's past were made by an Austrian journalist, Waldheim clashed with the World Jewish Congress on the international stage. Waldheim's record was defended by Bruno Kreisky, an Austrian Jew who served as Chancellor of Austria. The legacy of the affair lingers on, as Victor Ostrovsky has claimed the Mossad doctored the file of Waldheim to implicate him in war crimes.[citation needed]

In Finland multiple veterans of the Waffen-SS served as ministers and party chairmen.[20][21][22][23] Leader of the National Socialist Union of Finland (SKSL) Yrjö Ruutu was a leading member of post-war Socialist Unity Party.[24] Heikki Waris, board member of SKSL served as the Minister of Social Affairs in the Von Fieandt Cabinet in 1957.[25] Many more ex-Nazis were elected as members of parliament, like former SKSL Yrjö Kilpeläinen and Unto Varjonen[24] and Torsten Aminoff of People's Community Society.[26]

Contemporary right-wing populism

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Some critics have sought to draw a connection between Nazism and modern right-wing populism in Europe, but the two are not widely regarded as interchangeable by most academics. In Austria, the Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ) served as a shelter for ex-Nazis almost from its inception.[27] In 1980, scandals undermined Austria's two main parties and the economy stagnated. Jörg Haider became leader of the FPÖ and offered partial justification for Nazism, calling its employment policy effective. In the 1994 Austrian election, the FPÖ won 22 percent of the vote, as well as 33 percent of the vote in Carinthia and 22 percent in Vienna; showing that it had become a force capable of reversing the old pattern of Austrian politics.[28]

Historian Walter Laqueur writes that even though Haider welcomed former Nazis at his meetings and went out of his way to address Schutzstaffel (SS) veterans, the FPÖ is not a fascist party in the traditional sense, since it has not made anti-communism an important issue, and it does not advocate the overthrow of the democratic order or the use of violence. In his view, the FPÖ is "not quite fascist", although it is part of a tradition, similar to that of 19th-century Viennese mayor Karl Lueger, which involves nationalism, xenophobic populism, and authoritarianism.[29] Haider, who in 2005 left the Freedom Party and formed the Alliance for Austria's Future, was killed in a traffic accident in October 2008.[30]

Barbara Rosenkranz, the Freedom Party's candidate in Austria's 2010 presidential election, was controversial for having made allegedly pro-Nazi statements.[31] Rosenkranz is married to Horst Rosenkranz, a key member of a banned neo-Nazi party, who is known for publishing far-right books. Rosenkranz says she cannot detect anything "dishonourable" in her husband's activities.[32]

Around the world

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Europe

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Albania

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Brerore and Albanian Third Position (ATP) are neo-Nazi groups based in Albania with ATP also having reach into Kosovo and Northern Macedonia.[33][34][35] Albanian football clubs are also sometimes linked to right-wing extremism. For example Ultras Tirona club uses Nazi symbols in stadiums and they have unfurled banners praising the Albanian SS Division. Some of ATP's members are also members of Tirana Fanatiks football ultra hooligan club.[36][37]

Armenia

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The Armenian-Aryan Racialist Political Movement is a National Socialist movement in Armenia. It was founded in 2021 and supports Aryanism, Antisemitism, and White supremacy.[38]

Belarus

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There has been a Nazi presence in Belarus since at least 1933 in the form of the Belarusian National Socialist Party [be; de; it]. Neo-Nazi White Legion (Belarusian: Белы Легіён, romanizedByely Lyehiyon) attempted a bombing of a Soviet Victory Monument in Minsk. In 2020, Dynamo Minsk fans unfurled a banner during a match with a picture of Rudolf Hess and the text "For us, your life is an iconic example of loyalty". White Power Skinhead groups include "White Willpower" (Белая Воля, Byelaya Volya) and Support88. In 2004 a magazine by the name of the Belarusian Resistance (Беларускі Рэзыстанс, Byelaruski Rezystans) with editor-in-chief Siarhej Iorsh was first published, with the focus of the magazine being rehabilitating the Belarusians who fought the Red Army.[39][40][41]

Since the independence of Belarus, the far-right in Belarus has systematically rehabilitated Belarusian nazi collaborators both in the internet and real life. For example in 2014, the right-wing organization Young Front demonstrated with banners depicting General Michał Vituška, nazi collaborator and anti-Soviet partisan. In 2018, the biggest alcohol company in the country Bulbash United posted a picture of General Francišak Kušal, a prominent Nazi collaborator, and a text praising him attached to it on their webpage. It drew both condemnation and praise from the netizens of Belarus. Aliaksei Dzermant is the founder of Kryuskaja Draugija Druvingau, Belarusian branch of the neo-Nazi pagan Allgermanische Heidnische Front. Dzermant is also the founder of the modern successor of the Belarusian Nazi Party.[39]

Belgium

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A Belgian neo-Nazi organization, Bloed, Bodem, Eer en Trouw (Blood, Soil, Honour and Loyalty), was created in 2004 after splitting from the international network (Blood and Honour). The group rose to public prominence in September 2006, after 17 members (including 11 soldiers) were arrested under the December 2003 anti-terrorist laws and laws against racism, antisemitism and supporters of censorship. According to Justice Minister Laurette Onkelinx and Interior Minister Patrick Dewael, the suspects (11 of whom were members of the military) were preparing to launch terrorist attacks in order to "destabilize" Belgium.[42] According to the journalist Manuel Abramowicz, of the Resistances,[43] the extremists of the radical right have always had as its aim to "infiltrate the state mechanisms", including the army in the 1970s and the 1980s, through Westland New Post and the Front de la Jeunesse.[44]

A police operation, which mobilized 150 agents, searched five military barracks (in Leopoldsburg near the Dutch border, Kleine-Brogel, Peer, Brussels (Royal military school) and Zedelgem) as well as 18 private addresses in Flanders. They found weapons, munitions, explosives and a homemade bomb large enough to make "a car explode". The leading suspect, B.T., was organizing the trafficking of weapons and was developing international links, in particular with the Dutch far-right movement De Nationale Alliantie.[45]

Bosnia and Herzegovina

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The neo-Nazi white nationalist organization Bosanski Pokret Nacionalnog Ponosa (Bosnian Movement of National Pride) was founded in Bosnia and Herzegovina in July 2009. Its model is the Waffen-SS Handschar Division, which was composed of Bosniak volunteers.[46] It proclaimed its main enemies to be "Jews, Roma, Serbian Chetniks, the Croatian separatists, Josip Broz Tito, Communists, homosexuals and blacks".[47] Its ideology is a mixture of Bosnian nationalism, National Socialism and white nationalism. It says "Ideologies that are not welcome in Bosnia are: Zionism, Islamism, communism, capitalism. The only ideology good for us is Bosnian nationalism because it secures national prosperity and social justice..."[48] The group is led by a person nicknamed Sauberzwig, after the commander of the 13th SS Handschar. The group's strongest area of operations is in the Tuzla area of Bosnia.

Bulgaria

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The primary neo-Nazi political party to receive attention in post-WWII Bulgaria is the Bulgarian National Union – New Democracy.[citation needed]

On 13 February of every year since 2003, Bulgarian neo-Nazis and like-minded far-right nationalists gather at Sofia to honor Hristo Lukov, a late World War II general known for his antisemitic and pro-Nazi stance. From 2003 to 2019, the annual event was hosted by Bulgarian National Union.[49][50][51]

Bulgaria is also home to a neo-Nazi group called the White Front that is "linked to an extremely violent fringe of neo-Nazis" that have defaced synagogues with antisemitic posters. White Front also countered Sofia Pride by plastering around homophobic posters claiming homosexuality is connected to pedophilia.[52][53]

Croatia

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Young boy wearing a shirt with a Black Legion sign at a Thompson concert
Graffiti depicting the U symbol of the Ustashe during the Anti-Cyrillic protests in Croatia

Neo-Nazis in Croatia base their ideology on the writings of Ante Pavelić and the Ustaše, a fascist anti-Yugoslav separatist movement.[54] The Ustaše regime committed a genocide against Serbs, Jews and Roma. At the end of World War II, many Ustaše members fled to the West, where they found sanctuary and continued their political and terrorist activities (which were tolerated due to Cold War hostilities).[55][56]

In 1999, Zagreb's Square of the Victims of Fascism was renamed Croatian Nobles Square, provoking widespread criticism of Croatia's attitude towards the Holocaust.[57] In 2000, the Zagreb City Council again renamed the square into Square of the Victims of Fascism.[58] Many streets in Croatia were renamed after the prominent Ustaše figure Mile Budak, which provoked outrage amongst the Serbian minority. Since 2002, there has been a reversal of this development, and streets with the name of Mile Budak or other persons connected with the Ustaše movement are few or non-existent.[59] A plaque in Slunj with the inscription "Croatian Knight Jure Francetić" was erected to commemorate Francetić, the notorious Ustaše leader of the Black Legion. The plaque remained there for four years, until it was removed by the authorities.[59][60]

In 2003, Croatian penal code was amended with provisions prohibiting the public display of Nazi symbols, the propagation of Nazi ideology, historical revisionism and holocaust denial but the amendments were annulled in 2004 since they were not enacted in accordance with a constitutionally prescribed procedure.[61] Nevertheless, since 2006 Croatian penal code explicitly prohibits any type of hate crime based on race, color, gender, sexual orientation, religion or national origin.[62]

There have been instances of hate speech in Croatia, such as the use of the phrase Srbe na vrbe! ("[Hang] Serbs on the willow trees!").[citation needed] In 2004, an Orthodox church was spray-painted with pro-Ustaše graffiti.[63][64] During some protests in Croatia, supporters of Ante Gotovina and other at the time suspected war criminals (all acquitted in 2012) have carried nationalist symbols and pictures of Pavelić.[65] On 17 May 2007, a concert in Zagreb by Thompson, a popular Croatian singer, was attended by 60,000 people, some of them wearing Ustaše uniforms. Some gave Ustaše salutes and shouted the Ustaše slogan "Za dom spremni" ("For the homeland – ready!"). This event prompted the Simon Wiesenthal Center to publicly issue a protest to the Croatian president.[66][67][68][69][70] Cases of displaying Ustashe memorabilia have been recorded at the Bleiburg commemoration held annually in Austria.[71]

Czech Republic

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The government of the Czech Republic strictly punishes neo-Nazism (Czech: Neonacismus). According to a report by the Ministry of the Interior of the Czech Republic, neo-Nazis committed more than 211 crimes in 2013. The Czech Republic has various neo-Nazi groups. One of them is the group Wotan Jugend, based in Germany.

Denmark

[edit]

The National Socialist Movement of Denmark was formed in 1991, and was formally a neo-Nazi party, that would actively promote the Nazi ideology in Denmark. The party did not gain any political influence, and were regarded as a failed political project by neo-Nazi expert Frede Farmand.[72] Long time party leader Johnni Hansen was replaced by Esben Rohde Kristensen in 2010, which resulted in a large amount of party members leaving the party. While the party never has been formally dissolved, there has been very little activity from its core member since 2010.[73] Former neo-Nazi Daniel Carlsen formed the small national party Party of the Danes in 2011, which officially rejected Nazism, but were none the less categorized as such by professor in politics Peter Nedergaard.[74][75] It was dissolved in 2017 after its founder Daniel Stockholm announced retirement from politics.[76]

Estonia

[edit]

In 2006, Roman Ilin, a Jewish theatre director from St. Petersburg, Russia, was attacked by neo-Nazis when returning from a tunnel after a rehearsal. Ilin subsequently accused Estonian police of indifference after filing the incident.[77] When a dark-skinned French student was attacked in Tartu, the head of an association of foreign students claimed that the attack was characteristic of a wave of neo-Nazi violence. An Estonian police official, however, stated that there were only a few cases involving foreign students over the previous two years.[78] In November 2006, the Estonian government passed a law banning the display of Nazi symbols.[79]

The 2008 United Nations Human Rights Council Special Rapporteur's Report noted that community representatives and non-governmental organizations devoted to human rights had pointed out that neo-Nazi groups were active in Estonia—particularly in Tartu—and had perpetrated acts of violence against non-European minorities.[80]

The neo-Nazi terrorist organization Feuerkrieg Division was found and operates in the country, with some members of the Conservative People's Party of Estonia having been linked to the Feuerkrieg Division.[81][82][83]

Finland

[edit]
Pekka Siitoin, Finnish neo-Nazi, occultist, and Satanist[84][85]

In Finland, neo-Nazism is often connected to the 1930s and 1940s fascist and pro-Nazi Patriotic People's Movement (IKL), its youth movement Blues-and-Blacks and its predecessor Lapua Movement. Post-war fascist groups such as Patriotic People's Movement (1993), Patriotic Popular Front, Patriotic National Movement, Blue-and-Black Movement and many others consciously copy the style of the movement and look up to its leaders as inspiration. A Finns Party councillor and police officer in Seinäjoki caused small scandal wearing the fascist blue-and-black uniform.[86][87][88]

During the Cold War, all partied deemed fascist were banned according to the Paris Peace Treaties and all former fascist activists had to find new political homes.[89] Despite Finlandization, many continued in public life. Three former members of the Waffen SS served as ministers; the Finnish SS Battalion officers Sulo Suorttanen (Centre Party) and Pekka Malinen (People's Party) as well as Mikko Laaksonen (Social Democrat), a soldier in the Finnish SS-Company, formed of pro-Nazi defectors.[22][23] Chairman of the Constitutional Right Party Ilpo Järvinen was likewise SS-Company veteran.[20][21]

Neo-Nazi activism was limited to small illegal groups like the clandestine Nazi occultist group led by Pekka Siitoin who made headlines after arson and bombing of the printing houses of the Communist Party of Finland. His associates also sent letter bombs to leftists, including to the headquarters of the Finnish Democratic Youth League.[90] Another group called the "New Patriotic People's Movement" bombed the left-wing Kansan Uutiset newspaper and the embassy of communist Bulgaria.[91][92][93] Member of the Nordic Realm Party Seppo Seluska was convicted of the torture and murder of a gay Jewish person.[94][95][96]

The skinhead culture gained momentum during the late 1980s and peaked during the late 1990s. In 1991, Finland received a number of Somali immigrants who became the main target of Finnish skinhead violence in the following years, including four attacks using explosives and a racist murder. Asylum seeker centres were attacked, in Joensuu skinheads would force their way into an asylum seeker centre and start shooting with shotguns. At worst Somalis were assaulted by 50 skinheads at the same time.[97][98]

The most prominent neo-Nazi group is the Nordic Resistance Movement, which is tied to multiple murders, attempted murders and assaults of political enemies was found in 2006 and proscribed in 2019.[99] The second biggest Finnish party, the Finns Party politicians have frequently supported far-right and neo-Nazi movements such as the Finnish Defense League, Soldiers of Odin, Nordic Resistance Movement, Rajat Kiinni (Close the Borders), and Suomi Ensin (Finland First).[100] In the 1990s and 2000s, before the breakthrough of the Finns Party, a few neo-Nazi candidates enjoyed success, like Janne Kujala of Finland - Fatherland (founded as Aryan Germanic Brotherhood) and Jouni Lanamäki who was previously associated with the Nordic Reich Party.[101][102] Pekka Siitoin of the National Democratic Party was the fifth most popular candidate in Naantali city council elections.[103]

The NRM, Finns party and other far-right nationalist parties organize an annual torch march demonstration in Helsinki in memory of the Finnish SS-battalion on the Finnish independence day which ends at the Hietaniemi cemetery where members visit the tomb of Carl Gustaf Emil Mannerheim and the monument to the Finnish SS Battalion.[104][105] The event is protested by antifascists, leading to counterdemonstrators being violently assaulted by NRM members who act as security. The demonstration attracts close to 3,000 participants according to the estimates of the police and hundreds of officers patrol Helsinki to prevent violent clashes.[106][107][108][109]

France

[edit]
French neo-fascist groups adopted the Celtic cross as an ambiguous "Christian and pagan" symbol in the 1940s.

