Hubbry Logo
Italian diasporaItalian diasporaMain
Open search
Italian diaspora
Community hub
Italian diaspora
logo
8 pages, 0 posts
0 subscribers
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Italian diaspora
Italian diaspora
from Wikipedia

The Italian diaspora (Italian: emigrazione italiana, pronounced [emiɡratˈtsjoːne itaˈljaːna]) is the large-scale emigration of Italians from Italy.

Key Information

There were two major Italian diasporas in Italian history. The first diaspora began around 1880, two decades after the Unification of Italy, and ended in the 1920s to the early 1940s with the rise of Fascist Italy.[3] Poverty was the main reason for emigration, specifically the lack of land as mezzadria sharecropping flourished in Italy, especially in the South, and property became subdivided over generations. Especially in Southern Italy, conditions were harsh.[3] From the 1860s to the 1950s, Italy was still a largely rural society with many small towns and cities having almost no modern industry and in which land management practices, especially in the South and the Northeast, did not easily convince farmers to stay on the land and to work the soil.[4] Another factor was related to the overpopulation of Italy as a result of the improvements in socioeconomic conditions after Unification.[5] That created a demographic boom and forced the new generations to emigrate en masse in the late 19th century and the early 20th century, mostly to the Americas.[6] The new migration of capital created millions of unskilled jobs around the world and was responsible for the simultaneous mass migration of Italians searching for "bread and work" (Italian: pane e lavoro, pronounced [ˈpaːne e llaˈvoːro]).[7]

The second diaspora started after the end of World War II and concluded roughly in the 1970s. Between 1880 and 1980, about 15,000,000 Italians left the country permanently.[8] By 1980, it was estimated that about 25,000,000 Italians were residing outside Italy.[9] Between 1861 and 1985, 29,036,000 Italians emigrated to other countries; of whom 16,000,000 (55%) arrived before the outbreak of World War I. About 10,275,000 returned to Italy (35%), and 18,761,000 permanently settled abroad (65%).[10] A third wave, primarily affecting young people, widely called "fuga di cervelli" (brain drain) in the Italian media, is thought to be occurring, due to the socioeconomic problems caused by the financial crisis of the early 21st century. According to the Public Register of Italian Residents Abroad (AIRE [it]), the number of Italians abroad rose from 3,106,251 in 2006 to 4,636,647 in 2015 and so grew by 49% in just 10 years.[11]

There are over 5 million Italian citizens living outside Italy,[12] and c. 80 million people around the world claim full or partial Italian ancestry.[1] Today there is the National Museum of Italian Emigration (Italian: Museo Nazionale dell'Emigrazione Italiana, "MEI"), located in Genoa, Italy.[13] The exhibition space, which is spread over three floors and 16 thematic areas, describes the phenomenon of Italian emigration from before the unification of Italy to present.[13] The museum describes the Italian emigration through autobiographies, diaries, letters, photographs and newspaper articles of the time that dealt with the theme of Italian emigration.[13]

Background of ancient Italian migrations

[edit]

Italica was the first Roman settlement in Spain. It was founded in 206 BC by Roman general Scipio as a colonia for his Italic veterans and named after them.[14] Italica later grew attracting new migrants from the Italian peninsula and also with the children of Roman soldiers and native women.[15] Roman emperors Trajan and Hadrian were born in Italica.

Trade routes and colonies of the Genoese (red) and Venetian (green) empires during the Middle Age
The Galata Tower in Istanbul, Turkey, built in 1348 by the Republic of Genoa and still a symbol of the Italian Levantine

Italian Levantines are people living mainly in Turkey, who are descendants from Genoese and Venetian colonists in the Levant during the Middle Ages[16] Italian Levantines have roots even in the eastern Mediterranean coast (the Levant, particularly in present-day Lebanon and Israel) since the period of the Crusades and the Byzantine empire. A small group came from Crimea and the Genoese colonies in the Black Sea, after the Fall of Constantinople in 1453. The majority of the Italian Levantine in modern Turkey are descendants of traders and colonists from the maritime republics of the Mediterranean (such as the Republic of Venice, the Republic of Genoa and the Republic of Pisa or of the inhabitants of the Crusader states). There are two big communities of Italian Levantines: one in Istanbul and the other in İzmir. At the end of the 19th century there were nearly 6,000 Levantines of Italian roots in İzmir.[17] They came mainly from the Genoese island of Chios.[18] The community reached more than 15,000 members during Ataturk's times, but now is reduced to a few hundred, according to Italian Levantine writer Giovanni Scognamillo.[19]

The Italian Lebanese actress Antonella Lualdi in a scene from the film Silver Spoon Set (1960)

Italians in Lebanon (or Italian Lebanese) are a community in Lebanon. Between the 12th and 15th centuries, the Italian Republic of Genoa had some Genoese colonies in Beirut, Tripoli, and Byblos. In more recent times, the Italians came to Lebanon in small groups during World War I and World War II, trying to escape the wars at that time in Europe. Some of the first Italians who choose Lebanon as a place to settle and find refuge were Italian soldiers from the Italo-Turkish War from 1911 to 1912. Most of the Italians chose to settle in Beirut because of its European style of life. Few Italians left Lebanon for France after independence. The Italian community in Lebanon is very small (about 4,300 people) and it is mostly assimilated into the Lebanese Catholic community. There is a growing interest in economic relationships between Italy and Lebanon (like with the "Vinifest 2011").[20]

The Odesa Opera and Ballet Theatre, Ukraine. It was started with the important contribution of the Italians of Odesa

Italians of Odesa are mentioned for the first time in documents of the 13th century.[21] The influx of Italians in southern Ukraine grew particularly with the foundation of Odesa, which took place in 1794.[21] In 1797 there were about 800 Italians in Odesa, equal to 10% of the total population.[22] For more than a century the Italians of Odesa greatly influenced the culture, art, industry, society, architecture, politics and economy of the city.[23][24][25][26] Among the works created by the Italians of Odesa there were the Potemkin Stairs and the Odesa Opera and Ballet Theater.[21] At the beginning of the 19th century the Italian language became the second official language in Odesa, after Russian.[21] Until the 1870s, Odesa's Italian population grew steadily.[23] From the following decade this growth stopped, and the decline of the Italian community in Odesa began.[23] The reason was mainly one, namely the gradual integration into the Slavic population of Odesa, i.e. Russians and Ukrainians.[23] Surnames began to be Russianized and Ukrainianized.[23] The revolution of 1917 sent many of them to Italy, or to other cities in Europe.[25] In Soviet times, only a few dozen Italians remained in Odesa, most of whom no longer knew their own language.[27] Over time they merged with the local population, losing the ethnic connotations of origin.[28] They disappeared completely by World War II.[28]

Catholic Church of Santa Maria Assunta in Kerch, Ukraine, reference for the Italians of Crimea

The Italians of Crimea are a small ethnic minority residing in Crimea. Italians have populated some areas of Crimea since the time of the Republic of Genoa and the Republic of Venice. In 1783, 25,000 Italians immigrated to Crimea, which had been recently annexed by the Russian Empire.[29] In 1830 and in 1870, two distinct migrations arrived in Kerch from the cities of Trani, Bisceglie and Molfetta. These migrants were peasants and sailors, attracted by the job opportunities in the local Crimean seaports and by the possibility to cultivate the nearly unexploited and fertile Crimean lands. After the October Revolution, many Italians were considered foreigners and were seen as an enemy. They therefore faced much repression.[29] Between 1936 and 1938, during Stalin's Great Purge, many Italians were accused of espionage and were arrested, tortured, deported or executed.[30] The few survivors were allowed to return to Kerch under Nikita Khrushchev's regency. Some families dispersed in other territories of Soviet Union, mainly in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan. The descendants of the Italians of Crimea account today for 3,000 people, mainly residing in Kerch.[31][32]

Gibraltarian Calentita is very similar to the Genoese Farinata. Genoese community in Gibraltar influenced the Gibraltarian cuisine

A Genoese community has existed in Gibraltar since the 16th century and later became an important part of the population. There is much evidence of a community of emigrants from Genoa, who moved to Gibraltar in the 16th century[33] and that were more than a third of the Gibraltar population in the first half of the 18th century. Although labeled as "Genoese", they were not only from the city of Genoa but from all of Liguria, a region in Northern Italy that was the center of the maritime Republic of Genoa. According to the 1725 census, on a total civilian population of 1,113 there were 414 Genoese, 400 Spaniards, 137 Jews, 113 Britons and 49 others (mainly Portuguese and Dutch).[34] In the 1753 census, the Genoese were the biggest group (nearly 34%) of civilian residents in the Gibraltar, and up until 1830, Italian was spoken together with English and Spanish and used in official announcements.[35] After Napoleonic times, many Sicilians and some Tuscans migrated to Gibraltar, but the Genoese and Ligurians remained the majority of the Italian group. Indeed, the Genoese dialect was spoken in Catalan Bay well into the 20th century, dying out in the 1970s.[36] Today, the descendants of the Genoese community of Gibraltar consider themselves Gibraltarians and most of them promote the autonomy of Gibraltar.[37] Genoese heritage is evident throughout Gibraltar but especially in the architecture of the town's older buildings which are influenced by traditional Genoese housing styles featuring internal courtyards (also known as "patios").

Typical Venetian architecture in the old town of Corfu, Ionian Islands, Greece. The Ionian islands, having been under the dominion of the Republic of Venice for centuries, have been inhabited by the Corfiot Italians.

Corfiot Italians (or "Corfiote Italians") are a population from the Greek island of Corfu (Kerkyra) with ethnic and linguistic ties to the Republic of Venice. The origins of the Corfiot Italian community can be found in the expansion of the Italian States toward the Balkans during and after the Crusades. In the 12th century, the Kingdom of Naples sent some Italian families to Corfu to rule the island. From the Fourth Crusade of 1204 onwards, the Republic of Venice sent many Italian families to Corfu. These families brought the Italian language of the Middle Ages to the island.[38] When Venice ruled Corfu and the Ionian islands, which lasted during the Renaissance and until the late 18th century, most of the Corfiote upper classes spoke Italian (or specifically Venetian in many cases), but the mass of people remained Greek ethnically, linguistically, and religiously before and after the Ottoman sieges of the 16th century. Corfiot Italians were mainly concentrated in the city of Corfu, which was called "Città di Corfu" by the Venetians. More than half of the population of Corfu city in the 18th century spoke the Venetian language.[39] The re-emergence of Greek nationalism, after the Napoleonic era, contributed to the gradual disappearance of the Corfiot Italians. Corfu was ultimately incorporated into the Kingdom of Greece in 1864. The Greek government abolished all Italian schools in the Ionian islands in 1870, and as a consequence, by the 1940s there were only 400 Corfiote Italians left.[40] The architecture of Corfu City still reflects its long Venetian heritage, with its multi-storied buildings, its spacious squares such as the popular "Spianada" and the narrow cobblestone alleys known as "Kantounia".

Napoleon, the most notable Italian French personality[41]

There has always been migration, since ancient times, between what is today Italy and France. Since the 16th century, Florence and its citizens have long enjoyed a very close relationship with France.[42] In 1533, at the age of fourteen, Catherine de' Medici married Henry, the second son of King Francis I and Queen Claude of France. Under the gallicised version of her name, Catherine de Médici, she became Queen consort of France when Henry ascended to the throne in 1547. Later on, after Henry died, she became regent on behalf of her ten-year-old son King Charles IX and was granted sweeping powers. After Charles died in 1574, Catherine played a key role in the reign of her third son, Henry III. Other notable examples of Italians that played a major role in the history of France include Cardinal Mazarin, born in Pescina was a cardinal, diplomat and politician, who served as the chief minister of France from 1642 until his death in 1661. As for the personalities of the modern era, Napoleon Bonaparte, French emperor and general, was ethnically Italian of Corsican origin, whose family was of Genoese and Tuscan ancestry.[41]

Lombard Street in London took its name from the small but powerful community from northern Italy, living there as bankers and merchants after AD 1000.[43]

After the conquest of Anglo-Saxon England in 1066, the first recorded Italian communities in England began from the merchants and sailors living in Southampton. The famous "Lombard Street" in London took its name from the small but powerful community from northern Italy, living there as bankers and merchants after the year 1000.[44] The rebuilding of Westminster Abbey showed significant Italian artistic influence in the construction of the so-called 'Cosmati' Pavement completed in 1245 and a unique example of the style unknown outside of Italy, the work of highly skilled team of Italian craftsmen led by a Roman named Ordoricus.[45] In 1303, Edward I negotiated an agreement with the Lombard merchant community that secured custom duties and certain rights and privileges.[46] The revenues from the customs duty were handled by the Riccardi, a group of bankers from Lucca in Italy.[47] This was in return for their service as money lenders to the crown, which helped finance the Welsh Wars. When the war with France broke out, the French king confiscated the Riccardi's assets, and the bank went bankrupt.[48] After this, the Frescobaldi of Florence took over the role as money lenders to the English crown.[49]

Large numbers of Italians have resided in Germany since the early Middle Ages, particularly architects, craftsmen and traders. During the late Middle Ages and early modern times many Italians came to Germany for business, and relations between the two countries prospered. The political borders were also somewhat intertwined under the German princes' attempts to extend control over all the Holy Roman Empire, which extended from northern Germany down to Northern Italy. During the Renaissance many Italian bankers, architects and artists moved to Germany and successfully integrated in the German society. The first Italians came to Poland in the Middle Ages, however, substantial migration of Italians to Poland began in the 16th century (see Poland section below).[50]

Filippo Mazzei, an Italian physician, philosopher, diplomat, and author, whose phrase "All men are by nature equally free and independent" may have inspired Thomas Jefferson in drafting the Declaration of Independence.
Enrico Tonti, who founded the first European settlement in Illinois in 1679, and in Arkansas in 1683, making him "The Father of Arkansas".[51]

Italians in the United States before 1880 included a number of explorers, starting with Christopher Columbus, and a few small settlements.[52] The first Italian to be registered as residing in the area corresponding to the current U.S. was Pietro Cesare Alberti,[53] commonly regarded as the first Italian American, a Venetian seaman who, in 1635, settled in the Dutch colony of New Amsterdam, what would eventually become New York City. Enrico Tonti, together with the French explorer René-Robert Cavelier, Sieur de La Salle, explored the Great Lakes region. Tonti founded the first European settlement in Illinois in 1679, and in Arkansas in 1683, making him "The Father of Arkansas".[51][54] With LaSalle, he co-founded New Orleans, and was governor of the Louisiana Territory for the next 20 years. His brother Alfonso Tonti, with French explorer Antoine de la Mothe Cadillac, was the co-founder of Detroit in 1701, and was its acting colonial governor for 12 years. The Taliaferro family (originally Tagliaferro), believed to have roots in Venice, was one of the First Families to settle Virginia.

In 1773–1785, Filippo Mazzei, a physician and close friend and confidant of Thomas Jefferson, published a pamphlet containing the phrase, "All men are by nature equally free and independent. Such equality is necessary in order to create a free government. All men must be equal to each other in natural law".[55] As claimed by John F. Kennedy in A Nation of Immigrants and by Joint Resolution 175 of the 103rd Congress, Mazzei's phrase may have inspired Jefferson in drafting the Declaration of Independence.[56][57] Italian Americans served in the American Revolutionary War both as soldiers and officers. Francesco Vigo aided the colonial forces of George Rogers Clark by serving as one of the foremost financiers of the Revolution in the frontier Northwest. Later, he was a co-founder of Vincennes University in Indiana.

