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Sierra Leone
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Sierra Leone,[a] officially the Republic of Sierra Leone,[b] is a country on the southwest coast of West Africa. It is bordered to the southeast by Liberia and by Guinea to the north. Sierra Leone's land area is 73,252 km2 (28,283 sq mi).[15] It has a tropical climate and environments ranging from savannas to rainforests. As of the 2023 census, Sierra Leone has a population of 8,460,512.[3] Freetown is its capital and largest city.
Key Information
Sierra Leone is a presidential republic, with a unicameral parliament and a directly elected president. It is a secular state. Its constitution provides for the separation of state and religion and freedom of conscience.[16] Muslims constitute three-quarters of the population, and there is a significant Christian minority. Religious tolerance is very high.[17]
Sierra Leone's current territorial configuration was established in two phases: in 1808, the coastal Sierra Leone Colony was founded as a place to resettle returning Africans after the abolition of the slave trade; then in 1896, the inland Protectorate was created as a result of the Berlin Conference of 1884–1885. This led to the formal recognition of the territory as the Sierra Leone Colony and Protectorate.[18][19] Sierra Leone attained independence from the United Kingdom in 1961 under the leadership of Prime Minister Sir Milton Margai of the Sierra Leone People's Party (SLPP).[20] In 1971, under Prime Minister Siaka Stevens of the All People's Congress (APC), the country adopted a new constitution, transforming Sierra Leone into a presidential republic, with Stevens as the inaugural president. In 1978, Stevens declared the APC to be the sole legally recognized party. In 1985, he was succeeded by Joseph Saidu Momoh. Momoh's enactment of a new constitution in 1991 reintroduced a multi-party system. That same year, a protracted civil war broke out between the government and the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) rebel group. The conflict, characterized by multiple coups d'état, persisted for 11 years. Intervention by ECOMOG forces and later by the United Kingdom resulted in the defeat of the RUF in 2002, ushering in a period of relative stability.
Sierra Leone is a culturally diverse country, home to approximately 18 ethnic groups, with the Temne and Mende peoples being predominant. The Creole people, descendants of freed African-American, Afro-Caribbean slaves and liberated Africans, constitute about 1.2% of the population. English is the official language, while Krio is the lingua franca, spoken by 97% of the population. The country is rich with natural resources, notably diamonds, gold, bauxite and aluminium. As of the most recent survey in 2019, 59.2% of the population is affected by multidimensional poverty and an additional 21.3% vulnerable to it.[21] Sierra Leone maintains membership in several international organisations, including the United Nations, African Union, Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), and the Commonwealth of Nations, among others.
Etymology
[edit]Sierra Leone derives its name from the Lion Mountains near its capital, Freetown. Originally named Serra Leoa (Portuguese for 'lioness mountains') by Portuguese explorer Pedro de Sintra in 1462, the modern name is derived from the Venetian spelling, which was introduced by Venetian explorer Alvise Cadamosto and subsequently adopted by other European mapmakers.[22]
History
[edit]Early history
[edit]

Sierra Leone's history is marked by continuous human habitation for at least 2,500 years,[23] influenced by migrations from across Africa.[24] Iron technology had been adopted by the 9th century and agriculture established by 1000 AD along the coast.[25] Climate shifts over centuries altered the ecological zones, influencing migration and conquest dynamics.[26]
The region's dense tropical rainforest and swamps, coupled with the presence of the tsetse fly which carried a disease fatal to horses and the zebu cattle used by the Mandé people, provided natural defenses against invasions by the Mandinka Empire and other African empires,[26][27] and limited influence by the Mali Empire. The introduction of Islam by Susu traders, merchants and migrants in the 18th century further enriched the culture, eventually establishing a strong foothold in the north. The conquest by Samory Touré in the northeast solidified Islam among the Yalunka, Kuranko and Limba people.[28]
European trading
[edit]The 15th century marked the beginning of European interaction with Sierra Leone, highlighted by Portuguese explorer Pedro de Sintra mapping the region in 1462 and naming it after the lioness mountains.[29][30] This naming has been subject to historical reinterpretation, suggesting earlier European knowledge of the region. Following Sintra, European traders established fortified posts, engaging primarily in the slave trade, which shaped the socio-economic landscape significantly.[31]
Traders from Europe, such as the Dutch Republic, England and France started to establish trading stations. These stations quickly began to primarily deal in slaves, who were brought to the coast by indigenous traders from interior areas. The Europeans made payments, called Cole, for rent, tribute, and trading rights, to the king of an area. Local Afro-European merchants often acted as middlemen, the Europeans advancing them goods to trade to indigenous merchants, most often for slaves and ivory.[32][33]

Early Portuguese interactions
[edit]Portuguese traders were particularly drawn to the local craftsmanship in ivory, leading to a notable trade in ivory artifacts such as horns, Sapi Saltceller, and spoons. The Sapi people belonged to a cluster of people who spoke West Atlantic languages, living in the region of modern day Sierra Leone. There had already been a carving culture established in the area prior to Portuguese contact and many travelers to Sierra Leone initially impressed with their carving skills took local ivory horns back to Europe.[34]

Black Poor of London
[edit]
In the late 18th century, some African Americans who had fought for the British Crown during the American Revolutionary War were resettled in Sierra Leone, forming a community named Black Loyalists. This resettlement scheme was partly motivated by social issues in London, with the Sierra Leone Resettlement Scheme offering a new beginning for the Black Poor. Many had been slaves who had escaped to join the British, lured by promises of freedom (emancipation). Official documentation known as the Book of Negroes lists thousands of freed slaves whom the British evacuated from the nascent United States and resettled in colonies elsewhere in British North America. Pro-slavery advocates accused the Black Poor of being responsible for a large proportion of crime in 18th-century London. While the broader community included some women, the Black Poor seems to have exclusively consisted of men, some of whom developed relationships with local women and often married them. On the voyage between Plymouth, England and Sierra Leone, 29 European girlfriends and wives accompanied the Black Poor settlers.[36] Many in London thought moving them to Sierra Leone would lift them out of poverty.[37] The Sierra Leone Resettlement Scheme was proposed by entomologist Henry Smeathman and drew interest from humanitarians like Granville Sharp, who saw it as a means of showing the pro-slavery lobby that black people could contribute towards the running of the new colony. Government officials soon became involved in the scheme as well, although their interest was spurred by the possibility of resettling a large group of poor citizens elsewhere.[38] William Pitt the Younger, prime minister and leader of the Tory party, had an active interest in the Scheme because he saw it as a means to repatriate the Black Poor to Africa.[39]
In January 1787, the Atlantic and the Belisarius set sail for Sierra Leone, but bad weather forced them to divert to Plymouth, during which time about 50 passengers died. Another 24 were discharged, and 23 ran away. Eventually, 411 passengers sailed to Sierra Leone in April 1787. On the voyage between Plymouth and Sierra Leone, 96 passengers died.[39][40][41][42] In 1787 the British Crown founded a settlement in Sierra Leone in what was called the "Province of Freedom". About 400 black and 60 white colonists reached Sierra Leone on 15 May 1787. After they established Granville Town, most of the first group of colonists died, owing to disease and warfare with the indigenous African peoples (Temne), who resisted their encroachment. When the ships left them in September, they had been reduced to "276 persons, namely 212 black men, 30 black women, 5 white men and 29 white women".[39]
The settlers that remained forcibly captured land from a local African chieftain, but he retaliated, attacking the settlement, which was reduced to a mere 64 settlers comprising 39 black men, 19 black women, and six white women. Black settlers were captured by unscrupulous traders and sold as slaves, and the remaining colonists were forced to arm themselves for their own protection.[39] The 64 remaining colonists established a second Granville Town.[43][44]
Nova Scotians
[edit]Following the American Revolution, some Black Loyalists from Nova Scotia, Canada, were relocated to Sierra Leone, founding Freetown and contributing significantly to the Krio people and Krio language that would come to define the region.[citation needed]
Following the American Revolution, more than 3,000 Black Loyalists had also been settled in Nova Scotia, but faced harsh winters and racial discrimination. Thomas Peters pressed British authorities for relief and more aid; together with British abolitionist John Clarkson, the Sierra Leone Company was established to relocate Black Loyalists who wanted to take their chances in West Africa. In 1792 nearly 1,200 persons from Nova Scotia crossed the Atlantic to build the second (and only permanent) Colony of Sierra Leone and the settlement of Freetown on 11 March 1792. In Sierra Leone they were called the Nova Scotian Settlers, the Nova Scotians, or the Settlers. Clarkson initially banned the survivors of Granville Town from joining the new settlement, blaming them for the demise of Granville Town.[39] The Settlers built Freetown in the styles they knew from their lives in the American South; they also continued American fashion and American manners. In addition, many continued to practise Methodism.
In the 1790s, the Settlers, including adult women, voted for the first time in elections.[45] In 1792, in a move that foreshadowed the women's suffrage movements in Britain, the heads of all households, of which a third were women, were given the right to vote.[46] Black settlers in Sierra Leone enjoyed much more autonomy than their white equivalent in European countries. Black migrants elected different levels of political representatives, 'tithingmen', who represented each dozen settlers and 'hundreders' who represented larger amounts. This sort of representation was not available in Nova Scotia.[47] The initial process of society-building in Freetown was a harsh struggle. The Crown did not supply enough basic supplies and provisions and the Settlers were continually threatened by illegal slave trading and the risk of re-enslavement.[48]
Jamaican Maroons and Liberated Africans
[edit]The Sierra Leone Company, controlled by London investors, refused to allow the settlers to take freehold of the land. In 1799 some of the settlers revolted. The Crown subdued the revolt by bringing in forces of more than 500 Jamaican Maroons, whom they transported from Cudjoe's Town (Trelawny Town) via Nova Scotia in 1800. Led by Colonel Montague James, the Maroons helped the colonial forces to put down the revolt, and in the process the Jamaican Maroons in Sierra Leone secured the best houses and farms.[49]
On 1 January 1808, Thomas Ludlam, the Governor of the Sierra Leone Company and a leading abolitionist, surrendered the company's charter. This ended its 16 years of running the Colony. The British Crown reorganised the Sierra Leone Company as the African Institution; it was directed to improve the local economy. Its members represented both British who hoped to inspire local entrepreneurs and those with interest in the Macauley & Babington Company, which held the (British) monopoly on Sierra Leone trade.[50]
At about the same time (following the Slave Trade Act 1807 which abolished the slave trade), Royal Navy crews delivered thousands of formerly enslaved Africans to Freetown, after liberating them from illegal slave ships. These Liberated Africans or recaptives were sold for $20 a head as apprentices to the white settlers, Nova Scotian Settlers, and the Jamaican Maroons. Many Liberated Africans were treated poorly and even abused because some of the original settlers considered them their property. Cut off from their various homelands and traditions, the Liberated Africans were forced to assimilate to the Western styles of Settlers and Maroons.[51] The Liberated Africans eventually modified their customs to adopt those of the Nova Scotians, Maroons and Europeans, yet kept some of their ethnic traditions.[52] As the Liberated Africans became successful traders[51] and spread Christianity throughout West Africa, they intermarried with the Nova Scotians and Maroons.[52]: 3–4, 223–255
These Liberated Africans were from many areas of Africa, but principally the west coast. Between the 18th and 19th century, freed African Americans, some Americo Liberian "refugees", and particularly Afro-Caribbeans, mainly Jamaican Maroons, also immigrated and settled in Freetown. Together these peoples formed the Creole/Krio ethnicity and an English-based creole language (Krio), which is the lingua franca.[53][54][55][56]
Colonial era (1808–1961)
[edit]The colonial era saw Sierra Leone evolving under British rule. Sierra Leone developed as an educational center in West Africa, with the establishment of Fourah Bay College in 1827, attracting English-speaking Africans from across the region.
The settlement of Sierra Leone in the 1800s was unique in that the population was composed of displaced Africans, brought to the colony after the British abolition of the slave trade in 1807. Upon arrival in Sierra Leone, each recaptive was given a registration number, and information on their physical qualities was entered into the Register of Liberated Africans. Documentation was often subjective, resulting in inaccurate entries, making them difficult to track.[57]
The first missionaries, Peter Hartwig and Melchior Rennerfrom the Church Missionary Society (CMS), arrived in Sierra Leone in 1804.[58] The CMS missionaries were to introduce Western ideals, including Western education and healthcare. One of their most significant contributions was the establishment of schools for West African children. European missionaries established these schools with an agenda to convert the native people to their religion, but the educational efforts did not relate to local needs.[59]
In the early 19th century, Freetown served as the residence of the British colonial governor of the region, who also administered the Gold Coast (now Ghana) and the Gambia settlements. Sierra Leone developed as the educational centre of British West Africa.[60] The British established Fourah Bay College in 1827, which became a magnet for English-speaking Africans on the West Coast. For more than a century, it was the only European-style university in west Sub-Saharan Africa. Samuel Ajayi Crowther was the first student to be enrolled.[61] Fourah Bay College soon drew Creoles/Krio people and other Africans seeking higher education in British West Africa. These included Nigerians, Ghanaians, Ivorians, and others, especially in the fields of theology and education. Freetown was known as the "Athens of Africa" due to the number of excellent schools there and in surrounding areas.[62]
In Freetown, the British interacted mostly with the Krio people, who did most of the trading with the indigenous peoples of the interior. Educated Krio people held many positions in the colonial government, giving them status and good pay. After the Berlin Conference of 1884–85, the British decided to establish more dominion over the inland areas, to satisfy what the European powers called "effective occupation". In 1896 it annexed these areas, declaring them the Sierra Leone Protectorate.[63] With this change, the British began to expand their administration in the region, recruiting British citizens to posts and pushing Krio people out of governmental positions and even Freetown's desirable residential areas.[63]

Madam Yoko persuaded the British to give her control of the Kpaa Mende chiefdom. She used diplomacy to communicate with local chiefs who did not trust her friendship with the British. Because Yoko supported the British, some sub-chiefs rebelled, causing Yoko to take refuge in the police barracks. She ruled as a paramount chief in the new British Protectorate until 1906.
The British annexation of the Protectorate interfered with indigenous chiefs' sovereignty. They designated chiefs as units of local government, rather than dealing with them individually, as had been the previous practice. They did not maintain relationships even with longstanding allies, such as Bai Bureh, who was later unfairly portrayed as a prime instigator of the Hut Tax War.[64]

In 1898, Colonel Frederic Cardew, military governor of the Protectorate, imposed a new tax on dwellings and demanded that chiefs use their people to maintain roads. The taxes were often higher than the value of the dwellings, and 24 chiefs signed a petition to Cardew stating how destructive this was; their people could not afford to take time off from their subsistence agriculture. They resisted payment of taxes, and tension over the new colonial requirements and the administration's suspicion of the chiefs led to the Hut Tax War. The British fired first; the northern front of mainly Temne people was led by Bai Bureh. The southern front, consisting mostly of Mende people, entered the conflict somewhat later, for other reasons.

For several months, Bureh's fighters had the advantage over the vastly more powerful British forces but both sides suffered hundreds of fatalities.[65] Bureh surrendered on 11 November 1898 to end the destruction of his people's territory and dwellings. The British government recommended leniency, but Cardew insisted on sending the chief and two allies into exile in the Gold Coast; his government hanged 96 of the chief's warriors. Bureh was allowed to return in 1905, when he resumed his chieftaincy of Kasseh.[64] The defeat of the Temne and Mende in the Hut Tax War ended mass resistance to the Protectorate and colonial government, but intermittent rioting and labour unrest continued throughout the colonial period. Riots in 1955 and 1956 involved tens of thousands of Sierra Leoneans in the Protectorate.[66]

Domestic slavery, which continued to be practised by local African elites, was abolished in 1928.[67] In 1935, a monopoly on mineral mining was granted to the Sierra Leone Selection Trust, run by De Beers. The monopoly was scheduled to last 98 years. Mining of diamonds in the east and other minerals expanded, drawing labourers there from other parts of the country.
In 1924, the UK government divided the administration of Sierra Leone into Colony and Protectorate, with different political systems for each. The Colony was Freetown and its coastal area; the Protectorate was defined as the hinterland areas dominated by local chiefs. Antagonism between the two entities escalated to a heated debate in 1947, when proposals were introduced to provide for a single political system for both the Colony and the Protectorate. Most proposals came from leaders of the Protectorate, whose population far outnumbered the Colony's. The Krios, led by Isaac Wallace-Johnson, opposed the proposals, as they would have reduced the Krios' political power in the Colony.
In 1951, Lamina Sankoh collaborated with educated Protectorate leaders to form the Sierra Leone People's Party (SLPP) as the party of the Protectorate. The SLPP leadership, led by Sir Milton Margai, negotiated with the British and the educated Krio-dominated colony based in Freetown to achieve independence.[68] Under Margai, educated Protectorate elites were able to join forces with the paramount chiefs in the face of Krio intransigence. Later, Margai used the same skills to win over opposition leaders and moderate Krio elements to achieve independence from the UK.[69]
In November 1951, Margai oversaw the drafting of a new constitution, which united the separate Colonial and Protectorate legislatures and provided a framework for decolonisation.[70] In 1953, Sierra Leone was granted local ministerial powers and Margai was elected Chief Minister of Sierra Leone.[70] The new constitution ensured Sierra Leone had a parliamentary system within the Commonwealth of Nations.[70] In May 1957, Sierra Leone held its first parliamentary election. The SLPP won the most seats in Parliament and Margai was reelected as Chief Minister by a landslide.
Independence and post-independence era
[edit]On 27 April 1961, Margai led Sierra Leone to independence from Great Britain and became the country's first prime minister. Sierra Leone had its own parliament, its own prime minister, and the ability to make its own laws, but like countries such as Canada and Australia, Sierra Leone remained a "Dominion" and Queen Elizabeth was Queen of the independent Dominion of Sierra Leone.[71][72] The Dominion of Sierra Leone retained a parliamentary system of government and was a member of the Commonwealth of Nations. The leader of the main opposition All People's Congress (APC), Siaka Stevens, along with Isaac Wallace-Johnson, another outspoken critic of the SLPP government, were arrested and placed under house arrest in Freetown.[73]
In May 1962, Sierra Leone held its first general election as an independent state. The SLPP won a plurality of seats in parliament, and Margai was reelected as prime minister. Margai was popular among Sierra Leoneans during his time in power. He was not corrupt, nor did he make lavish displays of his power or status.[74] He based the government on the rule of law and the separation of powers, with multiparty political institutions and fairly viable representative structures. Margai employed a brokerage style of politics, sharing power among political parties and interest groups, especially the powerful paramount chiefs in the provinces, most of whom were key allies of his government.[citation needed]
Albert Margai's tenure (1964–1967)
[edit]Upon Margai's unexpected death in 1964, his younger half-brother, Sir Albert Margai, was appointed as prime minister by parliament. Sir Albert's leadership was briefly challenged by Foreign Minister John Karefa-Smart, who questioned his succession to the SLPP leadership position. But Karefa-Smart lacked broad support within the SLPP in his attempt to oust Albert as both the leader of the SLPP and prime minister. Soon after Albert Margai was sworn in as prime minister, he fired several senior government officials who had served in his brother's government, viewing them as a threat to his administration, including Karefa-Smart.
Sir Albert resorted to increasingly authoritarian actions in response to protests and enacted several laws against the opposition All People's Congress while attempting to establish a one-party state.[75][76] He opposed to the colonial legacy of allowing executive powers to the Paramount Chiefs, many of whom had been his brother's allies. Accordingly, they began to consider Sir Albert a threat to the ruling houses across the country. Margai appointed many non-Creoles to the country's civil service in Freetown, in an overall diversification of the civil service, which had been dominated by Creoles. As a result, he became unpopular among Creoles, many of whom had supported Sir Milton. Margai sought to make the army homogeneously Mende,[77] his own ethnic group, and was accused of favouring members of the Mende for prominent positions.
In 1967, riots broke out in Freetown against Margai's policies. In response, he declared a state of emergency across the country. He was accused of corruption and of a policy of affirmative action in favour of the Mende ethnic group.[78] He also endeavoured to change Sierra Leone from a democracy to a one-party state.[79]
1967 General Election and military coups (1967–1968)
[edit]The APC, with its leader Siaka Stevens, narrowly won a small majority of seats in Parliament over the SLPP in a closely contested 1967 general election. Stevens was sworn in as prime minister on 21 March 1967.