In France, the most enthusiastic collaborationists during the German occupation of France had been the National Popular Rally of Marcel Déat (former SFIO members) and the French Popular Party of Jacques Doriot (former French Communist Party members). These two groups, like the Germans, saw themselves as combining ultra-nationalism and socialism. In the south there existed the vassal state of Vichy France under the military "Hero of the Verdun", Marshal Philippe Pétain whose Révolution nationale emphasised an authoritarian Catholic conservative politics. Following the liberation of France and the creation of the Fourth French Republic, collaborators were prosecuted during the épuration légale and nearly 800 put to death for treason under Charles de Gaulle.

In the aftermath of the Second World War, the main concern of the French radical right was the collapse of the French Empire, in particular the Algerian War, which led to the creation of the OAS. Outside of this, individual fascistic activists such as Maurice Bardèche (brother-in-law of Robert Brasillach), as well as SS-veterans Saint-Loup and René Binet, were active in France and involved in the European Social Movement and later the New European Order, alongside similar groups from across Europe. Early neo-fascist groups included Jeune Nation, which introduced the Celtic cross into use by radical right groups (an association which would spread internationally). A "neither East, nor West" pan-Europeanism was most popular among French fascistic activists until the late 1960s, partly motivated by feelings of national vulnerability following the collapse of their empire; thus the Belgian SS-veteran Jean-François Thiriart's group Jeune Europe also had a considerable French contingent.

It was the 1960s, during the Fifth French Republic, that a considerable upturn in French neo-fascism occurred; some of it in response to the Protests of 1968. The most explicitly pro-Nazi of these was the FANE of Mark Fredriksen. Neo-fascist groups included Pierre Sidos' Occident, the Ordre Nouveau (which was banned after violent clashes with the Trotskyist LCR) and the student-based Groupe Union Défense. A number of these activists such as François Duprat were instrumental in founding the Front National under Jean-Marie Le Pen; but the FN also included a broader selection from the French hard-right, including not only these neo-fascist elements, but also Catholic integrists, monarchists, Algerian War veterans, Poujadists and national-conservatives. Others from these neo-fascist micro-groups formed the Parti des forces nouvelles working against Le Pen.

Within the FN itself, Duprat founded the FANE-backed Groupes nationalistes révolutionnaires faction, until his 1978 assassination. The subsequent history of the French hard right has been the conflict between the national-conservative controlled FN and "national revolutionary" (fascistic and National Bolshevik) splinter or opposition groups. The latter include groups in the tradition of Thiriart and Duprat, such as the Parti communautaire national-européen, Troisième voie, the Nouvelle Résistance of Christian Bouchet,[110] Unité Radicale and most recently Bloc identitaire. Direct splits from the FN include the 1987 founded FANE-revival Parti nationaliste français et européen, which was disbanded in 2000. Neo-Nazi organizations are outlawed in the Fifth French Republic, yet a significant number of them still exist.[111]

Germany

[edit]
Neo-Nazi demonstration in Leipzig, Germany, in October 2009

Following the failure of the National Democratic Party of Germany in the election of 1969, small groups committed to the revival of Nazi ideology began to emerge in Germany. The NPD splintered, giving rise to paramilitary Wehrsportgruppe. These groups attempted to organize under a national umbrella organization, the Action Front of National Socialists/National Activists.[112] Neo-Nazi movements in East Germany began as a rebellion against the Communist regime; the banning of Nazi symbols helped neo-Nazism to develop as an anti-authoritarian youth movement.[113] Mail order networks developed to send illegal Nazi-themed music cassettes and merchandise to Germany.[114]

Turks in Germany have been victims of neo-Nazi violence on several occasions. In 1992, two young girls were killed in the Mölln arson attack along with their grandmother; nine others were injured.[115][116] In 1993, five Turks were killed in the Solingen arson attack.[117] In response to the fire Turkish youth in Solingen rioted chanting "Nazis out!" and "We want Nazi blood". In other parts of Germany police had to intervene to protect skinheads from assault.[118] The Hoyerswerda riots and Rostock-Lichtenhagen riots targeting migrants and ethnic minorities living in Germany also took place during the 1990s.[112]

Between 2000 and 2007, eight Turkish immigrants, one Greek German and a German policewoman were murdered by the neo-Nazi National Socialist Underground.[119] The NSU has its roots in the former East German area of Thuringia, which The Guardian identified as "one of the heartlands of Germany's radical right". The German intelligence services have been criticized for extravagant distributions of cash to informants within the far-right movement. Tino Brandt publicly boasted on television that he had received around €100,000 in funding from the German state. Though Brandt did not give the state "useful information", the funding supported recruitment efforts in Thuringia during the early 1990s. (Brandt was eventually sentenced to five and a half years in prison on for 66 counts of child prostitution and child sexual abuse).[120]

Police were only able to locate the killers when they were tipped off following a botched bank robbery in Eisenach. As the police closed in on them, the two men committed suicide. They had evaded capture for 13 years. Beate Zschäpe, who had been living with the two men in Zwickau, turned herself in to the German authorities a few days later. Zschäpe's trial began in May 2013; she was charged with nine counts of murder. She pleaded "not guilty". According to The Guardian, the NSU may have enjoyed protection and support from certain "elements of the state". Anders Behring Breivik, a fan of Zschäpe's, reportedly sent her a letter from prison in 2012.[120]

According to the annual report of Germany's interior intelligence service (Verfassungsschutz) for 2012, at the time there were 26,000 right-wing extremists living in Germany, including 6,000 neo-Nazis.[121] In January 2020, Combat 18 was banned in Germany, and raids directed against the organization were made across the country.[122] In March 2020, United German Peoples and Tribes, which is part of Reichsbürger, a neo-Nazi movement that rejects the German state as a legal entity, was raided by the German police.[123] Holocaust denial is a crime, according to the German Criminal Code (Strafgesetzbuch § 86a) and § 130 (public incitement).[citation needed]

Greece

[edit]
Flag of the Golden Dawn

The far-right political party Golden Dawn (Χρυσή Αυγή – Chrysi Avyi) is generally labelled neo-Nazi, although the group rejects this label.[124] A few Golden Dawn members participated in the Bosnian War in the Greek Volunteer Guard (GVG) and were present in Srebrenica during the Srebrenica massacre.[125][126] The party has its roots in Papadopoulos' regime.

There is often collaboration between the state and neo-Nazi elements in Greece.[127] In 2018, during the trial of sixty-nine members of the Golden Dawn party, evidence was presented of the close ties between the party and the Hellenic Police.[128]

Golden Dawn has spoken out in favour of the Assad regime in Syria,[129] and the Strasserist group Black Lily have claimed to have sent mercenaries to Syria to fight alongside the Syrian regime, specifically mentioning their participation in the Battle of al-Qusayr.[130] In the 6 May 2012 legislative election, Golden Dawn received 6.97% of the votes, entering the Greek parliament for the first time with 21 representatives, but when the elected parties were unable to form a coalition government a second election was held in June 2012. Golden Dawn received 6.92% of the votes in the June election and entered the Greek parliament with 18 representatives.

Since 2008, neo-Nazi violence in Greece has targeted immigrants, leftists and anarchist activists. In 2009, certain far-right groups announced that Agios Panteleimonas in Athens was off limits to immigrants. Neo-Nazi patrols affiliated with the Golden Dawn party began attacking migrants in this neighborhood. The violence continued escalating through 2010.[127] In 2013, after the murder of anti-fascist rapper Pavlos Fyssas, the number of hate crimes in Greece declined for several years until 2017. Many of the crimes in 2017 have been attributed to other groups like the Crypteia Organisation and Combat 18 Hellas.[128]

Golden Dawn was banned in 2020 for multiple violent crimes and murders. However, multiple successor parties emerged and secured representation in the Hellenic parliament. Given that many of Spartans' members of parliament have previously been associated with either Golden Dawn or Kasidiaris' party Greeks for the Fatherland, which was banned from participating in the 2023 elections, Spartans has been seen as a continuation of Golden Dawn.[131]

On June 28, 2025 Thanos Plevris was appointed the new migration minister. Plevris has previously burned Turkish flags together with the neo-Nazi Golden Dawn, advocated shooting migrants and promoted “purity” of the "Greek race".[132][133][134][135] The Central Board of Jewish Communities had earlier voiced concerns about Plevris since he had defended the statement that Auschwitz should be re-opened for Jewish inmates, arguing that advocating for the extermination of the Jewish people should be legal.[132]

Hungary

[edit]
"Hungaria Skins" with a flag evoking the Arrow Cross in 1997

In Hungary, the historical political party which allied itself ideologically with German National Socialism and drew inspiration from it, was the Arrow Cross Party of Ferenc Szálasi. They referred to themselves explicitly as National Socialists and within Hungarian politics this tendency is known as Hungarism.[citation needed] After the Second World War, exiles such as Árpád Henney kept the Hungarist tradition alive. Following the fall of the Hungarian People's Republic in 1989, which was a Marxist–Leninist state and a member of the Warsaw Pact, many new parties emerged. Amongst these was the Hungarian National Front of István Győrkös, which was a Hungarist party and considered itself the heirs of Arrow Cross-style National Socialism (a self-description they explicitly embraced).[citation needed] In the 2000s, Győrkös' movement moved closer to a national bolshevist and neo-Eurasian position, aligned with Aleksandr Dugin, cooperating with the Hungarian Workers' Party. Some Hungarists opposed this and founded the Pax Hungarica Movement.

In modern Hungary, Jobbik was regarded by some scholars as a neo-Nazi party; for example, it had been termed as such by Randolph L. Braham.[136] The party denied being neo-Nazi, although "there is extensive proof that the leading members of the party made no effort to hide their racism and anti-Semitism."[137] Rudolf Paksa, a scholar of the Hungarian far-right, described Jobbik as "anti-Semitic, racist, homophobic and chauvinistic" but not as neo-Nazi because it does not pursue the establishment of a totalitarian regime.[137] Historian Krisztián Ungváry writes that "It is safe to say that certain messages of Jobbik can be called open neo-Nazi propaganda. However, it is quite certain that the popularity of the party is not due to these statements."[138]

However, since 2014 Jobbik has moderated into center-right pro-European conservative party according to multiple sources.[139] The radical right-wing members of Jobbik disappointed with the more moderate direction defected and formed the Our Homeland Movement (MHM).[140] MHM has been described as neo-fascist and they have celebrated the Arrow Cross nazis of the Second World War.[141][142] In the 2024 European Parliament election MHM successfully secured representation, while the moderate Jobbik party failed to gain a seat.[141]

Italy

[edit]
The Italian group Ordine Nuovo, banned in 1974, drew influence from the Waffen-SS and Guénonian Traditionalism via Julius Evola.

During the 1950s, the neo-fascist Italian Social Movement moved closer to bourgeois conservative politics on the domestic front, which led to radical youths founding hardline splinter groups, such as Pino Rauti's Ordine Nuovo (later succeeded by Ordine Nero) and Stefano Delle Chiaie's Avanguardia Nazionale. These organisations were influenced by the esotericism of Julius Evola and considered the Waffen-SS and Romanian leader Corneliu Zelea Codreanu a reference, moving beyond Italian fascism. They were implicated in paramiliary attacks during the late 1960s to the early 1980s, such as the Piazza Fontana bombing. Delle Chiaie had even assisted Junio Valerio Borghese in a failed 1970 coup attempt known as the Golpe Borghese, which attempted to reinstate a fascist state in Italy.

Ireland

[edit]

The National Socialist Irish Workers Party, a small party, was active between 1968 and the late 1980s, producing neo-Nazi propaganda pamphlets and sending threatening messages to Jews and Black people living in Ireland.[143]

Netherlands

[edit]

Noteworthy neo-Nazi movements and parties in the Netherlands include the National European Social Movement (NESB), the Dutch People's Union (NVU),[144] the National Alliance (NA),[145] and the Nationalist People's Movement (NVB). Individuals of note have included Waffen-SS volunteer and NESB founder Paul van Tienen, war-time collaborator and NESB co-founder Jan Wolthuis, former NVU member Bernhard Postma, the "Black Widow" Florentine Rost van Tonningen, former NVU leader Joop Glimmerveen,[146] CP/CP'86 member and NVB leader Wim Beaux, former CP/CP'86 member and NA leader Jan Teijn, former NVU member and "Hitler-lookalike"[147] Stefan Wijkamp, former CP'86 member and current NVU leader Constant Kusters,[146] and former NVU member and NA leader Virginia Kapić.

Both the General Intelligence and Security Service[148] and non-governmental initiatives such as the far-left anti-fascist research group Kafka research neo-Nazism and other forms of political extremism and have attested to the local presence of international movements such as Blood & Honour,[149][150] Combat 18,[151] the Racial Volunteer Force,[152] and The Base,[153] and expressed concern at the online dissemination of alt-right and far-right accelerationist thought in the Netherlands.[154]

Poland

[edit]
ONR employs imagery associated with Nazism: Uniformed skinheads, armbands and Celtic crosses

Under the Polish Constitution promoting any totalitarian system such as Nazism, fascism, or communism, as well as inciting violence and/or racial hatred is illegal.[155] This was further re-enforced in the Polish Penal Code where discrediting any group or persons on national, religious, or racial grounds carries a sentence of 3 years.[156]

Several far-right and anti-semitic organisations exist, most notably NOP and ONR (both of which exist legally) and while they are classified as fascist, they officially say they are adherents of "National Democracy" rather than Nazism. These groups attempt to frame their activities as "patriotic" rather than neo-Nazi, even while employing Nazi symbolism or rhetoric, such as the Roman salute, which they distinguish from the Nazi salute.[157] However, Daniel Pładek, a sociologist at the Jagiellonian University and a researcher of the extreme right and Anti-Defamation League describe NOP and ONR as "Nazi-like" or outright neo-Nazi, despite their claims to the contrary.[158][159] NOP was described as "overtly nazi" by anti-hate advocacy group Hope not Hate and NOP is connected to the banned neo-Nazi terrorist group National Action.[160]

Polish neo-Nazis demonstrating, 2024

According to the ADL Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland-party that had at most 10% of the vote tolerates neo-Nazis among its ranks and its founder Andrzej Lepper has praised Adolf Hitler. For example, Self-Defense MP Mateusz Piskorski has translated the texts of the Order of Nine Angles leader David Myatt into Polish.[161]

In addition to the fascist groups that tactically officially reject Nazism, there are several openly self-identified Nazi groups in Poland. For example, the Pride and Modernity-group organizes big events to celebrate the birthday of Adolf Hitler where they burn wooden swastikas.[162] The neo-Nazi gang Bad Company threw a welcoming party for Janusz Waluś, a right-wing extremist who assassinated the anti-apartheid black activist Chris Hani.[163] Polish neo-Nazis from Association of Independence Rota held an event at the German border, opposing refugees coming from the West.[164][165] Szturmowcy (Stormtroopers) Nazi group held demonstrations, holding banners calling for a "White Europe".[166] Polish Nazis from Zadrużny Krąg have also fought as part of the pagan neo-nazi Rusich Group.[167] In addition to these examples, many other neo-Nazi groups exist, like the National Socialist Front, Front for National Cleansing and National-Socialist Congress.[168][169]

Poland is also home to neo-Nazi bands such as Graveland and Honor.[170][171] Reportedly an album by a neo-Nazi band named Legion sold over 30,000 copies even before the fall of the Iron Curtain.[172]

Robert Winnicki's National Movement sponsored the November 2017 anti-Israel demonstration that was attended by 60,000 people. Algemeiner characterized the demonstration as "Ultranationalist and neo-Nazi".[173]

According to several reporter investigations, the Polish government turns a blind eye to these groups, and they are free to spread their ideology, frequently dismissing their existence as conspiracy theories, dismissing acts political provocations, deeming them too insignificant to pose a threat, or attempting to justify or diminish the seriousness of their actions.[174][175][176][177]

Former Polish ruling party Law and Justice (PiS) allegedly facilitated co-operation between conservative institutions and far-right extremists. In 2023, the PiS affiliated fundamentalist Catholic group Ordo Iuris started a campaign for the release of a neo-Nazi activist Marika Matuszak convicted of attacking an LGBT event, and she was released by PiS Justice Minister Zbigniew Ziobro.[178][179] Sejm member and chair of the Together Party Adrian Zandberg criticized PiS Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki for "commemorat[ing] a unit that openly collaborated with the Gestapo" for paying tribute to the Holy Cross Mountains Brigade and said Hubert Jura may be a hero to Morawiecki, but not to him.[180]

Russia

[edit]
A neo-Nazi in Russia at an anti-gay demonstration in Moscow, October 2010

Some observers have noted a subjective irony of Russians embracing Nazism, because one of Hitler's ambitions at the start of World War II was the Generalplan Ost (Master Plan East) which envisaged to exterminate, expel, or enslave most or all Slavs from central and eastern Europe (e.g., Russians, Ukrainians, Poles etc.).[181] At the end of the Nazi invasion of the Soviet Union, over 25 million Soviet citizens had died.[182]

The first reports of neo-Nazi organizations in the USSR appeared in the second half of the 1950s. In some cases, the participants were attracted primarily by the aesthetics of Nazism (rituals, parades, uniforms, the cult of physical fitness, architecture). Other organizations were more interested in the ideology of the Nazis, their program, and the image of Adolf Hitler.[183] The formation of neo-Nazism in the USSR dates back to the turn of the 1960s and 1970s; during this period, these organizations still preferred to operate underground.