View of Buenos Aires, Argentina. Leonardo Gribeo gave the name to the city

During the Spanish conquest of what would be present-day Argentine territory, an Italian Leonardo Gribeo, from the region of Sardinia, accompanied Pedro de Mendoza to the place where Buenos Aires would be founded. From Cagliari to Spain, to Río de la Plata, then to Buenos Aires, he brought an image of Saint Mary of Good Air, to which the "miracle" of having reached a good place was attributed, giving the founded city its name in Spanish: Buenos Aires (lit. "good airs").[58] The presence of Italians in the Río de la Plata Basin predates the birth of Argentina. Small groups of Italians began to emigrate to the present-day Argentine territory already in the second half of the 17th century.[59] There were already Italians in Buenos Aires during the May Revolution, which started the Argentine War of Independence. In particular, Manuel Belgrano, Manuel Alberti and Juan José Castelli, all three of Italian descent, were part of the May Revolution and the Primera Junta.[60] The Italian community had already grown to such an extent that in 1836 the Kingdom of Piedmont-Sardinia sent an ambassador, Baron Picolet d'Hermilion.[58]

History

[edit]

From Italian unification to World War I

[edit]
Italian emigration per region from 1876 to 1900 and from 1901 to 1915

The Unification of Italy broke down the feudal land system, which had survived in the south since the Middle Ages, especially where land had been the inalienable property of aristocrats, religious bodies or the king. The breakdown of feudalism and the ensuing redistribution of land, however, did not necessarily lead to small farmers in the south winding up with land they could own, work, and profit from. Many remained landless, and plots grew smaller and smaller and so less and less productive, as land was subdivided amongst heirs.[4] The transition was not smooth for the south (the "Mezzogiorno"). The path to unification and modernization created a divide between Northern and Southern Italy called Southern question.

Between 1860 and the start of World War I in 1914, 9 million Italians left permanently of a total of 16 million who emigrated, most travelling to North or South America.[61] The numbers may have even been higher; 14 million from 1876 to 1914, according to another study. Annual emigration averaged almost 220,000 in the period 1876 to 1900, and almost 650,000 from 1901 through 1915. Prior to 1900 the majority of Italian immigrants were from northern and central Italy. Two-thirds of the migrants who left Italy between 1870 and 1914 were men with traditional skills. Peasants were half of all migrants before 1896.[6]

Ship loaded with Italian emigrants arrived in Brazil (1907).

As the number of Italian emigrants abroad increased, so did their remittances, which encouraged further emigration, even in the face of factors that might logically be thought to decrease the need to leave, such as increased salaries at home. It has been termed "persistent and path-dependent emigration flow".[61] Friends and relatives who left first sent back money for tickets and helped relatives as they arrived. That tended to support an emigration flow since even improving conditions in the original country took time to trickle down to potential emigrants to convince them not to leave. The emigrant flow was stemmed only by dramatic events, such as the outbreak of World War I, which greatly disrupted the flow of people trying to leave Europe, and the restrictions on immigration that were put in place by receiving countries. Examples of such restrictions in the United States were the Emergency Quota Act of 1921 and the Immigration Act of 1924. Restrictive legislation to limit emigration from Italy was introduced by the fascist government of the 1920s and 1930s.[62]

Poster created in 1886 by the Brazilian state of São Paulo, intended for potential Italian emigrants to Brazil

The Italian diaspora did not affect all regions of the nation equally. In the second phase of emigration (1900 to World War I), slightly less than half of emigrants were from the south and most of them were from rural areas, as they were driven off the land by inefficient land management, lawlessness and sickness (pellagra and cholera). Robert Foerster, in Italian Emigration of our Times (1919) says, "[Emigration has been]… well nigh expulsion; it has been exodus, in the sense of depopulation; it has been characteristically permanent".[63] The very large number of emigrants from Friuli-Venezia Giulia, a region with a population of only 509,000 in 1870 until 1914 is due to the fact that many of those counted among the 1.407 million emigrants actually lived in the Austrian Littoral which had a larger polyglot population of Croats, Friulians, Italians and Slovenes than in the Italian Friuli.[64]

Mezzadria, a form of sharefarming where tenant families obtained a plot to work on from an owner and kept a reasonable share of the profits, was more prevalent in central Italy, and is one of the reasons that there was less emigration from that part of Italy. The south lacked entrepreneurs, and absentee landlords were common. Although owning land was the basic yardstick of wealth, farming there was socially despised. People invested not in agricultural equipment, but in such things as low-risk state bonds.[4]

The rule that emigration from cities was negligible has an important exception, in Naples.[4] The city went from being the capital of its own kingdom in 1860 to being just another large city in Italy. The loss of bureaucratical jobs and the subsequently declining financial situation led to high unemployment in the area. In the early-1880s, epidemics of cholera also struck the city, causing many people to leave. The epidemics were the driving force behind the decision to rebuild entire sections of the city, an undertaking known as the "risanamento" (literally "making healthy again"), a pursuit that lasted until the start of World War I.

Modenese emigrants to Capitan Pastene (Chile) in 1910: the Castagnoli family

During the first few years before the unification of Italy, emigration was not particularly controlled by the state. Emigrants were often in the hands of emigration agents whose job was to make money for themselves by moving emigrants. Such labor agents and recruiters were called padroni, translating to patron or boss.[6] Abuses led to the first migration law in Italy, passed in 1888, to bring the many emigration agencies under state control.[65] On 31 January 1901, the Commissariat of Emigration was created, granting licenses to carriers, enforcing fixed ticket costs, keeping order at ports of embarkation, providing health inspection for those leaving, setting up hostels and care facilities and arranging agreements with receiving countries to help care for those arriving. The Commissariat tried to take care of emigrants before they left and after they arrived, such as dealing with the American laws that discriminated against alien workers (like the Alien Contract Labor Law) and even suspending, for some time, emigration to Brazil, where many migrants had wound up as quasi-slaves on large coffee plantations.[65] The Commissariat also helped to set up remittances sent by emigrants from the United States back to their homeland, which turned into a constant flow of money amounting, by some accounts, to about 5% of the Italian GNP.[66] In 1903, the Commissariat also set the available ports of embarkation as Palermo, Naples and Genoa, excluding the port of Venice, which had previously also been used.[67]

Interwar period

[edit]
The Benvenuti family, who immigrated to Caxias do Sul, a municipality of Brazil founded by Italian emigrants from Veneto, in a photo of 1928

Although the physical perils involved with transatlantic ship traffic during World War I disrupted emigration from all parts of Europe, including Italy, the condition of various national economies in the immediate post-war period was so bad that immigration picked up almost immediately. Foreign newspapers ran scare stories similar to those published 40 years earlier (when, for example, on 18 December 1880, The New York Times ran an editorial, "Undesirable Emigrants", full of typical invective of the day against the "promiscuous immigration… [of]…the filthy, wretched, lazy, criminal dregs of the meanest sections of Italy"). An article written during the interwar period on 17 April 1921, in the same newspaper, used the headlines "Italians Coming in Great Numbers" and "Number of Immigrants Will Be Limited Only By Capacity of Liners" (there was now a limited number of ships available because of recent wartime losses) and that potential immigrants were thronging the quays in the cities of Genoa. This article continues: ... the foreigner who walks through a city like Naples can easily realize the problem the government is dealing with: "the back streets are literally teeming with children running around the streets and on the dirty and happy sidewalks. ... The suburbs of Naples ... teem with children who, in number, can only be compared to those found in Delhi, Agra and other cities of the East Indies ...".[68]

One of the two braziers that burn perpetually on the sides of the tomb of the Italian Unknown Soldier at Altare della Patria in Rome. At their base there is a plaque bearing the inscription Gli italiani all'estero alla Madre Patria ("Italians abroad to the Motherland").

The extreme economic difficulties of post-war Italy and the severe internal tensions within the country, which led to the rise of fascism, led 614,000 immigrants away in 1920, half of them going to the United States. When the fascists came to power in 1922, there was a gradual slowdown in the flow of emigrants from Italy. However, during the first five years of fascist rule, 1,500,000 people left Italy.[69] By then, the nature of the emigrants had changed; there was, for example, a marked increase in the rise of relatives outside the working age moving to be with their families, who had already left Italy.

The bond of the emigrants with their mother country continued to be very strong even after their departure. Many Italian emigrants made donations to the construction of the Altare della Patria (1885–1935), a part of the monument dedicated to King Victor Emmanuel II of Italy, and in memory of that, the inscription of the plaque on the two burning braziers perpetually at the Altare della Patria next to the tomb of the Italian Unknown Soldier, reads "Gli italiani all'estero alla Madre Patria" ("Italians abroad to the Motherland").[70] The allegorical meaning of the flames that burn perpetually is linked to their symbolism, which is centuries old, since it has its origins in classical antiquity, especially in the cult of the dead.[71] A fire that burns eternally symbolizes that the memory, in this case of the sacrifice of the Unknown Soldier and the bond of the country of origin, is perpetually alive in Italians, even in those who are far from their country, and will never fade.[71]

After World War II

[edit]
Istrian Italians leave Pola in 1947 during the Istrian-Dalmatian exodus.

Following the defeat of Italy in World War II and the Paris Treaties of 1947, Istria, Kvarner and most of Julian March, with the cities of Pola, Fiume and Zara, passed from Italy to Yugoslavia, causing the Istrian-Dalmatian exodus, which led to the emigration of between 230,000 and 350,000 of local ethnic Italians (Istrian Italians and Dalmatian Italians), towards Italy, and in smaller numbers, towards the Americas, Australia and South Africa.[72][73]

The Italian emigration of the second half of the 20th century, on the other hand, was mostly to European nations experiencing economic growth. From the 1940s onwards, Italian emigration flow headed mainly to Switzerland and Belgium, while from the following decade, France and Germany were added among the top destinations.[74][75][76] These countries were considered by many, at the time of departure, as a temporary destination—often only for a few months—in which to work and earn money in order to build a better future in Italy. This phenomenon took place the most in the 1970s, a period that was marked by the return to their homeland of many Italian emigrants.

The Italian state signed an emigration pact with Germany in 1955 which guaranteed mutual commitment in the matter of migratory movements and which led almost three million Italians to cross the border in search of work. As of 2017, there are approximately 700,000 Italians in Germany, while in Switzerland this number reaches approximately 500,000. They are mainly of Sicilian, Calabrian, Abruzzese and Apulian origin, but also Venetian and Emilian, many of whom have dual citizenship and therefore the ability to vote in both countries. In Belgium and Switzerland, the Italian communities remain the most numerous foreign representations, and although many return to Italy after retirement, often the children and grandchildren remain in the countries of birth, where they have now taken root.

An important phenomenon of aggregation that is found in Europe, as well as in other countries and continents that have been the destination of migratory flows of Italians, is that of emigration associations. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs estimates that over 10,000 associations set up by Italian emigrants over the course of over a century are present abroad. Benefit, cultural, assistance and service associations that have constituted a fundamental point of reference for emigrants. The major associative networks of various ideal inspirations are now gathered in the National Council of Emigration. One of the largest associative networks in the world, together with those of the Catholic world, is that of the Italian Federation of migrant workers and families.

"New emigration" of the 21st century

[edit]
Riccardo Giacconi, Italian naturalized American physicist, winner of the Nobel Prize in Physics in 2002

Between the end of the 20th century and the beginning of the next, the flow of Italian emigrants around the world greatly attenuated. Nevertheless, migration from certain regions never stopped, such as in Sicily.[77] However, following the effects of the Great Recession, a continuous flow of expatriates has spread since the end of the 2010s. Although numerically lower than the previous two, this period mainly affects young people who are often graduates, so much so that is defined as a "brain drain".

In particular, this flow is mainly directed towards Germany, where over 35,000 Italians arrived in 2012 alone, but also towards other countries such as the United Kingdom, France, Switzerland, Canada, Australia, the United States and the South American countries. This is an annual flow which, according to the 2012 data from the registry office of Italians residing abroad (AIRE), is around 78,000 people with an increase of about 20,000 compared to 2011, even if it is estimated that the actual number of people who have emigrated is considerably higher (between two and three times), as many compatriots cancel their residence in Italy with much delay compared to their actual departure.

The phenomenon of the so-called "new emigration"[78] caused by the serious economic crisis also affects all of southern Europe such as countries like Spain, Portugal and Greece (as well as Ireland and France) which record similar, if not greater, emigration trends. It is widely believed that the places where there are no structural changes in economic and social policies are those most subject to the increase in this emigration flow. Regarding Italy, it is also significant that these flows no longer concern only the regions of southern Italy, but also those of the north, such as Lombardy and Emilia-Romagna.

According to the available statistics, the community of Italian citizens residing abroad amounts to 4,600,000 people (2015 data). It is therefore greatly reduced, from a percentage point of view, from 9,200,000 in the early 1920s (when it was about one fifth of the entire Italian population).[79]

The "Report of Italians in the World 2011" produced by the Migrantes Foundation, which is part of the CEI, specified that:

Italians residing abroad as of 31 December 2010 were 4,115,235 (47.8% are women).[80] The Italian emigrant community continues to increase both for new departures, and for internal growth (enlargement of families or people who acquire citizenship by descent). Italian emigration is concentrated mainly between Europe (55.8%) and America (38.8%). Followed by Oceania (3.2%), Africa (1.3%) and Asia with 0.8%. The country with the most Italians is Argentina (648,333), followed by Germany (631,243), then Switzerland (520,713). Furthermore, 54.8% of Italian emigrants are of southern origin (over 1,400,000 from the South and almost 800,000 from the Islands); 30.1% comes from the northern regions (almost 600,000 from the Northeast and 580,000 from the Northwest); finally, 15% (588,717) comes from the central regions. Central-southern emigrants are the overwhelming majority in Europe (62.1%) and Oceania (65%). In Asia and Africa, however, half of the Italians come from the North. The region with the most emigrants is Sicily (646,993), followed by Campania (411,512), Lazio (346,067), Calabria (343,010), Apulia (309,964) and Lombardy (291,476). The province with the most emigrants is Rome (263,210), followed by Agrigento (138,517), Cosenza (138,152), Salerno (108,588) and Naples (104,495).[81]

— CEI report on "new emigration"

In 2008, about 60,000 Italians changed citizenship; they mostly come from Northern Italy (74%) and have preferred Germany as their adopted country (12% of the total emigrants).[82] The number of Italian citizens residing abroad according to those registered in the AIRE registry:

Italian citizens residing abroad
(Source: Statistiche relative all'elenco aggiornato dei cittadini italiani residenti all'estero (AIRE))
Year200020012002200320042005200620072008
Population2,352,9652,536,6432,751,5933,045,0643,316,6353,520,8093,547,8083,649,3773,853,614


Italian citizens residing abroad
(Source: Statistiche relative all'elenco aggiornato dei cittadini italiani residenti all'estero (AIRE))
Year200920102011201220142016201820202022
Population3,995,7324,115,2354,208,8774,341,1564,521,0004,973,9405,134,0005,652,0805,806,068

Most of italians registered at AIRE are born abroad (70% circa). They are descendents of italian emigrants who conserved the citizenship of their parents thanks to easy italian legislation. Many south americans acquired italian citizenship through ius sanguinis.[83]

By continent

[edit]

Africa

[edit]
Italian Club in Boksburg, in South Africa

Although Italians did not emigrate to South Africa in large numbers, those who arrived there have nevertheless made an impact on the country. Before World War II, relatively few Italian immigrants arrived, though there were some prominent exceptions such as the Cape's first Prime Minister John Molteno. South African Italians made big headlines during World War II, when Italians were captured in Italian East Africa, they needed to be sent to a safe stronghold to be detained as prisoners of war (POWs). South Africa was the perfect destination, and the first POWs arrived in Durban, in 1941.[84][85] In the early 1970s, there were over 40,000 Italians in South Africa, scattered throughout the provinces but concentrated in the main cities. Some of these Italians had taken refuge in South Africa, escaping the decolonization of Rhodesia and other African states. In the 1990s, a period of crisis began for Italian South Africans and many returned to Europe; however, the majority successfully integrated into the multiracial society of contemporary South Africa. The Italian community consists of over 77,400 people (0.1–2% of South Africa's population),[86] half of whom have Italian citizenship. Those of Venetian origin number about 5,000, mainly residing in Johannesburg,[87] while the most numerous Italian regional communities are the southern ones. The official Italian registry records 28,059 Italians residing in South Africa in 2007, excluding South Africans with dual citizenship.[88]

Arrival of the first Italian locomotive in Tripoli, Italian Tripolitania, in 1912

Very numerous was the presence of Italian emigrants in African territories that were Italian colonies, namely in Eritrea, Ethiopia, Libya and Somalia.