Within hours of taking office, Stevens was ousted in a bloodless military coup led by Brigadier General David Lansana, the commander of the Sierra Leone Armed Forces. He was a close ally of Albert Margai, who had appointed him to the position in 1964. Lansana placed Stevens under house arrest in Freetown and insisted that the determination of the Prime Minister should await the election of the tribal representatives to the House. Stevens was later freed and fled the country, going into exile in neighbouring Guinea. On 23 March 1967, a group of military officers in the Sierra Leone Army led by Brigadier General Andrew Juxon-Smith staged a counter-coup against Lansana. They seized control of the government, arrested Lansana, and suspended the constitution. The group set up the National Reformation Council (NRC), with Juxon-Smith as its chairman and Head of State of the country.[80]
On 18 April 1968 a group of low-ranking soldiers in the Sierra Leone Army who called themselves the Anti-Corruption Revolutionary Movement (ACRM), led by Brigadier General John Amadu Bangura, overthrew the NRC junta. The ACRM arrested many senior NRC members. They reinstated the constitution and returned power to Stevens, who at last assumed the office of prime minister.[81]
Stevens had Bangura arrested in 1970 and charged with conspiracy and treason. He was found guilty and sentenced to death, even though his actions had led to Stevens's return to power.[82] Lansana and Hinga Norman, the main army officers involved in the first coup (1967), were unceremoniously dismissed from the armed forces and made to serve time in prison. Norman was a guard to Governor-general Sir Henry Lightfoot-Boston.[20] Lansana was tried, found guilty of treason, and sentenced to death in 1975.[20]
One-party state and dawn of the 'Republic' (1968–1991)
[edit]
Stevens assumed power as prime minister again in 1968, following a series of coups.[20] He had campaigned on a platform of socialist principles, but abandoned them and employed an authoritarian government.[83] During his first decade or so in power, Stevens renegotiated some of what he called "useless prefinanced schemes" contracted by his predecessors Albert Margai of the SLPP and Juxon-Smith of the NRC. Some of these policies were said to have left the country economically deprived.[20]
Stevens reorganised the country's oil refinery, the government-owned Cape Sierra Hotel, and a cement factory.[84] He began efforts that later improved transportation and movement between the provinces and Freetown. Roads and hospitals were constructed in the provinces, and Paramount Chiefs and provincial peoples became a prominent force in Freetown. Under the pressure of several coup attempts, real or perceived, Stevens's rule grew increasingly authoritarian, and his relationship with some of his supporters deteriorated. He removed the SLPP from competitive politics in general elections, some believed, through violence and intimidation. To maintain the support of the military, Stevens retained the popular John Amadu Bangura as head of the Sierra Leone Armed Forces.
After the return to civilian rule, by-elections were held (beginning in autumn 1968) and an all-APC cabinet was appointed. In November 1968, unrest in the provinces led Stevens to declare a state of emergency across the country. Many senior officers in the Sierra Leone Army were greatly disappointed with Stevens's policies and his handling of the Sierra Leone Military, but none could confront him. Brigadier General Bangura, who had reinstated Stevens as prime minister, was widely considered the only person who could control Stevens. The army was devoted to Bangura. In January 1970, Bangura was arrested and charged with conspiracy and plotting to commit a coup against the Stevens government. After a trial that lasted a few months, Bangura was convicted; on 29 March 1970, he was executed by hanging in Freetown.
After Bangura's execution, a group of soldiers loyal to him mutinied in Freetown and other parts of the country in opposition to Stevens's government. Dozens of soldiers were arrested and convicted by a court martial in Freetown for their participation in the mutiny. Among the soldiers arrested was a little-known army corporal, Foday Sankoh, a strong Bangura supporter, who later formed the Revolutionary United Front (RUF). Sankoh was convicted and jailed for seven years at Pademba Road Prison in Freetown.
In April 1971, a new republican constitution was adopted under which Stevens became president. In the 1972 by-elections, the opposition SLPP complained of intimidation and procedural obstruction by the APC and militia. These problems became so severe that the SLPP boycotted the 1973 general election; as a result, the APC won 84 of the 85 elected seats.[85]
An alleged plot to overthrow President Stevens failed in 1974 and its leaders were executed. In mid-1974, Guinean soldiers, as requested by Stevens, were stationed in the country to help maintain his hold on power, as Stevens was a close ally of then-Guinean president Ahmed Sékou Touré. In March 1976, Stevens was elected without opposition to a second five-year term as president. On 19 July 1975, 14 senior army and government officials were executed after being convicted of attempting a coup to topple Stevens's government.
In 1977, a nationwide student demonstration against the government disrupted Sierra Leone's politics. The demonstration was quickly put down by the army and Stevens's personal Special Security Division (SSD), a heavily armed paramilitary force he had created to protect him and maintain his hold on power.[86] SSD officers were loyal to Stevens and were deployed across the country to clamp down on any rebellion or protest against his government. A general election was called later that year in which corruption was again endemic; the APC won 74 seats and the SLPP 15. In 1978, the APC-dominant parliament approved a new constitution making the country a one-party state. The 1978 constitution made the APC the only legal political party in Sierra Leone.[87] This move led to another major demonstration against the government in many parts of the country, which was also put down by the army and the SSD force.
Stevens is generally criticised for dictatorial methods and government corruption, but he kept the country stable and from collapsing into civil war. He created government institutions still in use. Stevens reduced ethnic polarisation in government by incorporating members of various ethnic groups into his all-dominant APC government.
Stevens retired from politics in November 1985. The APC named a new presidential candidate, Major General Joseph Saidu Momoh, head of the Sierra Leone Armed Forces. Momoh had been loyal to Stevens, who had appointed him to the position. Like Stevens, Momoh was a member of the minority Limba ethnic group. As the sole candidate, Momoh was elected president without opposition and sworn in as Sierra Leone's second president on 28 November 1985 in Freetown. President Momoh appointed his former military colleague and key ally, Major General Mohamed Tarawalie, to succeed him as head of the Sierra Leone Military. Momoh named James Bambay Kamara head of the Sierra Leone Police. Bambay Kamara was also a strong Momoh loyalist and supporter. Momoh broke from Stevens by integrating the SSD into the Sierra Leone Police as a special paramilitary force. Under Stevens, the SSD had been a personal force used to maintain his hold on power, independent from the Sierra Leone Military and Sierra Leone Police Force. The Sierra Leone Police under Bambay Kamara's leadership was accused of physical violence, arrest, and intimidation against critics of Momoh's government.
Momoh's strong links with the army and verbal attacks on corruption earned him initial support among Sierra Leoneans. With the lack of new faces in the APC cabinet under Momoh and the return of many from Stevens's government, criticisms soon arose that Momoh was simply perpetuating the rule of Stevens.
The next few years under the Momoh administration were characterised by corruption, which Momoh defused by sacking several senior cabinet ministers. To formalise his war against corruption, Momoh announced a "Code of Conduct for Political Leaders and Public Servants". After an alleged attempt to overthrow Momoh in March 1987, more than 60 senior government officials were arrested, including Vice-President Francis Minah, who was convicted of plotting the coup and executed by hanging in 1989.
Sierra Leone Civil War (1991–2002) and the NPRC regime (1992–1996)
[edit]The brutal civil war significantly impacted Sierra Leone, with internal and external factors contributing to widespread violence. International interventions, notably by the United Kingdom and the United Nations, were crucial in restoring peace.

In October 1990, owing to mounting pressure from both within and outside the country for political and economic reforms, Momoh set up a constitutional review commission to assess the 1978 one-party constitution. Based on the commission's recommendations, a constitution reestablishing a multi-party system was approved by the exclusive APC Parliament by a 60% majority vote, becoming effective on 1 October 1991. It was widely suspected that Momoh was not serious about political reform, as APC rule was increasingly marked by abuses of power.
The brutal civil war in neighbouring Liberia played a significant role in the outbreak of fighting in Sierra Leone. Charles Taylor, then leader of the National Patriotic Front of Liberia, reportedly helped form the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) under the command of former Sierra Leonean army corporal Foday Saybana Sankoh, an ethnic Temne from Tonkolili District in Northern Sierra Leone. Taylor's aim was for the RUF to attack the bases of Nigerian-dominated peacekeeping troops in Sierra Leone who opposed his rebel movement in Liberia.
On 29 April 1992, a group of young soldiers in the Sierra Leone Army, led by seven army officers—Lieutenant Sahr Sandy, Captain Valentine Strasser, Lieutenant Solomon "SAJ" Musa, Captain Komba Mondeh, Lieutenant Tom Nyuma, Captain Julius Maada Bio and Captain Komba Kambo[89]—staged a military coup that sent Momoh into exile in Guinea, and the soldiers established the National Provisional Ruling Council (NPRC), with 25-year-old Captain Valentine Strasser as its chairman and Head of State of the country.[90] The NPRC junta immediately suspended the constitution, banned all political parties, limited freedom of speech and freedom of the press, and enacted a rule-by-decree policy, in which soldiers were granted unlimited powers of administrative detention without charge or trial, and challenges against such detentions in court were precluded.
SAJ Musa, a childhood friend of Strasser, became the deputy chairman and deputy leader of the NPRC government. Strasser became the world's youngest head of state when he seized power just three days after his 25th birthday. The NPRC established the National Supreme Council of State as the military highest command and final authority in all matters and was exclusively made up of the highest-ranking NPRC soldiers, including Strasser and the others who toppled Momoh.[90]
One of the top-ranking soldiers in the NPRC junta, Lieutenant Sahr Sandy, a trusted ally of Strasser, was assassinated, allegedly by Major S.I.M. Turay, a key loyalist of Momoh. A heavily armed military manhunt was carried out across the country to find Sandy's killer. Turay, the main suspect, fled to Guinea. Dozens of soldiers loyal to Momoh were arrested, including Colonel Kahota M. Dumbuya and Major Yayah Turay.
The NPRC maintained relations with ECOWAS and strengthened support for Sierra Leone-based ECOMOG troops fighting in the Liberian war. On 28 December 1992, an alleged coup attempt against the NPRC government aimed at freeing the detained Colonel Yahya Kanu, Colonel Kahota M.S. Dumbuya, and former inspector general of police Bambay Kamara, was foiled. Several Junior army officers led by Sergeant Mohamed Lamin Bangura were identified as being behind the coup plot. The coup plot led to the execution of 17 soldiers by firing squad. Some of those executed include Colonel Kahota Dumbuya, Major Yayah Kanu, and Sergeant Mohamed Lamin Bangura. Several prominent members of the Momoh government who had been in detention at the Pa Demba Road prison, including former inspector general of police Bambay Kamara, were also executed.[91]
On 5 July 1994 SAJ Musa, who was popular among the general population, particularly in Freetown, was arrested and sent into exile after he was accused of planning a coup to topple Strasser, an accusation SAJ Musa denied. Strasser replaced Musa as deputy NPRC chairman with Captain Bio and instantly promoted him to brigadier.
The NPRC's efforts proved nearly as ineffective as the Momoh administration in repelling the RUF rebels. More and more of the country fell into the RUF fighters' hands, and by 1994 they had gained control of much of the diamond-rich Eastern Province and were getting close to Freetown. In response, the NPRC hired several hundred mercenary fighters from South Africa-based private military contractor Executive Outcomes to strengthen the response to RUF rebels. Within a month, they drove the RUF fighters back to enclaves along Sierra Leone's borders and cleared the RUF from the Kono diamond-producing areas of Sierra Leone.
With Strasser's two most senior NPRC allies and commanders Lieutenant Sahr Sandy and Lieutenant Solomon Musa no longer around to defend him, Strasser's leadership within the NPRC's Supreme Council of State became fragile. On 16 January 1996, after about four years in power, Strasser was arrested in a palace coup staged by his fellow NPRC soldiers led by Brigadier Bio at the Defence Headquarters in Freetown.[92] Strasser was immediately flown into exile in a military helicopter to Conakry, Guinea. In his first public broadcast to the nation after the 1996 coup, Brigadier Bio said that returning Sierra Leone to a democratically elected civilian government and ending the civil war were his motivations for the coup.[93]
Kabbah's tenure: government, "dawn of a new republic", the AFRC and end of the Civil War (1996–2007)
[edit]Following the 1995 National Consultative Conference at the Bintumani Hotel in Freetown, dubbed "Bintumani I", a Strasser-led initiative, the Bio administration initiated another National Consultative Conference at the same hotel, dubbed "Bintumani II". It involved both national and international stakeholders, in an effort to find a viable solution to the issues plaguing the country.[94] "Peace before Elections vs Elections before Peace" became a key debate topic and this quickly became a point of national discussion. The discussions eventually concluded with key stakeholders, including Bio's administration and the UN, agreeing that while efforts in finding a peaceful solution to ending the war should continue, a general election should be held as soon as possible.[94] Bio handed power over to Ahmad Tejan Kabbah of the SLPP, after the conclusion of elections in early 1996 which Kabbah won. After taking over, President Kabbah immediately opened dialogue with the RUF and invited their leader Foday Sankoh for peace negotiations.[95]
On 25 May 1997, 17 soldiers in the Sierra Leone army led by Corporal Tamba Gborie, loyal to the detained Major Johnny Paul Koroma, launched a military coup which sent President Kabbah into exile in Guinea and they established the Armed Forces Revolutionary Council (AFRC). Gborie quickly went to the Sierra Leone Broadcasting Services headquarters in New England, Freetown to announce the coup to a shocked nation and to alert all soldiers across the country to report for guard duty. The soldiers immediately released Koroma from prison and installed him as their chairman and Head of State.
Koroma suspended the constitution, banned demonstrations, shut down all private radio stations in the country and invited the RUF to join the new junta government, with its leader Foday Sankoh as the Vice-Chairman of the new AFRC-RUF coalition junta government. Within days, Freetown was overwhelmed by the presence of the RUF combatants. The Kamajors, a group of traditional fighters mostly from the Mende ethnic group under the command of deputy Defence Minister Samuel Hinga Norman, remained loyal to President Kabbah and defended the Southern part of Sierra Leone from the soldiers.
After nine months in office, the junta was overthrown by the Nigerian-led ECOMOG forces, and the democratically elected government of president Kabbah was reinstated in February 1998. On 19 October 1998, 24 soldiers in the Sierra Leone army—including Gborie, Brigadier Hassan Karim Conteh, Colonel Samuel Francis Koroma, Major Kula Samba and Colonel Abdul Karim Sesay—were executed by firing squad after they were convicted in a court martial in Freetown, some for orchestrating the 1997 coup that overthrew President Kabbah and others for failure to reverse the mutiny.[96]
In October 1999, the United Nations agreed to send peacekeepers to help restore order and disarm the rebels. The first of the 6,000-member force began arriving in December, and the UN Security Council voted in February 2000 to increase the force to 11,000, and later to 13,000. But in May, when nearly all Nigerian forces had left and UN forces were trying to disarm the RUF in eastern Sierra Leone, Sankoh's forces clashed with the UN troops, and some 500 peacekeepers were taken hostage as the peace accord effectively collapsed. The hostage crisis resulted in more fighting between the RUF and the government as UN troops launched Operation Khukri to end the siege.
The situation in the country deteriorated to such an extent that British troops were deployed in Operation Palliser, originally simply to evacuate foreign nationals. But the British exceeded their original mandate and took full military action to defeat the rebels and restore order. The British were the catalyst for the ceasefire that ended the civil war. Elements of the British Army, together with administrators and politicians, remained after withdrawal to help train the armed forces, improve the country's infrastructure, and administer financial and material aid. Tony Blair, the Prime Minister of Britain at the time, is regarded as a hero by the people of Sierra Leone.[97]
Between 1991 and 2001, about 50,000 people were killed in Sierra Leone's civil war. Hundreds of thousands of people were forced from their homes and many became refugees in Guinea and Liberia. In 2001, UN forces moved into rebel-held areas and began to disarm rebel soldiers. By January 2002, the war was declared over. In May 2002, Kabbah was reelected president by a landslide. By 2004, the disarmament process was complete. Also in 2004, a UN-backed war crimes court began holding trials of senior leaders from both sides of the war. In December 2005, UN peacekeeping forces pulled out of Sierra Leone.
2007 election and beyond
[edit]The elections in 2007 and 2012 marked a return to multi-party democracy, with Ernest Bai Koroma's election signaling a period of stability and recovery from the civil war.[98]
The Ebola epidemic in 2014 posed a significant health crisis, leading to a national state of emergency.[99]
Geography
[edit]
Sierra Leone is on the southwest coast of West Africa, mostly between latitudes 7° and 10°N (a small area is south of 7°), and longitudes 10° and 14°W. It is bordered by Guinea to the north and east, Liberia to the southeast, and the Atlantic Ocean to the west and southwest.[100]
Sierra Leone has an area of 73,252 km2 (28,283 sq mi), divided into a land area of 73,132 km2 (28,236 sq mi) and water of 120 km2 (46 sq mi).[101] The country has four distinct geographical regions. In eastern Sierra Leone the plateau is interspersed with high mountains, where Mount Bintumani reaches 1,948 m (6,391 ft), the highest point in the country. The upper part of the drainage basin of the Moa River is in the south of this region.
The centre of the country is a region of lowland plains, containing forests, bush and farmland,[100] that occupies about 43% of Sierra Leone's land area. The northern section of this has been categorised by the World Wildlife Fund as part of the Guinean forest-savanna mosaic ecoregion, while the south is rain-forested plains and farmland.
In the west, Sierra Leone has 400 km (249 mi) of Atlantic coastline, giving it both bountiful marine resources and attractive tourist potential. The coast has areas of low-lying Guinean mangroves swamp. Freetown sits on a mountainous coastal peninsula next to the Sierra Leone Harbour.
The climate is tropical, with two seasons determining the agricultural cycle: the rainy season from May to November, and a dry season from December to May, which includes harmattan, when cool, dry winds blow in off the Sahara Desert and the nighttime temperature can be as low as 16 °C (60.8 °F). The average temperature is 26 °C (78.8 °F) and varies from around 26 to 36 °C (78.8 to 96.8 °F) during the year.[102][103]
Government and politics
[edit]Sierra Leone is a constitutional republic with a directly elected president and a unicameral legislature. The current system of the Government of Sierra Leone is based on the 1991 Sierra Leone Constitution. Sierra Leone has a dominant unitary central government and a weak local government. The executive branch, headed by the president of Sierra Leone has extensive powers and influence. The president is the most powerful government official in Sierra Leone.[104]
The president is the head of state, the head of government, and the commander-in-chief of the Sierra Leone Armed Forces. The president appoints and heads a cabinet of ministers, which must be approved by the Parliament. The president is elected by popular vote to a maximum of two five-year terms. To be elected president of Sierra Leone, a candidate must gain at least 55% of the vote. If no candidate gets 55%, there is a second-round runoff between the top two candidates.[105] The current president of Sierra Leone is former military junta leader Julius Maada Bio.[106] Bio is the leader of the Sierra Leone People's Party, the current ruling party in Sierra Leone.
Next to the president is the vice-president, who is the second highest-ranking government official in the executive branch of the Sierra Leone Government. As designated by the Sierra Leone Constitution, the vice-president is to become the new president of Sierra Leone upon the death, resignation, or removal of the President.
Parliament
[edit]The Parliament of Sierra Leone is unicameral, with 149 seats. Each of the country's 16 districts is represented in parliament. 135 members are elected concurrently with the presidential elections; the other 14 seats are filled by paramount chiefs from the country's administrative districts.[107] The Sierra Leone parliament is led by the Speaker of Parliament, who is directly elected by sitting members of parliament. The current speaker of the Sierra Leone parliament is Abass Bundu, who was elected on 21 January 2014.