Modern Russian neo-paganism took shape in the second half of the 1970s[184] and is associated with the activities of supporters of antisemitism, especially the Moscow Arabist Valery Yemelyanov (also known as "Velemir") and the former dissident and neo-Nazi activist Alexey Dobrovolsky (also known as "Dobroslav").

In Soviet times, the founder of the movement of Peterburgian Vedism (a branch of Slavic neopaganism) Viktor Bezverkhy (Ostromysl) revered Hitler and Heinrich Himmler and propagated racial and antisemitic theories in a narrow circle of his students, calling for the deliverance of mankind from "inferior offspring", allegedly arising from interracial marriages. He called such "inferior people" "bastards", referred to them as "Zhyds, Indians or gypsies and mulattoes" and believed that they prevent society from achieving social justice.

The first public manifestations of neo-Nazis in Russia took place in 1981 in Kurgan, and then in Yuzhnouralsk, Nizhny Tagil, Sverdlovsk, and Leningrad.[185][186]

In 1982, on Hitler's birthday, a group of Moscow high school students held a Nazi demonstration on Pushkinskaya Square.[185]

Russian National Unity (RNE) was a neo-Nazi group founded in 1990 and was led by Alexander Barkashov, who claimed to have members in 250 cities. RNE adopted the swastika as its symbol, and sees itself as the avant-garde of a coming national revolution. It is critical of other major far-right organizations, such as the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia (LDPR). As of 1997, the members RNE were called Soratnik (comrades in arms), receive combat training at locations near Moscow, and many of them work as security officers or armed guards.[187] RNE was banned in 1999 by Moscow's court in 1999,[188] after which the group faded away.[189][190]

In 2007, it was claimed that Russian neo-Nazis accounted for "half of the world's total".[191][192]

On 15 August 2007, Russian authorities arrested a student for allegedly posting a video on the Internet which appears to show two migrant workers being beheaded in front of a red and black swastika flag.[193] Alexander Verkhovsky, the head of a Moscow-based center that monitors hate crime in Russia, said, "It looks like this is the real thing. The killing is genuine ... There are similar videos from the Chechen war. But this is the first time the killing appears to have been done intentionally."[194]

Atomwaffen Division Russland is a neo-Nazi terrorist group in Russia found by Russian officials to have been tied to multiple mass murder plots. AWDR was founded by former members of defunct National Socialist Society responsible for 27 murders and AWDR is connected to local chapter of the Order of Nine Angles responsible for rapes, ritual murders and drug trafficking. The Russian authorities raided an Atomwaffen compound in Ulan-Ude and uncovered illegal weapons and explosives.[195][196][197][198]

Neo-Nazi groups such as "88th Brigade" Espanola and Rusich Group are taking part in the Russian invasion of Ukraine.[199][200] Rusich Group is connected to the Order of Nine Angles and they have are responsible for multiple crimes, including ritual murder.[201][202]

Serbia

[edit]

An example of neo-Nazism in Serbia is the group Nacionalni stroj. In 2006 charges were brought against 18 leading members.[203][204][205] Besides political parties, there are a few militant neo-Nazi organizations in Serbia, such as Blood & Honour Serbia and Combat 18.[206] In 2019 Serbian Combat 18 was discovered to be trafficking firearms to Atomwaffen neo-Nazis selling handguns, assault rifles, grenades and RPG-7s from the Balkans to French neo-Nazis in Marseille.[207][208][209]

Serbian Action is a prominent neo-Nazi group in Serbia. The group adheres to the ideology of the fascist ZBOR and the Serbian Nazi collaborators Milan Nedic and Dimitrije Ljotić and Bishop Nikolaj Velimirović, an early supporter of Adolf Hitler. They also organize annual memorial events and marches for them.[210][211] Serbian Action is also proponent of the ideology of accelerationism and supports overthrowing the government in favor of Orthodox monarchy. Serbian Action is also affiliated with the neo-Nazi monarchist Russian Imperial Movement, Golden Dawn and the Iron March network that has been described as "terroristic".[212][213]

Slovakia

[edit]

The Slovak political party Kotlebists – People's Party Our Slovakia, which is represented in the National Council and European Parliament, is widely characterized as neo-Nazi.[214][215][216] Kotleba has softened its image over time and now disputes that is fascist or neo-Nazi, even suing a media outlet that described it as neo-Nazi. As of 2020, the party spokesperson was Ondrej Durica, a former member of the neo-Nazi band Biely Odpor (White Resistance). 2020 candidate Andrej Medvecky was convicted of attacking a black man while shouting racial slurs; another candidate, Anton Grňo, was fined for making a fascist salute. The party still celebrates 14 March, the anniversary of the founding of the fascist first Slovak Republic.[217] In 2020, party leader Marian Kotleba was facing trial for writing checks for 1,488 euros, alleged to be a reference to Fourteen Words and Heil Hitler.[218]

Spain

[edit]
Neo-Nazi skinheads in Spain

Spanish neo-Nazism is often connected to the country's Francoist and Falangist past, and nurtured by the ideology of the National Catholicism.[219][220]

According to a study by the newspaper ABC, black people are the ones who have suffered the most attacks by neo-Nazi groups, followed by Maghrebis and Latin Americans. They have also caused deaths in the anti-fascist group, such as the murder of the Madrid-born sixteen-year-old Carlos Palomino on 11 November 2007, stabbed with a knife by a soldier in the Legazpi metro station (Madrid).[221]

There have been other neo-Nazi cultural organizations such as the Spanish Circle of Friends of Europe (CEDADE) and the Circle of Indo-European Studies (CEI).[222]

The extreme right has little electoral support, with the presence of these groups of 0.36% (if the Plataforma per Catalunya (PxC) party is excluded with 66007 votes (0.39%), according to the voting data of the European elections of 2014. The first extreme right party FE de las JONS obtains 0.13% of the votes (21 577 votes), after doubling its results after the crisis; this is followed by the far-right party La España en Marcha (LEM) with 0.1% of the votes, National Democracy (DN) of the far-right with 0.08%, Republican Social Movement (MSR) (far-right) with 0.05% of the votes.[223]

Sweden

[edit]

Neo-Nazi activities in Sweden have previously been limited to white supremacist groups, few of which have a membership over a few hundred members.[224] The main neo-Nazi organization is the Nordic Resistance Movement, a political movement which engages in martial arts training and paramilitary exercises[225] and which has been called a terrorist group.[226] They are also active in Norway and Denmark; the branch in Finland was banned in 2019.

Switzerland

[edit]

The neo-Nazi and white power skinhead scene in Switzerland has seen significant growth in the 1990s and 2000s.[227] It is reflected in the foundation of the Partei National Orientierter Schweizer in 2000, which resulted in an improved organizational structure of the neo-Nazi and white supremacist scene.

Ukraine

[edit]

In 1991, the Social-National Party of Ukraine (SNPU) was founded.[228] The party combined radical nationalism and neo-Nazi features.[229] The SNPU was characterized as a radical right-wing populist party that combined elements of ethnic ultranationalism and anti-communism. During the 1990s, it was accused of neo-Nazism due to the party's recruitment of skinheads and usage of neo-Nazi symbols.[230][231] When Oleh Tyahnybok was elected party leader in 2004, he made efforts to moderate the party's image by changing the party's name to All-Ukrainian Association "Svoboda", changing its symbols and expelling neo-Nazi and neofascist groups.[232][230] According to radicalism researchers Anton Shekhovtsov and Andreas Umland, extreme far-right in Ukraine are extremely weak and marginal force. Right-wing movements researcher Vyacheslav Likhachev [uk] notes that the number of Nazi skinheads in 2008 was less than two thousand, which, compared to 20 to 35 thousands skinheads in Russia, makes a substantially lower proportion.[230] According to The Nation journalist James Carden, in 2016 "neo-Nazis (or neo-fascists, if you prefer) are a distinctly minority taste in Western Ukraine".[233] In 2015, Konotop residents elected Artem Semenikhin, a Svoboda party member accused of neo-Nazi sympathies, as a mayor, because, according to Likhachev, he "created himself an image of a defender of Ukrainian independence";[234] however, Eduard Dolinsky of the Ukrainian Jewish Committee stated that Konotop was a "clear case" of anti-Semites being elected in local governing bodies.[229]

The Azov Battalion, founded in 2014, has been described as a far-right militia,[235][236] with connections to neo-Nazism[237] and members wearing neo-Nazi and SS symbols and regalia, as well as expressing neo-Nazi views.[238][239]

According to Vyacheslav Likhachev of the Institut français des relations internationales, members of far-right (including neo-Nazi) groups played an important role on the pro-Russian side, arguably more so than on the Ukrainian side, especially during early 2014.[240][241] Members and former members of the National Bolshevik Party, Russian National Unity (RNU), Eurasian Youth Union, and Cossack groups participated in recruitment of the separatists.[240][242][243][244] A former RNU member, Pavel Gubarev, was founder of the Donbas People's Militia and first "governor" of the Donetsk People's Republic.[240][245] RNU is particularly linked to the Russian Orthodox Army,[240] one of a number of separatist units described as "pro-Tsarist" and "extremist" Orthodox nationalists.[246][240] 'Rusich' is part of the Wagner Group, a Russian mercenary group in Ukraine which has been linked to far-right extremism.[247][248] Afterward, the pro-Russian far-right groups became less important in Donbas and the need for Russian radical nationalists started to disappear.[240]

The radical nationalist group С14, whose members openly expressed neo-Nazi views, gained notoriety in 2018 for being involved in violent attacks on Romany camps.[249][250][251]

United Kingdom

[edit]
British National Front (UK) marchers in the 1970s. It is a far-right, fascist political party in the United Kingdom.

In 1962, the British neo-Nazi activist Colin Jordan formed the National Socialist Movement (NSM) which later became the British Movement (BM) in 1968.[252][253]

John Tyndall, a long-term neo-Nazi activist in the UK, led a break-away from the National Front to form an openly neo-Nazi party named the British National Party.[254] In the 1990s, the party formed a group for protecting its meetings named Combat 18,[255] which later grew too violent for the party to control and began to attack members of the BNP who were not perceived as supportive of neo-Nazism.[256] Under the subsequent leadership of Nick Griffin, the BNP distanced itself from neo-Nazism, although many members (including Griffin himself) have been accused of links to other neo-Nazi groups.[257]

Sonnenkrieg Division is a neo-Nazi terrorist organization in the United Kingdom, linked to international Atomwaffen Division network. Multiple members have been jailed for plotting terror attacks against minorities. Sonnenkrieg Division has been proscribed as a terrorist organization in United Kingdom and Australia. Sonnenkrieg Division is also closely tied with the Order of Nine Angles linked to the Murders of Bibaa Henry and Nicole Smallman.[258][259][260]

The UK has also been a source of neo-Nazi music, such as the band Skrewdriver.[261]

Asia

[edit]

China

[edit]

There is a neo-Nazi music subculture in China, with government unofficially tolerating pro-Han bands and cracking down on minority artists. Beijing based Goatowarex has many Nazi bands on its label, including Gestapo 666, Satanic Warmaster and Zyklon SS.[262]

According to Global Network on Extremism and Technology, there exists a neo-Nazi movement in China's Inner Mongolia.[263]

Iran

[edit]
Flag of the SUMKA

Several neo-Nazi groups were active in Iran, although they are now defunct. Advocates of Nazism continue to exist in Iran and are mainly based on the Internet.[264][265]

Iraq

[edit]
Flag of the Hawpa/PSNK

Hawpa, also known as the Kurdish National Socialist Organization (PSNK), is a Kurdish neo-Nazi organization based in Iraqi Kurdistan that opposes ethnic and sexual minority rights and Arabization and strives for an ethnically pure, united Kurdistan. Hawpa is based on the ideas of Ramzi Nafi, a Kurdish nationalist and a Nazi collaborator.[266]

Israel

[edit]

Neo-Nazi activity is not common or widespread in Israel, and the few reported activities have all been the work of extremists, who were punished severely. One notable case is that of Patrol 36, a cell in Petah Tikva made up of eight teenage immigrants from the former Soviet Union who had been attacking foreign workers and gay people, and vandalizing synagogues with Nazi images.[267][268] These neo-Nazis were reported to have operated in cities across Israel, and have been described as being influenced by the rise of neo-Nazism in Europe;[267][268][269] mostly influenced by similar movements in Russia and Ukraine, as the rise of the phenomenon is widely credited to immigrants from those two states, the largest sources of emigration to Israel.[270] Widely publicized arrests have led to a call to reform the Law of Return to permit the revocation of Israeli citizenship for—and the subsequent deportation of—neo-Nazis.[268]

Japan

[edit]

Since 1982, the neo-Nazi National Socialist Japanese Workers' Party has operated in Japan, currently under the leadership of Kazunari Yamada, who has praised Hitler and denied the Holocaust.[271]

Mongolia

[edit]
Flag of the Tsagaan Khas, a neo-Nazi party in Mongolia

From 2008, Mongolian neo-Nazi groups have defaced buildings in Ulaanbaatar, smashed Chinese shopkeepers' windows, and killed Chinese immigrants. The neo-Nazi Mongols' targets for violence are Chinese, Koreans,[272] Mongol women who have sex with Chinese men, and LGBT people.[273] They wear Nazi uniforms and revere the Mongol Empire and Genghis Khan. Though Tsagaan Khas leaders say they do not support violence, they are self-proclaimed Nazis. "Adolf Hitler was someone we respect. He taught us how to preserve national identity," said the 41-year-old co-founder, who calls himself Big Brother. "We don't agree with his extremism and starting the Second World War. We are against all those killings, but we support his ideology. We support nationalism rather than fascism." Some have ascribed it to poor historical education.[272]

Taiwan

[edit]

The National Socialism Association (NSA) is a neo-Nazi political organisation founded in Taiwan in September 2006 by Hsu Na-chi (Chinese: 許娜琦), at that time a 22-year-old female political science graduate of Soochow University. The NSA has an explicit stated goal of obtaining the power to govern the state. The Simon Wiesenthal Centre condemned the National Socialism Association on 13 March 2007 for championing the former Nazi dictator and blaming democracy for social unrest in Taiwan.[274]

Even though there is no other significant movement than the officially founded NSA in 2005, the organized neo-Nazi activities have been continuing for years, often causing controversy to the public.[275][276] These occasions include a Nazi parades on city streets, in or around the schools,[277][278] restaurants serving dishes honoring Nazis,[279][280] or displaying Mein Kampf with Nazi dresses while shouting "Sieg Heil!" with Nazi salutes.[281] The organized activities were usually condemned by German Institute Taipei,[282] Israel Economic and Cultural Office [zh],[283] and local Jewish communities,[284] and further led to public outcries.[285][286]

Turkey

[edit]