In 1911, the Kingdom of Italy waged war on the Ottoman Empire and captured Libya as a colony. Italians settlers were encouraged to come to Libya and did so from 1911 until the outbreak of World War II. In less than thirty years (1911–1940), the Italians in Libya built a significant amount of public works (roads, railways, buildings, ports, etc.) and the Libyan economy flourished. They even created the Tripoli Grand Prix, an international motor racing event first held in 1925 on a racing circuit outside Tripoli (it lasted until 1940).[89] Italian farmers cultivated lands that had returned to native desert for many centuries, and improved Italian Libya's agriculture to international standards (even with the creation of new farm villages).[90] Libya had some 150,000 Italians settlers when Italy entered World War II in 1940, constituting about 18% of the total population in Italian Libya.[91][92] The Italians in Libya resided (and many still do) in most major cities like Tripoli (37% of the city was Italian), Benghazi (31%), and Hun (3%). Their numbers decreased after 1946. France and the UK took over the spoils of war that included Italian discovery and technical expertise in the extraction and production of crude oil, superhighways, irrigation, electricity. Most of Libya's Italian residents were expelled from the country in 1970, a year after Muammar Gaddafi seized power in a coup d'état on 7 October 1970,[93] but a few hundred Italian settlers returned to Libya in the 2000s (decade).

Year Italians Percentage Total Libya Source for data on population
1936 112,600 13.26% 848,600 Enciclopedia Geografica Mondiale K-Z, De Agostini, 1996
1939 108,419 12.37% 876,563 Guida Breve d'Italia Vol.III, C.T.I., 1939 (Censimento Ufficiale)
1962 35,000 2.1% 1,681,739 Enciclopedia Motta, Vol.VIII, Motta Editore, 1969
1982 1,500 0.05% 2,856,000 Atlante Geografico Universale, Fabbri Editori, 1988
2004 22,530 0.4% 5,631,585 L'Aménagement Linguistique dans le Monde Archived 26 April 2009 at the Wayback Machine

Somalia had some 50,000 Italian Somali settlers during World War II, constituting about 5% of the total population in Italian Somaliland.[94][95] The Italians resided in most major cities in the central and southern parts of the territory, with around 10,000 living in the capital Mogadishu. Other major areas of settlement included Jowhar, which was founded by the Italian prince Luigi Amedeo, Duke of the Abruzzi. Italian used to be a major language, but its influence significantly diminished following independence. It is now most frequently heard among older generations.[96]

Church of Our Lady of the Rosary in Asmara, built by Italian Eritreans in 1923

Former Italian communities also once thrived in the Horn of Africa, with about 50,000 Italian settlers living in Eritrea in 1935.[97] The Italian Eritrean population grew from 4,000 during World War I, to nearly 100,000 at the beginning of World War II.[98] Their ancestry dates back from the beginning of the Italian colonization of Eritrea at the end of the 19th century, but only during 1930s they settled in large numbers.[99] In the 1939 census of Eritrea there were more than 76,000 Eritrean Italians, most of them living in Asmara (53,000 out of the city's total of 93,000).[100][101] Many Italian settlers got out of their colony after its conquest by the Allies in November 1941 and they were reduced to only 38,000 by 1946.[102] This also includes a population of mixed Italian and Eritrean descent; most Italian Eritreans still living in Eritrea are from this mixed group. Although many of the remaining Italians stayed during the decolonization process after World War II and are actually assimilated to the Eritrean society, a few are stateless today, as none of them were given citizenship unless through marriage or, more rarely, by having it conferred upon them by the State.

Palace of the Italian Governorate in Ethiopia, 1939

Italians of Ethiopia are immigrants who moved from Italy to Ethiopia starting in the 19th century, as well as their descendants. Most of the Italians moved to Ethiopia after the Italian conquest of Abyssinia in 1936. Italian Ethiopia was made of Harrar, Galla-Sidamo, Amhara and Scioa Governorates in summer 1936 and became a part of the Italian colony Italian East Africa, with capital Addis Abeba and with Victor Emmanuel III proclaiming himself Emperor of Ethiopia. During the Italian occupation of Ethiopia, roughly 300,000 Italians settled in the Italian East Africa (1936–1941). Over 49,000 lived in Asmara in 1939 (around 10% of the city's population), and over 38,000 resided in Addis Abeba. After independence, some Italians remained for decades after receiving full pardon by Emperor Selassie,[103] but eventually nearly 22,000 Italo-Ethiopians left the country due to the Ethiopian Civil War in 1974.[103] 80 original Italian colonists remain alive in 2007, and nearly 2000 mixed descendants of Italians and Ethiopians. In the 2000s, some Italian companies returned to operate in Ethiopia, and a large number of Italian technicians and managers arrived with their families, residing mainly in the metropolitan area of the capital.[104]

Buildings showing influence of the Italian "Liberty" architecture in Tunis

Conspicuous was the presence of Italian emigrants even in territories that have never been Italian colonies, such as Egypt, Tunisia, Morocco, Zimbabwe and Algeria.

The first Italians in Tunisia at the beginning of the 19th century were mainly traders and professionals in search of new opportunities, coming from Liguria and the other regions of northern Italy. At the end of the 19th century, Tunisia received the immigration of tens of thousands of Italians, mainly from Sicily and also Sardinia.[105] As a consequence, in the first years of the 20th century there were more than 100,000 Italian residents in Tunisia.[106] In 1926, there were 100,000 Italians in Tunisia, compared to 70,000 Frenchmen (unusual since Tunisia was a French protectorate).[107] In the 1946 census, the Italians in Tunisia were 84,935, but in 1959 (3 years after many Italian settlers left to Italy or France after independence from France) there were only 51,702, and in 1969 there were less than 10,000. As of 2005, there are only 900, mainly concentrated in the metropolitan area of Tunis. Another 2,000 Italians, according to the Italian Embassy in Tunis, are "temporary" residents, working as professionals and technicians for Italian companies in different areas of Tunisia.

The Egyptian Museum of Cairo (the most important museum of ancient Egypt in the world) was built between 1897 and 1902 by the Garozzo-Zaffarani, an Italian construction company.[108]

During the Middle Ages Italian communities from the "Maritime Republics" of Italy (mainly Pisa, Genoa and Amalfi) were present in Egypt as merchants. Since the Renaissance the Republic of Venice has always been present in the history and commerce of Egypt: there was even a Venetian Quarter in Cairo. From the time of Napoleon I, Italian Egyptians started to grow in a huge way: the size of the community had reached around 55,000 just before World War II, forming the second largest immigrant community in Egypt. After World War II, like many other foreign communities in Egypt, migration back to Italy and the West reduced the size of the community greatly due to wartime internment and the rise of Nasserist nationalism against Westerners. After the war many members of the Italian community related to the defeated Italian expansion in Egypt were forced to move away, starting a process of reduction and disappearance of the Italian Egyptians. After 1952 the Italian Egyptians were reduced – from the nearly 60,000 of 1940 – to just a few thousands. Most Italian Egyptians returned to Italy during the 1950s and 1960s, although a few Italians continue to live in Alexandria and Cairo. Officially the Italians in Egypt at the end of 2007 were 3,374 (1,980 families).[109]

The oldest area of Italian settlement in Zimbabwe was established as Sinoia - today's Chinhoyi - in 1906, as a group settlement scheme by a wealthy Italian lieutenant, Margherito Guidotti, who encouraged several Italian families to settle in the area. The name Sinoria derives from Tjinoyi, a Lozwi/Rozwi Chief who is believed to have been a son of Lukuluba who was the third son of Emperor Netjasike. The Kalanga (Lozwi/Rozwi name) was changed to Sinoia by the white settlers and later Chinhoyi by the Zezuru.[110] Along with other Zimbabweans, a disproportionate number of people of Italian descent now reside abroad, many of whom hold dual Italian or British citizenship. Regardless of the country's economic challenges, there is still a sizable Italian population in Zimbabwe. Though never comprising more than a fraction of the white Zimbabwean population, Italo-Zimbabweans are well represented in the hospitality, real estate, tourism and food and beverage industries. The majority live in Harare, with over 9,000 in 2012, (less than one percent of the city's population), while over 30,000 live abroad mostly in the UK, South Africa, Canada, Italy and Australia.[111][112]

The Italian Moroccans were concentrated in the "Maarif" district (also called "Little Italy"), near the Boulevard De la Gare in Casablanca.[113]

The first Italian presence in Morocco dates back to the times of the Italian maritime republics, when many merchants of the Republic of Venice and of the Republic of Genoa settled on the Maghreb coast.[114] This presence lasted until the 19th century.[114] he Italian community had a notable development in French Morocco; already in the 1913 census about 3,500 Italians were registered, almost all concentrated in Casablanca, and mostly employed as excavators and construction workers.[114][113] The Italian presence in the Rif, included in Spanish Morocco, was minimal, except in Tangier, an international city, where there was an important community, as evidenced by the presence of the Italian School.[115] A further increase of Italian immigrants in Morocco was recorded after World War I, reaching 12,000 people, who were employed among the workers and as farmers, unskilled workers, bricklayers and operators.[114][113] In the 1930s, Italian-Moroccans, almost all of Sicilian origin, numbered over 15,600 and lived mainly in the Maarif district of Casablanca.[114] With decolonization, most Italian Moroccans left Morocco for France and Spain.[114] The community has started to grow again since the 1970s and 1980s with the arrival of industrial technicians, tourism and international cooperation managers, but remains very limited.

The Italian Algerian Giacomo D'Angelis, founder of the historic Hotel D'Angelis in Algiers, 1919

The first Italian presence in Algeria dates back to the times of the Italian maritime republics, when some merchants of the Republic of Venice settled on the central Maghreb coast. The first Italians took root in Algiers and in eastern Algeria, especially in Annaba and Constantine. A small minority went to Oran, where the Spanish community had been substantial for many centuries. These first Italians (estimated at 1,000) were traders and artisans, with a small presence of peasants. When France occupied Algeria in 1830, it counted over 1,100 Italians in its first census (done in 1833),[114] concentrated in Algiers and in Annaba. With the arrival of the French, the migratory flow from Italy grew considerably: in 1836 the Italians had grown to 1,800, to 8,100 in 1846, to 9,000 in 1855, to 12,000 in 1864 and to 16,500 in 1866.[114] Italians were an important community among foreigners in Algeria.[114] In 1889, French citizenship was granted to foreign residents, mostly settlers from Spain or Italy, so as to unify all European settlers (pieds-noirs) in the political consensus for an "Algérie française". The French wanted to increase the European numerical presence in the recently conquered Algeria,[116] and at the same time limit and prevent the aspirations of Italian colonialism in neighboring Tunisia and possibly also in Algeria.[117] As a consequence, the Italian community in Algeria began to decline, going from 44,000 in 1886, to 39,000 in 1891 and to 35,000 in 1896.[114] In the 1906 census, 12,000 Italians in Algeria were registered as naturalized Frenchmen,[118] demonstrating a very different attitude from that of the Italian Tunisians, much more sensitive to the irredentist bond with the motherland.[117] After World War II, Italian Algerians followed the fate of the French pieds-noirs, especially in the years of the Algerian War, repatriating massively to Italy.[114] Still in the 1960s, immediately after Algeria's independence from France, the Italian community had a consistency of about 18,000 people, almost all residing in the capital, a number that dropped to 500-600 people in a short time.[114]

Italian settlers also stayed in Portuguese colonies in Africa (Angola and Mozambique) after World War II. As the Portuguese government had sought to enlarge the small Portuguese population settled there through emigration from Europe,[119] the Italian migrants gradually assimilated into the Angolan and Mozambican Portuguese community.

Americas

[edit]
Christopher Columbus (Italian: Cristoforo Colombo), the Italian explorer who opened the way for the widespread European exploration and colonization of the Americas
Amerigo Vespucci, the Italian explorer from whose name the term "America" is derived[120]

Italian[121] navigators and explorers played a key role in the exploration and settlement of the Americas by Europeans. Genoese explorer Christopher Columbus (Italian: Cristoforo Colombo [kriˈstɔːforo koˈlombo]) completed four voyages across the Atlantic Ocean for the Catholic Monarchs of Spain, opening the way for the widespread European exploration and colonization of the Americas. Another Italian, John Cabot (Italian: Giovanni Caboto [dʒoˈvanni kaˈbɔːto]), together with his son Sebastian, explored the eastern seaboard of North America for Henry VII in the early 16th century. Amerigo Vespucci, sailing for Portugal, who first demonstrated in about 1501 that the New World (in particular Brazil) was not Asia as initially conjectured, but a fourth continent previously unknown to people of the Old World: America is named after him.[122] In 1524 the Florentine explorer Giovanni da Verrazzano was the first European to map the Atlantic coast of today's United States, and to enter New York Bay.[123] A number of Italian navigators and explorers in the employ of Spain and France were involved in exploring and mapping their territories, and in establishing settlements; but this did not lead to the permanent presence of Italians in America.

The first Italians that headed to the Americas settled in the territories of the Spanish Empire as early as the 16th century. They were mainly Ligurians from the Republic of Genoa, who worked in activities and businesses related to transoceanic maritime navigation. The flow in the Río de la Plata region grew in the 1830s, when substantial Italian colonies arose in the cities of Buenos Aires and Montevideo.

The Italian immigration to Argentina and Uruguay, along with the Spaniards, formed the backbone of the Argentine and Uruguayan societies. Minor groups of Italians started to emigrate to Argentina and Uruguay as early as the second half of the 17th century.[124] However, the stream of Italian immigration became a mass phenomenon between 1880 and 1920 when Italy was facing social and economic disturbances. Platinean culture has significant connections to Italian culture in terms of language, customs and traditions.[125] It is estimated that up to 62.5% of the population, or 25 million Argentines, have full or partial Italian ancestry, whereas a study in 1976 estimated that 1,500,000 Uruguayans, or 44% of the population, are of Italian descent.[126][127][128] Italian is the largest single ethnic origin of modern Argentines,[129] surpassing even the descendants of Spanish immigrants.[59][130] According to the Ministry of the Interior of Italy, there are 527,570 Italian citizens living in the Argentine Republic, including Argentines with dual citizenship.[131] After the unification of Italy, Uruguay saw over 110,000 Italian emigrants, reaching its peak in the last decades of the 19th century. In the early 20th century, the migratory flow began to run out. The maximum concentration is found, as well as in Montevideo, in the city of Paysandú (where almost 65% of the inhabitants are of Italian origin).[132][133]

Mulberry Street, along which New York City's Little Italy is centered, circa 1900, United States

The symbolic starting date of Italian emigration to the Americas is considered to be 28 June 1854 when, after a twenty-six day journey from Palermo, the steamship Sicilia arrived in the port of New York City. For the first time, a steamship flying the flag of a state on the Italian peninsula, in this case the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies, reached the US coasts.[134] Two years earlier, the Transatlantic Steam Navigation Company with the New World had been founded in Genoa, the main shareholder of which was King Victor Emmanuel II of Piedmont-Sardinia. The aforementioned association commissioned the large twin steamships Genova and Torino to the Blackwall shipyards, launched respectively on 12 April and 21 May 1856, both destined for the maritime connection between Italy and the Americas.[135] Emigration to the Americas was of considerable size from the second half of the 19th century to the first decades of the 20th century. It nearly ran out during Fascism, but had a small revival soon after the end of World War II. Mass Italian emigration to the Americas ended in the 1960s, after the Italian economic miracle, although it continued until the 1980s in Canada and the United States.