The current members of the Parliament of Sierra Leone were elected in the 2023 Sierra Leonean general election. The APC currently has 54 of the 135 elected parliamentary seats, and the Sierra Leone People's Party (SLPP) has 81 of the seats. Members of parliament must be a citizen of Sierra Leone over age 21, a registered elector, and proficient in the English language.[104] Since independence in 1961, Sierra Leone's politics has been dominated by two major political parties: the SLPP and the APC. Other minor political parties have also existed but with no significant support.[108]
Judiciary
[edit]
The judicial power of Sierra Leone is vested in the judiciary, headed by the Chief Justice of Sierra Leone and comprising the Supreme Court of Sierra Leone, which is the highest court in the country, meaning that its rulings, therefore, cannot be appealed against. Other courts are the High Court of Justice, the Court of Appeal, the magistrate courts, and traditional courts in rural villages led by a paramount chiefs and village elders that handle family and community dispute in civil cases. The president appoints and parliament approves Justices for the three courts. The Judiciary has jurisdiction in all civil and criminal matters throughout the country. The current acting chief justice of Sierra Leone is Desmond Babatunde Edwards. The Sierra Leone Judiciary is constitutionally independent from outside influences, but in practice, the president of Sierra Leone has large unofficial power and influences over the Judiciary, including the influence to remove a sitting judge.
Foreign relations
[edit]The Sierra Leonean Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation is responsible for foreign policy of Sierra Leone. Sierra Leone has diplomatic relations that include China, Russia,[109] Libya, Iran, and Cuba.
Sierra Leone has good relations with the West, including the United States, and has maintained historical ties with the United Kingdom and other former British colonies through its membership of the Commonwealth of Nations.[110] The United Kingdom has played a major role in providing aid to the former colony, together with administrative help and military training since intervening to end the Civil War in 2000.
Former president Siaka Stevens's government sought closer relations with other West African countries under the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), a policy continued by the current government. Sierra Leone, Liberia, Ivory Coast, and Guinea form the Mano River Union (MRU). It is primarily designed to implement development projects and promote regional economic integration between the four countries.[111]
Sierra Leone is also a member of the United Nations and its specialised agencies, the African Union, the African Development Bank (AFDB), the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), and the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM).[112] Sierra Leone is a member of the International Criminal Court with a Bilateral Immunity Agreement of protection for the US military (as covered under Article 98).
Sierra Leone is the 66th most peaceful country in the world, according to the 2024 Global Peace Index.[113]
Military
[edit]The Military of Sierra Leone, officially the Republic of Sierra Leone Armed Forces (RSLAF), are the unified armed forces of Sierra Leone responsible for the territorial security of Sierra Leone's border and defending the national interests of Sierra Leone within the framework of its international obligations. The armed forces were formed after independence in 1961, based on elements of the former British Royal West African Frontier Force present in the country. The Sierra Leone Armed Forces consist of around 15,500 personnel, comprising the largest Sierra Leone Army,[114] the Sierra Leone Navy and the Sierra Leone Air Wing.[115]
The president of Sierra Leone is the Commander in Chief of the military and the Minister of Defence responsible for defence policy and the formulation of the armed forces.[116]
When Sierra Leone gained independence in 1961, the Royal Sierra Leone Military Force was created from the Sierra Leone Battalion of the West African Frontier Force.[117] The military seized control in 1968, bringing the National Reformation Council into power. On 19 April 1971, when Sierra Leone became a republic, the Royal Sierra Leone Military Forces were renamed the Republic of Sierra Leone Military Force (RSLMF).[117][118] The RSLMF remained a single-service organisation until 1979 when the Sierra Leone Navy was established. In 1995 Defence Headquarters was established, and the Sierra Leone Air Wing was formed. The RSLMF was renamed as the Armed Forces of the Republic of Sierra Leone (AFRSL).
Law enforcement
[edit]Law enforcement in Sierra Leone is primarily the responsibility of the Sierra Leone Police (SLP), which is accountable to the Minister of Internal Affairs (appointed by the president). Sierra Leone Police was established by the British colony in 1894; it is one of the oldest police forces in West Africa. The Sierra Leone Police is headed by the Inspector General of Police, the professional head of the Sierra Leone Police force, who is appointed by the president of Sierra Leone.
Each of Sierra Leone's 14 districts is headed by a district police commissioner who is the professional head of their district. These commissioners report directly to the Inspector General of Police at the Sierra Leone Police headquarters in Freetown. The current Inspector General of Police is William Fayia Sellu, who was appointed to the position by President Julius Maada Bio on 27 July 2022.[116][119]
Human rights
[edit]According to a 2015 US Department of State report, "the most significant human rights problems included a lack of universal access to justice; widespread official corruption in all branches of government; and trafficking in persons, including forced child labor."[120] Excessive police brutality is also a frequent problem.[121]
While discrimination on the basis of sex, colour, religion and political opinion is prohibited by the constitution, there is neither constitutional nor legal prohibition of discrimination based that is based on sexual orientation, HIV-positive status or trans identity.[120] Indeed, male same-sex sexual activity is illegal under Section 61 of the Offences against the Person Act 1861, and imprisonment for life is possible.[122][123]
Leadership in World governance initiatives
[edit]Sierra Leone is one of the signatories of the agreement to hold a convention to draft a world constitution.[124][125] As a result, in 1968, for the first time in human history, a World Constituent Assembly convened to draft and adopt the Constitution for the Federation of Earth.[126] Milton Margai, then president of Sierra Leone, signed the agreement to convene a World Constituent Assembly.[127]
Administrative divisions
[edit]
The Republic of Sierra Leone is composed of five regions: the Northern Province, North West Province, Southern Province, the Eastern Province, and the Western Area. Four provinces are further divided into 14 districts; the Western Area is divided into two districts.
The provincial districts are divided into 186 chiefdoms, which have traditionally been led by paramount chiefs, recognised by the British administration in 1896 at the time of organising the Protectorate of Sierra Leone. The Paramount Chiefs are influential, particularly in villages and small rural towns.[128] Each chiefdom has ruling families that were recognised at that time; the Tribal Authority, made up of local notables, elects the paramount chief from the ruling families.[128] Typically, chiefs have the power to "raise taxes, control the judicial system, and allocate land, the most important resource in rural areas".[129]
Within the context of local governance, the districts are governed as localities. Each has a directly elected local district council to exercise authority and carry out functions at a local level.[130][131] In total, there are 19 local councils: 13 district councils, one for each of the 12 districts and one for the Western Area Rural, and six municipalities also have elected local councils. The six municipalities include Freetown, which functions as the local government for the Western Area Urban District, and Bo, Bonthe, Kenema, Koidu, and Makeni.[130][132][133]
While the district councils are under the oversight of their respective provincial administrations, the municipalities are directly overseen by the Ministry of Local Government & Community Development and thus administratively independent of district and provincial administrations.
| District | Capital | Area (km2) | Province | Population (2004 census)[134] |
Population (2015 census)[135] |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Bombali District | Makeni | 7,985 | Northern Province |
408,390 | 606,183[136] |
| Koinadugu District | Kabala | 12,121 | 265,758 | 408,097[137] | |
| Port Loko District | Port Loko | 5,719 | 453,746 | 614,063[137] | |
| Tonkolili District | Magburaka | 7,003 | 347,197 | 530,776[138] | |
| Kambia District | Kambia | 3,108 | 270,462 | 343,686[139] | |
| Kenema District | Kenema | 6,053 | Eastern Province |
497,948 | 609,873[140] |
| Kono District | Koidu Town | 5,641 | 335,401 | 505,767[141] | |
| Kailahun District | Kailahun | 3,859 | 358,190 | 525,372[141] | |
| Bo District | Bo | 5,219 | Southern Province |
463,668 | 574,201[142] |
| Bonthe District | Mattru Jong | 3,468 | 139,687 | 200,730[143] | |
| Pujehun District | Pujehun | 4,105 | 228,392 | 345,577 | |
| Moyamba District | Moyamba | 6,902 | 260,910 | 318,064 | |
| Western Area Urban District | Freetown | 13 | Western Area |
772,873 | 1,050,301 |
| Western Area Rural District | Waterloo | 544 | 174,249 | 442,951 |
Economy
[edit]
| Rank | Sector | Percentage of GDP |
|---|---|---|
| 1 | Agriculture | 58.5 |
| 2 | Other services | 10.4 |
| 3 | Trade and tourism | 9.5 |
| 4 | Wholesale and retail trade | 9.0 |
| 5 | Mining and quarrying | 4.5 |
| 6 | Government Services | 4.0 |
| 7 | Manufacturing and handicrafts | 2.0 |
| 8 | Construction | 1.7 |
| 9 | Electricity and water | 0.4 |
By the 1990s, economic activity was declining and economic infrastructure had become seriously degraded. Over the next decade, much of the formal economy was destroyed in the country's civil war. Since the end of hostilities in 2002, massive infusions of outside assistance have helped Sierra Leone recover.[145]
Much of the recovery depends on the success of the government's efforts to limit corruption by officials, which many feel was the chief cause of the civil war. A key indicator of success is the effectiveness of government management of its diamond sector.
There is high unemployment, particularly among the youth and ex-combatants. Authorities have been slow to implement reforms in the civil service, and the pace of the privatisation programme is also slackening and donors have urged its advancement. As of the most recent survey in 2019, 59.2% of the population continues to be affected by multidimensional poverty and an additional 21.3% vulnerable to it.[21]
The currency is the leone. The central bank is the Bank of Sierra Leone. Sierra Leone operates a floating exchange rate system, and foreign currencies can be exchanged at any of the commercial banks, recognised foreign exchange bureaux and most hotels. Credit card use is limited in Sierra Leone, but they are used at some hotels and restaurants. There are a few internationally linked automated teller machines that accept Visa cards in Freetown.
Agriculture
[edit]
Two-thirds of Sierra Leone's population is directly involved in subsistence agriculture.[146] Agriculture accounted for 58 per cent of gross domestic product (GDP) in 2007.[144]
Agriculture is the largest employer with 80 per cent of the population working in the sector.[147] Rice is the most important staple crop in Sierra Leone, with 85 per cent of farmers cultivating it during the rainy season[148] and an annual consumption of 76 kg (167.5 lbs) per person.[149]
Mining
[edit]Rich in minerals, Sierra Leone has relied on mining, especially diamonds, for its economic base. The country is among the top ten diamond producing countries. Mineral exports remain the main currency earner. Sierra Leone is a major producer of gem-quality diamonds. Though rich in diamonds, it has historically struggled to manage their exploitation and export.
Sierra Leone is known for its blood diamonds that were mined and sold to diamond conglomerates during the civil war to buy the weapons that fuelled its atrocities.[150] In the 1970s and early 1980s, economic growth slowed because of a decline in the mining sector and increasing corruption among government officials.
Annual production of Sierra Leone's diamond estimates a range between US$250 million–$300 million. Some of that is smuggled and used for money laundering or financing illicit activities. Formal exports have dramatically improved since the civil war, with efforts to improve their management having some success. In 2000, a UN-approved certification system for exporting diamonds from the country was put in place that led to a dramatic increase in legal exports. In 2001, the government created a mining community development fund (DACDF), which returns a portion of diamond export taxes to diamond mining communities. The fund was created to raise local communities' stakes in the legal diamond trade.
Sierra Leone has one of the world's largest deposits of rutile, a titanium ore.
Transport infrastructure
[edit]
There are several systems of transport in Sierra Leone, which has a road, air and water infrastructure, including a network of highways and several airports. There are 11,300 kilometres (7,000 miles) of highways in Sierra Leone, of which 904 km (562 mi)[101] are paved (about 8%). Sierra Leone's highways are linked to Conakry, Guinea, and Monrovia, Liberia.
Sierra Leone has Africa's largest natural harbour, allowing international shipping through the Queen Elizabeth II Quay in the Cline Town area of eastern Freetown or through Government Wharf in central Freetown. There are 800 km (497 mi) of waterways in Sierra Leone, of which 600 km (373 mi) are navigable year-round. Major port cities are Bonthe, Freetown, Sherbro Island and Pepel.
There are ten regional airports in Sierra Leone and one international airport. Freetown International Airport, in the coastal town of Lungi, is the primary airport for domestic and international travel to or from Sierra Leone. Passengers cross the river to Aberdeen or Kissy in Freetown by passenger ferry. A bridge is planned to cross the estuary with completion expected by the end of 2027. The airport has a paved runway of 3,200 metres (10,500 feet). The other airports have unpaved runways, and seven have runways from 914 to 1,523 metres (2,999 to 4,997 feet) long; the other two have shorter runways.
Sierra Leone appears on the EU list of prohibited countries with regard to the certification of airlines. This means that no airline registered in Sierra Leone may operate services of any kind within the European Union, due to substandard safety standards.[151]
As of December 2024, the country's only international airport had regularly scheduled direct flights to Istanbul, Brussels and many major cities in Africa.
Energy
[edit]
As of 2016, about 12% of the population of Sierra Leone had access to electricity. Of that 12%, 10% was in Freetown, and the remaining 90% of the country used 2% of the nation's electricity.[152] The majority of the population relies on biomass fuels, with firewood and coal used most prevalently.[153] The burning of these sources has been reported to have adverse health effects on women and children.[153] The use of coal and firewood has also posed environmental concerns as they are both in conflict with the push for more sustainable sources of energy.[154] As a result, the commercialisation of firewood and coal has been a point of contention with aid donors and government agencies.[154] There have been strong pushes for both solar and hydropower to become the dominant sources of energy. Sierra Leone's tropical climate, heavy annual rainfall, and abundance of rivers give it the potential to pursue more solar and hydropower alternatives.[155]
In conjunction with the UK's Department for International Development (DFID), Sierra Leone has set a goal to provide solar power to all its citizens by 2025.[156] It aims provide solar power to at least 50,000 homes in 2016, 250,000 homes by 2017, and 1,000,000 people by 2020.[156] This initiative falls under the Energy Africa access campaign.[152] Before this compact agreement, Sierra Leone's private sector for solar energy was weak, as it provided energy to less than 5% of the target population.[152] Part of the reason for this was the import duties, taxes, and lack of quality control.[152] To ensure that the Energy Africa goal is met, Sierra Leone has agreed to remove its import duties and Value Added Tax (VAT) on certified solar products.[156] It is estimated that there will be a 30% to 40% cost reduction on solar products with the lack of duties and taxes.[152]
As of 2012, Sierra Leone has three main hydroelectric plants: the Guma plant, which was decommissioned in 1982; the Dodo Plant, in the Eastern Province; and the Bumbuna plant.[155] There is also potential for several new hydroelectric plants to open on the Sewa River, Pampana River, Seli River, Moa River, and Little Scarcies.[155] The Bumbuna dam is the largest and was estimated to produce about 50 megawatts of electricity.[157] It has been projected that the Bumbuna dam could reduce the amount of spending on foreign fuel and save the country at least $2 million a month.[158]
Demographics
[edit]
In 2019 Sierra Leone had a population of 7,813,215[159] and a growth rate of 2.216% a year.[101] The population is mostly young, with an estimated 41.7% under 15, and rural, with an estimated 62% of people living outside the cities.[101] As a result of migration to cities, the population is becoming more urban with an estimated rate of urbanisation growth of 2.9% a year.[101][160]
Population density varies greatly within Sierra Leone. The Western Area Urban District, including Freetown, the capital and largest city, has a population density of 1,224 persons per square km. The largest district geographically, Koinadugu, has a much lower density of 21.4 persons per square km.[160]
English is the official language,[161] spoken at schools, government administration and in the media. Krio (derived from English and several indigenous African languages, and the language of the Sierra Leone Creole people) is the most widely spoken language in virtually all parts of Sierra Leone. As the Krio language is spoken by 96% of the country's population,[101][162] it unites all the different ethnic groups, especially in their trade and interaction with each other.[163] Krio is the primary language of communication among Sierra Leoneans at home and abroad,[164] and has also heavily influenced Sierra Leonean English.[165]
After the contribution made by the Bangladesh UN Peacekeeping Force in the Sierra Leone Civil War under the United Nations Mission in Sierra Leone, the government of Ahmad Tejan Kabbah declared Bengali an honorary official language in December 2002.[166][167]
According to the World Refugee Survey 2008, published by the US Committee for Refugees and Immigrants, Sierra Leone had a population of 8,700 refugees and asylum seekers at the end of 2007. Nearly 20,000 Liberian refugees voluntarily returned to Liberia over the course of 2007. Of the refugees remaining in Sierra Leone, nearly all were Liberian.[168]
| Rank | Name | District | Pop. | ||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | Freetown | Western Area Urban District | 853,651 | ||||||
| 2 | Bo | Bo District | 149,957 | ||||||
| 3 | Kenema | Kenema District | 128,402 | ||||||
| 4 | Makeni | Bombali District | 82,940 | ||||||
| 5 | Koidu Town | Kono District | 80,025 | ||||||
| 6 | Lunsar | Port Loko District | 24,450 | ||||||
| 7 | Port Loko | Port Loko District | 23,195 | ||||||
| 8 | Pandebu-Tokpombu | Kenema District | 20,219 | ||||||
| 9 | Kabala | Koinadugu District | 19,074 | ||||||
| 10 | Waterloo | Western Area Urban District | 18,579 | ||||||
The populations quoted above for the five largest cities are from the 2004 census. The figure for Freetown is for the Western Urban Area (Greater Freetown). Other figures are estimates from the source cited. Different sources give different estimates. Some claim that Magburaka should be included in the above list, but there is considerable difference among sources.[170][171]
Religion
[edit]Sierra Leone is officially a secular state. Islam and Christianity are its two main religions. The constitution provides for freedom of religion and the government generally protects it. The government is constitutionally forbidden to establish a state religion, though Muslim and Christian prayers are usually held at the beginning of major political occasions.
Surveys of the religious makeup of Sierra Leone vary widely, though Muslims are the majority. Based on 2015 estimates, 77% of the population is Muslim, 22% is Christian, and 1% practise African traditional religion. According to 2020 estimates by the Pew Research Center[172] 78.5% of Sierra Leone's population is Muslim (mostly Sunni), 20.4% is Christian (mostly Protestant), and 1.1% has a traditional African religion or other beliefs. The Inter-Religious Council of Sierra Leone estimated that 77% of Sierra Leone's population is Muslim, 21% is Christian, and 2% follows traditional African religions.[173] Most of Sierra Leone's ethnic groups are Muslim majority, including the country's two largest ethnic groups: the Mende and Temne.
Sierra Leone is regarded as one of the most religiously tolerant countries in the world.[174][175][176] Most of the major Muslim and Christian holidays are officially national holidays in the country, and religious conflict is rare.[177]
The country is home to the Sierra Leone Inter-Religious Council, which is made up of both Christian and Muslim religious leaders to promote peace and tolerance throughout the country.[178][179][180] The Islamic holidays of Eid al-Fitr, Eid al-Adha and Maulid-un-Nabi are observed as national holidays in Sierra Leone, as are the Christian holidays of Christmas, Boxing Day, Good Friday and Easter.
The overwhelming majority of Sierra Leonean Muslims are adherent to the Sunni tradition. Most of the Mosques and Islamic schools across Sierra Leone are based on Sunni Islam. Ahmadiyya Muslims make up about 10% of the country's Muslim population; the southern city of Bo is home to a large Ahmadiyya Muslim population. There are five hundred Ahmadiyya Mosques across Sierra Leone.[181] Shia Islam does not have a strong presence in Sierra Leone, and there are virtually no Shia Muslims in the country. Most Sierra Leonean Muslims of the Sunni and Ahmadiyya sect generally pray together in the same mosque.[182][183] The vast majority of Sierra Leonean Muslims are adherent to the Maliki school of Sunni Islam. Many Ahmadiyya Muslims in Sierra Leone also follow the Maliki Jurisprudence.
The Sierra Leone Islamic Supreme Council is the highest Islamic religious organisation in Sierra Leone and is made up of the country's Imams, Islamic scholars, and other Islamic clerics across the country. Sheikh Muhammad Taha Jalloh is the president of the Sierra Leone Supreme Islamic Council.[184] The United Council of Imams is an influential Islamic religious body in Sierra Leone that is made up of all imams of mosques throughout Sierra Leone. The president of the United Council of Imam is Sheikh Alhaji Muhammad Habib Sheriff.[185] The two largest mosques in Sierra Leone are the Freetown Central Mosque and the Ghadafi Central Mosque, both located in the capital Freetown.