A neo-Nazi group existed in 1969 in İzmir, when a group of former Republican Villagers Nation Party members (precursor party of the Nationalist Movement Party) founded the association "Nasyonal Aktivite ve Zinde İnkişaf" (National Activity and Vigorous Development). The club maintained two combat units. The members wore SA uniforms and used the Hitler salute. One of the leaders (Gündüz Kapancıoğlu) was re-admitted to the Nationalist Movement Party in 1975.[287]

Apart from neo-fascist[a] Grey Wolves and the Turkish ultranationalist[293][294][295] Nationalist Movement Party, there are some neo-Nazi organizations in Turkey such as the Turkish Nazi Party[296] or the National Socialist Party of Turkey, some of which are mainly based on the Internet.[297][298][299]

National Front Party (Ulusal Cephe Partisi) adheres to neo-Nazism, spreads Nazi material translated into Turkish and targets Jews, Arabs and Africans. National Front Party has about 1000 members and is affiliated with the racist Victory Party (Turkey).[300]

The neo-Nazi Ataman Brotherhood (Ataman Kardeşliği) patrols streets in Turkey and attacks Syrian and Afghan refugees.[301]

The Newroz clashes were initiated by a Kurdish Neo-Nazi group known as "Kurdên Nasyonalist", who published a statement before Newroz calling for all Kurdish nationalists to attack Kurdish leftists and the LGBT community and its supporters, who are known to rally at Newroz celebrations.[302][303] Many of the leftists and LGBT supporters were brutally beaten.[304]

Americas

[edit]

Brazil

[edit]

Several Brazilian neo-Nazi gangs appeared in the 1990s in Southern and Southeastern Brazil, regions with mostly white people, with their acts gaining more media coverage and public notoriety in the 2010s.[305][306][307][308] Some members of Brazilian neo-Nazi groups have been associated with football hooliganism.[309] Their targets have included African, South American and Asian immigrants; Jews, Muslims, Catholics and atheists; Afro-Brazilians and internal migrants with origins in the northern regions of Brazil (who are mostly brown-skinned or Afro-Brazilian);[310][311] homeless people, prostitutes; recreational drug users; feminists and—more frequently reported in the media—gay people, bisexuals, and transgender and third-gender people.[308][312][313] News of their attacks has played a role in debates about anti-discrimination laws in Brazil (including to some extent hate speech laws) and the issues of sexual orientation and gender identity.[314][315][316]

Canada

[edit]

Neo-Nazism in Canada began with the formation of the Canadian Nazi Party in 1965. In the 1970s and 1980s, neo-Nazism continued to spread in the country as organizations including the Western Guard Party and Church of the Creator (later renamed Creativity) promoted white supremacist ideals.[317] Founded in the United States in 1973, Creativity calls for white people to wage racial holy war (Rahowa) against Jews and other perceived enemies.[318]

Don Andrews founded the Nationalist Party of Canada in 1977. The purported goals of the unregistered party are "the promotion and maintenance of European Heritage and Culture in Canada," but the party is known for anti-Semitism and racism. Many influential neo-Nazi leaders, such as Wolfgang Droege, were affiliated with the party, but many of its members left to join the Heritage Front, which was founded in 1989.[319]

Droege founded the Heritage Front in Toronto at a time when leaders of the white supremacist movement were "disgruntled about the state of the radical right" and wanted to unite unorganized groups of white supremacists into an influential and efficient group with common objectives.[319] Plans for the organization began in September 1989, and the formation of the Heritage Front was formally announced a couple of months later in November. In the 1990s, George Burdi of Resistance Records and the band Rahowa popularized the Creativity movement and the white power music scene.[320]

On September 18, 2020, Toronto Police arrested 34-year-old Guilherme "William" Von Neutegem and charged him with the murder of Mohamed-Aslim Zafis. Zafis was the caretaker of a local mosque who was found dead with his throat cut. The Toronto Police Service said the killing is possibly connected to the stabbing murder of Rampreet Singh a few days prior a short distance from the spot where Zafis' murder took place. Von Neutegem is a member of the Order of Nine Angles and social media accounts established as belonging to him promote the group and included recordings of Von Neutegem performing satanic chants. In his home there was also an altar with the symbol of the O9A adorning a monolith.[321] According to Evan Balgord of the Canadian Anti-Hate Network, they are aware of more O9A members in Canada and their affiliated organization Northern Order.[322][323] Northern Order is a proscribed[324] neo-Nazi terrorist organization in Canada. NO members have been arrested for trafficking explosives and firearms, and NO has active members of the Canadian Armed Forces as its members and even a member of the CJIRU was identified as a member.[325][326][327]

Controversy and dissention has left many Canadian neo-Nazi organizations dissolved or weakened.[319]

Chile

[edit]
Flag of the National Socialist Movement of Chile

After the dissolution of the National Socialist Movement of Chile (MNSCH) in 1938, notable former members of MNSCH migrated into Partido Agrario Laborista (PAL), obtaining high positions.[328] Not all former MNSCH members joined the PAL; some continued to form parties that followed the MNSCH model until 1952.[328] A new old-school Nazi party was formed in 1964 by school teacher Franz Pfeiffer.[328] Among the activities of this group were the organization of a Miss Nazi beauty contest and the formation of a Chilean branch of the Ku Klux Klan.[328] The party disbanded in 1970. Pfeiffer attempted to restart it in 1983 in the wake of a wave of protests against the Augusto Pinochet regime.[328]

Nicolás Palacios considered the "Chilean race" to be a mix of two bellicose master races: the Visigoths of Spain and the Mapuche (Araucanians) of Chile.[329] Palacios traces the origins of the Spanish component of the "Chilean race" to the coast of the Baltic Sea, specifically to Götaland in Sweden,[329] one of the supposed homelands of the Goths. Palacios claimed that both the blonde-haired and the bronze-coloured Chilean Mestizo share a "moral physonomy" and a masculine psychology.[330] He opposed immigration from Southern Europe, and argued that Mestizos who are derived from south Europeans lack "cerebral control" and are a social burden.[331]

Costa Rica

[edit]

Several fringe neo-Nazi groups have existed in Costa Rica, some with online presence since around 2003.[332][333] The groups normally target Jewish Costa Ricans, Afro-Costa Ricans, Communists, gay people and especially Nicaraguan and Colombian immigrants. In 2012 the media discovered the existence of a neo-Nazi police officer inside the Public Force of Costa Rica, for which he was fired and would later commit suicide in April 2016 due to lack of job opportunities and threats from anti-fascists.[334][335][336][337]

In 2015, the Simon Wiesenthal Center asked the Costa Rican government to shut down a store in San José that sells Nazi paraphernalia, Holocaust denial books and other products associated with Nazism.[338]

In 2018, a series of pages on the social network Facebook of neo-Nazi inclination openly or discreetly carried out a vast campaign instigating xenophobic hatred by recycling old news or posting fake news to take advantage of an anti-immigrant sentiment after three homicides of tourists allegedly committed by migrants (although from one of the homicides the suspect is Costa Rican).[339] A rally against the country's migration policy was held on 19 August 2018, in which neo-Nazi and hooligans took part. Although not all participants were linked these groups and the majority of participants were peaceful, the protest turned violent and the Public Force intervened with 44 arrested (36 Costa Ricans and the rest Nicaraguans).[340][341] Authorities confiscated sharp weapons, Molotov cocktails and other items from the neo-Nazis, who also carried swastika flags.[342] A subsequent anti-xenophobic march and solidarity with the Nicaraguan refugees was organized a week later with more assistance. A second anti-migration demonstration, with the explicit exclusion of neo-Nazis and hooligans, was carried out in September with similar assistance.[343] In 2019 Facebook pages of extreme right-wing tendencies and anti-immigration position as Deputy 58, Costa Rican Resistance and Salvation Costa Rica called an anti-government demonstration on 1 May with small attendance.[344][345]

Mexico

[edit]

Neo-Nazi groups have grown in Mexico since the beginning of the 21st century on internet forums. Especially in the case of skinheads, they are often divided into two groups: the Caucasian population of European descent and the mestizos, the latter pejoratively referred to as "morenazis."[346]

In the 2010s and 2020s, there have been cases of pro-Nazi rock bands holding clandestine concerts in major Mexican cities, many of which openly displayed associated symbols such as the swastika or Adolf Hitler's cult of personality.[347][348] According to Metal-Archives, at least 28 neo-Nazi black metal bands have been identified in the country, 21 of which are active.[349]

Peru

[edit]

Peru has been home to a handful of neo-Nazi groups, most notably the National Socialist Movement "Peru Awake", the National Socialist Tercios of New Castile, and the Peruvian National Socialist Union.[350][351][352]

United States

[edit]
National Socialist Movement rally on the west lawn of the US Capitol, Washington, DC, 2008

Statistics

[edit]

In 2017, following the Charlottesville car attack, an ABC News/Washington Post poll found that 9% of Americans considered having neo-Nazi beliefs was acceptable; at the time, this amounted to 22 million Americans.[353]

Ideology

[edit]

The ideology of James H. Madole, leader of the National Renaissance Party, was influenced by Blavatskian Theosophy. Helena Blavatsky developed a racial theory of evolution, holding that the white race was the "fifth rootrace" called the Aryan race. According to Blavatsky, Aryans had been preceded by Atlanteans who had perished in the flood that sunk the continent Atlantis. The three races that preceded the Atlanteans, in Blavatsky's view, were proto-humans; these were the Lemurians, Hyperboreans and the first Astral rootrace. It was on this foundation that Madole based his claims that the Aryan race has been worshiped as "White Gods" since time immemorial and proposed a governance structure based on the Hindu Laws of Manu and its hierarchical caste system.[354]

Organizations and individuals

[edit]

There are several neo-Nazi groups in the United States. The National Socialist Movement (NSM)[355] was one of largest neo-Nazi organization in the US. NSM had 400 members at its peak but is now a fraction of it.[356] After World War II, new organizations formed with varying degrees of support for Nazi principles. The National States' Rights Party, founded in 1958 by Edward Reed Fields and J. B. Stoner, countered racial integration in the Southern United States with Nazi-inspired publications and iconography. The American Nazi Party, founded by George Lincoln Rockwell in 1959, achieved high-profile coverage in the press through its public demonstrations.[357]

The Institute for Historical Review, formed in 1978, is a Holocaust denial body associated with neo-Nazism.[358]

Groups like the terrorist group Atomwaffen Division grew after the Unite the Right rally, recruiting those radicalized by its failure.[359][360] Atomwaffen Division has been linked to at least 11 murders.[361]

In 2022, famous rapper Kanye West stated that he identifies as a Nazi, denying the Holocaust and praising the policies of Adolf Hitler.[362]

In 2025, Elon Musk was widely criticized by governments, media outlets, and watchdog groups after making a gesture during a public speech that many interpreted as a Nazi salute, intensifying concerns about his association with extremist views and antisemitic conspiracy theories.[363]

According to the Terrorism Research and Analysis Consortium, Aryan Freedom Network has as many as 1,500 members as of late 2025, which would make it the biggest neo-Nazi group in the US, rest of the neo-Nazi groups having only some hundreds of members.[364]

Between freedom of speech and national security threats

[edit]

The First Amendment to the United States Constitution guarantees freedom of speech, which the courts have interpreted very broadly to include hate speech, severely limiting the government's authority to suppress it.[365] This allows political organizations great latitude in expressing Nazi, racist, and antisemitic views. A landmark First Amendment case was National Socialist Party of America v. Village of Skokie, in which neo-Nazis threatened to march in a predominantly Jewish suburb of Chicago. The march never took place in Skokie, but the court ruling allowed the neo-Nazis to stage a series of demonstrations in Chicago.

Organizations which report upon neo-Nazi activities in the U.S., which may involve attacking and harassing minorities, include the American organizations Anti-Defamation League and the Southern Poverty Law Center.[366]

In 2020, the FBI reclassified neo-Nazis to the same threat level as ISIS. Chris Wray, the Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, stated "Not only is the terror threat diverse, it's unrelenting."[367][368]

Uruguay

[edit]

In 1998, a group of people belonging to the "Joseph Goebbels Movement" tried to burn down a synagogue, which also served as a Hebrew school, in the Pocitos neighborhood of Montevideo in Uruguay; an antisemitic pamphlet signed by the group was found in the building after the quick action of firefighters saved it. Another group, the racist and antisemitic neo-Nazi Euroamerikaners group, founded in 1996, said when they were interviewed by the newspaper La República de Montevideo that they had no involvement with the attack on the synagogue, but revealed that they maintain contacts with a group called Poder Blanco ("White Power"), also Uruguayan, as well as with neo-Nazi groups from Argentina and several European countries. Through the Internet they have received the solidarity of the Patria pro-fascist group, based in Spain. They also said that in the city of Canelones, Uruguay, fifty kilometers from Montevideo, there is a clandestine "Aryan church" which uses rituals taken from the Ku Klux Klan. The Euroamerikaners declared that they did not tolerate interracial or gay couples. One of the militants said in the interview that "... if we see a black man with a white woman, we break them up ...". Other neo-Nazi incidents in Uruguay in 1998 included the bombing of a Jewish-owned small business in February, which injured two people, and the appearance of posters celebrating the anniversary of Hitler's birthday in April.[369]

Africa

[edit]

South Africa

[edit]

Several groups in South Africa, such as Afrikaner Weerstandsbeweging and Blanke Bevrydingsbeweging, have often been described as neo-Nazi.[370] Eugène Terre'Blanche was a prominent South African neo-Nazi leader who was murdered in 2010.[371]

Oceania

[edit]

Australia

[edit]
Members of the National Socialist Network doing Nazi salutes on 18 March 2023

There were a number of now-defunct Australian neo-Nazi groups, such as the Australian National Socialist Party (ANSP), which was formed in 1962 and merged into the National Socialist Party of Australia (1968–1970s), originally a splinter group, in 1968,[372] and Jack van Tongeren's Australian Nationalist Movement.[372]

The National Socialist Network (NSN) is an Australian neo-Nazi political organisation formed from two far-right organisations, the Lads Society and the Antipodean Resistance, in 2020.

White supremacist organisations active in Australia as of 2016 included local chapters of the Aryan Nations.[373] Blair Cottrell, former leader of the United Patriots Front, has tried to distance himself from neo-Nazism, but he has nevertheless been accused of expressing "pro-Nazi views".[374] Australian Security Intelligence Organisation director Mike Burgess said in February 2020 that neo-Nazis pose a "real threat" to Australia's security. Burgess maintained that there is a growing threat from the extreme right, and that its supporters "regularly meet to salute Nazi flags, inspect weapons, train in combat and share their hateful ideology".[375] In June 2022, the Australian state Victoria banned display of the swastika symbol. Under the new law, individuals who intentionally exhibit the symbol may face up to a year in jail or a A$22,000 (£12,300; $15,000) fine. The state of Victoria already has laws against hate speech, but they have been criticized for having weaknesses. The call for reform of these laws grew stronger in 2020 when a couple flew a swastika flag over their home, causing outrage in the community."[376]

New Zealand

[edit]

In New Zealand, historical neo-Nazi organisations include Unit 88[377] and the National Socialist Party of New Zealand.[378] White nationalist organisations such as the New Zealand National Front and Action Zealandia have faced accusations of neo-Nazism.[379]

See also

[edit]

Notes

[edit]

References

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Neo-Nazism refers to post-World War II militant, social, and political movements that explicitly seek to resurrect the ideology of , including its emphasis on racial supremacy, , , and totalitarian governance. No modern countries govern under or closely resemble National Socialist ideology, which combined extreme racial nationalism, totalitarianism, anti-Semitism, and expansionism; while authoritarian regimes exist with nationalist elements (e.g., in Russia or North Korea), none replicate Nazism's unique racial pseudoscience or genocidal policies, as it remains universally condemned post-WWII. These groups often adapt Nazi symbols—such as the , , and the Black Sun—to contemporary contexts while promoting or revisionism as a core tenet to challenge established historical narratives. Unlike broader white supremacist ideologies, neo-Nazism maintains fidelity to Adolf Hitler's and the Third Reich's expansionist aims, frequently advocating violence against perceived racial enemies and democratic institutions. The movement originated in the Allied-occupied zones of immediately after , with early efforts by former Nazis to reorganize underground networks like the guerrilla units, though these largely dissipated amid denazification. It gained structured form in the United States through George Lincoln Rockwell's founding of the in 1959, which pioneered open Nazi emulation in a free-speech environment, influencing transnational networks by exporting , uniforms, and tactics to and beyond. Key defining characteristics include hierarchical paramilitary organizations, recruitment via music subcultures like , and online accelerationist strategies aiming to provoke societal collapse for a fascist rebirth; notable controversies involve terrorist acts, such as the 2019 by a perpetrator steeped in neo-Nazi manifestos, highlighting the ideology's persistent despite marginal size. Neo-Nazism faces severe legal prohibitions in nations like , where overt is criminalized, yet it endures through coded language and digital platforms, often intersecting with but distinct from paleoconservative or identitarian strains due to its unapologetic Third Reich veneration.