Italian immigrants lay cobblestones on King Street in Toronto, Canada, 1903.
Italian immigrants arriving in São Paulo, circa 1890, Brazil. The South American country has the largest number of people with full or partial Italian ancestry outside Italy, with São Paulo as the most populous city with Italian ancestry in the world.[136]
Italian immigrants in a conventillo in Buenos Aires, Argentina. Italian is the largest single ethnic origin of modern Argentines (62.5% of the country's population),[129] surpassing even the descendants of Spanish immigrants.[59][130]

Italian Brazilians are the largest number of people with full or partial Italian ancestry outside Italy, with São Paulo as the most populous city with Italian ancestry in the world. Nowadays, it is possible to find millions of descendants of Italians, from the southeastern state of Minas Gerais to the southernmost state of Rio Grande do Sul, with the majority living in São Paulo state[137] and the highest percentage in the southeastern state of Espírito Santo (60-75%).[138][139] Small southern Brazilian towns, such as Nova Veneza, have as much as 95% of their population as people with Italian descent.[140]

A substantial influx of Italian immigrants to Canada began in the early 20th century when over 60,000 Italians moved to Canada between 1900 and 1913.[141] Approximately 40,000 Italians came to Canada during the interwar period between 1914 and 1918, predominantly from southern Italy where an economic depression and overpopulation had left many families in poverty.[141] Between the early-1950s and the mid-1960s, approximately 20,000 to 30,000 Italians emigrated to Canada each year.[141] Pier 21 in Halifax, Nova Scotia, was an influential port of Italian immigration between 1928 until it ceased operations in 1971, where 471,940 individuals came to Canada from Italy making them the third-largest ethnic group to emigrate to Canada during that time period.[142] Almost 1,000,000 Italians reside in the Province of Ontario, making it a strong global representation of the Italian diaspora.[143] For example, Hamilton, Ontario, has around 24,000 residents with ties to its sister city Racalmuto in Sicily.[144] The city of Vaughan, just north of Toronto, and the town of King, just north of Vaughan, have the two largest concentrations of Italians in Canada at 26.5% and 35.1% of the total population of each community respectively.[145][146]

From the late 19th century until the 1930s, the United States was a main destination for Italian immigrants, with most first settling in the New York metropolitan area, but with other major Italian American communities developing in Boston, Philadelphia, Chicago, Cleveland, Detroit, St. Louis, Pittsburgh, Baltimore, San Francisco, Providence, and New Orleans. Most Italian immigrants to the United States came from the Southern regions of Italy, namely Campania, Apulia, Basilicata, Calabria, and Sicily. Many of them coming to the United States were also small landowners.[6] Between 1880 and 1914, more than 4 million Italians immigrated to the United States.[147] Italian Americans are known for their tight-knit communities and ethnic pride, and have been highly influential in the development of modern U.S. culture, particularly in the Northeastern region of the country. Italian American communities have often been depicted in U.S. film and television, with distinct Italian-influenced dialects of English prominently spoken by many characters. Although many do not speak Italian fluently, over a million still speak Italian at home, according to the 2000 US Census.[148] According to the Italian American Studies Association, the population of the Italian Americans is about 18 million, corresponding to about 5.4% of the total population of the United States.[149]

Italians arriving in Colombia.

The presence of Italians in Colombia began from the times of Christopher Columbus and Amerigo Vespucci. Martino Galeano (member of the noble Galeano Family of Genoa) was one of the most important conquerors of the territory of present-day Colombia (New Kingdom of Granada). These early Italians have left their mark in many lines of the Colombian colonial society, creating national symbols like the country map, the National Hymn and the Capitol, and were present in almost all higher levels of Colombian society, like Juan Dionisio Gamba, the son of a merchant from Genoa who was president of Colombia in 1812. In the mid-19th century, many Italians arrived in Colombia from South Italy (especially from the province of Salerno, and the areas of Basilicata and Calabria), and arrived on the north coast of Colombia: Barranquilla was the first center affected by this mass migration.[150] One of the first complete maps of Colombia, adopted today with some modifications, was prepared earlier by another Italian, Agustino Codazzi, who arrived in Bogota in 1849. The Colonel Agustin Codazzi also proposed the establishment of an agricultural colony of Italians, on model of what was done with the Colonia Tovar in Venezuela, but some factors prevented it.[151] Prior to World War I, Italians were concentrated in the Caribbean coast surrounding Barranquilla, Cartagena and Santa Marta as well as in Bogotá, many of which had married women of the Colombian high society and of Spanish lineage.[152] Following World War II, Italian migration shifted towards the capital, Cali and Medellín, and was mostly made up of North Italian origin (Liguria, Piedmont, Tuscany and Lombardy). It is estimated that more than 2 million Colombians are of direct Italian ancestry, corresponding to about 4% of the total population.[153]

Another very conspicuous Italian community is in Venezuela, which developed especially after World War II. There are about 5 million Venezuelans with at least one Italian ancestor, corresponding to more than 6% of the total population.[154] Italo-Venezuelans have achieved significant results in modern Venezuelan society. The Italian embassy estimates that a quarter of Venezuelan industries not related to the oil sector are directly or indirectly owned and/or operated by Italo-Venezuelans.

Italian immigrants in Uruguay

Many Italian-Mexicans live in cities founded by their ancestors in the states of Veracruz (Huatusco) and San Luis Potosí. Smaller numbers of Italian-Mexicans live in Guanajuato and the State of Mexico, and the former haciendas (now cities) of Nueva Italia, Michoacán and Lombardia, Michoacán, both founded by Dante Cusi from Gambar in Brescia.[155] Playa del Carmen, Mahahual and Cancún in the state of Quintana Roo have also received a significant number of immigrants from Italy. Several families of Italian-Mexican descent were granted citizenship in the United States under the Bracero program to address a labor shortage. Italian companies have invested in Mexico, mostly in the tourism and hospitality industries. These ventures have sometimes resulted in settlements, and residents live primarily in the resort areas of the Riviera Maya, Baja California, Puerto Vallarta and Cancún.

Italian immigration to Paraguay has been one of the largest migration flows this South American country has received.[156] Italians in Paraguay are the second-largest immigrant group in the country after the Spaniards. The Italian embassy calculates that nearly 40% of the Paraguayans have recent and distant Italian roots: about 2,500,000 Paraguayans are descendants of Italian emigrants to Paraguay.[157][158][159] Over the years, many descendants of Italian immigrants came to occupy important positions in the public life of the country, such as the presidency of the republic, the vice-presidency, local administrations and congress.[160]

Some Italian immigrants in Costa Rica in the first half of the 20th century

Most of Italian Costa Ricans reside in San Vito, the capital city of the Coto Brus Canton. Both Italians and their descendants are referred to in the country as tútiles.[161][162] In the 1920s and 1930s, the Italian community grew in importance, even because some Italo-Costa Ricans reached top levels in the political arena. Julio Acosta García, a descendant from a Genoese family in San Jose since colonial times, served as President of Costa Rica from 1920 to 1924.

Lombard style Italian houses in Chacas, Ancash, Peru

Among European Peruvians, Italian Peruvians were the second largest group of immigrants to settle in the country.[163] The first wave of Italian immigration to an independent Peru occurred during the period 1840–1866 (the "Guano" Era): not less than 15,000 Italians arrived to Peru during this period (without counting the non-registered Italians) and established mainly in the coastal cities, especially, in Lima and Callao. They came, mostly, from the northern states (Liguria, Piedmont, Tuscany and Lombardy). Giuseppe Garibaldi arrived to Peru in 1851, as well as other Italians who participated in the Milan rebellion like Giuseppe Eboli, Steban Siccoli, Antonio Raimondi, Arrigoni, etc.

Italian immigrants to Chile settled especially in Capitán Pastene, Angol, Lumaco, and Temuco but also in Valparaiso, Concepción, Chillán, Valdivia, and Osorno. One of the notable Italian influences in Chile is, for example, the sizable number of Italian surnames of a proportion of Chilean politicians, businessmen, and intellectuals, many of whom intermarried into the Castilian-Basque elites. Italian Chileans contributed to the development, cultivation and ownership of the world-famous Chilean wines from haciendas in the Central Valley, since the first wave of Italians arrived in colonial Chile in the early 19th century.

Italians in the central park of Guatemala City (1900)

The Italian immigration in Guatemala began in a consistent way only in the early Republican era. One of the first Italians to come to Guatemala was Geronimo Mancinelli, an Italian coffee farmer who lived in San Marcos (Guatemala) in 1847.[164] However, the first wave of Italian immigrants came in 1873, under the government of Justo Rufino Barrios, these immigrants were mostly farmers attracted by the wealth of natural and spacious highlands of Guatemala. Most of them settled in Quetzaltenango and Guatemala City.[165]

Italian emigration into Cuba was minor (a few thousand emigrates) in comparison with other waves of Italian emigration to the Americas (millions went to Argentina, Venezuela, Brazil and the United States). Only in the mid-19th century did there develop a small Italian community in Cuba: they were mostly people of culture, architects, engineers, painters and artists and their families.

Italian Dominicans have left its mark on the history of the Caribbean country. The foundation of the oldest Dominican newspaper in 1889 was the work of an Italian, while the establishment of the Navy of the Dominican Republic was the work of the Genoese merchant Giovanni Battista Cambiaso.[166] Finally, the design of the Palace of the President of the Dominican Republic, both aesthetically and structurally, was the work of an Italian engineer, Guido D'Alessandro.[166] In 2010, Dominicans of Italian descent numbered around 300,000 (corresponding to about 3% of the total population of the Dominican Republic), while Italian citizens residing in the Caribbean nation numbered around 50,000, mainly concentrated in Boca Chica, Santiago de los Caballeros, La Romana and in the capital Santo Domingo.[167][168] The Italian community in the Dominican Republic, considering both people of Italian ancestry and Italian birth, is the largest in the Caribbean region.[167]

Italian Salvadorans at the beginning of the 20th century

Italian Salvadorans are one of the largest European communities in El Salvador, and one of the largest in Central America and the Caribbean, as well as one of those with the greatest social and cultural weight of America.[169] Italians have strongly influenced Salvadoran society and participated in the construction of the country's identity. Italian culture is distinguished by infrastructure, gastronomy, education, dance, and other distinctions, there being several notable Salvadorans of Italian descent.[169][170][171][172] As of 2009, the Italian community in El Salvador is officially made up of 2,300 Italian citizens, while Salvadoran citizens with Italian descent exceed 200,000.[173][174]

The "Casa de los Genoveses" ("house of Genoans") in Panama Viejo

Italian Panamanians are mainly descendant of Italians attracted by the construction of the Panama Canal, between the 19th and 20th century. The wave of Italian immigration occurred around 1880. With the construction of the Canal by the Universal Panama Canal Company came the arrival of up to 2,000 Italians. Actually there it is an agreement/treaty between the Italian and Panamanian governments, that facilitates since 1966 the Italian immigration to Panama for investments[175]

In 2010, there were over 15,000 Bolivians of Italian descent, while there were around 2,700 Italian citizens.[176] One of the most famous Italian Bolivian is the writer and poet Óscar Cerruto, considered one of the great authors of Bolivian literature.[177] There are currently almost 56,000 descendants of Italians in Ecuador, being one of the lowest rates of migrant ancestry in Ecuador, where Arabs and Spaniards play a more prominent role.[178] However, Argentine and Colombian immigrants who have entered the country since the end of the last century (80% and 50% respectively were made up of Italian descendants).[178]

The business sector of Haiti, was controlled by German and Italian immigrants in the mid-19th century.[179] In 1908 there were 160 Italians residing in Haiti, according to the Italian consul De Matteis, of whom 128 lived in the capital Port-au-Prince.[180] In 2011, according to the Italian census, there were 134 Italians who were resident in Haiti, nearly all of them living in the capital. However, there were nearly 5,000 Haitians with recent & distant Italians roots (according to the Italian embassy). In 2010, Puerto Ricans of Italian descent numbered around 10,000, while Italian citizens residing in Puerto Rico are 344, concentrated in Ponce and San Juan.[181] In addition, there is also an Italian Honorary Consulate in San Juan.[182]

Former Presidential House of Honduras from 1924 to 1989, built by Italian Honduran architect Augusto Bressani

The influx of Italian citizens to settle in the Republic of Honduras became evident within the first three decades of the 20th century. Among them stood out businessmen, architects, aviators, engineers, artists in various fields, etc. In 1911 the participation of immigrants in the development of the country began to be evident, especially families from Europe (Germany, Italy, France). The main marketing items were coffee, bananas, precious woods, gold and silver.[183] In 2014, there were about 14,000 Hondurans of Italian descent, while there were around 400 Italian citizens.[184]

Italian emigration to Nicaragua occurred from the 1880s until World War II.[185] Emigration was not consistent as there were only several hundred Italians who emigrated to Nicaragua, therefore with much lower numbers than the Italian emigration to other countries.[185] However, Italian emigration to Nicaragua was substantial if the other ethnic groups who emigrated to the South American country is considered, as well as the direct migratory flow to other Central American countries.[185] Another aspect to consider was the density of the Nicaraguan population of the time with respect to its territory, which was not very high, thus making the Italian presence, and more generally the presence of foreign citizens in Nicaragua, more significant.[185]

Asia

[edit]
Takeaway pizzeria in India

There is a small Italian community in India consisting mainly of Indian citizens of Italian heritage as well with expatriates and migrants from Italy who reside in India. Since the 16th century, many of these Italian Jesuits came to South India, mainly Goa, Kerala and Tamil Nadu. Some of the most well known Jesuits in India include Antonio Moscheni, Constanzo Beschi, Roberto de Nobili and Rodolfo Acquaviva. In the 1940s, during World War II, the British brought Italian prisoners of war, who were captured in either Europe or North Africa, to Bangalore and Madras. They were put up at the Garrison Grounds, today's Parade Grounds-Cubbon Road area.[186] In February 1941, about 2,200 Italian prisoners of war arrived in Bangalore by a special train and marched to internment camps at Byramangala, 20 miles from Bangalore.[187] In recent years, many Italians have been coming to India for business purposes. Today, Italy is India's fifth largest trading partner in the European Union. There are currently between 15,000 and 20,000 Italian nationals in India[188] based mostly in South India.[189] The city of Mumbai itself has a sizeable number of Italians and some in Chennai.[190]

Italians in Japan consists of Italian migrants that come to Japan, as well as the descendants. In December 2023, there were 5,243 Italians living in Japan.[191] The first settlements of Italians began in the 19th century when the Jesuit missionaries came to Japan.[192] Since the late 20th century many Italian workers came to Japan as a student, businessman or as a factory worker. There are also many Italians who work for Italian restaurants, but many Italian restaurants in Japan are led by Japanese chefs and cooks and some Italians works as an assistant for them. The Italian population in Japan is currently increasing due to the popularity of Japanese culture and is one of the fastest growing European community in Japan. There are also many Italian institutions for the Italian community and few Italian language schools for Japanese people.[193]

Italians in Lebanon (or Italian Lebanese) are a community in Lebanon with a history that goes back to Roman times. In more recent times the Italians came to Lebanon in small groups during the World War I and World War II, trying to escape the wars at that time in Europe. Some of the first Italians who choose Lebanon as a place to settle and find a refuge were Italian soldiers from the Italo-Turkish War in 1911 to 1912. Also most of the Italians chose to settle in Beirut, because of its European style of life. Only a few Italians left Lebanon for France after independence. The Italian community in Lebanon is very small (about 4,300 people) and it is mostly assimilated into the Lebanese Catholic community.