The large majority of Sierra Leonean Christians are Protestant, of which the largest groups are the Wesleyan – Methodists.[186][187][188][189][190] Other Christian Protestant denominations with significant presence in the country include Presbyterians,[191] Baptists,[192] Seventh-day Adventists,[193] Anglicans,[194] Lutherans,[195][196] and Pentecostals.[197] The Council of Churches is the Christian religious organisation that is made up of Protestant churches across Sierra Leone. Recently there has been an increase of Pentecostal churches, especially in Freetown.
Non-denominational Protestants form a significant minority of Sierra Leone's Christian population.[198] Catholics are the largest group of non-Protestant Christians in Sierra Leone, forming about 8% of Sierra Leone's population and 26% of the Christian population in Sierra Leone.[199] The Jehovah's Witnesses[200] and the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints[201][202] are the two most prominent non-Trinitarian Christians in Sierra Leone, and they form a small but significant minority of the Christian population in Sierra Leone. A small community of Orthodox Christians resides in Freetown.[203]
Other religions include Baha’is, Buddhists, Hindus, Jews and atheists.[204]
Ethnic groups
[edit]
| Temne | 35.5% |
| Mende | 33.2% |
| Limba | 8.4% |
| Fula | 3.8% |
| Kono | 3.4% |
| Susu | 2.9% |
| Loko | 2.9% |
| Koranko | 2.8% |
| Sherbro | 2.6% |
| Mandingo | 2.4% |
| Creole/Krio | 1.3% |
Sierra Leone is home to about sixteen ethnic groups, each with its own language. The largest and most influential are the Temne at about 35.5% and the Mende at about 33.2%. The Temne predominate in the Northern Sierra Leone and some areas around the capital of Sierra Leone. The Mende predominate in South-Eastern Sierra Leone (with the exception of Kono District).
The vast majority of Temne are Muslims at over 85%, with a significant Christian minority at about 10%. The Mende are also Muslim majority at about 70%, though with a large Christian minority at about 30%. Sierra Leone's national politics centres on the competition between the north-west, dominated by the Temne, and the south-east dominated by the Mende. The vast majority of the Mende support the Sierra Leone People's Party; while the majority of the Temne support the All People's Congress.[205]
The Mende, who are believed to be descendants of the Mane,[citation needed] originally occupied the Liberian hinterland. They began moving into Sierra Leone slowly and peacefully in the eighteenth century.
The third-largest ethnic group is the Limba at about 8.4% of the population. It is believed that they have lived in Sierra Leone since before the European encounter. The Limba are primarily found in Northern Sierra Leone, particularly in Bombali, Kambia and Koinadugu District. The Limba are about 60% Christian and 40% Muslim. Since independence, the Limba have traditionally been influential in Sierra Leone's politics, along with the Mende.
One of the biggest minority ethnic groups are the Fula at around 3.8% of the population. Descendants of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Fula migrant settlers from the Fouta Djalon region of Guinea, they live primarily in the northeast and the western area of Sierra Leone. The Fula are virtually all Muslims at over 99%.[citation needed]
The other ethnic groups are the Mandingo (also known as Mandinka). They are descendants of traders from Guinea who migrated to Sierra Leone during the late nineteenth to mid-twentieth centuries. The Mandinka are predominantly found in the east and the northern part of the country. They predominate in the large towns, most notably Karina, in Bombali District in the north; Kabala and Falaba in Koinadugu District in the north; and Yengema, Kono District in the east of the country. Like the Fula, the Mandinka are virtually all Muslims at over 99%.
Next in proportion are the Kono, who live primarily in Kono District in Eastern Sierra Leone. The Kono are descendants of migrants from Guinea; today their workers are known primarily as diamond miners. The majority of the Kono ethnic group are Christians, though with an influential Muslim minority.
The small but significant Creole or Krio people (descendants of freed African American, West Indian and Liberated African slaves who settled in Freetown between 1787 and about 1885) make up about 3% of the population. They primarily occupy the capital city of Freetown and its surrounding Western Area. The Creoles or Krio have traditionally dominated Sierra Leone's judiciary and Freetown's elected city council. One of the first ethnic groups to become educated according to Western traditions, they have traditionally been appointed to positions in the civil service, beginning during the colonial years. They continue to be influential in the civil service. The Creoles or Krios are virtually all Christians at about 99%.[citation needed]
The Oku people are the descendants of liberated Muslim Yorubas from Southwest Nigeria, who were resettled in Sierra Leone as Liberated Africans or came as settlers in the mid-19th century. The Oku people primarily reside in the communities of Fourah Bay, Fula Town, and Aberdeen in Freetown. The Oku are virtually all Muslims at about 99%.
Other minority ethnic groups are the Kuranko, who are related to the Mandingo and are largely Muslims. The Kuranko are believed to have begun arriving in Sierra Leone from Guinea in about 1600 and settled in the north, particularly in Koinadugu District. The Kuranko are primarily farmers; leaders among them have traditionally held several senior positions in the military. The Kuranko are largely Muslim majority.
The Loko in the north are native people of Sierra Leone, believed to have lived in Sierra Leone since the time of European encounter. Like the neighbouring Temne, the Loko are Muslim majority. The Susu and their related Yalunka are traders; both groups are primarily found in the far north in Kambia and Koinadugu District close to the border with Guinea. Both the Susu and Yalunka people are descendants of the Mande people. They are virtually all Muslims.
The Kissi live further inland in South-Eastern Sierra Leone. They predominate in the large town of Koindu and its surrounding areas in Kailahun District. The vast majority of Kissi are Christians. The much smaller Vai and Kru peoples are primarily found in Kailahun and Pujehun Districts near the border with Liberia. The Kru predominate in the Kroubay neighbourhood in the capital of Freetown. The Vai are largely Muslim majority at about 90%, while the Kru are virtually all Christians at over 99%.
On the coast in Bonthe District in the south are the Sherbro. Native to Sierra Leone, they have occupied Sherbro Island since it was founded. The Sherbro are primarily fisherman and farmers, and they are predominantly found in Bonthe District. The Sherbro are virtually all Christians, and their paramount chiefs had a history of intermarriage with British colonists and traders.
A small number of Sierra Leoneans are of partial or full Lebanese ancestry, descendants of traders who first came to the territory in the 19th century. They are locally known as Sierra Leonean-Lebanese. The Sierra Leonean-Lebanese community are primarily traders and they mostly live in middle-class households in the urban areas, primarily in Freetown, Bo, Kenema, Koidu Town and Makeni.
Gender equality
[edit]Although women account for about 50 percent of the population in Sierra Leone, only 28 percent are household heads.[206] As in the rest of the countries, education is a key factor in succeeding in aspects such as a well-paid job and covering the needs of a house. Rural areas are the most common to lack access to education having only male-headed four percent ahead of females with basic education and 1.2 percent more at the post-graduate level.[206]
In Sierra Leone, normally, men are automatically positioned as household heads; and their status does not change if their marital status changes over time.[206] However, a female household does change depending on their marital status. A woman can be the head of the house only if she remains single for the rest of her life. But if a woman gets married, she will not be entitled to be the head of the house anymore.[206] Females can take over the household head if they become widowed or divorced.[206]
In the labour field, it is expected that the household will financially provide for the needs of the family. However, females face gender discrimination making them the target of lower incomes and financial struggles.[206] In numbers, females present a lower percentage (6.3) versus males (15.2) when it comes to being paid employees.[206] Women face discrimination when it comes to obtaining financial, social, and cultural help to start a business.[77]
Education
[edit]
Education in Sierra Leone is legally required for all children for six years at primary level (Class P1-P6) and three years in junior secondary education,[207] but a shortage of schools and teachers has made implementation impossible.[88] Two thirds of the adult population are illiterate.[208]
The Sierra Leone Civil War resulted in the destruction of 1,270 primary schools, and in 2001, 67% of all school-age children were out of school.[88] The situation has improved considerably since then with primary school enrolment doubling between 2001 and 2005 and the reconstruction of many schools since the end of the war.[209] Students at primary schools are usually 6 to 12 years old, and in secondary schools 13 to 18. Primary education is free and compulsory in government-sponsored public schools.
The country has three universities: Fourah Bay College, founded in 1827 (the oldest university in West Africa),[210] University of Makeni (established initially in September 2005 as The Fatima Institute, the college was granted university status in August 2009, and assumed the name University of Makeni, or UNIMAK), and Njala University, which was established as the Njala Agricultural Experimental Station in 1910 and became a university in 2005.[211] Teacher training colleges and religious seminaries are found in many parts of the country.
Health
[edit]The CIA estimated that the average life expectancy in Sierra Leone was 57.39 years.[212]
The prevalence of HIV/AIDS in the population is 1.6%, higher than the world average of 1% but lower than the average of 6.1% across Sub-Saharan Africa.[213]
Medical care is not readily accessible, with doctors and hospitals out of reach for many villagers. While free health care may be provided in some villages, the medical staff is poorly paid and sometimes charge for their services, taking advantage of the fact that the villagers are not aware of their right to free medical care.[214]
According to an Overseas Development Institute report, private health expenditure accounts for 85.7% of total spending on health.[215]
Emergency medical response
[edit]Having had no formal emergency medical services previously, the First Responder Coalition of Sierra Leone (FRCSL) was formed in June 2019 in Makeni to facilitate the development of emergency first responder programs nationwide.[216] The founding members of the Coalition included the Sierra Leone Red Cross Society (the first chairing organisation), LFR International (proposed the formation), the University of Makeni, Agency for Rural Community Transformation, and the Holy Spirit Hospital.[216] The establishment of the Coalition was concurrent with the declaration by the 72nd World Health Assembly that emergency care systems are essential to universal health coverage.[217] Between June and July 2019, the FRCSL trained 1,000 community members from Makeni to be first responders and equipped each with a first aid kit.[218]
Endemic and infectious diseases
[edit]Sierra Leone suffers from epidemic outbreaks of diseases, including yellow fever, cholera, Ebola, lassa fever and meningitis.[219][220] Yellow fever and malaria are endemic to Sierra Leone.[220]
Maternal and child health
[edit]According to 2017 estimates, Sierra Leone has the third highest maternal mortality rate in the world.[221] For every 100 liveborn children, one mother dies due to complications of giving birth.[221]
In the Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey (MICS) conducted by UNICEF in 2012, the prevalence of female genital mutilation in Sierra Leone was 94%.[222] As of 2014[update], Sierra Leone was estimated as having the 11th highest infant mortality rate in the world.[223]
One of the consequences women in Sierra Leone face after a prolonged and obstructed labour that would have required a c-section is obstetric fistula. This condition often drives women into poverty and isolation.[224]
The AWC- Aberdeen Women's Centre in Freetown, the second busiest hospital in Sierra Leone, delivers up to 3000 babies each year.[225] The centre provides a variety of maternal and child health services and is supported by not-for-profit organisations.[226][227]
Mental health
[edit]Mental healthcare in Sierra Leone is almost non-existent. Many sufferers try to cure themselves with the help of traditional healers.[228] During the Civil War (1991–2002), many soldiers took part in atrocities and many children were forced to fight. This left them traumatised, with an estimated 400,000 people (by 2009) being mentally ill. Thousands of former child soldiers have fallen into substance abuse.[229]
Potable water supply
[edit]The water supply in Sierra Leone is characterised by limited access to safe drinking water. Despite efforts by the government and numerous non-governmental organisations, access has not much improved since the end of the Sierra Leone Civil War in 2002, stagnating at about 50% and even declining in rural areas.[230] It is hoped that a new dam in Orugu, for which China committed financing in 2009, will alleviate water scarcity.[231]
According to a national survey carried out in 2006, 84% of the urban population and 32% of the rural population had access to an improved water source. Those with access in rural areas were served almost exclusively by protected wells. Only 20% of the urban population and 1% of the rural population had access to piped drinking water in their home. Compared to the 2000 survey access has increased in urban areas, but has declined in rural areas, possibly because facilities have broken down because of a lack of maintenance.[230][232]
With a new decentralisation policy, embodied in the Local Government Act of 2004, responsibility for water supply in areas outside the capital was passed from the central government to local councils. In Freetown, the Guma Valley Water Company remains in charge of the water supply.

2014 Ebola outbreak
[edit]In 2014 there was an outbreak of the Ebola virus in West Africa. As of 19 October 2014, there had been 3,706 cases of Ebola in Sierra Leone, and 1,259 deaths, including that of the leading physician trying to control the outbreak, Sheik Umar Khan.[233] Aside from the human cost, the outbreak was severely eroding the economy. By September 2014, with the closure of borders, the cancellation of airline flights, the evacuation of foreign workers and a collapse of cross-border trade, the national deficit of Sierra Leone and other affected countries was widening to the point where the IMF was considering expanding its financial support.[234]
Culture
[edit]Polygamy
[edit]As of 2019, 30% of women and 14% of men were in a polygamous unions in Sierra Leone. "The percentage of women with one or more co-wives has decreased gradually over time, from 37% in 2008 and 35% in 2013 to 30% in 2019."[235]
Food and customs
[edit]
Rice is the staple food of Sierra Leone and is consumed at virtually every meal. The rice is prepared in numerous ways, and topped with a variety of sauces made from some of Sierra Leone's favourite toppings, including potato leaves, cassava leaves, crain crain, okra soup, fried fish and groundnut stew.[236]
Along the streets of towns and cities across Sierra Leone, one can find foods consisting of fruit, vegetables and snacks such as fresh mangoes, oranges, pineapple, fried plantains, ginger beer, fried potato, fried cassava with pepper sauce; bags of popcorn or peanuts, bread, roasted corn, or skewers of grilled meat or shrimp.
Poyo is a popular Sierra Leonean drink. It is a sweet, lightly fermented palm wine.[237]
Media
[edit]
Media in Sierra Leone began with the introduction of the first printing press in Africa at the start of the 19th century. A strong free journalistic tradition developed with the creation of several newspapers. In the 1860s, the country became a journalist hub for Africa. At the end of the 19th century, the industry went into decline, and when radio was introduced in the 1930s, it became the primary communication medium in the country.
The Sierra Leone Broadcasting Service (SLBS) was created by the colonial government in 1934 making it the earliest English-language radio broadcaster service in West Africa. The service began broadcasting television in 1963, with coverage extended to all the districts in the country in 1978. In April 2010, the SLBS merged with the United Nations peacekeeping radio station in Sierra Leone to form the Sierra Leone Broadcasting Corporation,[238][239] the government-owned current national broadcaster in Sierra Leone.
The Sierra Leone constitution guarantees freedom of speech, and freedom of the press; however, the government maintains strong control of media, and at times restricts these rights in practice.[240][241][242][243][244][245] Some subjects are seen as taboo by society and members of the political elite; imprisonment and violence have been used by the political establishment against journalists.[246][247]
Under legislation enacted in 1980, all newspapers must register with the Ministry of Information and pay sizeable registration fees. The Criminal Libel Law, including Seditious Libel Law of 1965, is used to control what is published in the media.[247]
In 2006, President Ahmad Tejan Kabbah committed to reforming the laws governing the press and media to create a freer system for journalists to work in.[247] As of 2013[update] Sierra Leone is ranked 61st (up two slots from 63rd in 2012) out of 179 countries on Reporters Without Borders' Press Freedom Index.[248]
Print media is not widely read in Sierra Leone, especially outside Freetown and other major cities, partially due to the low levels of literacy in the country.[249] In 2007 there were 15 daily newspapers in the country, as well as those published weekly.[250] The majority of newspapers are privately run and are often critical of the government. The standard of print journalism tends to be low owing to lack of training, and people trust the information published in newspapers less than that found on the radio.[249]

Radio is the most popular and most-trusted media in Sierra Leone, with 85% of people having access to a radio and 72% of people in the country listening to the radio daily.[249] These levels do vary between areas of the country, with the Western Area having the highest levels and Kailahun the lowest. Stations mainly consist of local commercial stations with a limited broadcast range, combined with a few stations with national coverage – Capital Radio Sierra Leone being the largest of the commercial stations.
The United Nations Mission in Sierra Leone (UNIOSIL) ran one of the most popular stations in the country, broadcasting programs in a range of languages. The UN mission was restructured in 2008 and it was decided that the UN Radio would be merged with SLBS to form the new Sierra Leone Broadcasting Corporation (SLBC). This merger eventually happened in 2011 after the necessary legislation was enacted. SLBC transmits radio on FM and has two television services, one of which is uplinked by satellite for international consumption. FM relays of the BBC World Service (in Freetown, Bo, Kenema and Makeni), Radio France Internationale (Freetown only) and Voice of America (Freetown only) are also broadcast.
Outside the capital Freetown and other major cities, television is not watched by a great many people, although Bo, Kenema and Makeni are served by their own relays of the main SLBC service. There are three free terrestrial television stations in Sierra Leone, one run by the government SLBC and the other two are private stations in Freetown, Star TV which is run by the owner of the Standard-Times newspaper and AYV – Africa Young Voices. Several religious funded TV stations operate intermittently. In 2007, a pay-per-view service was also introduced by GTV as part of a pan-African television service in addition to the nine-year-old sub-Saharan Digital satellite television service (DStv) originating from Multichoice Africa in South Africa. GTV subsequently went out of business, leaving DStv as the only provider of subscription satellite television in the country. ITV and SATCON are currently operational.
Internet access in Sierra Leone has been sparse but is on the increase, especially since the introduction of 3G/4G cellular phone services across the country. There are several main internet service providers (ISPs) operating in the country. Problems experienced with access to the Internet include an intermittent electricity supply and a slow connection speed in the country outside Freetown.
Arts
[edit]The arts in Sierra Leone are a mixture of tradition and hybrid African and western styles.[251][252][253]
In 1963 the Sierra Leonean National Dance Troupe was created by John Akar in order to showcase Sierra Leone's national cultural heritage.[254]
-
Odelay mask by Temne people. Brooklyn Museum.
-
The Koindu dance
Sports
[edit]
Association football is by far the most popular sport in Sierra Leone. Children, youth and adult are frequently seen playing street football across Sierra Leone. There are organised youth and adult football tournaments across the country, and there are various primary and secondary schools with football teams across Sierra Leone.
The Sierra Leone national football team, popularly known as the Leone Stars, represents the country in international competitions. It has never qualified for the FIFA World Cup but participated in the 1994 and 1996 African Cup of Nations. When the national football team, the Leone Stars, have a match, Sierra Leoneans across the country come together united in support of the national team.
Many of the Sierra Leone national team footballers play for teams based in Europe although virtually all of them started professional football in the Sierra Leone National Premier League. Many of the national team footballers are celebrities across Sierra Leone and they are often well known by the general population. Some of Sierra Leonean international footballers include Mohamed Kallon, Mohamed Bangura, Rodney Strasser, Kei Kamara, Ibrahim Teteh Bangura, Mustapha Dumbuya, Christian Caulker, Alhassan Bangura, Sheriff Suma, Osman Kakay, Medo Kamara, Umaru Bangura and Julius Gibrilla Woobay.
The Sierra Leone National Premier League is the top professional football league in Sierra Leone and is controlled by the Sierra Leone Football Association. Fourteen clubs from across the country compete in the Sierra Leone Premier League. The two biggest and most successful football clubs are East End Lions and Mighty Blackpool. East End Lions and Mighty Blackpool have an intense rivalry and when they play each other the national stadium in Freetown is often sold out and supporters of both clubs often clash with each other before and after the game.[citation needed]
Many Sierra Leonean youth, children and adults follow the major football leagues in Europe, particularly the English Premier League, Italian Serie A, Spanish La Liga, German Bundesliga and French Ligue 1.
The Sierra Leone cricket team represents Sierra Leone in international cricket competitions and is among the best in West Africa. It became an affiliate member of the International Cricket Council in 2002. It made its international debut at the 2004 African Affiliates Championship, where it finished last of eight teams. But at the equivalent tournament in 2006, Division Three of the African region of the World Cricket League, it finished as runner-up to Mozambique, and just missed promotion to Division Two.
In 2009, the Sierra Leone Under-19 team finished second in the African Under-19 Championship in Zambia, thus qualifying for the Under-19 World Cup qualifying tournament.[255] However, the team was unable to obtain visas to play in the tournament.[256]
Sierra Leone is the first African country to join the International Floorball Federation.