Definition and Ideology

Core Tenets and Distinctions from Original Nazism

Neo-Nazism espouses a racial worldview asserting the supremacy of the or white race, viewing human value as determined by ethnic origin and framing as an ongoing struggle between superior Nordic-Germanic peoples and inferior groups. This ideology glorifies the Third Reich as an exemplary model, emphasizing , , and the preservation of ethnic homogeneity against perceived dilutions from miscegenation or . Antisemitism forms the ideological core, depicting as a conspiratorial force controlling , media, and governments to subvert host nations, a narrative directly derived from Adolf Hitler's and Nazi propaganda. Neo-Nazis extend enmity to other targets, including non-whites, Roma, homosexuals, and communists, often under the banner of anti-pluralism and . The political structure envisioned rejects for an authoritarian "Führerstaat" governed by the , where a supreme leader embodies the volk's will, subordinating individual freedoms to collective racial destiny. Unlike original National Socialism, which as the governing doctrine of the Third Reich from 1933 to 1945 implemented expansionist policies like and state-directed genocide without denial, neo-Nazism arose amid defeat, , and legal bans on Nazi symbols, prompting systematic historical revisionism. Adherents routinely deny or relativize —claiming it as Allied exaggeration or wartime propaganda—to undermine the moral basis for and legitimize rehabilitation of Nazi tenets, a tactic absent in the original regime's contemporaneous documentation of its actions. Neo-Nazism further diverges in its decentralized, transnational character, appealing to a pan-white identity across , , and beyond, rather than the strictly völkisch of Hitler's era, which prioritized Germanic unification and eastward conquest. This adaptation incorporates modern grievances, such as opposition to and demographic shifts, while operating through fringe networks rather than a monolithic party apparatus, reflecting the absence of sovereign power to enforce .

Racial Realism, Hierarchy, and Biological Determinism

Neo-Nazis adhere to racial realism, the view that races constitute distinct biological categories shaped by evolutionary forces, resulting in heritable differences in traits such as , temperament, and physical capabilities that cannot be fully explained by cultural or environmental factors. This perspective frames racial groups as adaptive clusters diverging over millennia in response to selective pressures, with empirical support drawn from genetic clustering studies confirming continental ancestry patterns and persistent group disparities in metrics like performance. Unlike egalitarian interpretations prevalent in mainstream academia—which attribute such variances primarily to socioeconomic influences—neo-Nazi insists on a substantial genetic component, citing twin and studies demonstrating high of (often estimated at 50-80% in adulthood) as evidence against purely nurture-based explanations. Central to this framework is a posited racial hierarchy, wherein Indo-European peoples, especially those of Nordic extraction, occupy the pinnacle due to purported evolutionary advantages in abstract reasoning, innovation, and social organization, as evidenced by historical patterns of technological advancement originating disproportionately in Europe. Sub-Saharan Africans and Indigenous groups are placed lower, linked to lower average performance on standardized intelligence measures and higher impulsivity in behavioral data, interpreted as outcomes of divergent ancestral environments favoring different survival strategies—such as r-selection in resource-scarce tropics versus K-selection in temperate zones. Jews are often excluded from this hierarchy altogether, viewed not as a race per se but as a parasitic element undermining host societies through alleged dysgenic influences, though this diverges from original Nazi typology by incorporating modern pseudoscientific claims about Ashkenazi overrepresentation in elite fields as evidence of targeted subversion rather than merit. This ordering justifies segregation or expulsion to preserve superior strains, echoing but adapting pre-1945 racial anthropology that emphasized cranial metrics and somatotypes, now supplemented by genomic data selectively interpreted to affirm white primacy. Biological determinism underpins these convictions, positing that genetic endowments predetermine societal viability and individual potential, rendering untenable as it purportedly dilutes high-achieving gene pools via admixture and welfare-induced . Neo-Nazis reference longitudinal data, such as U.S. showing disproportionate black offending rates persisting across generations and controlling for , as causal proof of innate predispositions rather than systemic artifacts—a claim contested by institutional sources but aligned with first-principles emphasizing and group competition. While original relied on volkisch mysticism and early , contemporary variants integrate post-war , arguing that ignoring these realities invites civilizational collapse, as seen in differential civilizational outputs where European-descended societies dominate patents, GDP contributions, and scientific output since the . This deterministic lens extends to policy advocacy for eugenic measures, including incentives for high-IQ reproduction and restrictions on low-fitness , framed as pragmatic responses to verifiable biodemographic trends rather than ideological fiat.

Anti-Semitism, Globalism Critiques, and Conspiracy Frameworks

Neo-Nazi ideology centers virulent anti-Semitism, depicting as a conspiratorial force manipulating world events to subvert white or societies. Adherents claim Jewish influence fosters both international and communism as dual mechanisms to erode national sovereignty and racial purity, echoing Adolf Hitler's assertions in that orchestrate global conflicts for dominance. This worldview attributes cultural decay, , and demographic shifts to Jewish agency, often citing forged texts like The Protocols of the Elders of —a Russian fabrication alleging a Jewish plot for world control—as purported evidence, despite its debunking as plagiarism from earlier satirical works. Holocaust denial constitutes a core tactic within this anti-Semitic framework, minimizing or rejecting the Nazi regime's systematic extermination of approximately six million as exaggerated propaganda to vilify and justify Allied victory. Neo-Nazis, including figures like , argue gas chambers were delousing facilities or that deaths resulted from wartime disease rather than deliberate , aiming to restore legitimacy to National Socialism by portraying as a fabricated by Jewish interests. Such denial emerged prominently in post-war revisionist circles, with organizations like the Institute for Historical Review hosting conferences since 1979 to propagate these claims, though forensic evidence from sites like Auschwitz contradicts them. Critiques of globalism in neo-Nazi thought frame it as an extension of Jewish conspiracy, portraying institutions like the , , and multinational corporations as instruments for dissolving borders, enforcing , and displacing white populations through mass non-European immigration. This opposes globalization's and supranational governance as deliberate assaults on ethnic homogeneity, with proponents alleging elites—coded as Jewish—engineer "replacement" to weaken host nations, as articulated in manifestos linking and open borders to racial dilution. Overarching conspiracy frameworks unify these elements under narratives like "Zionist Occupied Government" (ZOG), a term popularized in the 1970s by U.S. neo-Nazi groups to assert that Western states, particularly the U.S., operate under covert Jewish-Zionist control, dictating policy from finance to foreign wars. The "white genocide" or Great Replacement theory, formalized by neo-Nazi David Lane in his circa 1995 manifesto, posits a coordinated plot—often spearheaded by Jews—to eradicate white majorities via immigration, interracial promotion, and low birth rates, evidenced in chants like "Jews will not replace us" at the 2017 Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, Virginia. These theories adapt historical anti-Semitic tropes to contemporary events, such as EU migration policies post-2015, while dismissing empirical data on voluntary migration drivers like economics in favor of intentional malice.

Historical Development

Immediate Post-War Resurgence (1945–1950s)

Following Nazi Germany's unconditional surrender on May 8, 1945, Allied occupation authorities implemented programs to purge Nazi influences from German society, prosecuting war criminals and banning overt Nazi activities; however, former party members and military personnel quickly reorganized through veterans' groups and to preserve elements of the ideology. In , early right-wing parties like the Deutsche Rechtspartei (DRP), founded in 1946, attracted ex-Nazis but moderated rhetoric to avoid bans, serving as a precursor to more explicit neo-Nazi formations. These efforts reflected causal pressures from economic hardship, resentment over Allied occupation and division, and realignments that prioritized over rigorous ideological suppression, allowing sympathetic networks to persist. The most prominent early neo-Nazi organization was the (SRP), established on October 22, 1949, as a splinter from the DRP by veteran and others seeking to revive National Socialist tenets without dilution. The SRP's platform advocated restoring pre-war borders, praised as a great leader, promoted anti-Semitic conspiracy theories, and opposed Western integration, positioning itself as a direct successor to the banned NSDAP. It achieved electoral success, securing 11% of the vote and six seats in the state assembly in May 1951, capitalizing on veteran discontent and rural support. The party's growth alarmed authorities, leading to its nationwide ban by the on October 23, 1952, which ruled it unconstitutional for threatening democracy through Nazi-like methods and goals. Parallel to political organizing, veterans formed the Hilfsgemeinschaft auf Gegenseitigkeit der Angehörigen der ehemaligen (HIAG) in October 1950 to provide mutual aid, lobby for pensions and legal defense, and rehabilitate the SS's image by denying its criminal nature and emphasizing its role as elite anti-Bolshevik fighters. Under leaders like , HIAG grew to over 100,000 members by the mid-1950s, publishing revisionist literature such as the Die Graue Reihe series that portrayed SS units as apolitical soldiers uninvolved in atrocities. Both major parties, the Christian Democratic Union and Social Democratic Party, engaged with HIAG to court veteran votes, reflecting pragmatic reintegration amid manpower shortages and the emerging alliance against the . Underground networks also surfaced, exemplified by the Naumann Circle in early 1953, where —former State Secretary under —coordinated with other ex-Nazis to infiltrate the Free Democratic Party and orchestrate a coup-like restoration of authoritarian ; British intelligence exposed the plot, leading to arrests on March 13, 1953. These activities, though suppressed, demonstrated resilient ideological commitment among mid-level Nazis evading justice, sustained by informal aid groups like für SS-Gefangene, which funneled support to fugitives and convicts from the late 1940s. By the late 1950s, bans and prosecutions curtailed open resurgence, driving neo-Nazism toward fragmentation and international exile, yet laying groundwork for future adaptations.

Ideological Exportation and Adaptation (1950s–1970s)

In the immediate aftermath of World War II, former National Socialists sought to preserve and disseminate their ideology beyond Germany's borders, adapting it to new geopolitical realities such as the Cold War and de-Nazification efforts. Otto Ernst Remer, a Wehrmacht officer who had suppressed the 1944 July plot against Hitler, co-founded the Socialist Reich Party (SRP) in West Germany on October 2, 1950, marking one of the earliest organized neo-Nazi political entities. The SRP explicitly drew on National Socialist principles, attracting former SS members and advocating revisionist views on the war, but it was banned by the Federal Constitutional Court on October 23, 1952, for threatening democratic order. Remer's activities exemplified early adaptation, blending anti-communism with racial nationalism to appeal to veterans disillusioned by Allied occupation. Intellectual exportation gained traction through figures like Francis Parker Yockey, an American fascist who authored Imperium: The Philosophy of History and Politics in 1948 while observing the Nuremberg trials; the book was published in 1950 and circulated widely among post-war nationalists. Yockey adapted Spenglerian cyclical history to critique American liberalism and Soviet communism as tools of a supposed Jewish "culture-distorting" force, proposing a unified "Eurasian" empire as a bulwark against both, without direct Hitler worship to evade immediate suppression. This framework influenced European and American neo-Nazis, including Remer, by shifting emphasis from German particularism to a broader anti-liberal, ethno-cultural authoritarianism. Imperium became a foundational text for ideological continuity, promoting biological determinism and hierarchical racial orders while incorporating anti-globalist conspiracy elements tailored to the bipolar world order. The ideology's transatlantic export crystallized in the United States with George Lincoln Rockwell's founding of the on February 20, 1959, in Arlington, Virginia, which openly adopted swastikas, uniforms, and National Socialist rhetoric adapted to American civil rights struggles and free speech protections. Rockwell, a former , framed neo-Nazism as a defense against "" and , staging provocative marches like the 1966 open house event at party headquarters to gain media attention. The ANP's small membership—peaking around 200—prioritized shock tactics over mass appeal, influencing later white supremacist networks by demonstrating viability in a . Rockwell's on August 25, 1967, by a disgruntled member did not halt dissemination, as successors like Matt Koehl reorganized under the National Socialist White People's Party. In , adaptations proliferated through transnational networks, such as the formed in 1962 by Rockwell, British activist , and others, aiming to coordinate propaganda and ideology across borders. Groups like Jordan's National Socialist Movement in the UK (established 1960) merged Nazi symbolism with local anti-immigration sentiments, while in and , neo-fascist outfits incorporated esoteric and anti-colonial elements to evade bans. These efforts reflected causal adaptations to legal constraints and cultural contexts, retaining core tenets of anti-Semitism and but emphasizing "spiritual" or "" economics to distance from pure Hitlerism. By the 1970s, underground publications and veteran remittances from Latin American exiles further sustained ideological export, fostering hybrid forms like in some fringes, though mainstream neo-Nazism prioritized biological realism over economic revisionism.

Underground Subcultures and Revisionism (1970s–1990s)

In the 1970s, neo-Nazi groups increasingly operated through underground networks, emphasizing decentralized cells to evade scrutiny, as exemplified by the formation of the National Alliance in 1974 by , a former physics professor who shifted to full-time after breaking from George Lincoln Rockwell's . The group focused on mail-order propaganda, publishing antisemitic literature and recruiting via coded appeals to white identity, growing to several hundred members by the late 1970s through Pierce's emphasis on intellectual framing over overt uniforms. Similarly, Richard Girnt Butler established the , later rebranded as , in 1974 on a compound in , blending theology with neo-Nazi ideology to attract rural adherents via annual "Aryan Nations Congresses" that served as networking hubs for extremists. A pivotal development in underground dissemination was Pierce's 1978 novel , published pseudonymously as a blueprint for racial revolution involving and nuclear strikes against perceived enemies, which circulated via samizdat-style printing and tape recordings, influencing later acts like the 1995 per FBI analyses. This era also saw the rise of as a subcultural recruitment tool; in the UK and US, bands like formed in the late , evolving into explicitly neo-Nazi acts by the under labels such as Rock-O-Rama, fostering loyalty through concerts and merchandise that encoded symbols like the . Holocaust revisionism gained institutional footing with the 1979 founding of the Institute for Historical Review (IHR) by , a far-right publisher, which hosted its first revisionist conference that year in , drawing deniers like to challenge gas chamber evidence and death tolls through pseudoscholarly journals like the Journal of Historical Review. The IHR offered a $50,000 reward in 1979–1981 for proof of homicidal gassings at Auschwitz, later forfeited in a libel suit, positioning revisionism as "historical inquiry" to sanitize neo-Nazi appeals amid declining overt party structures. By the 1980s, this merged with subcultures via gangs, such as the US-based formed in 1988, which enforced codes of violence and tattooed , linking street-level intimidation to ideological denialism in fanzines and bootleg tapes. The 1990s witnessed intensified subcultural fragmentation, with splintering after internal disputes and skinhead networks adopting models advocated by in his 1983 Essays of a Klansman, promoting autonomous cells to sustain operations post-FBI infiltrations like the 1992 raid on for weapons violations. Revisionist efforts persisted through IHR publications questioning archival evidence, though credibility eroded after Irving's 2000 libel defeat in courts affirming facts, compelling underground adherents to pivot toward encrypted communications and private gatherings. These decades marked neo-Nazism's shift from visible marches to insulated ecosystems, prioritizing survival through cultural artifacts over mass mobilization.