There are up to 10,000 Italians in the United Arab Emirates, approximately two-thirds of whom are in Dubai, and the rest in Abu Dhabi.[194][195] The UAE in recent years has attained the status of a favourite destination for Italian immigrants, with the rate of Italians moving into the country having increased by forty percent between 2005 and 2007.[195] Italians make up one of the largest European groups in the UAE. The community is structured through numerous social circles and organisations such as the Italian Cultural and Recreational Circle (now known as "Cicer"),[195] the Italian Industry and Commerce Office (UAE) and the Italian Business Council Dubai. Social activities like outdoor excursions, gastronomy evenings, language courses, activities for children, exhibitions and concerts are frequent; there have been talks of setting up a permanent Italian cultural centre in Abu Dhabi which would act as a venue for activities.[195] Italian cuisine, culture, and fashion are widespread throughout Dubai and Abu Dhabi, with a large number of native Italians running restaurants.

Europe

[edit]

The Italian colonists in Albania were Italians who, between the two World Wars, moved to Albania to colonize the Balkan country for the Kingdom of Italy. When Benito Mussolini took power in Italy, he turned with renewed interest to Albania. Italy began penetrating Albania's economy in 1925, when Albania agreed to allow it to exploit its mineral resources.[196] That was followed by the First Treaty of Tirana in 1926 and the Second Treaty of Tirana in 1927, whereby Italy and Albania entered into a defensive alliance.[196] Italian loans subsidized the Albanian government and economy, and Italian military instructors trained the Albanian army. Italian colonial settlement was encouraged and the first 300 Italian colonists settled in Albania.[197] Fascist Italy increased pressure on Albania in the 1930s and, on 7 April 1939, invaded Albania,[198] five months before the start of the World War II. After the occupation of Albania in April 1939, Mussolini sent nearly 11,000 Italian colonists to Albania. Most of them were from the Veneto region and Sicily. They settled primarily in the areas of Durrës, Vlorë, Shkodër, Porto Palermo, Elbasan, and Sarandë. They were the first settlers of a huge group of Italians to be moved to Albania.[199] In addition to these colonists, 22,000 Italian casual laborers went to Albania in April 1940 to construct roads, railways and infrastructure.[200] After the World War II, no Italian colonists remain in Albania. The few who remained under the communist regime of Enver Hoxha fled (with their descendants) to Italy in 1992,[201] and actually are represented by the association "ANCIFRA".[202]

The most important migratory flows of Italians to Austria began after 1870, when the Austro-Hungarian Empire was still in existence. Between 1876 and 1900, Austria-Hungary was the second European country after France to absorb the largest number of Italian emigrants.[203] These migratory phenomena were of an economic nature, mainly of a temporary nature, and involved agricultural labourers, workers and bricklayers. After 1907, due to the decline in requests for Italian labor by the Austro-Hungarian authorities, the rise of inter-ethnic clashes between the Italian ethnic community and the Slavic ethnic community present in the Habsburg empire (moreover fomented by the Vienna government),[204] there was a drop in migratory flows of Italians to the country, going from over 50,000 annual entries recorded in 1901 to around 35,000 in 1912.[205] The phenomenon of Italian emigration to Austria ended after 1918, with the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. According to official AIRE data for 2007, there were 15,765 Italian citizens residing in Austria.[206]

Belgian poster posted in Italy to encourage Italian immigration to Belgium

The Italian community in Belgium is very well integrated into Belgian society. The Italo-Belgians occupy roles of the utmost importance; the Queen of Belgium Paola Ruffo di Calabria or the former Prime Minister Elio Di Rupo are examples. According to official statistics from AIRE (Register of Italians residing abroad), in 2012 there were approximately 255,000 Italian citizens residing in Belgium (including Belgians with dual citizenship).[207] According to data from the Italian consular registers, it appears that almost 50,000 Italians in Belgium (i.e. more than 25%) come from Sicily, followed by Apulia (9.5%), Abruzzo (7%), Campania (6.5%), and Veneto (6%).[208] There are about 450,000 (about 4% of the total Belgian population) people of Italian origin in Belgium.[209] The community of Belgians of Italian descent is said to be 85% concentrated in Wallonia and in Brussels. More precisely, 65% of Belgians of Italian descent live in Wallonia, 20% in Brussels and 15% in the Flemish Region.[210]

The first Italian immigrants to Štivor, Bosnia and Herzegovina, 1883

Štivor, in Bosnia and Herzegovina, is almost exclusively inhabited by descendants of Italian emigrants, which are about 92% of the total population of the village.[211] Their number amounts to 270 people, all of Trentino origin.[211] The Italian language is also taught in the village schools, and the 270 Italian Bosnians of Štivor have Italian passports, read Italian newspapers and live on Italian pensions.[211] Three quarters of them still speak the Trentino dialect.[211] The presence of Italian-Bosnians in Štivor can be explained by a flood caused by the Brenta river which hit the Valsugana in 1882.[211] Trentino at the time was part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, which had recently annexed Bosnia and Herzegovina. In order to help the people of Trentino devastated by the flood, and to repopulate Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Austrian authorities encouraged the emigration of Trentino people to the Balkan country.[211] The Trentino immigrants were distributed throughout the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina, but mainly only those in Štivor kept their identity, while the others were absorbed by the local population.[211] The Trentino immigrants brought an important tradition to Bosnia and Herzegovina, the cultivation of grapevines and the production of wine, a tradition that is still practiced in the Balkan country.[211]

Italian migration to France has occurred, in different migrating cycles since the end of the 19th century to the present day.[212] In addition, Corsica passed from the Republic of Genoa to France in 1770, and the area around Nice and Savoy from the Kingdom of Sardinia to France in 1860. Initially, Italian immigration to modern France (late 18th to the early 20th centuries) came predominantly from northern Italy (Piedmont, Veneto), then from central Italy (Marche, Umbria), mostly to the bordering southeastern region of Provence.[212] It was not until after World War II that large numbers of immigrants from southern Italy emigrated to France, usually settling in industrialized areas of France such as Lorraine, Paris and Lyon.[212] Today, it is estimated that as many as 5,000,000 French nationals have Italian ancestry going as far back as three generations.[212]

Italian colonists were settled in the Dodecanese Islands of the Aegean Sea in the 1930s by the Fascist Italian government of Benito Mussolini, Italy having been in occupation of the Islands since the Italian-Turkish War of 1911. By 1940, the number of Italians settled in the Dodecanese was almost 8,000, concentrated mainly in Rhodes. In 1947, after the Second World War, the islands came into the possession of Greece: as a consequence most of the Italians were forced to emigrate and all of the Italian schools were closed. Some of the Italian colonists remained in Rhodes and were quickly assimilated. Currently, only a few dozen old colonists remain, but the influence of their legacy is evident in the relative diffusion of the Italian language mainly in Rhodes and Leros. However, their architectural legacy is still evident, especially in Rhodes and Leros. The citadel of Rhodes city is a UNESCO World Heritage Site thanks in great part to the large-scale restoration work carried out by the Italian authorities.[213]

Italian worker in a mine near Duisburg, in Germany, in 1962

In the 1890s, Germany transformed from a country of emigration to a country of immigration. Starting from this period the migratory flows from Italy expanded (mostly coming from Friuli, Lombardy, Veneto and Emilia-Romagna), and with them the numerical consistency of the Italian communities increased. In fact, it went from 4,000 Italians in 1871 to over 120,000 registered in 1910. Italian immigration to Germany resumed after the rise to power of Nazism in 1933. This time, however, it was not a voluntary migration, but a forced recruitment of Italian workers, based on an agreement stipulated in 1937 between Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini, to satisfy the need to find cheap labor for German factories in exchange for the supply of coal to Italy. On 20 December 1955, a bilateral agreement was signed between Italy and West Germany for the recruitment and placement of Italian labor in German companies. From that date there was a boom in migratory flows towards West Germany, which were much more conspicuous than those that had occurred between the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. It is estimated that from 1956 to 1976 over 4 million Italians entered West Germany, 3.5 million of whom later returned to Italy.[214]

The first Italians in Luxembourg arrived in 1892, and at the end of the 19th century the Italian community numbered only 439 people, but already in 1900 the Italian community rose to 7,000 people and then to 10,000 only ten years later. The Italian emigrants worked above all in the mines and in the steel industry of the country (as in neighboring Belgium) until their closure, while today the Italian community is employed in the tertiary sector, especially banks.[215] In 1960, Italians constituted 37.8% of all foreign residents in Luxembourg (against only 8.2% in 2011).[216] The historical peak of the Italian community was in 1970, when the Italians in Luxembourg numbered 23,490, or as much as 6.9% of the entire population of the Grand Duchy.[216] The most important Italian-Luxembourg was the politician and trade unionist Luigi Reich who, from 1985 to 1993, was mayor of Dudelange and national vice-president of the Confédération générale du travail luxembourgeoise (CGT-L).[217] On 1 January 2011, according to AIRE, there were 22,965 Italians in Luxembourg (equal to 4.8% of the Luxembourg population) and almost a quarter of the emigrants are of Apulian origin.[218]

Memorial to Italian volunteers who fought in the Polish January Uprising of 1863–1864, Olkusz, Poland

The first Italians came to Poland in the Middle Ages, however, substantial migration of Italians to Poland began in the 16th century.[50] Those included merchants, craftsmen, architects, artists, physicians, inventors, engineers, diplomats, chefs.[219] Famous Italians in Poland included inventors Tito Livio Burattini, Paolo del Buono, architects Bartolommeo Berrecci, Bernardo Morando, painters Tommaso Dolabella, Bernardo Bellotto, Marcello Bacciarelli, scholar Filippo Buonaccorsi, and religious reformer Fausto Sozzini.[220] The largest number of Italians lived in Kraków, while other significant concentrations were in Gdańsk, Lwów, Poznań, Warsaw and Wilno.[221] According to the 1921 Polish census, the largest Italian populations lived in the cities of Warsaw and Lwów with 100 and 22 people, respectively.[222][223] In the 2011 Polish census, 8,641 people declared Italian nationality, of which 7,548 declared both Polish and Italian nationality.[224]

In recent years a growing Italian community has also emerged in Portugal. Now the country hosts more than 34,000 Italian nationals[225][226] and almost 400 Italians have acquires the Portuguese citizenship since 2008.[227] Many of the Italians living in Portugal are Italian-Brazilians who have taken advantage of their EU citizenship and subsequently settled in a country where they already spoke the language.[228][229]

Italians in Romania are people of Italian descent who reside, or have moved to Romania. During the 19th and 20th centuries, many Italians from Western Austria-Hungary settled in Transylvania. During the interwar period, some Italians settled in Dobruja. After 1880, Italians from Friuli and Veneto settled in Greci, Cataloi and Măcin in Northern Dobruja. Most of them worked in the granite quarries in the Măcin Mountains, some became farmers[230] and others worked in road building.[231] As an officially recognised ethnic minority, Italians have one seat reserved in the Romanian Chamber of Deputies.

Italians in Spain are one of the largest communities of immigrant groups in Spain, with 257.256 Italian citizens in the country;[232] conversely, 142,401 residents in Spain were born in Italy.[233] A significant part of the Italian citizens in Spain are not born in Italy but emigrate from Argentina or Uruguay.[234][235]

Swedish Italians are Swedish citizens or residents of Italian ethnic, cultural and linguistic heritage or identity. There are approximately 8,126 people born in Italy living in Sweden today, as well as 10,961 people born in Sweden with at least one parent born in Italy.[236]

Monument to the workers—mostly Italian—who died in Switzerland during the construction of the Gotthard Tunnel

In Switzerland, Italian immigrants (not to be confused with a large autochthonous population of Italophones in Ticino and Grigioni)[237] reached the country starting in the late 19th century, most of whom eventually returned to Italy after the rise of Italian Fascism. Future Fascist leader Benito Mussolini emigrated to Switzerland in 1902, only to be deported after becoming involved in the socialist movement.[238] A new migratory wave began after 1945, favored by the lax immigration laws then in force.[239] Finnish Italians are Finns who speak Italian, were born in Italy or are children of Italian immigrants. The number of Italians can only be measured in the number of Italian speakers, people born in Italy and their children, since Finland doesn't collect statistics on ethnicity.[240]

Italian Cultural Centre, City of Bradford, England

The English towns of Bedford and Hoddesdon have sizeable Italian populations. A significant number of Italians came to Bedford in the 1950s due to the London Brick Company finding itself short of workers in the wake of the post-war reconstruction boom. As a result, Bedford has the largest concentration of Italian families in the UK, and the third-highest number of Italian immigrants overall with around one-fifth of its overall population being of Italian descent.[241][242] In Hoddesdon, many Italians, mostly descending from Sicily, migrated there and across the Lea Valley in the 1950s due to opportunities working in local garden nurseries. They were drawn to the area by the rich agricultural landscape and better pay in comparison to back home. Today, the town's Italian community has had such a significant impact that an Italian consul, Carmelo Nicastro, was even elected for the area.[243] Also due to immigration in the 1800s there is a Little Italy in Clerkenwell, Islington, London.[244]

Oceania

[edit]
Italian Cultural Centre, Canberra, Australia

Italians first arrived in Australia in the decades immediately following the Unification of Italy, but the most significant wave was after World War II ended in 1945, particularly from 1950 to 1965. Italian Australians had a significant impact on Australia's culture, society and economy. At the 2021 census, 1,108,364 Australian residents nominated Italian ancestry (whether alone or in combination with another ancestry),[245] representing 4.4% of the Australian population. The 2021 census found that 171,520 were born in Italy.[245] As of 2021, there are 228,042 Australian residents who speak Italian or Italian dialects at home.[245] The Italo-Australian dialect is prominent among Italian Australians who use the Italian language.

Unlike Australia, New Zealand did not receive much immigration from Italy. Several hundreds of them, mostly fishermen, immigrated in the late-1890s. The 2013 Census counted 3,795 New Zealanders of Italian descent.[246]

Statistics

[edit]
Italian emigrants employed in the construction of a railway in the United States (1918)

After 1890, Italian contribution to the emigration flow to the New World was significant. By 1870, Italy had about 25,000,000 inhabitants (compared to 40,000,000 in Germany and 30,000,000 in the United Kingdom).[247]

A preliminary census done in 1861, after the annexation of the South, claimed that there were a mere 100,000 Italians living abroad.[62] The General Directorate of Statistics did not start compiling official emigration statistics until 1876.[65] Accurate figures on the decades between 1870 and World War I show how emigration increased dramatically during that period:

Italian emigrants per 1,000 population:[248]

  • 1870–1879: 4.29
  • 1880–1889: 6.09
  • 1890–1899: 8.65
  • 1900–1913: 17.97

The high point of Italian emigration was in 1913, when 872,598 people left Italy.[62]

By extrapolating from the 25,000,000 inhabitants of Italy at the time of unification, natural birth and death rates, without emigration, there would have been a population of about 65,000,000 by 1970. Instead, because of emigration earlier in the century, there were only 54,000,000.[249]

Italian emigrants in the period following the unification of Italy until the 1970s, a period that saw the Italians as protagonists of the greatest exodus in modern history, were more than 29 million. The statistical history of this Italian emigration can be divided into four temporal phases (according to L. Favero[250]):

The first, from 1876 (first official survey) to 1900, is due to socio-economic factors, at first it was directed mainly towards France and Germany, then towards South America and, to a lesser extent, North America. Through mainly spontaneous and clandestine movements, about 5.3 million people expatriated, especially from northern Italy. We are talking about a huge share of the population, which at that time fluctuated around 30 million inhabitants. In practice, over 15% of the population.

Italians abroad in 1930

The second was the great wave of Italian emigrants, that continued from 1900 to 1914. This second phase sees the protagonists above all emigrants from central-southern Italy, expelled from the agricultural sector and from rural areas without finding an alternative in a still shaky industrial sector. This phase, called the Great Emigration, was mainly extra-European, even if France and Germany remained privileged European destinations, to which Switzerland was added. The outbreak of the First World War and the consequent dangerousness of travel put an end to this phase, in which more than 9.5 million people left Italy, equal to a quarter of the total population.