Tourism
[edit]Sierra Leone's Freetown is a favourite destination for tourists. Although the sector was seriously affected during the Civil War, there has been a steady improvement in recent years.[257] There is a vast expanse of beaches stretching along the Freetown Peninsula. The Tacugama Chimpanzee Sanctuary, which is located within the peninsula's vast rainforest reserve, just a few kilometres from the centre of Freetown, has a collection of rare and endangered chimpanzees. Other popular destinations for tourists include the Freetown Cotton Tree, located in Central Freetown, a significant national monument and integral to the founding of the city; Bunce Island, which is a boat ride from the city, is home to the ruins of the slave fortress that was being used during the Transatlantic slave trade; the Sierra Leone Museum, which has a collection of both precolonial as well as colonial artifacts and other items of historical significance; the National Railway Museum; or take a journey around the city's coastline with the popular Sea Coach Express.[citation needed]
See also
[edit]Notes
[edit]- ^ /siˌɛrə liˈoʊn(i)/ ⓘ, also UK: /siˌɛərə -/, US: /ˌsɪərə -/;[12][13] Krio: Salone[14]
- ^ Krio: Ripɔblik fɔ Siera Liɔn
References
[edit]- ^ "Sierra Leone: Spread the Love". Embassy of the Republic of Sierra Leone in The Federal Republic of Germany. Archived from the original on 14 June 2024.
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- ^ a b c "Sierra Leone 2015 Population and Housing Census National Analytical Report" (PDF). Statistics Sierra Leone. Retrieved 28 March 2020.
- ^ a b "Religions in Sierra Leone | PEW-GRF". Archived from the original on 20 February 2018. Retrieved 9 December 2017.
- ^ "Sierra Leone". The World Factbook (2025 ed.). Central Intelligence Agency. Retrieved 22 June 2023. (Archived 2023 edition.)
- ^ "World Economic Outlook Database, April 2025".
- ^ "World Economic Outlook Database, April 2025".
- ^ "World Economic Outlook Database, April 2025".
- ^ "World Economic Outlook Database, April 2025".
- ^ "GINI index (World Bank estimate) – Sierra Leone". World Bank. Retrieved 22 March 2020.
- ^ "Human Development Report 2023/2024". United Nations Development Programme. 26 May 2025. Retrieved 25 May 2025.
- ^ Wells, John C. (2008), Longman Pronunciation Dictionary (3rd ed.), Longman, ISBN 9781405881180
- ^ "Sierra Leone". Merriam-Webster.com Dictionary. Merriam-Webster. Retrieved 22 April 2019.
- ^ Salone Definition
- ^ "Sierra Leone (country)". Encarta Encyclopedia. Archived from the original on 28 February 2008. Retrieved 19 February 2008.
- ^ "Sierra Leone". United States Department of State. Retrieved 6 March 2024.
- ^ United Nations (5 July 2013), "Inter-religious cooperation can be vital asset for rebuilding Sierra Leone – UN expert". Archived. Retrieved October 26, 2021.
- ^ Hargreaves, J. D. (January 1956). "IV. The Establishment of the Sierra Leone Protectorate and the Insurrection of 1898". Cambridge Historical Journal. 12 (1): 56–80. doi:10.1017/S1474691300000330. ISSN 2051-9818.
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- ^ a b Fyfe, Christopher (July 1995). "Weighing the Probabilities - Landlords and Strangers: Ecology, Society and Trade in Western Africa, 1000–1630. By George E. Brooks. Boulder: Westview Press, 1994. Pp. xvi + 360. £14.95, paperback (ISBN 0-8133-1263-9)". The Journal of African History. 36 (2): 319–320. doi:10.1017/S0021853700034174. ISSN 1469-5138.
- ^ Utting (1931), p. 33.
- ^ Utting (1931), p. 8.
- ^ Kingfisher Geography Encyclopedia. ISBN 1-85613-582-9, p. 180.
- ^ "Pedro da çintra did not name Sierra Leone: An Exploration into available evidence". Sierra Leone Concord Times. 22 June 2017. Archived from the original on 6 August 2017. Retrieved 26 May 2017.
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- ^ Christopher Fyfe, A History of Sierra Leone, Introduction.
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- ^ Mota 1975: 586-87; Bassani 1981
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- ^ Peter Fryer in Staying Power: The History of Black People in Britain (London: Pluto Press, 1984; p. 195) quotes a contemporary commentator who called them "indigent, unemployed, despised and forlorn", saying that "it was necessary they should be sent somewhere, and be no longer suffered to invest [sic] the streets of London" (C. B. Wadström, An Essay on Colonization, 1794–5, II, 220).
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{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link) - ^ "Gustavus Vassa: Olaudah Equiano". Plymouth City Council. Archived from the original on 13 October 2007. Retrieved 19 October 2007.
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- ^ Pham, John-Peter (2005). Child Soldiers, Adult Interests: The Global Dimensions of the Sierra Leonean Tragedy. Nova Publishers. pp. 4–8. ISBN 978-1-59454-671-6. Retrieved 17 June 2014.
- ^ Michael Sivapragasam, Why Did Black Londoners Not Join the Sierra Leone Resettlement Scheme 1783–1815? London: Open University, 2013.
- ^ "Sierra Leone's struggle for progress". The Economist. 11 December 2008. Retrieved 22 August 2010.
- ^ Schama, Simon (2006), Rough Crossings, p. 363.
- ^ Gilbert, Alan. Black Patriots and Loyalists: Fighting for Emancipation in the War for Independence. University of Chicago 2012, p. 229
- ^ Fyfe, Christopher (1992). Our Children Free and Happy: Letters from Black Settlers in Africa in the 1790s. Edinburgh University Press.
- ^ Schama, Simon, Rough Crossings (London: 2005), pp. 380–383.
- ^ Harris, Sheldon H. (1972), Paul Cuffe: Black America and the African Return, New York: Simon and Schuster, pp. 32–33, especially note 15 on p. 140.
- ^ a b Schwarz, Suzanne (2021). "Reconstructing the Life Histories of Liberated Africans: Sierra Leone in the Early Nineteenth Century". History in Africa. 39 (33). Cambridge University Press: 175–207. doi:10.1353/hia.2012.0011. JSTOR 23471003. Retrieved 27 October 2021.
- ^ a b Dixon-Fyle, Mac; Cole, Gibril Raschid (2006). "Introduction". New Perspectives on the Sierra Leone Krio. New York: Peter Lang. pp. 2–3. ISBN 978-0-8204-7937-8.
A substantial part of this ex-slave population was Yoruba, but members of ethnic groups from other regions of the Atlantic (Igbo, Efik, Fante, etc) were also very much in evidence in this coterie of Liberated Africans. Individuals from ethnic communities indigenous to Sierra Leone were significantly represented among the Liberated Africans [...] Many a Temne, Limba, Mende, and Loko resident of Freetown, influenced by local European officials and missionaries, would come in time to shed their indigenous names, and cultural values, to take on a Creole identity which gave them a better chance of success in the rarefied Victorian ambience [sic] of a progressively westernized Freetown society.
- ^ Thayer, James Steel (1991). "A Dissenting View of Creole Culture in Sierra Leone". Cahiers d'Études Africaines. 31 (121): 215–230. doi:10.3406/cea.1991.2116.
- ^ Browne-Davies, Nigel (2014). "A Precis of Sources relating to genealogical research on the Sierra Leone Krio people". Journal of Sierra Leone Studies. 3 (1).
- ^ Walker, James W (1992) [1976]. "Chapter Five: Foundation of Sierra Leone". The Black Loyalists: The Search for a Promised Land in Nova Scotia and Sierra Leone, 1783–1870. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. pp. 94–114. ISBN 978-0-8020-7402-7.
- ^ Taylor, Bankole Kamara (February 2014). Sierra Leone: The Land, Its People and History. New Africa Press. p. 68. ISBN 9789987160389.
- ^ Schwarz, Suzanne (5 January 2013). "Reconstructing the Life Histories of Enslaved Africans: Sierra Leone, c. 1808–19".
- ^ Keefer, Katrina H.B. (2017). "The First Missionaries of The Church Missionary Society in Sierra Leone, 1804–1816: A Biographical Approach". History in Africa. 44: 199–235. doi:10.1017/hia.2017.5. ISSN 0361-5413. JSTOR 26362156.
- ^ Nwauwa, Apollos Okwuchi (30 January 2020), "Western Education and the Rise of a New African Elite in West Africa", Oxford Research Encyclopedia of African History, doi:10.1093/acrefore/9780190277734.013.282, ISBN 978-0-19-027773-4
- ^ Paracka, Daniel (2003). The Athens of West Africa: A History of International Education at Fourah Bay College, Freetown, Sierra Leone. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-94795-4.
- ^ Kopytoff, Jean Herskovits. A Preface to Modern Nigeria: The "Sierra Leonians" in Yoruba, 1830–1890. University of Wisconsin Press. p. 35.
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Further reading
[edit]- Urban Transformations in Sierra Leone
- Acemoglu, Daron; Reed, Tristan; Robinson, James A. (April 2014). "Chiefs: Economic Development and Elite Control of Civil Society in Sierra Leone". Journal of Political Economy. 122 (2): 319–368. CiteSeerX 10.1.1.650.1005. doi:10.1086/674988. S2CID 15212378.
- Harris, David (2012). Civil War and Democracy in West Africa: Conflict Resolution, Elections and Justice in Sierra Leone and Liberia, I.B. Tauris.
- Imodale Caulker-Burnett, The Caulkers of Sierra Leone: The Story of a Ruling Family and Their Times (Xlibris, 2010)[self-published source]
- Keen, David (2005). Conflict and Collusion in Sierra Leone. Oxford: James Currey. ISBN 978-0-85255-883-6. Retrieved 17 June 2014.
- Kup, Alexander Peter (1961). A History of Sierra Leone, 1400–1787. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-7864-1814-5.
{{cite book}}: ISBN / Date incompatibility (help) - Sierra Leone Truth and Reconciliation Commission (2004). TRC Report. Accra, Ghana: Graphic Packaging Ltd./GPL Press. ISBN 9988-8097-6-X. Retrieved 14 May 2016.
- Utting, Francis A. (1971) [1931]. The Story of Sierra Leone. Hallendale, Florida: New World Book Manufacturing. ISBN 978-0-8369-6704-3.
- Levinson, Robby (1998). Ethnic Groups Worldwide: A Ready Reference Handbook. Phoenix: Oryx Press. ISBN 978-1-57356-019-1.
External links
[edit]
Wikimedia Atlas of Sierra Leone- Official website, The Republic of Sierra Leone
Geographic data related to Sierra Leone at OpenStreetMap- The Patriotic Vanguard – government newspaper
- Foreign Affairs of Sierra Leone Archived 15 February 2025 at the Wayback Machine
- Sierra Leone profile from ECOWAS
- News headline links from Al Jazeera.
- Sierra Leone, Democracy Now!
- Country Profile, BBC News
Sierra Leone
View on GrokipediaHistory
Pre-colonial period
Archaeological findings indicate human settlement in the Sierra Leone region dating back at least 2,500 years, with evidence of iron smelting emerging in West Africa, including areas encompassing modern Sierra Leone, between 800 and 400 BCE.[7] Iron tools facilitated agriculture and tool-making, while pottery shards from prehistoric sites attest to early ceramic production.[8] By the late first millennium CE, coastal communities practiced settled agriculture, cultivating crops suited to the forest and savanna zones.[9] Pre-colonial Sierra Leone featured decentralized societies organized into chiefdoms rather than centralized kingdoms, dominated by ethnic groups such as the Temne in the north and Mende in the south, alongside smaller groups like the Limba.[10] These groups formed loose confederacies governed by local chiefs, with authority derived from kinship, age-grade systems, and spiritual leaders rather than bureaucratic states. Oral traditions and archaeological data reveal migrations and settlements shaping these polities, but no evidence exists of unified political entities spanning the territory.[11] Inland trade networks connected coastal and interior communities via river valleys, exchanging commodities like gold from eastern regions, salt from northern Susu traders, ironwork, and kola nuts, with captives from raids integrated into local economies as domestic laborers or pawns.[12] The absence of strong central authority fostered chronic inter-chiefdom conflicts, including raids for slaves and resources, which perpetuated cycles of violence and localized slavery practices distinct from later transatlantic systems.[13] Influences from neighboring Fulani jihads in the 18th century, such as those in Futa Jallon, introduced Islamic elements and heightened competition among northern groups, exacerbating fragmentation.[14]European contact and the Atlantic slave trade
European contact with the Sierra Leone region began in 1462, when Portuguese explorer Pedro de Sintra sailed along the coast and named the prominent peninsula mountains Serra Lyoa, translating to "Lion Mountains," likely due to their leonine shape or reports of lions in the vicinity.[15] Initial Portuguese engagements focused on barter trade with coastal Temne and Bullom groups for commodities such as ivory, gold dust, and malagueta pepper, establishing temporary trading posts but no permanent settlements.[16] By the late 15th century, however, Portuguese traders increasingly incorporated enslaved Africans into exchanges, sourcing captives from local conflicts to supply labor demands in Europe and Atlantic islands.[17] In the 17th century, competition intensified as British, Dutch, and French merchants entered the trade, with the British Royal African Company constructing Fort Bunce around 1670 on a strategic island in the Sierra Leone estuary.[18] This fort served as the principal British slave-trading hub on the "Rice Coast," facilitating the embarkation of tens of thousands of captives primarily destined for rice plantations in North America and the Caribbean.[18] The transatlantic slave trade from Sierra Leone's ports peaked from approximately 1700 to 1807, during which British vessels dominated, exporting an estimated hundreds of thousands of Africans amid rising demand from New World colonies.[19] The external demand for slaves amplified pre-existing intergroup raiding, as coastal polities and emerging warlords escalated warfare to procure captives from the interior, fostering militarized economies reliant on arms imports in exchange for human cargoes.[20] This dynamic resulted in significant depopulation of fertile hinterland regions, selective removal of young adults and skilled laborers such as blacksmiths and farmers, and the consolidation of power among armed elites who prioritized slave-raiding over agricultural or artisanal development.[21] Empirical records indicate heightened violence and social disruption, with trade volumes correlating to increased conflict frequency in affected ethnic groups.[22] Britain's 1807 Slave Trade Abolition Act curtailed legal participation by British subjects, prompting the deployment of the Royal Navy's West Africa Squadron to intercept vessels along the coast.[23] These patrols seized over 1,600 ships and liberated approximately 150,000 Africans between 1808 and 1867, significantly reducing coastal embarkations from Sierra Leone but failing to dismantle inland capture networks, where illegal trade persisted via alternative European and American flags.[24] The shift forced slavers to adopt riskier routes, prolonging human losses from overland marches and shipboard conditions without addressing root causes of endemic raiding.[17]British colonial era (1808–1961)
In 1808, the British government established the Crown Colony of Sierra Leone, centered on Freetown, as a settlement for freed slaves intercepted from illegal slave ships and earlier groups including Nova Scotian settlers (Black Loyalists from the American Revolutionary War) and Jamaican Maroons deported after their rebellion.[25][26] These "Liberated Africans" numbered over 50,000 by the mid-19th century, forming the core of the colony's population and providing labor for initial development, though high mortality from disease limited early growth.[27] The colony served as a base for British naval anti-slave trade patrols, effectively curtailing large-scale slave exports from the region after Britain's 1807 abolition.[28] The colony expanded inland with the 1896 declaration of the Protectorate over the interior territories, incorporating local chiefdoms under British oversight to secure resources and prevent French encroachment.[25] Administration adopted indirect rule, integrating tribal chiefs into the governance structure for taxation, dispute resolution, and local courts, which formalized customary law but often reinforced nepotistic practices and chiefly authority without substantial reform.[29][30] This system empowered chiefs to collect revenues, including the 1898 hut tax—a 5 shillings per dwelling levy intended to fund infrastructure and administration—but sparked widespread resistance, as chiefs and subjects viewed it as an infringement on traditional autonomy and a means to extract surplus without commensurate public benefits.[31][32] Led by Temne chief Bai Bureh, the Hut Tax War (1898–1899) involved coordinated uprisings in northern districts, resulting in over 100 British casualties and the deployment of West India Regiment troops to suppress the revolt, which ended with Bai Bureh's capture.[33][32] The conflict highlighted tensions between fiscal impositions for colonial governance and local economic dependencies, including the prior abolition of slavery that had eroded chiefs' control over labor and tribute systems.[34] Economically, British rule shifted the colony toward export-oriented agriculture, promoting cash crops such as palm kernels (exports rising from 20,000 tons in 1896 to 85,000 tons by 1936), cocoa, coffee, and piassava fiber, which generated revenue through taxation and trade monopolies while integrating the protectorate into global markets.[35] Infrastructure investments included the Freetown-Bonthe railway (opened 1907, extending 100 miles for crop transport) and harbor improvements at Freetown to facilitate exports, alongside educational institutions like Fourah Bay College (founded 1827, granting degrees via Durham University affiliation by 1876).[35][36] These developments provided legal frameworks, such as codified property rights in the colony, and reduced reliance on slave-based economies, though benefits accrued unevenly, with exploitation evident in forced labor for public works and minimal investment in hinterland welfare.[37][38]Independence and early post-colonial governance (1961–1991)
Sierra Leone gained independence from the United Kingdom on April 27, 1961, under Prime Minister Sir Milton Margai of the Sierra Leone People's Party (SLPP), which had secured victory in pre-independence elections through support from Mende ethnic networks and rural chiefs.[39][40] Margai's administration prioritized unity but relied on ethnic patronage, setting a precedent for post-colonial favoritism that undermined merit-based governance.[41] Upon Margai's death in July 1964, his half-brother Albert Margai succeeded him without democratic transition, escalating authoritarian measures including the 1965 Public Order Act to curb dissent and opposition activities.[42][43] Albert's push toward a one-party state, amid accusations of Mende tribal bias, provoked widespread resistance, culminating in the March 1967 elections where Siaka Stevens' All People's Congress (APC)—drawing Temne and Limba support—won a slim parliamentary majority.[44][45] The 1967 polls triggered a cycle of military interventions: on March 21, army officers loyal to Albert staged a coup dissolving parliament, only for a counter-coup on March 23 to install the National Reformation Council under Brigadier David Lansana, which was itself overthrown on March 24 by the Anti-Corruption Revolutionary Movement led by Colonel Andrew Juxon-Smith.[46] British forces intervened in April 1968, restoring civilian rule and installing Stevens as prime minister, who shifted power toward APC constituencies in the north.[47] A 1971 republican constitution elevated Stevens to president, enabling further centralization; by 1978, a constitutional amendment formalized APC dominance as a de facto one-party state, banning opposition challenges and entrenching patronage through state resources.[46][48] Governance under Stevens featured nationalization of industries like rutile mining in the 1970s, intended to boost revenues but resulting in inefficiencies and corruption that eroded fiscal discipline.[49] Diamond production, peaking at over 2 million carats annually by the late 1970s, instead fueled smuggling—estimated at 70-90% of output—financing elite networks while official exports declined, contributing to negative per capita GDP growth averaging -0.5% yearly from 1965-1985.[50][51] Youth unemployment surged above 50% in urban areas by the 1980s, exacerbated by mismanaged education and job creation, fostering grievances over elite capture of mineral wealth.[52] Suppression tactics intensified, with opposition figures detained under emergency powers and media outlets like the Unity Now Movement newspaper censored or shut down, as the Public Order Act enabled libel prosecutions against critics.[43][53] These patterns of ethnic division, economic stagnation, and political exclusion laid causal groundwork for escalating instability without external imposition.[54]Civil War era (1991–2002)
The Revolutionary United Front (RUF), under Foday Sankoh, initiated the civil war on March 23, 1991, with an invasion from Liberia supported by Charles Taylor's National Patriotic Front for Liberia.[55][56] The RUF aimed to overthrow the government of Joseph Saidu Momoh, exploiting grievances from state corruption and economic decline, but quickly devolved into resource-driven predation rather than ideological reform.[57] Sierra Leone's diamond-rich eastern regions became central to sustaining the conflict, as RUF forces captured mining areas and bartered rough diamonds for arms and supplies, fueling prolonged violence.[58][59] RUF tactics emphasized terror to control populations, including mass amputations of limbs to deter resistance and symbolize government failure, extensive conscription of child soldiers—estimated at thousands—and campaigns like "Operation No Living Thing," which involved systematic killings, rapes, and village burnings starting around April 1998 in alliance with other forces.[60][61] These acts, while strategically aimed at breaking civilian will, reflected the rebels' barbarism without ideological justification, as the RUF prioritized plunder over governance.[56] Government-aligned Sierra Leone Army (SLA) units, plagued by indiscipline and low pay, also perpetrated atrocities such as looting, summary executions, and reprisal killings against suspected RUF sympathizers, contributing to widespread civilian victimization across factions.[62][63] In May 1997, SLA officers, frustrated by unpaid salaries and battlefield losses, overthrew President Ahmad Tejan Kabbah in a coup, establishing the Armed Forces Revolutionary Council (AFRC) under Johnny Paul Koroma, which invited the RUF into a coalition government marked by further diamond smuggling and urban atrocities in Freetown.[62] The Economic Community of West African States Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) intervened militarily in 1998, ousting the AFRC/RUF junta and reinstating Kabbah, though sporadic fighting persisted amid ambushes on peacekeeping convoys.[56] The Lomé Peace Accord, signed July 7, 1999, between Kabbah's government and the RUF, promised amnesty, power-sharing, and Sankoh's vice-presidency in exchange for disarmament, but collapsed due to RUF non-compliance and renewed offensives, including the January 1999 Freetown incursion that killed thousands.[64][65] British forces launched Operation Palliser on May 7, 2000, deploying paratroopers and marines to evacuate citizens and secure Freetown against RUF advances, effectively halting rebel momentum and enabling UN Mission in Sierra Leone (UNAMSIL) stabilization.[66] The intervention's success stemmed from rapid deployment and coordination, contrasting prior ECOWAS and UN efforts hampered by under-resourcing. By 2002, the war ended with RUF disarmament, though it had caused around 50,000 deaths and displaced over 2 million people, exacerbating poverty and social fragmentation from predation and collapse.[67][63] All belligerents bore responsibility for the humanitarian catastrophe, with rebel forces' deliberate savagery amplifying state weaknesses rather than resolving them.[63][62]Post-war reconstruction and stabilization (2002–2007)