Digital Acceleration and Post-Cold War Globalization (1990s–2025)

The advent of the in the early 1990s facilitated the rapid dissemination of neo-Nazi ideology, enabling isolated groups to form transnational networks beyond the physical constraints of post-war surveillance and legal restrictions. Stormfront, established in 1995 by former leader Don Black, became the internet's first major neo-Nazi forum, hosting discussions on , , and racial separatism that attracted hundreds of thousands of users by the decade's end. This digital shift paralleled the post-Cold War in 1991, which unleashed suppressed nationalist sentiments in , where neo-Nazi cells emerged in countries like and amid economic turmoil and ethnic tensions, often framing as a threat to ethnic homogeneity. By the 2000s, neo-Nazis adapted to nascent social media platforms, using sites like YouTube and early forums to propagate propaganda videos and manifestos, which evaded traditional media gatekeepers and reached younger demographics. The 2010s saw accelerationism gain prominence within neo-Nazi circles, a strategy advocating lone-actor violence to provoke societal collapse and racial conflict, as articulated in James Mason's 1980s newsletter Siege, republished online and influencing groups like Atomwaffen Division, which conducted paramilitary training and plotted attacks from 2015 onward. This overlapped with the alt-right's broader online ecosystem around 2016, where neo-Nazis such as those from the Traditionalist Worker Party participated in events like the 2017 Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, blending explicit Nazi symbolism with critiques of globalist immigration policies. Globalization's acceleration through trade liberalization and migration flows post-1990s fueled neo-Nazi narratives of cultural displacement, with online platforms enabling coordinated international campaigns, such as the 2019 ' live-streamed manifesto, which inspired copycat attacks and disseminated "great replacement" theories across Telegram channels. Deplatforming efforts by tech firms from 2017, including the suspension of Stormfront in 2017, drove neo-Nazis to decentralized alternatives like Telegram and , where networks such as "NazTok" amassed millions of views by 2024 through coded symbolism and fitness propaganda. Into the 2020s, groups like the and Active Clubs expanded U.S.-based neo-Nazi recruitment via encrypted apps and physical meetups, emphasizing fitness to prepare for perceived racial warfare, with incidents rising despite measures. These trends reflect neo-Nazism's resilience, leveraging digital anonymity and global connectivity to sustain ideological continuity amid evolving geopolitical shifts.

Ideological Extensions and Syncretisms

Esoteric, Occult, and Pagan Influences

Neo-Nazism incorporates esoteric and occult elements derived from selective interpretations of pre-Christian and völkisch mysticism, often tracing roots to the Society's Ariosophic influences on early National Socialism. Heinrich Himmler's organization sponsored expeditions to uncover supposed origins, blending pseudo-archaeology with runic symbolism and solar cults, which post-war neo-Nazis revived as a spiritual counter to Christianity's perceived Jewish roots. These strands emphasize a metaphysical superiority, positing hyperborean origins and cyclical world ages akin to Hindu concepts adapted by figures like . Esoteric Hitlerism emerged as a post-war synthesis, portraying as a divine avatar or messianic figure in a cosmic battle against degeneration. Chilean diplomat , in works like The Golden Cord (1978), fused Nazi ideology with tantric and UFO lore, claiming Hitler escaped to Antarctic bases for a final return, influencing European and American neo-Nazi circles through publications disseminated in the . Similarly, Savitri Devi's (1958) depicted Hitler as an embodiment of Vishnu's avatar, blending with Aryan racial eschatology; her ideas gained traction among British neo-Nazis and U.S. groups like the by the 1960s. Such narratives reject empirical history for mystical revisionism, prioritizing mythic narrative over verifiable events. Pagan influences manifest in "folkish" Odinism and Wotanism, racialist reinterpretations of that exclude non-Europeans from reconstructed rituals. In the U.S., groups like , founded in the 1990s by Katja Lane and Ron McVan, integrated , symbols, and blood-and-soil ecology with neo-Nazi activism, attracting prison converts through David Lane's Wotanism manifesto (1990s). European variants, such as those in British scenes, merge pagan revival with accelerationist violence, as seen in the ' Satanist-neo-Nazi hybrid promoting "insight roles" in extremism since the 1980s. These movements view as a Semitic imposition, advocating pagan to restore pre-Christian warrior ethos, though mainstream Asatru organizations repudiate such appropriations. The Black Sun (Sonnenrad) symbolizes these esoteric currents, originating from Himmler's 1930s mosaics representing hidden energy, later adopted by post-1945 groups like the Landig Circle for its twelve radial arms evoking cosmic renewal. Neo-Nazis employ it in tattoos, flags, and manifestos—such as the 2019 shooter's—for its potency over the swastika's legal restrictions, linking to Thulean myths of inner realms. While not universal in neo-Nazism, these influences provide a veneer of ancient authenticity, sustaining fringe appeal amid broader ideological fragmentation.

Ecological, Anti-Modernist, and Traditionalist Elements

Certain strains within neo-Nazi thought integrate ecological advocacy, interpreting environmental crises as consequences of demographic shifts, , and unchecked population growth among non-European groups, rather than solely capitalist exploitation. This perspective, labeled by observers, posits authoritarian measures—including population controls and ethnonationalist borders—as necessary for planetary sustainability, drawing selective inspiration from Nazi-era policies like the Reichsnaturschutzgesetz of 1935, which prioritized landscape preservation tied to Germanic racial identity and agrarian self-sufficiency. In contemporary manifestations, organizations such as the embed these views in manifestos, linguistically framing nature's defense as inseparable from combating "globalist" influences and preserving Nordic bloodlines, with rhetoric emphasizing overpopulation in the Global South as a to European ecosystems. Similarly, figures like , whose writings advocate draconian population reduction, have been appropriated by neo-Nazi circles to justify eugenic interventions, though Linkola himself rejected explicit . Ted Kaczynski's anti-industrial manifesto has also been co-opted, with neo-Nazis reinterpreting his critique of technological society as a call for civilizational collapse to enable racial reorganization, evident in accelerationist forums blending his ideas with white separatist goals. Anti-modernist elements in neo-Nazism extend this ecology into broader rejection of Enlightenment rationalism, , and mass , viewing them as corrosive to organic social orders and traditional gender roles rooted in rural, hierarchical communities. This echoes the Nazi Blut und Boden doctrine, which romanticized peasant life against mechanized modernity, but in neo-Nazi adaptations, it manifests as opposition to globalization's homogenizing effects, favoring localized and rejection of liberal individualism. Such views align with third-position economics, critiquing both and for eroding folkish solidarity, as articulated in post-war neo-Nazi texts emphasizing de-urbanization and return to pre-industrial virtues. Traditionalist influences, particularly from , infuse neo-Nazism with metaphysical anti-modernism, advocating a perennial philosophy of spiritual aristocracy and cyclical history where represents Kali Yuga's decline into materialism and equality. Evola's Revolt Against the Modern World (1934) critiques both and mass movements like for insufficient transcendence, yet his emphasis on warrior castes, pagan esotericism, and rejection of progress has shaped neo-Nazi esotericism, including groups invoking solar cults and hierarchical metaphysics to legitimize racial elites. Post-1945, Evola's ideas permeated Italian and German neo-fascist circles, syncretizing with neo-Nazism in calls for "metapolitical" renewal through tradition over democratic or technocratic governance, as seen in the intellectual underpinnings of networks like the . These elements collectively frame neo-Nazi ideology as a restorative force against perceived civilizational decay, prioritizing mythic continuity over empirical environmentalism or progressive reform.

Overlaps with Broader Nationalist and Identitarian Movements

Neo-Nazism intersects with broader nationalist movements through shared emphases on ethno-cultural preservation, opposition to mass immigration, and critiques of supranational entities like the , often manifesting in joint street actions or rhetorical alignments against perceived demographic threats. These overlaps arise from common causal drivers, such as reactions to post-1945 globalization and multiculturalism policies that have accelerated non-European migration into Western nations; for instance, data from the indicate that net migration to the EU reached 1.1 million in 2022 alone, fueling narratives of "replacement" echoed across both neo-Nazi and mainstream nationalist circles. Strategically intertwined networks, including neo-Nazis and white nationalists, collaborate on anti-Islam campaigns and border defense initiatives, as observed in European far-right coalitions where neo-Nazi activists provide militant support to larger identitarian efforts. In , neo-Nazi elements have embedded within white nationalist frameworks, contributing to events like the 2017 Unite the Right rally in , where participants from groups such as (with neo-Nazi ties) marched alongside broader alt-right nationalists chanting slogans like "Jews will not replace us," highlighting tactical alliances against common foes despite ideological variances. This convergence is evident in the alt-right's umbrella, which encompasses neo-Nazism as a more explicit subset, with shared promotion of racial separatism and anti-globalism; surveys by the documented over 7,500 white supremacist propaganda incidents in 2023, many blending neo-Nazi symbols with nationalist appeals to recruit from disaffected patriotic demographics. In Europe, the in exemplifies hybrid activism, fusing neo-Nazi ideology with nationalist anti-LGBTQ+ and anti-immigration protests, drawing participants from wider ethno-nationalist pools. Identitarian movements, such as Generation Identity, exhibit rhetorical overlaps with neo-Nazism in invoking "ethnopluralism" and remigration policies to counter the "Great Replacement," a concept popularized by Renaud Camus in 2011 and adopted variably by neo-Nazis for its demographic alarmism grounded in fertility rate disparities—Europe's total fertility rate hovered at 1.5 in 2023, below replacement levels. However, identitarians often distance themselves from overt Nazi iconography to maintain broader appeal, leading to tensions; for example, while neo-Nazis like those in National Action (UK) have splintered from mainstream nationalists over extremism thresholds, cross-pollination persists in online forums and transnational networks exchanging tactics against liberal pluralism. These alliances underscore neo-Nazism's role as a radical flank amplifying nationalist grievances, though source analyses from security agencies note that mainstream parties like Germany's AfD reject explicit neo-Nazi ties to avoid electoral backlash.

Key Organizations, Figures, and Tactics

Major Groups and Networks

The (NRM), founded in 1997 in , stands as one of Europe's largest neo-Nazi organizations, operating across with structured units that conduct training camps, public demonstrations, and violent actions against perceived enemies. It explicitly endorses National Socialist principles, including racial and authoritarian governance, and has been linked to bombings, such as the 2016 Göteborg explosives incident, as well as assaults on political opponents. In June 2024, the U.S. State Department designated NRM a terrorist entity, citing its role in transnational threats, including exports to ; three leaders were also sanctioned for facilitating violence. In the United States, (AWD), formed online in 2015 by , exemplifies accelerationist neo-Nazi networks emphasizing collapse-inducing over electoral politics. With cells documented in multiple states and international affiliates, AWD has plotted and bombings, resulting in FBI disruptions and arrests by 2018; its ideology draws from esoteric Hitlerism and James Mason's , influencing copycat attacks like the 2017 of a prison guard. The group rebranded as the National Socialist Order post-2018 but retains decentralized operations. The Base, established in 2018 by Rinaldo Nazzaro, functions as a neo-Nazi survivalist cadre training militants for racial holy war through encrypted apps and remote camps; it recruited globally, including from , before U.S. arrests in 2020 exposed plots for sabotage and assassinations. Monitoring reports note its overlap with AWD in personnel and tactics, underscoring fluid transnational alliances among small-cell groups. Blood Tribe, led by Christopher Pohlhaus since 2020, operates as a U.S.-based neo-Nazi collective focused on street activism and pagan symbolism, hosting rallies with explicit Nazi regalia and online propaganda; its growth reflects post-Charlottesville fragmentation into overt groups, with documented ties to European scenes. Emerging decentralized networks like Active Clubs, proliferating since 2020, blend fitness training with neo-Nazi , forming over 100 chapters across the U.S., , and by 2025; these "fight clubs" prioritize physical preparedness for ethnonationalist conflict, often masking ideology under "pro-white" branding while sharing aesthetics like the skull mask with broader accelerationists. Older formations persist, such as the National Socialist Movement (NSM), refounded in 1974 from American Nazi Party remnants, which maintains marches and uniform displays despite membership declines; it peaked at hundreds in the 2000s but faces internal splits. Cross-border ties, facilitated by platforms like Telegram and (defunct 2017), link these entities into loose alliances, with U.S. groups training Europeans and vice versa, as seen in shared manifestos and joint rhetoric against . Empirical data from indicates these networks' small scale—often under 100 active members per group—but high disruption potential via lone actors.

Prominent Individuals and Leaders

(March 9, 1918 – August 25, 1967) established the in Arlington, Virginia, on February 20, 1959, as the first explicitly neo-Nazi organization in the United States, openly advocating for a revival of National Socialist ideology including racial separation and admiration for . Rockwell's tactics emphasized public provocations, such as uniformed marches and antisemitic rhetoric, to gain media attention, though membership peaked at around 200 active participants. He was assassinated by John Patler, a disgruntled former party member, outside his home. William Luther Pierce (September 11, 1933 – July 23, 2002), a former physics professor, founded the National Alliance in 1974 as a neo-Nazi group focused on white racial separatism and propaganda dissemination, growing it into one of the largest such organizations in the U.S. with thousands of supporters by the 1990s. Pierce authored The Turner Diaries under the pseudonym Andrew Macdonald, a 1978 novel depicting a white revolutionary uprising against a perceived Jewish-controlled government, which sold over 300,000 copies and influenced events like the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing. His weekly radio broadcasts, American Dissident Voices, reached an estimated audience of 300,000 by the late 1990s, promoting accelerationist strategies to hasten societal collapse. In , (June 21, 1955 – April 25, 1991) emerged as a central figure in the neo-Nazi scene, founding the in 1979 and later the Action Front in 1980, groups that organized violent street actions and disseminated materials despite repeated bans. Kühnen's networks coordinated with international neo-Nazis, emphasizing training and anti-immigrant agitation, until his death from AIDS-related complications; his efforts helped unify fragmented groups under a militant framework. Colin Jordan (June 19, 1923 – April 9, 2009) led Britain's post-war neo-Nazi efforts, forming the National Socialist Movement in 1960 and staging provocative rallies, such as the 1962 event attended by hundreds chanting Nazi slogans. Imprisoned multiple times for inciting racial hatred, including an 18-month sentence in 1967, Jordan later founded the in 1968, which emphasized skinhead recruitment and distributed antisemitic literature. Otto Ernst Remer (August 18, 1912 – October 4, 1997), a officer who crushed the July 20, 1944, assassination attempt on Hitler, co-founded the in 1949 as a neo-Nazi blending National Socialist economics with anti-Allied , attracting 360,000 votes in the 1951 federal election before its ban in 1952 for unconstitutional aims. Exiled in the 1950s for violating rearmament bans, Remer continued promoting Nazi revisionism from abroad, including ties to Arab nationalists. Other influential figures include (born 1952), whose 1980s newsletter advocated leaderless resistance and lone-actor terrorism, inspiring groups like with its 1992 compilation exceeding 400 pages of accelerationist essays. , a Klan leader turned neo-Nazist, popularized decentralized "leaderless resistance" in his 1983 essay, influencing post-1990s networks by promoting cell-based operations to evade . These leaders' legacies persist in fragmented online and offline movements, though empirical data shows neo-Nazi group memberships remain under 10,000 globally per recent assessments.

Propaganda, Recruitment, and Operational Methods

Neo-Nazi groups employ propaganda emphasizing racial purity, , and anti-immigration themes, often utilizing symbols such as the , black sun, and adapted from Nazi iconography to evoke historical continuity with National Socialism. In the digital era, propaganda has shifted to online platforms, where groups like disseminated manifestos, videos, and memes promoting —the ideology of hastening societal collapse through violence—reaching audiences via encrypted channels and gaming communities as early as 2015. European neo-Nazis have mimicked professional media formats to spread antisemitic narratives, with alternative outlets amplifying conspiracy theories about Jewish influence in a tactic observed in operations from 2018 onward. Recruitment targets disaffected youth, veterans, and prisoners, leveraging subcultures like festivals for networking and ideological ; for instance, far-right events in since 2010 have facilitated and member acquisition through concerts featuring bands with neo-Nazi lyrics. Online strategies include infiltrating video games and , where groups such as the National Socialist Club (NSC-131) posted recruitment videos in 2022 blending neo-Nazi rhetoric with mainstream conservative grievances to attract members, including attempts to radicalize U.S. . Physical training networks like "active clubs" have expanded transnationally since 2020, using and fitness events to build and prepare recruits for , with Western noting cross-border propagation by 2025. In prisons, far-right extremists exploit vulnerabilities for , though empirical data indicates lower success rates compared to Islamist groups, with U.S. correctional reports from 2006 highlighting isolated neo-Nazi activities. Operational methods range from public rallies to covert , with demonstrations serving as both showcases and flashpoints for ; a 2024 neo-Nazi in Nashville resulted in charges against participants. Groups pursue models, inspired by figures like in the 1980s, encouraging lone-wolf attacks to evade detection, as documented in U.S. cases where neo-Nazis conducted or plotted over 20 incidents of targeted from 1990 to 2010. In , neo-Nazi networks engage in electoral infiltration and street actions, with EU assessments from 2021 recording increased manifestations, including bombings and assaults tied to groups like the . Accelerationist factions, such as Feuerkrieg Division active in 2019, prioritize sabotage and mass-casualty plots over sustained organization, aligning with FBI-identified threats in reports.