The third was between the two world wars - and was a phase of decline in Italian emigration due to the legislative restrictions adopted by the landing states, the economic crisis of '29 and the restrictive and anti-emigration policy pursued by the fascism. In this period, the decrease in non-European immigration led to an increase in European flows, towards France (the favorite destination of the opponents of the regime) and Germany (after the signing of the Pact of Steel). The movements towards colonial Africa were added, an attempt at imperial expansionism (in Libya, Eritrea, Ethiopia and Somalia). More than 3.5 million Italians emigrated in those 20 years.

Finally, the fourth phase is that of the postwar period: from 1945 to 1970 - a period of profound economic, social and political changes - migratory flows returned to be particularly large, especially from the south of the country. The main transoceanic destinations were Brazil and Argentina and Australia, while in Europe they aimed in particular towards France, Germany, Belgium and Switzerland. The Italian emigrants were about 7.3 million.

The overall description of the phenomenon is as follows:[251]

Number of Italian emigrants by decade and by country of destination
Years  France  Germany  Switzerland  United States
 Canada
 Argentina  Brazil  Australia Other countries
1861–1870 288,000 44,000 38,000 - - - - 91,000
1871–1880 347,000 105,000 132,000 26,000 86,000 37,000 460 265,000
1881–1890 374,000 86,000 71,000 251,000 391,000 215,000 1,590 302,000
1891–1900 259,000 230,000 189,000 520,000 367,000 580,000 3,440 390,000
1901–1910 572,000 591,000 655,000 2,394,000 734,000 303,000 7,540 388,000
1911–1920 664,000 285,000 433,000 1,650,000 315,000 125,000 7,480 429,000
1921–1930 1,010,000 11,490 157,000 450,000 535,000 76,000 33,000 298,000
1931–1940 741,000 7,900 258,000 170,000 190,000 15,000 6,950 362,000
1946–1950 175,000 2,155 330,000 158,000 278,000 45,915 87,265 219,000
1951–1960 491,000 1,140,000 1,420,000 297,000 24,800 22,200 163,000 381,000
1961–1970 898,000 541,000 593,000 208,000 9,800 5,570 61,280 316,000
1971–1980 492,000 310,000 243,000 61,500 8,310 6,380 18,980 178,000
1981–1985 20,000 105,000 85,000 16,000 4,000 2,200 6,000 63,000
Emigrated 6,322,000 3,458,000 4,604,000 6,201,000 2,941,000 1,432,000 396,000 3,682,000
Came back to Italy 2,972,000 1,045,000 2,058,000 721,000 750,000 162,000 92,000 2,475,000
Remained abroad 3,350,000 2,413,000 2,546,000 5,480,000 2,191,000 1,270,000 304,000 1,207,000
Total emigrated: 29,000,000 · Total came back to Italy: 10,275,000 · Total remained abroad: 18,725,000

The 2016 Italian constitutional referendum provided data on the number of registered Italian citizens living outside Italy by country. The highest number is in Argentina, with 673,238 registered Italians residing in the country in 2016, followed by Germany with 581,433, Switzerland with 482,539, France with 329,202, Brazil with 325,555, the UK with 232,932, Belgium 225,801, the United States with 218,407, Canada with 122,262, Australia with 120,791, and Spain with 118,879.[252]

Italian language and its dialects

[edit]
Italian language in the United States
Municipalities where Talian is co-official in Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil

Italian language is spoken by large immigrant and expatriate communities in the Americas and Australia.[253] Although over 17 million Americans are of Italian descent, only a little over one million people in the United States speak Italian at home.[254] Nevertheless, an Italian language media market does exist in the country.[255] In Canada, Italian is the second most spoken non-official language when varieties of Chinese are not grouped together, with 375,645 claiming Italian as their mother tongue in 2016.[256]

Italian immigrants to South America have also brought a presence of the language to that continent. According to some sources, Italian is the second most spoken language in Argentina[257] after the official language of Spanish, although its number of speakers, mainly of the older generation, is decreasing. Italian bilingual speakers can be found scattered across the Southeast of Brazil as well as in the South,[253] In Venezuela, Italian is the most spoken language after Spanish and Portuguese, with around 200,000 speakers.[258] In Uruguay, people that speak Italian as their home language is 1.1% of the total population of the country.[259] In Australia, Italian is the second most spoken foreign language after Chinese, with 1.4% of the population speaking it as their home language.[260]

From the late 19th to the mid-20th century, millions of Italians settled in Argentina, Uruguay, Southern Brazil and Venezuela, as well as in Canada and the United States, where they formed a physical and cultural presence. In some cases, colonies were established where variants of regional languages of Italy were used, and some continue to use this regional language. Examples are Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil, where Talian is used, and the town of Chipilo near Puebla, Mexico; each continues to use a derived form of Venetian dating back to the nineteenth century. Other examples are Cocoliche, an Italian–Spanish pidgin once spoken in Argentina and especially in Buenos Aires, and Lunfardo. The Rioplatense Spanish dialect of Argentina and Uruguay today has thus been heavily influenced by both standard Italian and Italian regional languages as a result.

Roots tourism

[edit]

Italian diaspora has led to an important flow of tourists of Italian origin who visit Italy and discover their roots.[261] The trip to Italy of these tourists is mainly about knowing the places, the language, the cuisine and the people to which their ancestors belonged.[262] In 2018, about 10 million tourists of Italian origin went to the country to rediscover their roots.[261]

Descendants of Italian immigrants

[edit]
Italian Argentines wave the flag of Italy during the opening parade of the XXXIV Immigrant's Festival.
Italian Paraguayans originally from Campania during the 3rd edition of the Festa Italiana ("Italian Feast") in Asunción. Their stand is decorated with a flag of Italy and some cockades of Italy.
Columbus Day parade in New York City, 2009
Trilingual sign in San Francisco, Argentina, in Spanish, Italian and Piedmontese.

In the 19th and 20th centuries, nearly 33 million Italians left Italy to the Americas, Australia and Western Europe as their main destinations.[263]

It is estimated that the number of their descendants, who are called "oriundi", is more than 80 million worldwide.[1] They are widespread in different countries around the world with the most numerous communities in Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay and the United States.

Considering that a oriundo can have even only a distant ancestor born in Italy, the majority of oriundi have only an Italian surname (and often not even that) but not Italian citizenship. In some countries, especially in South America, the estimates are very approximate since there is no type of census on one's origins (as is the case in the United States or Canada).

Italian oriundi constitute a population of very conspicuous proportions. Only in Argentina, according to an estimate,[264] there are tens of millions of Italian oriundi and no less nourished are the communities in the United States of America and Brazil, other main destinations of the aforementioned migratory flow at the turn of the 20th century. In many other European countries the Italian communities are widely distributed, but at least in the Schengen area the fall of many nationalistic barriers that made the problem of relations with the Motherland much less stringent. The concepts of multi-ethnicity and naturalization in football have affected the whole world, so much so that at the 2014 FIFA World Cup—in the squads of the 32 participating national teams—there were 83 oriundi.[265]

In Italy, a nation in which the phenomenon of emigration abroad (especially between the 19th and 20th centuries) has developed in huge proportions, the recovery of the relationship with the communities of Italian origin formed in the world is enjoying growing attention. Regulations are beginning to be enacted, particularly in regional areas, which no longer provide assistance and not only for those who were born in Italy and who expatriated, but also for their descendants (precisely the oriundi), so that the cultural identity bond can be consolidated. An example of this is the law of the Veneto region n°2 9 January 2003,[266] in which various actions are arranged in favor of the emigrant, the surviving spouse and descendants up to the third generation, in order to "guarantee the maintenance of the Venetian identity and improve the knowledge of the culture of origin".

The term oriundo is widely used to indicate an athlete, especially a football, rugby, futsal, ice hockey, roller hockey and basketball player of Italian origin, equated in sports legislation to the citizens of Italian peninsula and therefore admitted to be part of the Italian national team; this is the case of the footballers Anfilogino Guarisi, Atilio Demaría, Luis Monti, Enrique Guaita and Raimundo Orsi world champions with the national team in 1934, Michele Andreolo world champion in 1938, Mauro Camoranesi, world champion in 2006, Jorginho and Emerson Palmieri, European champions in 2020 and of several other footballers from the 1930s to today.

One of the events most felt by Italian oriundi in the United States is Columbus Day, an event celebrated in many countries to commemorate the day of the arrival of Christopher Columbus (Italian: Cristoforo Colombo [kriˈstɔːforo koˈlombo]), an Italian[267] explorer and navigator born in Genoa, to the New World on 12 October 1492. Columbus Day was first commemorated by Italians in San Francisco in 1869, followed by the many Italian-related celebrations held in New York City.

Main communities of descendants of Italian immigrants in the world
Country Population Community Notes
 Brazil 32,000,000 (about 15% of the total population) Italian Brazilians [268][269]
 Argentina 25,000,000 (about 62% of the total population) Italian Argentines [270]
 United States 18,000,000 (about 5.4% of the total population) Italian Americans [149]
 France 5,500,000 (about 8% of the total population) Italian French [263][271]
[272][273][212]
 Paraguay 2,500,000 (about 37% of the total population) Italian Paraguayans [157][158][159]
 Colombia 2,000,000 (about 4% of the total population) Italian Colombians [153]
 Venezuela 1,500,000 – 2,000,000 (about 5% of the total population) Italian Venezuelans [274][275]
 Uruguay 1,500,000 (about 44% of the total population) Italian Uruguayans [133]
 Canada 1,500,000 (about 4% of the total population) Italian Canadians [276]
 Germany 1,200,000 (about 1.4% of the total population) Italian Germans [277]
 Australia 1,000,000 (about 4% of the total population) Italian Australians [278]
 Mexico 850,000 (<1% of the total population) Italian Mexicans [279]
 Chile 600,000 (about 3.5% of the total population) Italian Chileans [280]
 Switzerland 530,000 (about 7% of the total population) Italian Swiss [281]
 Peru 500,000 (about 1.6% of the total population) Italian Peruvians [282]
 United Kingdom 500,000 (<1% of the total population) Italian British [279]
 Belgium 450,000 (about 4% of the total population) Italian Belgians [209]
 Costa Rica 380,000 (about 7.5% of the total population) Italian Costa Ricans [283][284]
 Dominican Republic 300,000 (about 3% of the total population) Italian Dominicans [167]
 Spain 260,000 (<1% of the total population) Italian Spaniards [232]
 El Salvador 200,000 (about 3% of the total population) Italian Salvadorans [173]

Little Italy

[edit]
World map of first level subdivisions (states, counties, provinces, etc.) that are home to Little Italys or Italian neighbourhoods

Little Italy is a general name for an ethnic enclave populated primarily by Italians or people of Italian ancestry, usually in an urban neighborhood. The concept of "Little Italy" holds many different aspects of the Italian culture. There are shops selling Italian goods as well as Italian restaurants lining the streets.[citation needed]

A "Little Italy" strives essentially to have a version of the country of Italy placed in the middle of a large non-Italian city. This sort of enclave is often the result of periods of immigration in the past, during which people of the same culture settled together in certain areas. As cities modernized and grew, these areas became known for their ethnic associations, and ethnic neighborhoods like "Little Italy" blossomed, becoming the icons they are today.[citation needed]

National Museum of the Italian Emigration

[edit]
The Commenda di San Giovanni di Prè in Genoa, Italy, which houses the National Museum of the Italian Emigration
The Port of Genoa, from which millions of Italian emigrants left for the Americas, Africa, Asia and Australia[13]

The Commenda di San Giovanni di Prè in Genoa, Italy, houses the National Museum of the Italian Emigration (Italian: Museo Nazionale dell'Emigrazione Italiana, "MEI").[13] The exhibition space, which is spread over three floors and 16 thematic areas, describes the phenomenon of Italian emigration from before the unification of Italy to present.[13] The National Museum of the Italian Emigration is part of the museum circuit of the Istituzione Musei del Mare e delle Migrazioni (Mu.MA, "Institution of Sea and Migration Museums"), established in 2005, which also includes the Galata - Museo del mare, the naval museum of Pegli and the monumental complex of the Lighthouse of Genoa.[285][286]

The choice of Genoa as the site of the museum was not accidental as millions of Italians from all over Italy departed by ship from its port to the Americas, Africa, Asia and Australia.[13] The museum describes the stories through autobiographies, diaries, letters, photographs and newspaper articles of the time that dealt with the theme of Italian emigration.[13] More precisely, the 16 areas that make up the museum describe Italian emigration both chronologically and from a thematic point of view.[287] Each of the 16 areas is equipped with archive stations, interactive multimedia stations and video projections.[287]

The National Museum of the Italian Emigration was officially established by the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs on 3 December 2008, with its temporary headquarters in the internal spaces of the Altare della Patria in Rome.[288] The collection and cataloging of the material to be exhibited in the museum was carried out by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Italian Ministry of Culture and numerous Italian research bodies.[288] The museum was inaugurated at the Altare della Patria in 2009 and then temporarily closed in 2016, when procedures were started to find the definitive location of the museum, a choice that fell, in 2018, on the Commenda di San Giovanni di Prè in Genoa.[288] The inauguration of the definitive location of the museum in Genoa took place in May 2022.[288]

Filmography

[edit]
A scene from the film Red Passport (1935)
A scene from the film Path of Hope (1950)
A scene from the film A Girl in Australia (1971)
A scene from the film Bread and Chocolate (1974)

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]

Bibliography

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
The Italian diaspora denotes the extensive outward migration of over 26 million Italians from 1861 to 1976, propelled by chronic , land shortages under systems, in southern regions, and sluggish industrialization following national unification. This phenomenon, which intensified after 1880 amid agricultural crises and compulsory , dispersed emigrants predominantly to the —where and absorbed millions—as well as to industrial centers in , , , and later and . Subsequent waves, including post-World War II movements due to reconstruction needs and economic disparities, further expanded these networks, yielding an estimated 70 to 80 million people of Italian descent globally who maintain ties to their ancestral homeland through citizenship claims and cultural preservation. These communities have profoundly shaped host economies via labor in , , and , alongside substantial remittances that funded and family support in , while fostering enduring influences in , arts, and . Initial challenges, including , low-wage exploitation, and selective return migration patterns, underscored the diaspora's adaptive resilience, with descendants achieving prominence in , , and business across continents.

Historical Origins

Ancient and Pre-Modern Migrations

The expansion of the and Empire from the 3rd century BCE facilitated migrations of populations from the to provinces across , , and the , primarily through military veteran settlements and administrative relocations. These movements involved soldiers, farmers, and traders dispatched to secure territories, with archaeological evidence such as Latin inscriptions and structures attesting to Italian presence in regions like , , and . However, analyses indicate that the genetic contribution of central Italian ancestry to provincial populations, such as those in the , was minimal and not detectably significant during the Imperial period, suggesting assimilation or limited demographic scale relative to local groups. In the medieval era, like and drove further dispersals via commercial colonies, establishing Italian merchant communities in strategic ports. secured trading privileges in the Black Sea following the 1266 Treaty of Nymphaeum with the , founding Caffa (modern , ) as a fortified outpost that grew into a key with Genoese administrators, notaries, and families. The colony's administration was formalized under the Officium Gazariae starting in 1313, overseeing Genoese holdings in amid Mongol overlordship. Venetian expansion similarly entrenched Italian elements in , where control over cities like from the late 12th century onward supported resident merchants and officials, fostering cultural and linguistic continuity in coastal enclaves. From the , northern Italian financiers, derogatorily termed "Lombards" despite origins from various regions including and , migrated northward to provide credit in emerging European markets, forming networked communities in , , and the . These bankers, operating under papal exemptions for non-Christians, established firms in by the 1190s, giving rise to Lombard Street as a financial hub, and extended to by the late 13th century with branches handling royal debts. Such pre-modern migrations laid early patterns of Italian economic influence abroad, sustained by trade necessities rather than mass displacement, with communities often maintaining ties to home cities through family partnerships and remittances.