The United Nations Mission in Sierra Leone (UNAMSIL), authorized to deploy up to 17,500 troops, facilitated post-war stabilization by overseeing the disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) of former combatants from 2002 onward.[68] The DDR program, conducted in phases through 2004, disarmed 72,490 fighters, including child soldiers, and collected 42,330 weapons along with over 1.2 million rounds of ammunition, markedly diminishing armed threats and enabling the transition to civilian life despite challenges like incomplete reintegration funding.[69][70] UNAMSIL's presence, gradually drawn down from its peak, provided essential security amid residual violence from hybrid "Sobel" groups—former soldiers aligned with rebels—ensuring no major outbreaks until the mission's full handover to national forces by late 2005.[71] Accountability mechanisms included the Special Court for Sierra Leone, operational from 2002, which indicted Revolutionary United Front (RUF) leader Foday Sankoh—though his death in custody in June 2003 led to indictment withdrawal—and pursued Charles Taylor, extradited from Nigeria on March 29, 2006, for aiding RUF atrocities through arms and diamonds; Taylor's trial commenced in 2007, resulting in his 2012 conviction.[72] The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), established under the Lomé Accord, released its final report in 2004, attributing the war's origins primarily to entrenched corruption, greed, and nepotism within Sierra Leonean governance rather than colonial legacies or external factors alone, while documenting widespread atrocities by all parties and recommending anti-corruption reforms.[73] These efforts prioritized elite accountability over mass amnesty, though critiques noted limited prosecutions of mid-level perpetrators due to resource constraints. Elections on May 14, 2002—the first since 1996—restored civilian rule, with President Ahmad Tejan Kabbah's Sierra Leone People's Party (SLPP) winning 70.1% of the presidential vote and a parliamentary majority, conducted under UNAMSIL protection despite Sobel intimidation and voter apathy from war fatigue.[74] To curb diamond-fueled conflict, Sierra Leone joined the Kimberley Process Certification Scheme in 2003, implementing export controls that reduced conflict diamonds from comprising over 90% of pre-war production to near-zero by verifying rough diamond origins and halting illicit flows, boosting legitimate revenues despite smuggling persistence.[75] International aid, averaging 60% of GDP, underpinned reconstruction but engendered dependency, with donors funding 80% of the budget initially and enabling patronage networks that perpetuated corruption, as evidenced by uneven infrastructure recovery and persistent elite capture rather than broad-based growth.[76] Security gains from UNAMSIL and DDR contrasted with economic fragility, where aid inflows prioritized short-term stabilization over institutional reforms fostering self-sufficiency.[77]Contemporary developments (2007–present)
Ernest Bai Koroma of the All People's Congress (APC) assumed the presidency in September 2007 following a closely contested election, marking Sierra Leone's first peaceful democratic transition since the civil war. His administration prioritized infrastructure expansion, including the construction of over 1,000 kilometers of roads and increased electricity access from 10% to 26% of the population by 2018, alongside efforts to stabilize the economy through private sector incentives and anti-corruption measures.[78] [79] The 2014–2016 Ebola virus disease outbreak devastated Sierra Leone under Koroma's leadership, recording 14,124 confirmed cases and 3,956 deaths by March 2016, the highest toll in the country among the affected West African nations. Initial government responses included a state of emergency declared on July 31, 2014, but delays in containment, inadequate health infrastructure, and public resistance exacerbated the crisis, straining fiscal resources and reversing prior economic gains.[80] [81] [82] In the March 2018 general elections, Julius Maada Bio of the Sierra Leone People's Party (SLPP) secured victory in the presidential runoff with 51.8% of the vote against APC candidate Samura Kamara's 48.2%, ushering in a shift from APC dominance. Bio's tenure has emphasized education reforms and youth employment, though it has been marred by escalating political tensions.[83] Bio won re-election in June 2023 with official results showing 56% of the vote to Kamara's 41%, but the outcome sparked widespread disputes, including allegations of ballot stuffing and statistical inconsistencies flagged by European Union and Carter Center observers. Opposition protests against the results were met with police violence, resulting in deaths and arrests, highlighting restrictions on freedom of assembly.[84] [85] [86] [87] Economic growth has averaged around 4–5% annually in recent years, reaching 5.7% in 2023 before moderating to an estimated 4% in 2024 and projected 4.4% in 2025, propelled by mining exports (notably iron ore and rutile) and agricultural recovery despite global commodity price fluctuations. In September 2024, Sierra Leone signed a $480 million Millennium Challenge Corporation compact focused on enhancing electricity reliability through grid improvements and renewable integration to support households and industry. However, persistent high inflation—peaking above 28% in 2024 before easing—and public debt at approximately 43% of GDP have constrained fiscal space, compounded by pervasive corruption that deters foreign direct investment.[88] [3] [89] [90] [91] [87]Geography
Physical features and borders
Sierra Leone's terrain features a narrow coastal belt of mangrove swamps and wooded hills, transitioning inland to an upland plateau dissected by rivers and rising to mountains in the east.[92] The highest elevation is Bintumani Peak in the Loma Mountains at 1,948 meters.[93] The Sierra Leone Peninsula, site of the capital Freetown, consists of rocky, thickly wooded mountains extending parallel to the Atlantic coast for approximately 40 kilometers, providing a deep natural harbor suitable for maritime activities.[94] The country shares land borders with Guinea to the north and east, totaling approximately 652 kilometers, much of which follows river courses including parts of the Great Scarcies River, and with Liberia to the southeast, spanning about 306 kilometers, largely defined by the Mano River.[95][96] To the west lies a 402-kilometer Atlantic coastline. The Mano River Union, established in 1973 between Sierra Leone and Liberia and later expanded to include Guinea and Côte d'Ivoire, promotes cross-border trade and economic cooperation along these shared boundaries.[97] Major rivers such as the Rokel, the longest at around 400 kilometers, Moa, Sewa, Jong, Great Scarcies, Little Scarcies, and Moro originate in the interior plateau and flow westward to the Atlantic, facilitating inland transport while posing risks of seasonal flooding in low-lying areas.[98] These hydrological features contribute to the distribution of mineral resources, with significant deposits of iron ore, bauxite, and diamonds concentrated in the eastern and southeastern regions, including areas like Kono District for diamonds.[99][100]Climate and natural hazards
Sierra Leone exhibits a tropical monsoon climate classified as Am under the Köppen-Geiger system, featuring consistently high temperatures averaging 25–32°C throughout the year with minimal seasonal variation.[101][102] The country experiences two primary seasons: a wet period from May to October driven by the African monsoon, delivering annual rainfall totals of 3,000–5,000 mm particularly along the coast, and a dry season from November to April influenced by harmattan winds originating from the Sahara, which bring dry, dusty conditions and reduced precipitation.[102][103] Natural hazards in Sierra Leone primarily include flooding and landslides during the intense wet season, with risks amplified by anthropogenic factors such as deforestation and unplanned urbanization on steep slopes rather than solely climatic shifts.[104][105] Tropical cyclones are rare due to the region's equatorial position, but extreme rainfall events, like the 1,040 mm recorded from July to mid-August 2017, have triggered devastating mudslides.[106] The March 14, 2017, Freetown mudslide, initiated by prolonged heavy rains on deforested hillsides, resulted in over 1,000 deaths and the destruction of thousands of homes, underscoring how land-use changes exacerbate runoff and slope instability beyond baseline precipitation patterns.[107][108] Deforestation, driven by logging, slash-and-burn agriculture, and urban expansion, has significantly heightened flood vulnerability by reducing soil absorption capacity and increasing surface runoff, as evidenced in recurrent Freetown events where vegetation loss directly correlates with intensified storm impacts.[109][110] Agriculture faces risks from dry-season droughts linked to Sahel variability, with production losses occasionally exceeding 15% of gross output due to erratic rainfall affecting rain-fed subsistence farming.[111] Historical temperature data indicate a rise since the 1980s, yet hazard analyses prioritize local causal factors like terrain and vegetation cover over global attribution for event severity.[112][113]Biodiversity and resource distribution
Sierra Leone's rainforests, part of the Upper Guinean forest ecosystem, constitute approximately 14.7% of the country's land area as of 2020, with types including lowland rainforests, swamp forests, and mangroves, though coverage has declined due to logging and agricultural expansion.[114] These forests support high biodiversity, with over 300 bird species recorded in areas like the Gola Rainforest National Park, which spans 71,070 hectares in the east and serves as the largest protected rainforest tract.[115] Endemic and endangered fauna include the pygmy hippopotamus (Choeropsis liberiensis), a nocturnal species restricted to West African forests and present in Sierra Leone's Gola region, Loma Mountains, and Tiwai Island, where populations face habitat fragmentation.[116] Threats to biodiversity include illegal bushmeat hunting and trade, which target species like duikers and primates, contributing to population declines despite outdated 1970s wildlife laws that fail to enforce sustainable limits.[117] Slash-and-burn agriculture exacerbates soil erosion, depleting topsoil nutrients and reducing arable land productivity in upland areas, as biomass removal leaves sandy, drought-prone soils vulnerable to runoff.[118] Protected areas like Gola provide refugia, but encroachment from logging and mining persists, with humid primary forest loss exceeding 14% since 2000.[119] Mineral resources are unevenly distributed, with rutile deposits concentrated in ancient coastal dunes and floodplains of Moyamba and Bonthe Districts in the southwest, alongside ilmenite and zircon.[120] Gold occurs in shear zones and banded iron formations, primarily in eastern and central regions, while bauxite and iron ore are found in the northwest.[121] Offshore, sedimentary basins hold untapped oil prospects estimated at 30 billion barrels of recoverable oil equivalent, with discoveries like the Vega prospect (3 billion barrels) from prior Anadarko drilling, though extensive exploration remains limited pending licensing rounds.[122] Mining activities, including rutile extraction, have caused localized deforestation and sediment runoff, but comprehensive environmental baselines are sparse.[99]Government and Politics
Constitutional structure and institutions
Sierra Leone operates as a unitary presidential republic under the 1991 Constitution, reinstated in 1996 after the military suspension during the civil war and amended in 2008 and 2013, which vests sovereignty in the people exercised through elected representatives.[123][124] The framework emphasizes separation of powers, with executive authority centralized in the presidency, legislative functions in a unicameral parliament, and an independent judiciary, though practical deviations toward executive dominance persist due to broad presidential prerogatives and weak institutional checks.[123][125] The executive branch is headed by the President, who serves as both head of state and government, wielding supreme executive power including command of the armed forces and appointment of cabinet ministers, judges, and senior officials, subject to parliamentary approval in some cases.[126][123] The President is elected by popular vote for a five-year term, renewable once, with no extensions permitted under current provisions.[127] In practice, this concentration enables overreach, such as influence over judicial appointments and local governance, undermining the intended balance despite constitutional safeguards like parliamentary oversight.[128] Legislative power resides in the unicameral Parliament of Sierra Leone, comprising 149 members: 135 directly elected through district block proportional representation and 14 indirectly elected paramount chiefs representing traditional authorities in the 14 rural districts.[129][130] Parliament enacts laws, approves budgets, and checks executive actions via ratification of treaties and impeachment powers, but its efficacy is constrained by the President's veto authority and dominance in party-aligned majorities.[123] The judiciary, led by the Chief Justice, includes the Supreme Court as the final appellate body, the Court of Appeal, High Court, and subordinate courts, with constitutional guarantees of independence including tenure security and funding from consolidated revenue.[131][123] However, executive interference through appointments and resource allocation has compromised autonomy, as evidenced by politically motivated rulings and delays in high-profile cases.[128] At the local level, the 16 districts feature elected local councils alongside paramount chiefs, who exercise customary authority over land disputes, community welfare, and representation in Parliament, rooted in pre-colonial traditions co-opted under colonial and post-independence systems.[132] The 2004 Local Government Act devolved functions like primary education and health to councils, aiming for subsidiarity, but implementation falters due to central patronage, insufficient fiscal transfers (averaging under 10% of national budget), and overlapping chief-council jurisdictions that favor executive-aligned networks over autonomous devolution.[133][134] This perpetuates a de facto centralized unitary state, where district-level initiatives depend on presidential discretion rather than constitutional federal-like dispersal.[135] Constitutional review efforts, including the post-2004 Truth and Reconciliation Commission recommendations and the ongoing Constitutional Review Committee process under the 2021-2026 administration, seek to curb executive overreach and bolster devolution through enhanced local fiscal autonomy and judicial safeguards, but partisan divisions—exacerbated by 2023 election disputes—have delayed consensus on amendments, stalling substantive reforms as of 2025.[136][135][137]Political parties, elections, and leadership transitions
Since the reinstatement of multi-party democracy following the 1991 constitution and the end of the civil war in 2002, Sierra Leone's politics have been characterized by the dominance of two parties: the All People's Congress (APC), founded in 1968, and the Sierra Leone People's Party (SLPP), established in 1951. These parties have alternated power through elections, with voting patterns primarily aligned along ethnic lines rather than policy ideologies; the SLPP garners strong support from the Mende ethnic group predominant in the south and east, while the APC relies heavily on Temne voters in the north, fostering tribal patronage networks over programmatic competition.[138] [139] [140] Leadership transitions have generally occurred peacefully via electoral mandates. Ahmad Tejan Kabbah of the SLPP governed from 1996 to 2007, handing over to Ernest Bai Koroma of the APC after the 2007 election, who served until 2018. Julius Maada Bio then assumed the presidency under the SLPP banner following his 2018 victory, marking the third partisan alternation since the war's resolution.[141] No successful military coups have disrupted these transitions since the 1997 putsch during the conflict, though attempted overthrows persist as threats to stability.[142] The 2018 presidential election exemplified competitive dynamics, with a first round on 7 March yielding no majority, followed by a 4 April runoff where Bio secured 51.8% against APC candidate Samura Kamara's 48.2%, amid relatively high turnout and international observation affirming procedural integrity despite pre-election tensions.[83] [143] In contrast, the 24 June 2023 election saw Bio declared winner with 56.17% in the first round, avoiding a runoff, but sparked widespread APC allegations of rigging, including ballot stuffing, voter intimidation, and "statistical inconsistencies" in results flagged by European Union observers.[144] [145] The opposition demanded a re-run, citing electoral commission bias, while the SLPP government defended the outcome as legitimate and reflective of voter will, with ECOWAS monitoring efforts failing to resolve disputes that escalated to court challenges at the regional body.[146] [147] Voter engagement remains subdued, with registration rates around 70% and turnout in recent polls hovering below historical averages, driven by youth apathy amid cycles of unfulfilled promises on employment and services, exacerbating disaffection in a demographic comprising over 60% under age 25.[148] Post-2023 election disputes fueled protests that turned violent, including clashes resulting in deaths and property damage, underscoring fragility without derailing the constitutional order, though a November 2023 barracks assault—labeled a failed coup by authorities—involved gunfire and prison breaches, prompting a curfew and arrests.[149] [150] These events highlight opposition grievances over fraud versus government assertions of democratic continuity, with no independent verification overturning official tallies to date.[151]| Election Year | Presidential Winner | Party | Vote Share | Main Opponent (Party) | Key Disputes |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2018 (Runoff) | Julius Maada Bio | SLPP | 51.8% | Samura Kamara (APC) | Pre-vote tensions; affirmed valid by observers[83] |
| 2023 (First Round) | Julius Maada Bio | SLPP | 56.17% | Samura Kamara (APC) | Rigging claims, inconsistencies; rejected by opposition, defended by government[144] [145] |
Corruption, patronage, and institutional failures
Corruption has persisted as a systemic issue in Sierra Leone since independence in 1961, characterized by elite capture of public resources and patronage networks that prioritize tribal and familial loyalties over meritocratic governance.[152] This post-independence pathology, rooted in the entrenchment of nepotistic practices rather than solely colonial legacies, contributed to the institutional decay that precipitated the civil war (1991–2002), as widespread graft eroded public trust and fueled grievances exploited by rebels.[153] The Truth and Reconciliation Commission documented how greed, corruption, and bad governance led to state collapse by the early 1990s, weakening accountability mechanisms and enabling armed factions to thrive on diamond smuggling and extortion.[154] Sierra Leone ranked 114 out of 180 countries on the 2024 Corruption Perceptions Index with a score of 33 out of 100, reflecting a decline from 35 in 2023 and indicating entrenched public sector corruption.[155] Elite capture is evident in the mining sector, where political insiders manipulate license awards and community development funds, diverting revenues from artisanal miners and local beneficiaries to connected networks.[156] Studies highlight how paramount chiefs and officials in chiefdoms—traditional units covering rural areas—facilitate patronage by allocating mining concessions to kin and allies, perpetuating tribal nepotism that undermines national resource management. The Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC), established in 2000, has secured over 95 convictions between 2000 and 2018, but more than 90% targeted petty offenses by low-level officials, demonstrating elite impunity for grand corruption.[157] High-profile cases often stall due to judicial interference or political pressure, with few prosecutions of senior figures despite evidence of asset misappropriation exceeding millions in recovered funds.[158] Patronage extends to everyday institutions, including police extortion of drivers at checkpoints—reported as rampant in 2024—and judicial bribes that delay or derail cases, as evidenced by public complaints and internal police directives in January 2025 urging officers to reject illicit payments.[159] [160] These practices, sustained by chiefdom-based loyalties where chiefs control local courts and land disputes, reinforce a cycle of impunity that hampers institutional reform and perpetuates stagnation beyond the war era.[161]Human rights record and rule of law
Sierra Leone's human rights record reflects significant post-civil war progress alongside persistent challenges in rule of law and cultural practices that undermine protections. Since the end of the civil war in 2002, large-scale atrocities such as amputations and child soldier recruitment have ceased, contributing to two decades of relative peace and stability.[162] [163] However, Freedom House classifies the country as "Partly Free" with a 2025 score of 59 out of 100, citing declines due to issues like the removal of the auditor-general exposing financial malfeasance and electoral irregularities.[87] The World Justice Project's Rule of Law Index ranks Sierra Leone 110th out of 142 countries in 2023, with low scores in constraints on government powers, absence of corruption, and effective criminal justice, indicating systemic judicial weaknesses and impunity for abuses. Implementation of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission's (TRC) recommendations from the early 2000s remains incomplete, with a government matrix tracking progress showing partial advances in areas like victim reparations but failures in institutional reforms to prevent recurrence of war-era violations.[164] In rural areas, weak state policing fosters vigilante justice and mob actions, as communities perceive inadequate formal responses to crime, leading to extrajudicial punishments.[165] [166] Freedom of assembly faces restrictions, with police deploying to disperse opposition gatherings, while expression is curtailed through journalist arrests, such as the February 2024 detention of a newspaper editor linked to the opposition All People's Congress for critical reporting.[167] Government officials defend such actions as maintaining order amid political tensions, whereas opposition narratives highlight excessive force and suppression of dissent.[168] Cultural norms exacerbate rights violations, particularly against women and girls. Female genital mutilation (FGM) affects 83% of women aged 15-49, practiced as an initiation rite in secret societies like the Bondo, with no national criminalization despite health risks including hemorrhage and infection; efforts to ban it encounter resistance from traditional leaders who view it as essential to ethnic identity.[169] [170] Domestic violence persists as a normalized practice, justified by many as spousal discipline, despite the 2007 Domestic Violence Act establishing offenses and penalties; low conviction rates stem from victim reluctance due to economic dependence and family mediation preferences over courts.[171] [172] [173] Recent reforms, including a 2024 law prohibiting child marriage, signal government intent to address gender-based harms, though enforcement lags amid patronage networks shielding perpetrators.[174] The U.S. State Department's 2024 report notes some accountability for officials but widespread impunity, attributing it to under-resourced judiciary and cultural tolerance of violence.[167]Economy