Global Presence and Regional Variations

Europe

Neo-Nazism in Europe operates primarily through decentralized networks and small, often clandestine groups, limited by stringent legal frameworks prohibiting Nazi symbols, , and incitement in nations such as , , and . These restrictions, enacted post-World War II, have confined most activities to underground operations, online , and sporadic public demonstrations, with membership typically numbering in the low thousands continent-wide rather than forming mass movements. Empirical assessments from security agencies highlight fragmentation, with no dominant pan-European surpassing localized affiliates in scale. In , the core of European neo-Nazism, the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution (BfV) reported a right-wing extremist milieu of 50,250 individuals in 2024, up 23% from the prior year, including 15,300 deemed violence-prone; neo-Nazi subgroups constitute a significant portion, though exact delineation overlaps with broader ethno-nationalism. Neo-Nazis and far-right actors accounted for 42,788 crimes in 2024, a decade-high, predominantly comprising offenses prosecutable under statutes rather than violent acts. Chancellor noted emerging "dark neo-Nazi networks" in early 2024, amid concerns over youth via fitness groups and online forums. Northern Europe features the (NRM), the region's preeminent neo-Nazi entity, active in , , , and , with public marches and exercises; designated a terrorist group by the in June 2024 for violent extremism, it maintains several hundred adherents focused on overthrowing democratic systems. The transnational network, rooted in skinhead music , sustains neo-Nazi propagation via concerts and merchandise across the continent, prompting asset freezes in January 2025 and scrutiny of related events in and . In the and , remnants of groups like and localized cells engage in recruitment through digital platforms, though data underscores minimal completed terrorist incidents—prioritizing foiled plots over widespread violence. Eastern and Southern Europe exhibit neo-Nazi undercurrents intertwined with nationalist currents, as in Poland's and annual Hungarian "" gatherings honoring fallbacks, drawing hundreds for rituals blending historical revisionism and militancy. The EU listed the accelerationist neo-Nazi outfit The Base in July 2024, citing operations in multiple states aimed at through targeted attacks. Emerging Active Clubs, emphasizing physical training and white supremacist ideology, have proliferated in , with a 25% global chapter increase noted in 2025 reports, though their European footprint remains nascent and non-hierarchical. Security analyses, including Europol's TE-SAT, affirm right-wing extremism's persistence but low operational tempo, with 2024 arrests totaling under 100 for such offenses amid jihadist predominance.

North America

Neo-Nazism in the United States emerged prominently with the establishment of the by in Arlington, , on February 20, 1959, which openly emulated Adolf Hitler's National Socialist German Workers' Party while adapting rhetoric to critique American civil rights advancements and Jewish influence. The group, peaking at around 200 members before Rockwell's in 1967, influenced subsequent formations like the National Socialist White People's Party under Matt Koehl and later decentralized networks emphasizing training and . Post-1970s, organizations such as in promoted a "Christian Identity" variant fused with Nazi racial doctrines, but infighting and legal pressures fragmented these into smaller cells by the 2000s. In the digital era, online forums birthed accelerationist groups like , which coalesced around 2015-2016 from neo-Nazi chatrooms and drew ideological fuel from James Mason's 1980s newsletter , advocating to enable racial ; the group, never exceeding dozens of active U.S. members, was linked to five between 2017 and 2018 and multiple bomb plots before FBI disruptions dismantled its core by 2018. Similarly, The Base, founded in late 2018 by U.S.-based Rinaldo Nazzaro, recruited for survivalist training camps aimed at "RAHOWA" (racial holy war), resulting in arrests for plots and plans, such as a 2020 Maryland case involving encoded communications. A 2021 FBI-DHS assessment classified racially motivated violent extremists (RMVEs), including neo-Nazis, as the most lethal subset, citing plots like Timothy Wilson's 2020 ammonium nitrate accumulation tied to neo-Nazi ideology, though successful large-scale attacks remain rare amid pervasive infiltration and internal betrayals. In Canada, neo-Nazism has manifested through imported networks like Blood & Honour and Combat 18, international skinhead outfits promoting Nazi iconography and violent "88" precepts (code for "Heil Hitler"), which Canadian authorities listed as terrorist entities on June 27, 2019, due to their role in inciting assaults and propaganda distribution. Atomwaffen Division extended operations northward, recruiting members for weapons training before Canadian integrations into broader RMVE probes. Recent iterations include "active clubs," decentralized fitness groups initiated by U.S. neo-Nazis around 2020 and proliferating in Canadian cities by 2023-2025, emphasizing physical preparedness for ethnonationalist defense; these cells, often 10-20 members per locale, have staged small protests but yielded terrorism charges, as in the October 2025 guilty plea of an Ontario man for facilitating The Base's neo-Nazi plots. Empirical patterns show Canadian neo-Nazi activity confined to fringe incidents, such as 2023 arrests of two men for hate-motivated terrorism linked to multiple groups, underscoring limited membership—typically under 100 nationwide—and vulnerability to counterterrorism measures.

Asia and Middle East

In , the Sumat al-Khak-e (SUMKA), or Iranian National Socialist Workers' Party, emerged in the early 1950s as an explicitly neo-Nazi organization modeled after the original . Founded by , a professor with ties to German , SUMKA adopted Nazi symbols including the and emphasized pan-Iranian nationalism blended with racial purity doctrines directed against and communists. The group opposed Mohammad Mossadegh's government and aligned with monarchist forces, though it remained marginal with limited membership estimated in the hundreds during its peak. By the late 1950s, SUMKA faded under pressure from the Shah's regime, but isolated online expressions of Nazi sympathy persist in , including blogs praising , despite official suppression and removal of dedicated sites. Across the broader , organized neo-Nazi groups are scarce, but digital communities propagate Nazi ideology adapted to local antisemitic and anti-Zionist narratives. These networks, active on platforms like Telegram, feature subsets blending neo-Nazism with regional grievances, such as and admiration for Hitler's anti-Jewish policies, though they lack the structured presence seen in . Historical Nazi propaganda in the during World War II fostered lingering sympathies in some quarters, but postwar neo-Nazism manifests more as fringe rhetoric than physical organizations. In Asia, neo-Nazi activity often incorporates Nazi aesthetics and selective ideology into indigenous nationalist frameworks, diverging from European white supremacism. Japan's National Socialist Japanese Workers' Party, led by Kazunari Yamada, operates as a small neo-Nazi entity promoting Nazi symbols and antisemitism alongside ultranationalism. Far-right groups like Zaitokukai have faced accusations of neo-Nazi affiliations due to rhetoric targeting ethnic Koreans, prompting denials from linked politicians in 2014. In Mongolia, Tsagaan Khass (White Swastika), founded around 2010, combines neo-Nazi iconography with anti-Chinese vigilantism and environmentalism, attracting youth through Hitler admiration and racial purity calls against "inferior" Asian influences; its leader Ariunbold Altankhuum claimed hundreds of members by 2014, though violent incidents remain limited. Southeast Asian neo-Nazism appears more cultural than ideological, with Nazi imagery popular in Thailand's markets and fashion, reflecting historical rather than organized movements. In , small neo-Nazi circles emerged by 2013, sieg-heiling and listening to Nazi bands while advocating Malay racial purity, though they represent fringe elements without broad traction. shows no verified neo-Nazi organizations; sporadic Hitler admiration exists among some nationalists, but it stems from perceived anti-colonial strength rather than full ideological adoption, with figures like bridging Hindu mysticism and postwar Nazism in esoteric rather than activist terms. Overall, Asian neo-Nazism remains fragmented, often syncretized with local ethnic tensions, and lacks the scale or institutional support found elsewhere.

Latin America, Africa, and Oceania

In , neo-Nazi activity remains marginal but has shown localized growth, particularly in , where police investigations documented a 270.6% increase in neo-Nazi cells from January 2019 to May 2021, attributed in part to online proliferation during a period of political . Brazilian federal police raided neo-Nazi operations across 10 states in 2023, seizing weapons and materials amid concerns over organized violence. In southern , the group Neuland has engaged in targeted assaults since at least 2009, reflecting patterns of ethnic violence among German-descended communities. has recorded sporadic neo-Nazi attacks, including the 2012 beating of a man by assailants linked to such groups, though prosecutions highlight limited scale compared to broader crime rates. hosts historical Nazi expatriate networks from post-World War II migrations, with declassified intelligence noting persistent low-level nationalist activities among German settlers into the 1950s, but contemporary organized neo-Nazism lacks verified large-scale presence beyond isolated online forums. In Africa, neo-Nazi manifestations are confined primarily to , where white supremacist groups draw on apartheid-era resentments but operate as fringe entities with negligible electoral impact. The (AWB), founded in 1973, explicitly incorporates neo-Nazi symbols and ideology, advocating Afrikaner separatism through paramilitary displays, though its membership peaked at around 5,000 in the 1980s and has since dwindled amid internal fractures and legal bans on hate symbols. The , another neo-Nazi outfit, was prohibited under apartheid laws in 1988 for promoting racial violence, underscoring early state suppression of such extremism. Transnational links, such as recruitment by U.S.-based The Base, have surfaced in isolated cases since 2020, but empirical indicators like data show no widespread mobilization or violence attributable to neo-Nazis continent-wide. Oceania's neo-Nazi presence centers on , where groups like the , established in 2020 by Thomas Sewell, propagate antisemitic and anti-immigration rhetoric through public rallies and online networks influenced by international actors. Australian neo-Nazis defaced a sacred Indigenous site in 2025, employing coded symbols like to evade bans on swastikas, indicative of adaptive tactics amid heightened scrutiny. In , neo-Nazism gained transient notoriety following the 2019 by Brenton Tarrant, whose manifesto inspired Australian counterparts, though domestic groups remain small and reactive to immigration debates rather than structurally entrenched. Overall, incidents in the region involve fewer than a dozen verified attacks annually, per law enforcement reports, contrasting with amplified media coverage that may inflate perceptions relative to actual membership estimates under 1,000.

Controversies, Debates, and Responses

Threat Evaluation: Empirical Data vs. Perceived Dangers

Empirical data on neo-Nazi violence reveals a pattern of infrequent lethal incidents with limited casualties, contrasting sharply with perceptions of an existential societal threat. In the United States, analyses of domestic terrorism since September 11, 2001, indicate that far-right extremists, encompassing neo-Nazi subgroups, have been linked to approximately 130 fatalities through terrorist acts, a figure comparable to but not exceeding jihadist terrorism's 107 deaths in the same period, excluding the 9/11 attacks. Specific neo-Nazi attributions, such as the 2017 Charlottesville vehicle attack (1 death) and plots by groups like Atomwaffen Division (foiled with no mass casualties), underscore sporadic rather than sustained operational capacity, with annual extremist-related murders totaling under 20, dwarfed by overall homicide rates exceeding 20,000 per year. In Europe, Europol's 2025 Terrorism Situation and Trend Report (TE-SAT) documents only isolated right-wing attacks—such as Germany's 2020 Hanau shooting (9 deaths)—with zero to two completed incidents annually from 2010 to 2024, resulting in fewer than 50 total fatalities, while jihadist terrorism accounted for over 300 deaths in the EU during the same timeframe. These metrics highlight neo-Nazism's marginal contribution to terrorism fatalities relative to Islamist extremism or routine criminal violence. Perceptions of neo-Nazism as a preeminent danger often amplify these realities through selective emphasis on ideology over outcomes, driven by historical aversion to Nazi symbolism and institutional priorities. Government assessments, including FBI domestic terrorism reports, classify racially or ethnically motivated violent extremism (including neo-Nazi elements) as a priority, yet arrest and plot disruption data show most threats neutralized pre-execution, with lethality rates lower than for other ideologies. Advocacy organizations like the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) report heightened activity—such as 13 right-wing-linked murders in 2024—but include non-terroristic crimes and broad categorizations that expand definitions beyond strict neo-Nazism, potentially overstating organized threat levels. Media analyses reveal disproportionate coverage of far-right incidents compared to equivalent Islamist or left-wing violence, fostering public alarm; for instance, studies document that attacks by non-Muslim perpetrators receive less immediate "terrorism" labeling unless ideologically aligned with right-wing narratives, inverting post-9/11 patterns and contributing to threat inflation. This discrepancy arises from causal factors including symbolic potency—neo-Nazi iconography evokes atrocities, prompting zero-tolerance responses—and biases in source selection, where mainstream outlets and academic institutions, often aligned with progressive viewpoints, prioritize far-right scrutiny while minimizing scrutiny of alternative extremisms. Empirical scrutiny, such as CSIS datasets, confirms rising far-right plots (320% incident growth in Western nations from 2014 to 2018) but stable or declining per-incident lethality, suggesting recruitment gains outpace violent efficacy due to infiltration and . In contrast, perceived dangers manifest in policy overreach, like expansive , which may inadvertently validate narratives of among adherents without proportionally addressing higher-impact threats like jihadist networks, as evidenced by 's designation of as the EU's primary concern despite right-wing rhetorical escalation. Thus, while neo-Nazism poses ideological risks through , its empirical violent footprint remains contained, warranting calibrated responses over alarmist framing.