Enduring Push Factors from Italian Unification

The in 1861, while politically consolidating the peninsula, failed to address entrenched economic and social rigidities, particularly in the Mezzogiorno, where demographic pressures intensified rural distress. Southern Italy's grew rapidly from approximately 9.8 million in 1861 to 12.3 million by 1901, driven by high birth rates averaging 30-35 per 1,000 inhabitants annually and stagnant mortality reductions due to endemic diseases like , outstripping limited agricultural capacity and fostering chronic . This interacted with inherited feudal land structures, where and fragmented holdings into micro-plots often under 1 , rendering them insufficient for subsistence farming amid soil exhaustion and absentee latifondo ownership that prioritized rent extraction over investment. Agricultural output per capita in the south lagged, with yields averaging 7-8 quintals per hectare compared to 10-12 in the north, perpetuating subsistence-level existence and vulnerability to harvest failures. Governance shortcomings amplified these issues, as post-unification policies imposed uniform high tariffs—such as the protectionist regime—and centralized taxation without tailored reforms, exposing southern exports to northern competition while state interventions like railway subsidies disproportionately benefited industrialized northern provinces. Industrial development remained negligible in the south, where hovered below 10% of the by 1911 versus over 25% in the north, hampered by in public contracting and inefficient bureaucratic allocation of resources that favored over broad-based growth. Political instability further eroded rural stability; , a guerrilla involving up to 100,000 participants from 1861 to 1865, targeted state symbols and landlords, suppressing agricultural investment and inflating security costs that diverted funds from , with documented episodes correlating to pre-unification cultural distances from Piedmontese institutions. Failed land redistribution efforts, such as the 1860s laws, exacerbated inequality by consolidating holdings without compensating smallholders, entrenching cycles. These factors manifested in enduring per capita income disparities, with southern 15% below northern levels (20% excluding islands) from 1861 to 1913, a gap rooted in lower and persisting despite national GDP growth averaging 1.5-2% annually, as southern trailed by 20-25% at unification and widened to over 30% by 1900 due to divergent sectoral shifts. Empirical wage data from the building sector, 1862-1878, confirm nominal southern wages 10-15% lower, adjusted for prices revealing even starker real deficits amid higher living costs from imported goods post-tariff . Such structural failures, unmitigated by causal reforms prioritizing market incentives over statist interventions, rendered a rational response to localized opportunity scarcity rather than mere adventure.

Major Emigration Waves

Post-Unification Mass Exodus to World War I (1861–1918)

Following Italy's unification in 1861, the country faced severe economic stagnation, particularly in the agrarian south, where land inequality, overpopulation, and inadequate reform exacerbated rural poverty. This led to the first major wave of mass emigration, with approximately 13 to 15 million Italians leaving between 1880 and 1914, peaking at around 750,000 annually from 1898 to 1914. Emigrants were predominantly unskilled male laborers from southern regions like Sicily and Calabria, comprising over 70% of outflows, driven by high underemployment and agricultural crises such as the phylloxera epidemic and 1880s subsistence shortages. While destinations in the offered industrial opportunities and land incentives in and , the primary impetus was desperation from Italy's slow industrialization and persistent rural distress, rather than mere pursuit of prosperity. Steamship routes from major ports like and facilitated this exodus, with Naples handling millions of departures documented in embarkation records, enabling chain migration through family letters and remittances that sustained further flows. Return migration affected about 35% of overseas emigrants, often those who accumulated savings for reinvestment in Italy, though 65% settled permanently abroad, reflecting the depth of domestic economic failures. Emigration patterns underscored southern Italy's disproportionate burden, with port logs from revealing concentrated Sicilian outflows to and the U.S., while northern departures were more oriented toward . Government data from the Commissariato dell'Emigrazione tracked these movements, highlighting how absentee remittances—totaling hundreds of millions of lire annually—provided a partial economic lifeline but failed to resolve underlying structural issues like latifundia dominance and population pressures exceeding arable land capacity. By 1914, this exodus had depleted Italy's rural workforce, contributing to social upheaval and foreshadowing interwar policy shifts, yet it originated squarely in post-unification economic mismanagement and agrarian stagnation.

Interwar and Fascist Era Constraints (1919–1945)

The Fascist regime under inherited a framework of regulation but progressively tightened controls to align with nationalist ideology emphasizing autarky and demographic strength. Following initial post-World War I outflows, a pivotal policy shift in prohibited organized and discouraged abroad, framing exodus as a threat to national prestige and reserving labor for internal industrialization and military . This restriction intensified amid the , where Italian unemployment surged from 0.5 million in 1930 to 1.2 million by 1933, yet overseas departures plummeted due to combined domestic bans, host-country quotas, and economic recession, resulting in negligible growth for established Italian communities in destinations like the and . To mitigate these pressures without depleting foreign reserves, the redirected surplus southern labor northward through subsidized to the industrial "triangle" of , , and . Between the late and , this movement involved hundreds of thousands—potentially exceeding 1 million cumulatively—of workers from agrarian Mezzogiorno regions, serving as a controlled substitute for external while remittances from pre-existing populations, estimated in the tens of millions of lire annually, continued to underpin regime finances despite autarkic efforts to insulate the economy. However, these policies underscored autarky's shortcomings, as suppressed mobility exacerbated regional disparities and failed to generate sufficient domestic , with southern persisting amid coerced internal redistribution. World War II introduced involuntary displacements that temporarily expanded diaspora elements beyond voluntary patterns. After Italy's 1943 armistice, around 650,000 Italian military internees (later classified as POWs) were detained by Allied forces, primarily in the United States, , and , enduring labor and internment that prolonged overseas presence for many until repatriation in 1945–1946. Civilian refugees fleeing Allied bombings or Axis retreats added smaller numbers, but these wartime flows—distinct from prewar economic migration—often resulted in short-term dislocations rather than permanent settlement, further straining communities abroad already stagnant from interwar constraints.

Post-World War II Reconstruction Emigration (1946–1980s)

Following Italy's defeat in and the devastation of its infrastructure and economy, emigration surged as a response to acute unemployment, food shortages, and slow reconstruction in the agrarian south and industrial north. Between 1946 and 1976, approximately 7.4 million emigrated, with over half originating from southern regions and the majority directing flows toward northern European countries seeking temporary labor opportunities. This wave was characterized by short-term migrations under bilateral labor agreements, contrasting with earlier permanent settlements overseas, as workers aimed to remit earnings to support families and local economies amid Italy's nascent industrialization. Key destinations included , , and , where Italians filled roles as (guest workers) in manufacturing, construction, and mining sectors facing labor shortages. Italy signed a pivotal bilateral recruitment agreement with on November 22, 1955, formalizing the influx of workers initially for seasonal and temporary employment, which expanded rapidly to meet postwar rebuilding demands. Similar pacts with dated to 1948, facilitating the movement of over one-third of Italy's emigrants to that country by 1970, while Belgium's agreements supported recruitment for coal and steel industries. These arrangements emphasized rotational labor, with contracts limited to one or two years, though many extended stays due to economic incentives, contributing to Italy's labor export as a deliberate policy to alleviate domestic pressure while importing foreign capital through wages. Remittances from these migrants played a crucial role in financing Italy's "economic miracle," providing inflows that supplemented investment and boosted consumption during the 1950s and 1960s high-growth period, when GDP expanded at an average annual rate of 5.8 percent from 1951 to 1963. These transfers, which rose sharply due to the temporary nature of postwar migrations compared to prewar permanent outflows, funded household expenditures, , and small-scale enterprises, effectively masking persistent rooted in regulatory rigidities and uneven . Empirical analyses indicate that returned savings and acquired skills from European stints enhanced local upon , with return migration rates exceeding 50 percent—reaching up to 90 percent in some cohorts—yielding net positive effects on Italy's long-term growth through and transfers. By the , as European host economies slowed and oil shocks hit, outflows tapered, with over 3 million returnees between 1946 and 1970 reintegrating into an economy increasingly reliant on northward.

Contemporary Brain Drain (1990s–Present)

Since the , has experienced a marked escalation in the of highly educated young professionals, often termed fuga dei cervelli or brain drain, with outflows intensifying after the 2008 financial crisis. This trend reflects a selective departure of tertiary-educated individuals seeking superior economic opportunities abroad, driven by persistent domestic structural impediments rather than merely international pull factors. Between 2010 and 2020, recorded a net loss of approximately 97,000 university graduates aged 25–34, according to demographic analyses, contributing to a broader exodus where annual emigrant numbers surpassed 60,000 by the mid-2010s and reached 155,732 in 2024—the highest since 2014. Primary destinations for these emigrants include Germany, the United Kingdom, and the United States, where skilled migrants benefit from more dynamic labor markets and innovation ecosystems. In 2012–2013, for instance, Germany and the UK absorbed the largest shares of Italian nationals departing, with many in STEM and professional fields. This self-selection process favors high-ability, college-educated youth, exacerbating Italy's human capital depletion; by 2023, over 1 million Italians had emigrated since 2014, with roughly half returning but a disproportionate loss among degree-holders—estimated at around 400,000 graduates since 2010 in various reports. Youth unemployment rates exceeding 30%—peaking at 39% in 2016—underscore the push factors, as rigid labor regulations, innovation-stifling bureaucracy, and a tax burden disproportionately weighting labor income limit domestic prospects. Contributing causally are Italy's welfare-state features, including generous pension expenditures that crowd out public investment and impose fiscal strains on younger generations, alongside sclerotic administrative processes that hinder entrepreneurship. These elements foster a mismatch between Italy's educated workforce and available opportunities, with real wages stagnating below 2000 levels amid high public spending on retirees. Government initiatives, such as tax incentives for repatriation introduced in the 2010s, have yielded limited returns; return migration rates remain low, with expatriation among 25–34-year-old graduates at 9.5 per 1,000 in 2021, signaling policy inefficacy in reversing the outflow. This brain drain perpetuates a vicious cycle, diminishing Italy's innovation capacity and demographic vitality, as lost talent fails to offset an aging population.

Geographic Distribution

Europe

The migration of Italians within Europe has been shaped by geographic proximity, facilitating cyclical movements and higher rates of return compared to transoceanic destinations. Following , bilateral agreements enabled large-scale labor recruitment; Italy signed its first guest worker treaty with in 1955, leading to the influx of over 600,000 by 1973, primarily in industrial sectors. Similar patterns emerged in , where formed the largest foreign group due to demand for and labor, with numbers peaking during the economic boom of the . Germany hosts the largest Italian-born population in Europe, with approximately 650,000 Italian citizens residing there as of recent estimates, concentrated in regions like , including cities such as , where communities maintain cultural associations and festivals. Switzerland follows, with around 320,000 Italian nationals—14% of its foreign residents—largely in cantons bordering Italy, like and around , supporting a network of Italian schools and social clubs. These figures reflect both historical labor migrants and their descendants, though EU free movement since 2004 has boosted temporary stays. Post-2008 in spurred a "brain drain" of skilled youth to , with recording increased Italian to and other states for professional opportunities in and IT, alongside traditional niches in and . In these sectors, Italian workers contribute disproportionately; for instance, they fill roles in 's building industry, where foreign labor constitutes a significant share of the 2.5 million employed. Proximity enables frequent returns—up to 30% of Swiss-based commute across borders—fostering hybrid identities with persistent use of regional dialects like Piedmontese or Lombard amid higher assimilation rates than in distant locales. citizenship has normalized this mobility, reducing permanent settlement and emphasizing temporary economic integration.

North America

The Italian diaspora in primarily consists of communities in the United States and , where descendants number approximately 16 million in the U.S. and 1.5 million in as of recent es. In the U.S., individuals reporting Italian ancestry represent about 4.8% of the , with the largest absolute concentrations in the Northeast states such as New York, which hosts over 2.3 million. Canadian communities, comprising 4.3% of the national in 2021, are similarly urban-focused, with significant hubs in , where Italian-origin residents form a substantial portion of the city's ethnic mosaic. Mass immigration from Italy to the U.S. peaked between 1880 and 1920, with over 4 million arrivals, including roughly 3 million from 1900 to 1914, many processed through as the primary entry point for eastern ports. These migrants, predominantly from , sought economic opportunities amid rural poverty and land scarcity, transitioning from seasonal laborers to permanent settlers in industrial centers. In Canada, parallel inflows grew from the late , accelerating post-World War II with sponsored family migrations, though earlier waves established footholds in and sectors. Early 20th-century settlements formed dense urban enclaves in the U.S. Northeast, such as New York's and Boston's North End, where immigrants clustered for mutual support, employment in factories and railroads, and preservation of familial networks amid initial . These neighborhoods facilitated entry-level labor but evolved into entrepreneurial bases, with second-generation upward mobility evident in sectors like and trades. Toronto's Italian districts, including Corso Italia, similarly emerged as vibrant hubs from the 1950s onward, drawing workers to infrastructure projects and fostering community institutions like mutual aid societies. By the 2010s, Italian-descended populations demonstrated strong socioeconomic integration, with homeownership rates consistently exceeding national averages across genders and regions, reflecting accumulated generational from initial manual labor to and pursuits. Later migrations shifted toward skilled s, particularly in the post-1960s , contributing to sustained community stability in metropolitan areas while mitigating earlier enclave insularity.

South America

Italian immigration to peaked during the late 19th and early 20th centuries, with and receiving the bulk of migrants drawn by agricultural prospects. Between 1880 and 1930, millions of Italians settled in , contributing to the country's demographic transformation as the largest voluntary migration in modern history. These arrivals, primarily from northern and southern , filled labor needs in the expanding , with Italians comprising the predominant immigrant group. In Argentina, descendants of Italian immigrants number approximately 25 million, forming the largest such community outside Italy and accounting for a substantial share of the national population. Immigrants focused on the pampas, adapting techniques from Italy's Po Plain to cultivate wheat and livestock on the fertile grasslands, which drove economic growth and upward mobility for many settlers. Brazil hosts around 30 million Italian descendants, with São Paulo state as the primary hub where over one million Italians arrived between 1872 and 1950. Following the 1888 abolition of slavery, Italian workers replaced enslaved labor on coffee fazendas in São Paulo, enabling the region's dominance in global coffee production through intensive plantation agriculture. This influx sustained community growth via elevated fertility rates in early generations, preserving ethnic cohesion before widespread assimilation. Recent decades saw renewed interest in Italian dual citizenship among South American descendants, with granting recognition to over 69,000 Italian-Brazilians in 2024 alone, though Italy's 2025 legislative changes restrict jure sanguinis claims to two generations, curtailing access for more distant lineages. Genetic studies highlight the lasting European admixture from these migrations, underscoring Italian contributions to South America's demographic mosaic.

Oceania

The Italian diaspora in Oceania is concentrated in , where post-World War II migration from 1947 onward brought over 300,000 by the 1970s, driven by labor shortages and bilateral recruitment agreements rather than temporary guest-worker programs seen in . A 1951 agreement between and facilitated assisted passages, subsidizing travel costs for approximately 42,000 between 1951 and 1968, targeting skilled and unskilled workers for permanent settlement. These migrants, often from , contributed disproportionately to infrastructure projects, including the Hydro-Electric Scheme launched in 1949, where formed a key part of the multinational workforce of over 100,000, performing tunneling, dam construction, and power station development in harsh alpine conditions. By the 2021 Australian census, 1,108,364 residents reported Italian ancestry, comprising 4.4% of the population, though only 163,326 were born in , reflecting multi-generational settlement. This influx peaked in the 1950s–1960s, with migrants initially facing isolation in work camps but gradually integrating through and urban relocation to cities like and , where they established ethnic enclaves focused on and . In New Zealand, the Italian community remains smaller, with 5,352 individuals identifying as ethnically Italian in the 2018 census, primarily descendants of 19th-century gold rush arrivals and post-1945 laborers in forestry and construction. Unlike Australia's scale, New Zealand's intake emphasized skilled trades over mass unskilled labor, with limited assisted migration and no equivalent mega-projects, leading to dispersed settlement without large enclaves. Linguistic assimilation has been rapid, with surveys indicating that by the third generation, over 80% of Italian-Australians speak little to no Italian at home, as English dominance in schools and workplaces accelerates shift, though cultural markers like persist. This pattern underscores permanent integration over ethnic retention, distinct from cyclical European migrations.