Macroeconomic trends and growth drivers
Sierra Leone's gross domestic product reached approximately $7.6 billion in 2024, marking a continuation of recovery from the severe contraction during the 2014-2016 Ebola outbreak, which saw real GDP shrink by 21.5% in 2015.[175] [176] Real GDP growth averaged around 5% annually in the post-Ebola years until disrupted by global commodity price shocks and the COVID-19 pandemic, but rebounded to 5.7% in 2023.[177] Projections indicate 4.4% growth for 2025, driven by services and mining amid stabilizing external conditions, though vulnerability to commodity price swings—particularly iron ore and rutile—continues to induce macroeconomic volatility.[178] [179] [180] Inflation surged to 47.6% in 2023 due to currency depreciation and supply disruptions but moderated to an average of 28.6% in 2024, with further decline expected to 9.4% by end-2025 under tightened monetary policy.[181] [182] [178] The Sierra Leonean leone depreciated by about 9% against the US dollar in 2024, heightening import costs for fuel and essentials and fueling persistent inflationary pressures despite central bank interventions.[183] Public debt-to-GDP stood at 88.9% in 2023, reflecting accumulated fiscal strains, though International Monetary Fund (IMF) programs emphasize fiscal consolidation to achieve sustainability.[184] In October 2024, the IMF approved a 38-month Extended Credit Facility arrangement worth SDR 186.7 million (about $250 million) to support fiscal discipline, debt restructuring, and structural reforms aimed at bolstering revenue mobilization and expenditure control.[185] These measures address underlying fragilities, including weak institutional frameworks that perpetuate economic instability. Sierra Leone's score of 48.0 in the Heritage Foundation's 2025 Index of Economic Freedom classifies its economy as "repressed," attributed to deficiencies in property rights, judicial effectiveness, and government integrity, which deter investment and exacerbate growth volatility.[186] Such institutional shortcomings, compounded by commodity dependence, limit the transmission of policy efforts into broad-based, resilient expansion.[186]Extractive industries and the resource curse
Sierra Leone's extractive sector is dominated by diamonds, rutile (a titanium ore), and iron ore, which together accounted for over 80% of goods exports in recent years, with mineral exports valued at approximately $1.16 billion in 2023.[187][188] Diamonds contributed $137 million and titanium ore $189 million to that total, underscoring the sector's outsized role despite employing only a small fraction of the workforce.[188] Rutile production, led by Sierra Rutile Limited—the world's largest natural rutile producer at over 20% of global supply—reached around 148,000 tonnes in peak years like 2016, though output targets for 2025 aim for 155,000–175,000 dry metric tons amid operational challenges.[189][190] This mineral wealth exemplifies the resource curse, where abundant rents fail to translate into broad-based development, instead fostering poverty, inequality, and institutional decay; the sector contributes about 7% to GDP yet correlates with persistent high poverty rates, as revenues are undermined by smuggling, corruption, and elite capture rather than causal links to diversified growth.[187][52] Dutch disease effects are evident, with mining-driven currency appreciation eroding competitiveness in non-extractive sectors like agriculture, while volatile commodity prices exacerbate fiscal instability without building human capital or infrastructure spillovers.[191] Evidence includes mining enclaves—localized booms around sites like Koidu for diamonds or Sembehun for rutile—that generate royalties (e.g., $49.4 million in mining revenue for 2024) but leave national poverty alleviation stalled, as rents are siphoned through patronage networks and illicit trade benefiting political elites over public investment.[190][192] The "blood diamonds" legacy amplifies this curse: during the 1991–2002 civil war, illicit diamond sales funded the Revolutionary United Front's atrocities, comprising up to 90% of exports at times and perpetuating a culture of smuggling that persists post-conflict.[193] The Kimberley Process Certification Scheme, implemented since 2003 partly in response to Sierra Leone's crisis, aims to curb conflict diamonds but has proven flawed, with ongoing smuggling—estimated at significant volumes via porous borders—evading certification and depriving the state of revenue while enabling elite profiteering.[194][193] Critics attribute limited efficacy to weak enforcement and corruption, where certification masks rather than resolves underlying governance failures that prioritize short-term rents over long-term institutional reforms.[195] Recent reforms, including the Finance Act 2025's investment incentives and updated mining regulations aligned with transparency standards, seek to attract foreign direct investment through production-sharing agreements and reduced royalties (e.g., Sierra Rutile's 0.5% rate in 2021).[196][197][120] However, FDI remains deterred by insecurity, rule-of-law deficits, and policy volatility, as seen in threats of production halts and uncertain ground for investors amid governance questions, perpetuating the curse's cycle of enclave dependency without causal drivers for inclusive development.[198][187][199]Agriculture, fisheries, and informal sectors
Agriculture employs approximately two-thirds of Sierra Leone's labor force and accounts for over 50 percent of GDP, primarily through subsistence farming on small plots.[200] Rice serves as the principal staple crop, consumed by 85 percent of the population, while cassava provides a key secondary food source; both are cultivated predominantly under rain-fed conditions with low yields averaging below regional benchmarks due to limited inputs and soil degradation.[201] Cocoa remains a significant cash crop for export, supporting over 13,000 smallholder households, though production fluctuates with global prices and domestic processing constraints.[202] Yields for rice and cassava have shown modest gains—rice up 29 percent in recent assessments—yet persist at subsistence levels, exacerbated by minimal mechanization, with most farming relying on manual labor and rudimentary tools, which entrenches cycles of low productivity and rural poverty.[203] This lack of equipment, coupled with fragmented land holdings averaging under 2 hectares per household, hinders scaling and surplus generation, confining output to local consumption and informal markets.[204] Women dominate smallholder agriculture, comprising the majority of cultivators in rice, cassava, and vegetable plots, often managing family farms while handling post-harvest processing and petty trading.[205] These female-led operations, typically informal and credit-constrained, contribute to household resilience but face barriers like unequal access to extension services and inputs, perpetuating gender-disparate poverty outcomes.[206] The fisheries sector, largely artisanal with around 44,000 fishers operating 7,500 canoes along the coast, has experienced stock declines from overexploitation, including unregulated open-access practices and competition with industrial trawlers, leading to reduced catches and smaller fish sizes since the early 2010s.[207] This collapse threatens protein supplies for coastal communities, where fish accounts for a vital dietary component, and has prompted shifts to destructive methods like light fishing, further straining marine resources.[208] Informal sectors, encompassing unregistered trade in agricultural produce, fish, and basic goods, absorb much of the non-extractive workforce, with women forming 65-71 percent of participants in petty commerce and vending.[209] These activities, often market-based and cash-dependent, buffer urban-rural linkages but evade formal taxation and support, amplifying vulnerability to price volatility. Climate variability, including floods in 2022 and 2023 that destroyed crops and displaced thousands, intensifies yield instability and food insecurity, particularly for rain-dependent smallholders.[210] Initiatives like World Food Programme-supported resilience programs, including a €9 million EU partnership in 2025 for climate-adaptive livelihoods, aim to bolster adaptive practices such as improved seeds and flood-resistant varieties amid these shocks.[211]Infrastructure development and energy challenges
Sierra Leone's transportation infrastructure remains underdeveloped, with a road network comprising approximately 11,700 kilometers, of which only a small fraction is paved, leading to high transport costs and isolation of rural provinces from Freetown and international markets. [212] This fragmentation bottlenecks internal trade, as poor connectivity exacerbates delays in goods movement and increases vulnerability to seasonal flooding. [196] Efforts to address these gaps include public-private partnerships for road rehabilitation, such as the EU-funded program that upgraded urban routes in Freetown's Lumley and Moyiba areas by mid-2025, improving local access but leaving provincial links inadequate. [213] The Port of Freetown, handling over 90% of the country's imports, has seen targeted upgrades to enhance capacity and efficiency. In April 2025, a new third berth became operational, accommodating vessels up to 225 meters long with a 12-meter draft, boosting throughput by more than 30% and reducing vessel waiting times. [214] [215] Digital transformation initiatives, including plans for a maritime single window system mandated by the International Maritime Organization since January 2024, aim to streamline customs and logistics further. [216] However, inadequate hinterland connections via rail and roads continue to limit the port's role as a regional trade hub. Energy infrastructure presents acute challenges, with electricity access at 27.5% nationally and just 4.9% in rural areas as of 2021, constraining industrial growth and household productivity. [217] The sector depends on hydropower for about 85.7% of generation, primarily from dams like the Bumbuna facility, but output fluctuates with rainfall, causing frequent blackouts and unreliability. [218] Supplemental thermal plants rely on imported petroleum products, which account for around 13% of energy use and impose heavy demands on foreign exchange reserves amid volatile global prices. [219] To mitigate these issues, Sierra Leone secured a $480 million Millennium Challenge Corporation compact in September 2024, funding three projects: a transmission backbone to connect rural grids, distribution upgrades for last-mile access, and reforms to improve sector governance and reduce losses. [220] [221] Off-grid solutions are advancing via the EU-backed SOGREA initiative, launched in 2025 with €34 million to deploy solar mini-grids serving 60 rural communities and benefiting 25,000 households by 2027. [222] [223] Chinese loans have financed rail-linked projects like the Pepel port and rail line for iron ore export, but outstanding debts exceeding $67 million for infrastructure raise sustainability concerns, contributing to fiscal strain without commensurate economic returns. [224] [225]Demographics
Population size, growth, and urbanization
As of mid-2025, Sierra Leone's population is estimated at 8,791,000, based on United Nations projections derived from the 2015 national census and subsequent vital statistics.[226] The country recorded a population of 7,092,113 in its most recent full census in 2015, with growth since then driven primarily by high birth rates and net positive migration balances.[227] Annual population growth averaged 2.2 percent in 2023, reflecting a slight deceleration from prior years but still among the higher rates globally due to a youthful demographic structure where over 40 percent of residents are under age 15.[228] This expansion exerts measurable pressure on public services, including healthcare and education, as resource allocation struggles to match demand in a context of limited fiscal capacity.[229] Urbanization has accelerated, with 44.3 percent of the population residing in urban areas as of 2023, up from lower shares in prior decades, at an annual urbanization rate of 3.02 percent.[1] Freetown, the capital and primary urban center, accounts for a metropolitan population of approximately 1.39 million in 2025 estimates, concentrating economic activity but also amplifying vulnerabilities.[230] Rural-to-urban migration, motivated by perceived job prospects in mining, trade, and services, has fueled informal settlements where over 70 percent of urban dwellers lived in slum conditions as of the last detailed assessment in 2014, leading to elevated unemployment—estimated above 15 percent in urban zones—and inadequate housing infrastructure.[231] These dynamics strain municipal services like waste management and water supply, exacerbating flood risks in low-lying areas during rainy seasons. The total fertility rate stood at 3.79 births per woman in 2023, down from higher levels in the early 2000s but sufficient to sustain growth amid improving but uneven child survival rates.[232] Diaspora remittances, primarily from communities in the United States, United Kingdom, and other West African nations, contribute around 6 percent of GDP annually as of 2023, providing a partial buffer against domestic pressures by supplementing household incomes and informal investments.[233] However, without corresponding expansions in arable land productivity or urban planning, sustained high fertility and migration inflows project continued resource strains, including food security and employment absorption, through the 2030s.[2]Ethnic groups, languages, and tribal dynamics
Sierra Leone is home to over 16 ethnic groups, with the Temne forming the largest at 35.4% of the population and the Mende the second largest at 30.8%, based on estimates derived from the 2015 census.[1] Other notable groups include the Limba (8.8%), Kono (4.3%), Koranko (4%), Fula (3.8%), Mandingo (2.8%), Loko (2%), Sherbro (1.9%), and Krio (1.2%), the latter being descendants of freed slaves intermingled with indigenous peoples; the remaining population is distributed among smaller groups such as Susu, Yalunka, and Kissi.[1] These groups exhibit regional concentrations, with Temne predominant in the Northern Province and around Freetown, Mende in the Southern and Eastern Provinces, Limba and Kono also largely northern, and Krio concentrated in urban Freetown.[234][235] English is the official language, used in government and education, but Sierra Leonean Krio, an English-based creole, serves as the de facto lingua franca, functioning as a first language for about 10% of the population—primarily Krio—and a second language for up to 90% nationwide, especially in urban and inter-ethnic interactions.[236][237] Indigenous languages prevail in rural areas, with Mende as the primary tongue for roughly 32% and Temne for 30%, reflecting the major ethnic distributions; these languages number around 19 in total, many limited to specific chiefdoms.[237][238] Tribal dynamics are characterized by strong kin-based loyalties within the 190 chiefdoms, where paramount chiefs wield authority over land, disputes, and local resources, often favoring co-ethnics in employment, contracts, and development allocations, which entrenches patronage and undermines meritocracy.[239] This favoritism permeates national politics, with the Sierra Leone People's Party (SLPP) historically drawing Mende support from the south and the All People's Congress (APC) Temne and Limba backing from the north, resulting in elections divided along ethnic lines and regionally skewed infrastructure projects.[240][241] While the 1991–2002 civil war arose primarily from economic grievances and state collapse rather than inter-ethnic warfare, political exclusion and tribal patronage fueled resentments that rebels exploited, with violence crossing ethnic lines but post-war ethnic salience in party politics intensifying.[242] Reconciliation via the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, operational from 2002 to 2004, addressed violations but failed to fully dismantle tribal barriers, as evidenced by ongoing ethnic instigation in campaigns and persistent favoritism impeding equitable governance.[139] Similar ethnic-tinged power contests marked the 1960s post-independence era, including the 1967–1968 coups amid north-south divides, highlighting how tribal networks have long shaped leadership and resource access without fostering broader national integration.[239]Religious composition and interfaith relations
Approximately 77 percent of Sierra Leone's population adheres to Islam, predominantly Sunni, while 22 percent identifies as Christian, encompassing Protestant, Catholic, and other denominations, with the remaining 1-2 percent following traditional animist beliefs or other practices.[243][1] These figures derive from government estimates and surveys like those from the U.S. State Department and CIA World Factbook, reflecting a 2019-2023 assessment period amid a population of about 8.6 million.[243] Religious affiliation correlates loosely with geography, with Muslims forming majorities in the northern and eastern provinces, Christians more prevalent in the south and urban Freetown, though the capital remains demographically mixed and exhibits syncretic practices blending Islamic, Christian, and indigenous elements.[244] Interfaith relations in Sierra Leone are characterized by a high degree of tolerance, with no history of large-scale sectarian conflict or religiously motivated civil war, even during the 1991-2002 civil war when victims were targeted based on ethnicity, politics, or resources rather than faith.[244][245] The Inter-Religious Council of Sierra Leone (IRCSL), comprising Muslim, Christian, and traditional leaders, actively promotes coexistence through dialogue, conflict mediation, and joint initiatives, contributing to the containment of rare flare-ups such as localized clashes over proselytism or public preaching permits in the 2010s.[246] Religious institutions occasionally intersect with politics, as seen in endorsements during elections, but constitutional secularism and mutual restraint prevent dominance by any group.[243] Tensions arise sporadically from evangelical Christian proselytism in Muslim-majority areas or competition for converts, yet societal acceptance of religious switching remains relatively high, with conversions reported without widespread backlash.[247] In contrast to low interfaith violence—limited to isolated incidents like a 2017 clash between religious leaders—witchcraft accusations persist as a normalized cultural phenomenon across religious lines, often leading to vigilante actions or child stigmatization rather than organized religious strife.[243][248] Salafist influences, while present in broader West African Islamist trends, have not significantly disrupted Sierra Leone's domestic harmony, with mainstream Sufi-oriented Islam prevailing in the north.[249] Overall, empirical patterns underscore pragmatic accommodation over doctrinal purity, fostering stability despite underlying syncretism and occasional frictions.[244]Society and Health
Education attainment and literacy challenges
Sierra Leone's adult literacy rate stands at 48.6% as of 2022, reflecting persistent challenges in foundational education despite policy efforts to expand access.[250] Net primary enrollment has reached approximately 98% in recent years, driven by the 2018 Free Quality School Education policy, which eliminated tuition fees and provided learning materials for primary and junior secondary levels, thereby increasing attendance among previously excluded children.[251] [252] However, learning outcomes remain low, with primary completion rates hovering around 97-100% but proficiency in basic reading and math far below regional averages, attributable to overcrowded classrooms, inadequate infrastructure, and insufficient teacher training.[253] Teacher absenteeism exacerbates quality deficits, with rates ranging from 25% daily in some districts to over 50% in monitored programs, often linked to low salaries, multiple job-holding, and weak accountability mechanisms despite performance-based incentives introduced via aid-supported initiatives.[254] [255] The free education policy has boosted enrollment but failed to address hidden costs like uniforms and transportation, leading to inefficiencies where aid funds for materials and training have not translated into sustained improvements, as donor-driven programs often prioritize short-term metrics over systemic reforms.[256] Funding gaps persist, with domestic education spending below 20% of the budget—short of international targets—and a projected 5.6% of GDP shortfall to meet 2035 goals for universal access and quality, compounded by aid volatility that discourages long-term investment.[257] [258] Tertiary education enrollment is limited, with gross rates under 5% and institutions like Njala University and Fourah Bay College facing chronic underfunding, outdated curricula, and faculty shortages.[259] Brain drain intensifies these constraints, as over 50% of skilled professionals, including educators, emigrate for better opportunities, undermining capacity-building efforts despite international scholarships and partnerships.[260] Gender parity has improved at primary levels, nearing equality in enrollment, but rural girls experience higher dropout rates due to poverty, early marriage, and gender-based violence, with secondary completion for females lagging 10-15% behind urban counterparts.[261] Interventions like the 2021 ban lift on pregnant girls' attendance have helped, yet cultural norms and resource scarcity in rural areas sustain disparities, highlighting the need for targeted, locally accountable programs over generalized aid.[262]Public health systems and disease burdens
Sierra Leone's public health system operates through a network of government facilities structured in a three-tiered model: peripheral health units (community health centers and rural health centers), secondary facilities (district hospitals), and tertiary care at Connaught Hospital in Freetown.[263] Staffing shortages are acute, with only 0.043 physicians per 1,000 people (or 0.43 per 10,000) reported in 2022, far below the World Health Organization's recommended threshold for adequate care.[264] Rural facilities, which serve the majority of the population, remain understaffed relative to Ministry of Health standards, with persistent gaps in nurses, midwives, and support staff even after post-Ebola recruitment efforts.[265] Malaria imposes the heaviest disease burden, accounting for over 2 million hospital admissions annually and approximately 20% of under-5 deaths, primarily affecting children due to limited access to preventive measures like insecticide-treated nets.[266] [267] Tuberculosis (TB) and HIV co-epidemics exacerbate vulnerabilities, with TB incidence at 301 cases per 100,000 population in recent estimates and HIV prevalence at 1.4% among adults aged 15-49; untreated HIV elevates TB treatment failure risks tenfold.[268] [269] Public sector inefficiencies, including supply chain disruptions and diagnostic limitations, hinder effective management of these infectious diseases. Vaccination coverage stands at 65.8% for full childhood immunization among one-year-olds, with higher rates for birth-dose vaccines but lower completion for multi-dose series due to logistical challenges like unreliable cold chains in remote areas.[270] The private health sector, comprising clinics and pharmacies, fills critical gaps in service delivery, handling a significant portion of outpatient care amid public system constraints, though regulatory oversight remains inconsistent.[271] [272]Maternal, child, and mental health outcomes