Labeling Practices: Misuse Against Nationalists and Definitional Inflation

Critics of expansive labeling practices contend that the term "neo-Nazi" is frequently misapplied to nationalist figures and groups whose positions—such as restricting or preserving —lack the core ideological hallmarks of neo-Nazism, including explicit advocacy for Aryan supremacy, , or totalitarian dictatorship. This definitional inflation conflates with historical , diluting the term's precision and enabling al dismissal of legitimate policy debates. Such overuse, often amplified by and academic institutions exhibiting systemic left-leaning biases, prioritizes narrative control over empirical distinction, as evidenced by the routine equation of border security advocates with genocidal extremists despite absent evidence of Nazi symbology or rhetoric in their platforms. A prominent U.S. example occurred following the August 2017 in , where President remarked that "very fine people" existed on both sides of the debate over removing Confederate statues, while explicitly denouncing neo-Nazis and white nationalists as "criminal" and condemnable. Multiple media outlets and political opponents misrepresented this as Trump praising neo-Nazis, a dubbed the "fine people hoax" that persisted in campaigns, including Joe Biden's 2020 presidential run. Fact-checking by in June 2024 confirmed the claim's falsity, noting Trump's clear condemnation preceded the "fine people" reference to non-violent statue defenders, yet the narrative fueled years of accusations equating Trump supporters with neo-Nazism. In , Germany's (AfD) party illustrates similar misuse, having garnered 20.8% national support in the February 2025 federal election on a platform emphasizing reduction, , and EU reform, without formal endorsement of Nazi ideology. Despite this, German domestic intelligence classified the AfD as a "confirmed right-wing extremist" entity in May 2025, citing ties to fringe elements and rhetoric deemed incompatible with constitutional values, prompting critics to argue the designation smears a mainstream opposition party—larger than many European center-left groups—as neo-Nazi equivalents. Observers warn this approach, rooted in post-war hypersensitivity to , risks self-fulfilling by alienating voters who perceive it as establishment suppression rather than threat assessment. Broader consequences include desensitization to authentic neo-Nazi activity, as hyperbolic labeling erodes public discernment; studies and commentaries note that invoking Nazi parallels for routine —such as skepticism of —renders the analogy banal, complicating efforts to isolate groups deploying swastikas or worship. This inflation also incentivizes strategic ambiguity among actual extremists, who exploit the blurred lines to evade scrutiny while nationalists face preemptively tainted reputations. Empirical data from election trends, like AfD's sustained polling despite labels, suggest these tactics may entrench polarization rather than neutralize threats, as voters interpret demonization as evidence of elite disconnect from tangible concerns like demographic shifts. In the United States, constitutional protections under the First Amendment have repeatedly upheld the right of neo-Nazi groups to engage in expressive activities, including marches and displays of symbols, provided they do not constitute direct incitement to imminent lawless action as established in Brandenburg v. Ohio (1969). A landmark illustration occurred in National Socialist Party of America v. Village of Skokie (1977), where the Supreme Court, in a per curiam decision on June 27, 1977, vacated lower court injunctions blocking a neo-Nazi march planned for the Village of Skokie, Illinois—a community with over 5,000 Holocaust survivors among its residents. The ruling emphasized that prior restraints on speech based on offensive content alone violate free expression guarantees, even for groups advocating ideologies tied to genocide; the American Civil Liberties Union defended the Nazis' permit application, prioritizing principle over revulsion and sparking internal debate but reinforcing that counter-speech, not suppression, counters abhorrent views. This framework permitted subsequent neo-Nazi rallies, such as the 2017 Unite the Right event in Charlottesville, Virginia, where participants displayed swastikas and Confederate flags under assembly permits, though ensuing violence prompted lawsuits under civil rights statutes rather than speech bans. In , where historical proximity to Nazi atrocities informs policy, legal prohibitions on neo-Nazi expression are far stricter, often prioritizing public order and historical memory over absolute free speech, leading to cross-Atlantic tensions in debates over democratic norms. Germany's §86a, enacted in 1951 and amended repeatedly, criminalizes the public use of Nazi symbols—including swastikas, SS runes, and the Hitler salute—with penalties up to three years imprisonment, explicitly targeting dissemination of propaganda from unconstitutional organizations like the NSDAP. Section 130 further prohibits or minimization as incitement to hatred, applied in cases like the 2021 conviction of a man for online posts questioning Auschwitz death tolls, resulting in a 10-month . Similar bans exist in (Verbotsgesetz of 1947, prohibiting Nazi revivalism with up to 10 years for severe offenses), (Loi Gayssot of 1990, fining up to 45,000 euros), and other nations including , the , , , and , where public displays or advocacy of Nazi ideology can trigger fines or imprisonment. These measures, rooted in post-World War II , extend to organizational bans, as seen in Finland's 2020 dissolution of the Nordic Resistance Movement's Finnish branch for promoting violence against minorities. Such prohibitions have sparked free speech conflicts, particularly when neo-Nazi groups test boundaries through permitted assemblies that skirt bans via coded language or historical reenactments, prompting counter-mobilizations and judicial scrutiny. In , a 2017 neo-Nazi torchlit march in —drawing parallels to events—ignited media debates over whether allowances for assembly under the Regeringsformen constitution embolden extremism or exemplify the "" by exposing fringe views to ridicule. , lacking a nationwide symbol ban until recent proposals, saw parliamentary pushes in December 2024 to criminalize swastikas and salutes amid a 400% surge in antisemitic incidents post-October 7, 2023, with advocates citing prevention of normalization while opponents warned of slippery slopes toward broader speech curbs. In the U.S., recent neo-Nazi "flash marches" in cities like Nashville in July 2024 faced no prior bans but elicited massive counter-protests, highlighting tensions between permit-granting for public safety and accusations of platforming hate, with courts upholding rights absent provable threats. Critics of European-style bans, including U.S. First Amendment scholars, contend they conflate speech with action, potentially validating narratives of victimhood among prohibited groups and migrating activity to unregulated online spaces, though proponents cite reduced visible as evidence of deterrence.

State Interventions: Effectiveness, Overreach, and Radicalization Feedback Loops

State interventions against neo-Nazism encompass legal prohibitions on and , surveillance by agencies like 's Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution, group bans, and online efforts. In , countries such as criminalize and Nazi dissemination under Section 130 of the Penal Code, leading to thousands of annual prosecutions; for instance, between 2018 and 2020, German authorities issued over 1,000 fines for online violations, including neo-Nazi content. Similar laws exist across the EU, with 16 member states banning Nazi symbols and 13 criminalizing as of 2023. In the United States, interventions rely more on counter-terrorism designations and private-sector , such as the 2018 removal of from platforms like and , which fragmented but did not dismantle the group. Empirical assessments of effectiveness reveal mixed and often inconclusive results, with neo-Nazi networks persisting despite sustained efforts. Educational and programs, such as Germany's Exit initiatives, have facilitated exits for approximately 1,000 individuals from right-wing since 2000, but broader metrics like incident reports show no proportional decline; data indicate right-wing terrorist attacks in the EU rose from 11 in 2015 to 20 in 2020, amid heightened interventions. Online countermeasures, including tweaks to demote extremist content, reduced visibility of neo-Nazi material on platforms by up to 70% in targeted campaigns, yet offline activities like music festivals and MMA events continue to serve as recruitment hubs in countries with strict laws. Family-based interventions have shown promise in preventing skinhead/neo-Nazi involvement, with systematic reviews identifying reduced risks through targeted support, though scalability remains limited. Critics argue that interventions frequently overreach by conflating non-violent nationalist expression with neo-Nazism, eroding without proportional security gains. In , anti-Nazi laws have expanded to prosecute benign activities, such as displaying historical symbols in private contexts or criticizing policies, fostering a on speech; for example, Hungary's crackdowns on "neo-Nazi" gatherings extended to far-right youth groups lacking violent intent. In the UK, the Prevent program flagged over 7,000 referrals for between 2012 and 2017, including non-extremist conservative views on topics like law, prompting accusations of ideological bias from independent reviews. Such expansions, justified by precautionary principles rather than imminent threats, have been documented in nations with negligible neo-Nazi presence, prioritizing symbolic prohibitions over evidence-based threat assessment. These measures can engender feedback loops by validating neo-Nazi narratives of systemic persecution, thereby amplifying recruitment appeals. State crackdowns, such as mass arrests following events like the 2017 Charlottesville rally, generated myths that boosted online engagement for groups like the , with membership inquiries surging 200% in the subsequent months per internal leaks. pushes adherents to encrypted alternatives like Telegram, where echo chambers intensify; a analysis found that banned far-right channels relocated with minimal membership loss and heightened ideological purity. Co-escalation dynamics, where aggressive policing provokes defensive , mirror historical patterns, as suppressed groups reframe interventions as evidence of elite conspiracies, drawing in grievance-driven individuals absent direct ideological alignment. Limited longitudinal studies underscore this risk, noting that perceived overreach correlates with sustained or increased extremist mobilization rather than deterrence.

Internal Critiques and Empirical Challenges

Factional Divisions and Strategic Shortcomings

Neo-Nazi movements have historically been plagued by deep factional divisions, often stemming from disputes over ideological purity, tactical approaches, and leadership egos. One prominent cleavage emerged between "orthodox" adherents who insist on unwavering fidelity to Hitler's doctrines, including explicit veneration of the Third Reich, and revisionist or "third positionist" factions that seek to adapt National Socialist ideas to contemporary contexts, such as emphasizing or to broaden appeal. For instance, Strasserist elements, drawing from the left-wing wing of the original , prioritize and worker appeals over racial hierarchy, leading to conflicts with Hitler-centric purists who view such adaptations as dilution. These rifts mirror early infighting in the 1920s and 1930s, where charismatic leaders like clashed with Hitler, resulting in expulsions and splinter groups. Tactical disagreements further exacerbate fragmentation, particularly the "" debate between vanguardists advocating overt Nazi symbolism, violence, and to provoke societal collapse, and pragmatists pushing for mainstreaming through suited appearances and electoral participation to avoid alienating potential recruits. This tension boiled over after the 2017 in , where public displays of swastikas and sieg heils drew widespread condemnation, prompting splits in the broader white nationalist milieu—including neo-Nazi contingents—as groups like distanced themselves from explicit neo-Nazism to pursue "polo shirt" respectability. Similar infighting followed the 2017 Shelbyville, Tennessee, white supremacist event, where neo-Nazi salutes and regalia fueled online recriminations and organizational fractures. Strategic shortcomings compound these divisions, rendering neo-Nazi groups chronically ineffective at scaling beyond marginal fringes. Persistent infighting has led to repeated splintering, as seen in the American Nazi Party's collapse after George Lincoln Rockwell's 1967 assassination, which birthed feuding successors like the National Socialist White People's Party, and the National Alliance's disintegration post-William Pierce's 2002 death amid leadership disputes and financial mismanagement. Electorally, parties like Germany's NPD have garnered under 2% in federal votes since 1969, hampered by internal purges and failure to unify disparate far-right elements. Reliance on provocative tactics, such as street marches with Nazi regalia, often backfires by reinforcing public revulsion rather than recruitment, as evidenced by neo-Nazi groups' consistent inability to mobilize more than dozens in recent Australian rallies despite media hype. Infiltration by law enforcement and informants exploits disorganized structures, contributing to high-profile busts like the 1984 dismantling of The Order after internal betrayals. Moreover, personality-driven cults foster and purges, deterring stable membership; empirical data from monitoring organizations indicate neo-Nazi entities rarely exceed a few hundred active U.S. members at peak, with turnover driven by these dynamics rather than external suppression alone.

Scientific Scrutiny of Core Claims

Neo-Nazi ideology posits a hierarchical ordering of races, with those of Northern European ("") descent deemed genetically superior in , moral character, and cultural achievement, while portraying as inherently conspiratorial and destructive, and other groups like Africans and as inferior or subhuman. This framework draws from Nazi-era , asserting that such differences stem from immutable genetic endowments justifying racial separation, , and exclusionary policies. Empirical genetic , however, reveals human variation as primarily clinal—gradual across geographies—rather than discrete racial categories with fixed hierarchies; genome-wide studies identify ancestry clusters correlating loosely with traditional races but find no evidence for overarching genetic "superiority" in adaptive traits across populations. Polygenic scores for like show group-level differences, yet environmental confounders and gene-environment interactions complicate causal attribution, undermining claims of deterministic racial supremacy. On intelligence, neo-Nazis invoke average IQ disparities—such as the observed 15-point gap between Black and White Americans, or higher averages among East Asians and —to argue innate Aryan predominance, but scrutiny highlights that while IQ is 50-80% heritable within populations, between-group gaps persist after socioeconomic controls yet lack conclusive genetic causation due to confounding factors like nutrition, education quality, and cultural test familiarity. Twin and adoption studies suggest a partial genetic role in U.S. racial IQ variances, yet global data reveal malleability (e.g., Flynn effect gains of 3 points per decade across groups) and no Aryan-specific genetic edge over other high-performing clusters like Northeast Asians. Claims of Jewish genetic inferiority contradict evidence of Ashkenazi IQ averages around 110-115, potentially linked to historical selection pressures, challenging anti-Semitic tropes of . Crime rate differences form another pillar, with neo-Nazis attributing disproportionate Black involvement in violent offenses (e.g., 51% of U.S. arrests despite comprising 13% of ) to racial predispositions rather than socioeconomic or cultural factors. FBI confirm persistent disparities in and perpetration across decades, even adjusting for , but multivariate analyses implicate family structure (e.g., single-parent households correlating with 4-5x higher delinquency ), urban density, and subcultural norms over genetics alone. of antisocial behavior (40-60%) exists within groups, yet cross-racial comparisons show environmental mediators like lead exposure and schooling quality explain much variance, refuting blanket biological determinism. Eugenics advocacy in neo-Nazism, echoing Nazi programs, presumes can eradicate "degenerate" traits; modern evaluates this as flawed, as most behavioral and health outcomes arise from thousands of small-effect variants interacting with environment, rendering coercive interventions ineffective and ethically untenable absent precise editing tools like , which remain experimental for polygenic traits. Historical ignored recessive disorders' prevalence in all populations and overestimated heritability of non-genetic phenotypes like pauperism. Holocaust revisionism, a staple claim minimizing or denying systematic Jewish extermination (alleging deaths from disease/war rather than gas chambers), collapses under forensic, documentary, and eyewitness evidence: Nazi records detail 6 million Jewish fatalities via shootings (1.5 million), gassings (e.g., Auschwitz: 1.1 million), and starvation; cyanide residue analyses confirm chamber use, debunking pseudoscientific denials like Leuchter's flawed sampling. Demographic audits show pre-war European Jewish population (9.5 million) plummeting post-1945, corroborated by Allied liberations and perpetrator confessions, rendering denial incompatible with archival convergence from multiple adversarial sources. While neo-Nazis cite logistical impossibilities, engineering assessments affirm crematoria capacities aligned with throughput estimates. Overall, core claims withstand partial empirical patterns in group averages but falter on causal overreach, ignoring gene-culture and historical contingencies for mythic absolutes.

Historical Revisionism: Arguments, Evidence, and Counter-Evidence

Historical revisionism within neo-Nazism primarily involves efforts to deny or minimize the scale and intentionality of , portraying it as wartime propaganda rather than systematic , with the aim of rehabilitating and National Socialism as non-criminal ideologies. Proponents, such as and , argue that Nazi policies targeted Jewish emigration or labor exploitation, not extermination, and claim no direct orders from Hitler existed for , citing the absence of explicit documentary proof like a signed Führerbefehl. They further assert that deaths in camps resulted mainly from epidemics, Allied bombings disrupting supplies, and poor conditions incidental to , estimating total Jewish losses at under 300,000 rather than six million. A central claim concerns the alleged non-existence of homicidal gas chambers, exemplified by Fred Leuchter's 1988 report, which analyzed samples from Auschwitz structures and found insufficient cyanide residues to indicate mass gassings, arguing that facilities were for delousing or morgues, not execution. Revisionists cite architectural discrepancies, such as doors not airtight or vents mismatched for distribution, and low cremation capacities—claiming Auschwitz's ovens could handle only 1,000 bodies daily against purported millions—as evidence of infeasibility. Demographic arguments point to pre-war censuses allegedly showing no six-million shortfall, attributing population drops to Soviet deportations, assimilation, or emigration to and the U.S., with groups like the Institute for Historical Review compiling almanac data to challenge orthodox figures. Counter-evidence includes Nazi confessions and internal documents presented at the , such as Rudolf Höss's 1946 affidavit as Auschwitz commandant, detailing the gassing of 2.5 million Jews using under Heinrich Himmler's direct orders, corroborated by other SS testimonies like those of and . Demographic records confirm a European Jewish population decline from approximately 9.5 million in 1939 to 3.5 million by 1945, with country-specific losses—Poland from 3.3 million to 45,000; Hungary from 825,000 to 255,000—unsupported by emigration or disease alone, as wartime migration logs and Red Cross traces account for far fewer survivors. Forensic rebuttals to Leuchter highlight methodological flaws: unqualified sampling by Leuchter (an execution equipment salesman, not ), superficial swabbing ignoring weathered surfaces where dissipates or forms non-visible compounds, and failure to test control delousing chambers properly; subsequent 1994 Cracow Forensic Institute analysis detected cyanide compounds in ruins consistent with sporadic human gassings (lower exposure than delousing), while delousing facilities showed from prolonged use. Architectural blueprints from the Auschwitz Central Construction Office, including crematoria II-V with underground undressing rooms and gas-tight doors for "special actions," align with eyewitness accounts from prisoners and SS personnel, totaling over 100,000 pages of camp records seized by Allies. Revisionist sources, often self-published by convicted figures like Zündel, lack and rely on selective quoting, whereas orthodox evidence draws from perpetrator archives, Allied intelligence intercepts (e.g., 1942-1943 reports on Chelmno and Belzec gassings), and demographic audits by institutions like the in 1946, which found no but confirmed extermination via multiple converging lines. These claims persist in neo-Nazi circles despite legal defeats, such as Irving's 2000 libel loss, where courts ruled his distortions willful based on documentary inconsistencies he ignored.

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