Sierra Leone exhibits one of the highest maternal mortality ratios globally, with a modeled estimate of 1,120 deaths per 100,000 live births reported for 2017, though some sources indicate a decline to 354 by 2023 amid efforts to improve midwifery and access.[273][274] Primary contributors include hemorrhage, sepsis, and eclampsia, exacerbated by limited access to skilled birth attendants and emergency obstetric care in rural areas, where poverty and governance failures hinder infrastructure.[275] The 2014-2016 Ebola outbreak, which claimed nearly 4,000 lives in Sierra Leone, severely disrupted maternal services, reducing antenatal care by up to 22% and facility-based deliveries, leading to a temporary surge in maternal and neonatal deaths beyond pre-outbreak levels of around 1,100 per 100,000.[276] Cultural practices such as female genital mutilation (FGM), prevalent in over 80% of women, correlate with obstetric complications including excessive bleeding, delayed healing, and increased risk of postpartum hemorrhage, further elevating maternal risks.[277] Child health outcomes reflect persistent undernutrition and infectious burdens, with stunting affecting 25.1% of children under five in 2023, down from higher rates but still indicative of chronic malnutrition linked to food insecurity and inadequate complementary feeding.[278] Neonatal mortality, at rates contributing to an under-five mortality of over 100 per 1,000 live births pre-Ebola, stems largely from preterm birth complications, anemia, and maternal malnutrition, with maternal anemia raising neonatal death risks by associating with low birth weight and infections.[279] The Ebola crisis amplified these issues by diverting resources and fostering fear of health facilities, resulting in excess child deaths from disrupted vaccinations and treatments for diarrhea and pneumonia, though seasonal data show varied impacts on infant mortality.[280] Governance shortcomings, including understaffed clinics and supply shortages, perpetuate these cycles, as evidenced by UNICEF interventions screening over 100,000 children annually yet facing systemic barriers. Mental health outcomes remain strained from the 1991-2002 civil war, with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) prevalence among survivors estimated at 26%, alongside depression in 27%, driven by exposure to violence, amputations, and displacement affecting over half the population.[281] War-related trauma manifests in physical symptoms like headaches and body pains, compounded by ongoing daily stressors such as poverty, which independently predict poorer psychological adjustment years later.[282][283] Services are severely underfunded, with a 98% treatment gap for severe disorders and reliance on a single psychiatric hospital until recent expansions, including a 2023 mental health helpline and residency programs, though stigma and limited primary care integration persist.[284][285] Ebola further eroded coping mechanisms, increasing anxiety and substance use without proportional resource allocation, underscoring governance priorities favoring acute crises over sustained mental health investment.[286][287]Access to water, sanitation, and emergency services
Approximately 65% of Sierra Leone's population had access to at least basic drinking water services in 2022, with urban areas exhibiting higher coverage than rural regions where reliance on unprotected wells and surface water remains prevalent.[288][289] However, only about 23% of households have access to safely managed drinking water on premises, contributing to widespread contamination risks from inadequate treatment and distribution infrastructure.[290] Rural areas lag significantly, with pit latrines serving as the primary sanitation facility for many, often lacking proper emptying or treatment mechanisms that exacerbate groundwater pollution.[289] Sanitation coverage stands at roughly 23% for basic services nationwide, with safely managed sanitation reaching just 15% of the population; open defecation affects about 25% of people, particularly in rural and peri-urban settings, fueling recurrent cholera outbreaks through fecal-oral transmission pathways.[291][292][293] Poor hygiene practices, including limited handwashing facilities in only 12% of households, amplify these risks, as evidenced by correlations between low WASH coverage and elevated diarrheal disease burdens in epidemiological data.[290][294] In September 2025, the World Bank approved a $40 million grant for the initial phase of the Sierra Leone Water Security and WASH Access Improvement Project, targeting clean water and sanitation for five million people over a decade-long, $180 million program that includes infrastructure upgrades, institutional strengthening, and sludge management enhancements to reduce environmental contamination.[295][296] This initiative builds on national efforts to phase out open defecation and expand treated sanitation, though implementation challenges persist due to funding gaps and maintenance issues in decentralized systems.[293] Emergency medical services remain underdeveloped, with the National Emergency Medical Service (NEMS), established in 2018, operating a limited fleet of ambulances focused on prehospital stabilization and transport, often hampered by poor road networks and equipment shortages.[297] Community-based lay first responders, trained through programs like those by LFR International, supplement this system by providing initial trauma care in remote areas, having reached thousands in districts such as Bombali, though formal ambulance response times exceed hours in rural zones.[298][299] These gaps underscore vulnerabilities in rapid response, particularly for WASH-related outbreaks like cholera, where delayed evacuation correlates with higher case fatality rates.[300]Culture and Social Norms
Traditional practices, polygamy, and family structures
The Poro society, a men's secret society prevalent among ethnic groups such as the Mende, Temne, and Limba, organizes initiation rites for boys transitioning to adulthood, imparting knowledge of traditions, drumming, songs, and responsibilities like crop promotion and disease curing through rituals.[301][302] These rites enforce rigid gender roles, emphasizing male authority in governance, warfare, and economic provision, while fostering community cohesion via masked spirit impersonations and ethical leadership frameworks.[303] Similarly, the Sande (or Bondo) society initiates girls into womanhood, teaching domestic skills, sexual restraint, and social duties, often including excision as a rite to curb promiscuity and prepare for marriage, though this practice has drawn criticism for health risks and coercion from international observers, contrasting with local views of it as essential for female honor and societal order.[304][305][306] Polygyny remains widespread, with 37% of married women in polygamous unions as of 2008 demographic surveys, particularly among Muslim men where rates exceed 25%, enabling agrarian labor division in extended households but often exacerbating resource scarcity, spousal rivalry, and child neglect amid high dependency ratios.[307][308] In patrilineal structures dominant across tribes, bride price payments—typically livestock, cash, or goods—compensate the bride's family for lost labor and upbringing costs, reinforcing alliances but sometimes commodifying women and linking to intimate partner violence under economic stress.[308][309] Extended families predominate, pooling resources for farming and child-rearing, which sustains high fertility rates averaging 4.6 children per woman, culturally prized for lineage perpetuation and labor supply despite straining household capacities in rural areas.[310][311] Critics, including some anthropological accounts, highlight coercive elements in secret society initiations and polygyny as perpetuating inequality, yet proponents argue these institutions provide causal stability through norm enforcement and mutual aid, countering anomie in low-trust environments absent modern state alternatives.[312][306] Empirical data from household studies indicate that while polygamous setups boost short-term productivity in subsistence economies, they correlate with elevated child malnutrition and educational deficits, underscoring trade-offs between traditional cohesion and individual welfare.[313][308]Arts, media, and cultural expressions
Sierra Leone's cultural expressions are rooted in oral traditions maintained by griots, hereditary storytellers and musicians who preserve history, genealogy, and moral lessons through epic narratives and instrumental performances on stringed instruments like the korodu. These practices, integral to Mende, Temne, and other ethnic groups, blend poetry, music, and dance to transmit knowledge across generations in pre-colonial and contemporary settings.[314] In literature, Sierra Leonean voices gained international prominence through authors like Aminatta Forna, a British-Sierra Leonean writer whose works, such as Ancestor Stones (2006), explore the civil war's impact on women and family structures, drawing from her childhood experiences in the country. Forna's narratives highlight themes of trauma, resilience, and displacement, reflecting empirical observations of conflict's long-term societal effects without romanticization.[315] Music evolved from traditional forms to post-civil war hip-hop and rap, which emerged as outlets for social commentary after the 1991-2002 conflict. Artists like Kao Denero, known as the "King of Freetown," pioneered a Sierra Leonean hip-hop style addressing corruption, poverty, and youth disenfranchisement, with the genre's growth tied to urban youth culture and the influx of Western influences via diaspora returnees. Groups such as Sierra Leone's Refugee All Stars fused reggae, folk, and local rhythms to document refugee experiences during the war, achieving global recognition for their therapeutic role in reconciliation.[316][317][314] Theater in Sierra Leone bears marks of colonial British influences, evident in early 20th-century plays by writers like R. Sarif Easmon, whose works such as Dear Parent and Ogre (1964) incorporated drawing-room drama styles reminiscent of George Bernard Shaw, often expressing pro-colonial sentiments amid Freetown's amateur theater scene. Post-independence, theater groups proliferated, focusing on local issues but constrained by limited infrastructure outside the capital.[318] Media landscape features the state-run Sierra Leone Broadcasting Corporation (SLBC), established in 1934 and dominant in radio broadcasting, alongside private stations that serve as platforms for opposition voices, though subject to government oversight. Press freedom improved to 56th globally in the 2025 Reporters Without Borders index from 64th in 2024, attributed to decriminalization of offenses under President Julius Maada Bio, yet challenges persist including harassment and self-censorship due to political pressures.[319][320] Films addressing the civil war, such as Ezra (2007), depict child soldier experiences through narratives of abduction and indoctrination, while documentaries like War Don Don (2009) examine the Special Court for Sierra Leone's trials, underscoring accountability mechanisms without endorsing partisan views. These works, often produced internationally, rely on survivor testimonies for authenticity.[321][322] Traditional crafts include gara tie-dyeing, a technique originating in northern Sierra Leone where artisans bind and dye cotton cloth with natural indigo to create symbolic patterns representing proverbs, folklore, and social commentary, practiced for centuries and recently revived by masters like Abubakarr Koma to counter modernization's erosion.[323]Cuisine, festivals, and sports
Sierra Leonean cuisine relies heavily on rice as the primary staple, typically consumed with stews incorporating local ingredients such as fish, peanuts, and vegetables.[310] Fufu, prepared from cassava or plantains, serves as a common accompaniment to nutrient-dense soups, though many traditional preparations like rice or cassava pap exhibit low nutrient density, contributing to widespread dietary inadequacies.[324] Despite local production, rice imports are essential to meet demand, exacerbating vulnerabilities to food insecurity.[325] Nutritional challenges persist, with nearly half a million children under five affected by stunting and 30,000 at immediate risk from severe malnutrition, driven by limited access to diverse, fortified foods.[326] Efforts to promote crops like orange-fleshed sweet potatoes aim to address deficiencies in vitamins A and C, alongside minerals such as iron and calcium, but household production remains insufficient for broad impact.[327] Festivals in Sierra Leone blend colonial legacies with indigenous traditions, prominently featuring Independence Day on April 27, marked by the Lantern Parade originating in the 1930s and involving illuminated displays, music, and public gatherings.[328] Christmas celebrations include vibrant street carnivals across Freetown neighborhoods, with food, music, and masquerade performances that draw community participation despite the tropical climate's warmth.[329] Masquerades, such as Ordehlay ensembles, appear during holidays like Christmas, Boxing Day, New Year's, and Independence Day, rooted in rites of passage and ancestral veneration, varying by ethnic group and region.[330] [331] Football dominates Sierra Leonean sports, with the national team, known as the Leone Stars, achieving qualification for the 2021 Africa Cup of Nations—their first appearance in 25 years—after defeating Benin 1-0 in a key qualifier, though they faced tough group opponents including Algeria and Ivory Coast.[332] [333] The team continues competing in CAF qualifiers, as seen in 2025 matches against powerhouses like Ivory Coast, reflecting ongoing efforts to build competitive depth amid infrastructural constraints.[334] Cricket, introduced during British colonial rule, maintains a niche presence, particularly in urban areas, though it lags behind football in popularity and infrastructure investment. Sports betting, centered on football outcomes like match results and goal totals, surges on weekends and integrates deeply into the informal economy, with widespread engagement despite regulatory gaps.[335]Foreign Relations and Security
Bilateral ties with Western nations and former colonizer
Sierra Leone's bilateral relations with the United Kingdom, its colonial ruler from 1808 until independence in 1961, emphasize trade, investment, and development assistance conditioned on governance reforms. In the four quarters ending Q1 2025, UK exports to Sierra Leone totaled £81 million, reflecting a 24.6% increase from the prior period, primarily in machinery, pharmaceuticals, and foodstuffs, while the UK maintained a £40 million goods trade surplus.[336] A 2023 memorandum of understanding between the two governments seeks to expand these ties by facilitating investment in sectors like agriculture and mining, with Sierra Leonean delegations targeting British funds exceeding $100 million at 2025 forums in London.[337][338] UK aid, historically the largest bilateral contribution, has shifted toward performance-based support post-civil war, including technical assistance for economic stabilization, though reductions in overall aid budgets have prompted Sierra Leone to prioritize private investment over grants.[339] Relations with the United States center on conditional economic compacts and security partnerships. The Millennium Challenge Corporation signed a $480 million five-year grant in September 2024, targeting energy infrastructure to expand affordable electricity access for households and businesses through grid enhancements and new transmission lines, with implementation resuming after a July 2025 review.[89][340] This aid requires Sierra Leone to meet eligibility criteria on policy reforms, such as anti-corruption measures and fiscal transparency.[196] Limited U.S. cooperation on counterterrorism focuses on capacity-building to monitor threats, amid broader West African instability, without large-scale military deployments.[341] European Union ties involve development funding and resource management, with remittances from Western diasporas providing a key economic lifeline. Inward remittances reached approximately 4.3% of GDP in 2024, projected to total $970 million in 2025, largely from migrants in the UK and U.S., supporting household consumption and informal sectors more reliably than volatile aid flows.[342] Sierra Leone lacks a formal EU fishing partnership agreement, unlike neighboring states, leading to critiques of unregulated European vessel access contributing to overfishing and lost local revenues estimated in millions annually; EU support instead emphasizes illegal, unreported, and unregulated fishing controls.[344][345] Critics, including economists analyzing sub-Saharan aid dynamics, argue that foreign assistance to Sierra Leone exhibits fungibility, where inflows substitute for domestic spending, freeing government revenues for patronage and corruption rather than intended infrastructure or services—international aid comprising nearly half the budget exacerbates weak accountability in a system ranked highly corrupt by indices.[346][347] Such conditionality in UK and U.S. programs aims to mitigate this by tying disbursements to verifiable reforms, though empirical reviews question long-term efficacy amid entrenched elite capture.[348]Regional engagements and African Union role
Sierra Leone maintains active participation in the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), founded in 1975, through which it has engaged in regional security and economic initiatives. The country contributed troops to the ECOWAS Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) during the early phases of the Liberian civil war in 1990, reflecting initial collaborative efforts to stabilize neighboring conflicts that spilled over into Sierra Leone. ECOMOG's subsequent intervention in Sierra Leone's own civil war proved pivotal; in February 1998, ECOMOG forces, primarily Nigerian-led, overthrew the Armed Forces Revolutionary Council junta and reinstated President Ahmad Tejan Kabbah's government, marking a key ECOWAS success in restoring constitutional order despite criticisms of operational excesses and resource strains on member states.[349][350] Complementing ECOWAS, Sierra Leone co-founded the Mano River Union (MRU) in 1973 with Liberia, later expanded to include Guinea and Côte d'Ivoire, aimed at promoting economic cooperation and cross-border stability amid shared vulnerabilities like post-conflict fragility and resource competition. The MRU has facilitated joint initiatives on peacebuilding and resilience, including UN-supported programs addressing cross-border tensions, though progress remains hampered by persistent instability. Legacies from Liberia's civil war include Sierra Leone hosting over 64,000 registered Liberian refugees by the early 2000s, straining resources and contributing to cross-border insecurity, with repatriations not fully resolving underlying ethnic and economic ties that fueled regional conflicts.[351][352] Border disputes underscore challenges in regional ties; a longstanding territorial disagreement with Guinea over Yenga village, along the Moa and Makona rivers, escalated in May 2025 when Guinean troops advanced, prompting civilian evacuations and diplomatic protests, reviving claims rooted in colonial demarcations and wartime occupations. Similar frictions with Liberia over border villages prompted high-level talks in May 2025 to avert escalation, highlighting how unresolved boundaries exacerbate smuggling and migration issues. ECOWAS has mediated such disputes indirectly through stability mechanisms, balancing integration benefits like collective security against sovereignty concerns, as interventions like ECOMOG raised debates over external influence in domestic affairs.[353][354] In electoral governance, ECOWAS deployed a 95-member observation mission to Sierra Leone's June 24, 2023, general elections, commending voter turnout while noting logistical flaws, in joint efforts with the African Union (AU) to bolster democratic norms. The AU has supported Sierra Leone's post-war reconciliation via its Transitional Justice Policy, referencing the 2004 Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) as a model for victim-centered accountability, though implementation gaps persist, prompting calls for enhanced capacity-building to sustain mechanisms amid ongoing socioeconomic divides. Sierra Leone's peacekeeping contributions remain modest compared to recipients' roles, with reformed forces aiding ECOWAS standby arrangements, yet regional aspirations for trade blocs falter; intra-ECOWAS commerce hovers at about 15% of total trade, undermined by Sierra Leone's high costs, weak facilitation, and noncompliance with rulings, prioritizing sovereignty over deeper integration despite potential economic gains.[355][356]Military reforms, peacekeeping, and internal security
The Republic of Sierra Leone Armed Forces (RSLAF) has maintained a force of approximately 8,500 personnel since reductions following the civil war's end, focusing on professionalization through international training.[357] The International Military Advisory and Training Team (IMATT), established post-2000 with British leadership, has conducted brigade-level training in operations, planning, and personnel management, emphasizing peacekeeping skills over combat readiness.[358] This has included annual cycles for border patrol and specialist preparation, though challenges persist in building a consistent training ethos amid resource constraints.[359] Sierra Leone's military budget remains low, at 0.56% of GDP in 2023, reflecting limited domestic prioritization of defense amid competing fiscal demands like debt servicing and infrastructure.[360] Reintegration of former child soldiers into the RSLAF or civilian life has faced ongoing hurdles, including high rates of psychological trauma—such as depression (39%) and nervousness (39%) reported in follow-up studies—and barriers to education and employment, complicating full societal absorption.[361] These issues stem from wartime recruitment of over 10,000 children, with programs emphasizing de-traumatization but struggling against stigma and skill gaps.[362] The RSLAF has participated in UN peacekeeping, deploying personnel to missions in Somalia (via AMISOM/ATMIS, including all-female units) and Darfur (UNAMID, with around 100 police and specialists).[363][364] Contributions total dozens of uniformed personnel across multiple operations as of 2022, aiding stabilization while enhancing RSLAF capabilities in logistics and gender-integrated forces.[365] Internal security relies heavily on the Sierra Leone Police (SLP), which grapples with systemic corruption; 73% of citizens perceive most or all police as corrupt, undermining trust and service delivery.[366] Efforts include community policing pilots since 2009, which improved local perceptions of security in select districts through partnership boards, though implementation varies by resource availability.[367] Primary threats are urban crimes like robbery, drug trafficking, and human trafficking, rather than organized insurgency, with narcotics routes exacerbating youth unemployment-fueled instability in cities like Freetown.[368]References
- https://www.[statista](/page/Statista).com/outlook/fmo/payments/remittances/inward-remittances/sierra-leone