Africa and Asia

The Italian presence in peaked during the fascist colonial era, with significant settlements in , , and (encompassing , , and ). In , under policies promoting demographic colonization, the Italian population grew substantially in the 1930s, reaching tens of thousands by the eve of , focused on agriculture and infrastructure in coastal regions. Similarly, in —a French but with heavy Italian labor migration from and —the community numbered over 94,000 by 1936, comprising workers, traders, and farmers who outnumbered French settlers in some areas until the . In , civilian Italian numbers reached 165,267 by 1939, concentrated in urban centers like and , driven by conquest and settlement incentives following the 1936 of . Post-World War II decolonization and independence movements led to sharp declines. In , after independence in 1951 and especially following Muammar Gaddafi's 1969 coup, approximately 20,000 remaining Italians—mostly settlers and their descendants—were expelled in 1970 through nationalization of properties and residency revocations, effectively erasing the community. Tunisia's Italian fell from 84,935 in 1946 to under 10,000 by the 1960s, accelerated by post-independence policies favoring Tunisian nationals and economic amid unrest. East African communities dwindled rapidly after 1941 defeats; by 1955, Italians in and numbered around 18,000, with further attrition from federation changes and Eritrean independence, leaving remnants under 1,000 today. saw modest inflows, primarily post-1945 skilled laborers and POW returnees, but numbers remain limited at an estimated 20,000-30,000 descendants, sustained by cultural clubs rather than mass settlement. Overall, Africa's Italian , exceeding 300,000 in the 1930s across key territories, contracted to fewer than 50,000 continent-wide by the 21st century, reflecting expulsions, voluntary returns, and lack of sustained economic draws. In Asia, Italian migration has been niche and historically transient, lacking the scale of African colonial outflows. Early communities arose from trade and missionary activities in Ottoman ports like Istanbul, where Genoese and Venetian merchants established footholds by the 15th century, but these assimilated or declined post-19th century. The Philippines hosted small numbers of Italian traders and clergy from the Spanish era onward, though never exceeding a few thousand, with modern ties limited to diplomatic and business expats. Japan maintains a minor expatriate presence, around 2,000-3,000 as of recent estimates, comprising professionals in fashion, cuisine, and engineering, alongside transient entertainers, but without deep-rooted diaspora formation due to cultural and linguistic barriers. These pockets, totaling under 10,000 Italians across Asia, reflect opportunistic rather than mass migration, with little growth amid stronger pulls to Europe and the Americas.

Demographic and Statistical Overview

Global Population Estimates

The Italian diaspora encompasses an estimated 80 million people of full or partial Italian descent worldwide, a figure derived from aggregating self-reported ancestry data across host country censuses and demographic studies, exceeding Italy's resident population by over one-third. This total includes multi-generational descendants rather than solely first-generation emigrants, with upper-bound estimates occasionally reaching 100 million when accounting for underreported or partial ancestries in regions of high historical influx. In contrast, the Anagrafe degli Italiani Residenti all'Estero (AIRE) registry, maintained by the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Italian Statistical Office (Istat), tracks only Italian citizens residing abroad for more than 12 months, numbering approximately 6.16 million as of December 31, 2023. This metric captures recent and first-generation emigrants who retain citizenship, excluding naturalized descendants or those who have not registered, thus underrepresenting the full scope while providing a verifiable baseline grounded in administrative records rather than self-identification. Methodological challenges in global estimates arise from varying definitions: AIRE prioritizes legal ties, whereas broader counts depend on host-nation censuses that emphasize self-reported heritage, potentially inflating figures in admixed populations through generational dilution. Genetic studies, though limited, suggest higher admixture rates in Latin American cohorts—where intermarriage has blurred ethnic boundaries over 150 years—compared to North American or European communities with stronger and institutional tracking via ancestry surveys. Italian government analyses, such as those from Istat and the , favor conservative AIRE-based extrapolations for policy but acknowledge the 80-million descendant threshold as a consensus from international demographic compilations. Population trends show stability in first-generation figures, with AIRE growing modestly by about 4% annually due to contemporary amid economic pressures, offset by returns and naturalizations. Descendant numbers, however, continue expanding via births in host countries, with 2023 Istat projections indicating sustained growth absent major waves. Italian emigration from the late to the early involved over 26 million departures between 1861 and 1985, with approximately 35% of migrants returning home, often after accumulating savings as temporary laborers known as "birds of passage." These returns were driven by economic cycles in host countries, such as the U.S. in the 1930s, which prompted repatriations as job opportunities diminished abroad, rather than sentimental attachments. Post-World War II emigration to saw even higher return rates exceeding 50%, as many workers repatriated during host-country recessions like the 1970s oil crisis, bringing back remittances and skills that supported Italy's reconstruction. In contrast, return migration has declined sharply since the , with rates falling below 40% in recent decades, reflecting permanent settlement patterns among skilled emigrants amid Italy's stagnant wages and high . ISTAT data indicate that between 2019 and 2023, 192,000 young (ages 25-34) emigrated while only 73,000 returned, yielding a net loss and underscoring low due to superior economic prospects abroad. reached a record 191,000 in 2024, predominantly Italian citizens, with returns lagging as host economies recovered faster than Italy's. Demographic profiles of emigrants have shifted from predominantly young rural males in the early 1900s, who comprised the bulk of seasonal outflows, to a more balanced gender distribution among educated urban youth today. Recent emigrants are increasingly highly skilled, with about 50% holding university degrees in 2023, prioritizing long-term career mobility over temporary gains, which further reduces return likelihoods tied to host downturns. This evolution highlights net human capital losses for Italy, as returnees' contributions—historically including invested savings yielding positive ROI for local economies—have diminished against unidirectional outflows.

Economic Dimensions

Remittances and Their Role in Italian Development

Remittances from the Italian diaspora played a pivotal role in post-World War II Italy's economic stabilization and growth, particularly during the and when mass emigration to surged. Inflows from guest workers in countries like and financed household consumption and balanced Italy's current account, with estimates indicating they reached equivalents of several billion dollars annually by the mid-, contributing significantly to the "" era's recovery in the (). For instance, remittances helped offset trade deficits and supported rural families, enabling large-scale internal and external migration that alleviated unemployment pressures without immediate industrial restructuring. These funds were predominantly allocated to immediate family needs, including daily sustenance, , and modest entrepreneurial ventures such as family-run shops or farms, which demonstrably lowered incidence in high-emigration regions like and . Data from the period show remittances correlating with improved household welfare metrics, such as higher caloric intake and reduced in sender communities, yet much of the spending emphasized non-productive assets like over capital-intensive investments. This pattern sustained living standards amid agricultural stagnation, where remittances effectively subsidized underproductive land holdings and informal labor markets, postponing the need for comprehensive agrarian reforms or northward skill transfers. Macroeconomic analyses attribute a consumption-driven multiplier effect to these inflows, estimated at 1.5 to 2 times the principal amount through secondary spending on , bolstering local GDP without relying solely on domestic savings or foreign aid. However, this influx paralleled expansions in public welfare provisions, including pensions and subsidies, which absorbed fiscal resources while remittances filled private gaps, potentially diminishing incentives for productivity-enhancing changes like vocational training or market liberalization. In contemporary terms, inflows have moderated to $8-10 billion annually in the (about 0.5% of GDP), continuing to support familial networks but with diminished relative macroeconomic weight amid Italy's shift to net .

Contributions to Host Economies via Labor and Innovation

Italian immigrants arriving during the late 19th and early 20th centuries provided essential unskilled labor for major projects, including the of railroads, roads, dams, and tunnels that expanded the nation's industrial capacity. Between 1880 and 1920, over 4 million Italians contributed to these efforts, often under harsh conditions in factories, mines, and , enabling rapid in sectors like transportation and . In , postwar Italian migrants from onward played a pivotal role in the construction boom, particularly through the Hydro-electric Scheme, where thousands worked as laborers and tradesmen building dams, tunnels, and power infrastructure that boosted national energy production and irrigation. This labor influx supported Australia's industrialization, with comprising a significant portion of the in building and projects that laid the foundation for suburban expansion and resource extraction industries. Subsequent generations of the diaspora demonstrated innovation through , founding companies that drove economic output in host countries. In the United States, established firms in and , such as (predecessor to ) by A.P. Giannini in 1904, which expanded access to credit for working-class communities and grew into a major banking institution. High self-employment rates among Italian American communities reflect this pattern, with descendants often channeling family networks into small businesses that contributed to local GDP shares in retail and services. The Italian food sector exemplifies diaspora-driven innovation, with Italian American-founded enterprises powering an industry valued at $94.8 billion in U.S. revenues as of 2024, encompassing over 62,000 establishments that export culinary techniques and products derived from immigrant traditions. This sector's growth stems from early 20th-century immigrants introducing processed foods like via companies such as Contadina in , fostering supply chains that now generate billions in annual economic activity. Empirical indicators of long-term impact include elevated median household incomes for Italian American families, reaching $90,487 in recent data compared to the U.S. national average of $74,755, signaling successful intergenerational wealth accumulation through labor mobility and business acumen. In South America, Italian immigrants in Brazil and Argentina similarly bolstered agriculture and early industrialization from the 1870s, subsidizing labor that enhanced export-oriented economies, though quantitative innovation metrics like patents remain less documented than in Anglo-Saxon hosts.

Brain Drain Costs and Lost Human Capital for Italy

The emigration of highly skilled workers from , particularly university graduates, imposes substantial opportunity costs on the national economy, estimated at 1% of GDP annually, equivalent to approximately €14–20 billion in foregone productivity and tax revenues. This figure accounts for the public investment in education—around €150,000 per graduate—that yields no domestic return, alongside lost output from individuals who contribute more abroad than they would at home due to structural inefficiencies in 's labor market. Empirical models from investment analyses highlight how this brain drain reduces potential growth by diverting talent to higher-productivity environments, with self-selection effects concentrating outflows among the most capable, further widening innovation gaps. Fiscal burdens are acute, as departing graduates represent a net loss in lifetime tax contributions; for instance, between 2011 and 2023, the cumulative cost exceeded €134 billion, driven by reduced contributions to pension and welfare systems amid stagnant domestic wages. ISTAT data indicate that the expatriation rate for 25–34-year-old graduates reached 9.5 per thousand in 2021, with regional imbalances—such as Umbria's net loss of 2,620 highly educated workers from 2015–2024—failing to achieve even a 1:1 replacement ratio for incoming skilled labor. This outflow, comprising over a third of emigrants aged 25–34 in the past decade (more than 1 million total departures), amplifies fiscal pressures by shrinking the taxable base for high-value sectors like and . In the long term, brain drain exacerbates Italy's aging population crisis, where low birth rates and youth emigration hinder workforce renewal, projecting a that strains public finances without offsetting skilled . Policy factors, including labor costs inflated by social contributions exceeding 40% of gross wages—pushing total employment expenses 50% above net pay—contribute to self-selection outflows, as skilled workers seek environments with higher returns on . Analyses critique these rigidities for failing to retain talent despite public subsidies, resulting in persistent innovation deficits, with Italy's R&D lagging peers due to talent scarcity.

Cultural and Linguistic Persistence

Spread and Evolution of Italian Language and Dialects

The mass emigration of from the late 19th to mid-20th centuries disseminated regional dialects—such as Neapolitan, Sicilian, and Venetian—more prominently than standardized Tuscan-based Italian, as most migrants originated from rural southern and northern locales where dialects dominated daily communication. These varieties established footholds in diaspora enclaves, evolving through contact with host languages and often retaining phonological and lexical features absent in modern Italian. In , particularly and , which absorbed over 5 million Italian migrants by 1930, dialects demonstrated greater longevity due to dense community networks and in agricultural settlements. Venetian-derived Talian persists in 's southern states, with 1970s surveys among Veneto-origin communities revealing its active domestic use among second- and third-generation speakers, though increasingly hybridized with . Neapolitan and Sicilian elements similarly endure in Argentine cocoliche and lunfardo argots, reflecting substrate influence on local Spanish rather than full retention. In the United States, dialect vitality has waned more rapidly amid urban assimilation pressures post-1924 immigration quotas. Home speakers of Italian (encompassing dialects) fell 38% from approximately 530,000 in 2001 to under 400,000 in 2017, a decline exceeding demographic factors like aging. Third-generation typically exhibit low fluency, with attrition manifesting in hesitations, lexical gaps, and redundancy; surveys indicate most possess only fragmentary knowledge, such as isolated words or phrases, rather than conversational competence. Linguistic erosion arises causally from intermarriage rates exceeding 50% by in many communities, diluting transmission, and from bilingualism's functional : heritage dialects suffice for familial intimacy but yield to English in public spheres, prioritizing integration and . This domain-specific relegation hastens obsolescence, as children internalize host-language dominance for broader efficacy. Post-2000s digital tools have spurred niche revivals, with internet platforms, streaming services, and social media enabling diaspora access to dialect media from Italy and peer networks abroad, countering isolation and fostering passive exposure among younger descendants.

Culinary, Artistic, and Musical Influences

Italian immigrants arriving in the United States between 1880 and 1920 adapted traditional dishes like pizza for local markets, with Gennaro Lombardi establishing the first licensed pizzeria in New York City in 1905, transforming a Neapolitan street food into a staple of American cuisine through entrepreneurial innovation and use of affordable ingredients such as tomato sauce and cheese. Similar adaptations occurred in Argentina, where Italian emigrants from regions like Piedmont and Liguria introduced pasta and pizza variants, incorporating local beef and cheeses, which by the early 20th century supported thousands of immigrant-owned bakeries and trattorias in Buenos Aires. These efforts contributed to the global Italian food market's valuation of USD 24.03 billion in 2024, driven in part by diaspora-led commercialization in host countries rather than direct exports from Italy. In the artistic realm, Italian diaspora communities in the from the mid-19th to mid-20th centuries infused host-country sculpture and painting with techniques, as seen in works by artists like , an immigrant who frescoed the Capitol's dome in 1862–1866, blending classical Italian fresco methods with American patriotic themes. In and , Italian emigrants founded art societies such as the Società Promotrice di Belle Arti in (established 1893), fostering institutions that preserved techniques like while adapting to local indigenous motifs, resulting in hybrid styles documented in over 50 exhibitions of diaspora art by the 1940s. This influence extended to public monuments, with Italian stonecutters and sculptors dominating construction in cities like São Paulo, where they erected neoclassical structures echoing Florentine and Roman models between 1880 and 1930. Musically, Italian emigrants popularized in diaspora hubs, with figures like performing in New York’s from 1903 onward, drawing immigrant audiences and elevating styles that influenced American composers. In the United States, second-generation Italian-Americans such as fused opera phrasing—derived from influences like —with and swing, achieving sales of over 150 million records by 2020 and shaping mid-20th-century popular music through bands led by immigrants' descendants. This cross-pollination extended to , where Italian-American musicians contributed brass techniques rooted in operatic training, as evidenced in New Orleans ensembles from the 1910s onward.

Community Enclaves and Institutions

Italian immigrant communities in the United States formed dense enclaves such as Little Italy in New York City and the North End in Boston, which peaked in the 1920s when over half of Little Italy's approximately 10,000 residents identified as Italian American. These hubs served as self-sustaining networks, providing mutual aid through fraternal organizations that offered insurance, loans, and job placement to newcomers facing economic hardship and limited access to mainstream services. Key institutions included the Order Sons and Daughters of Italy in America, founded in 1905 in New York City's as a mutual aid society to support early immigrants with financial assistance and community solidarity. Italian Catholic parishes, such as those in Manhattan's Mulberry Street area, facilitated cultural transmission by conducting services in Italian dialects and organizing festivals, while also aiding practical integration through charitable networks. Ethnic banks and benevolent societies further reinforced these enclaves by pooling resources for and emergency relief, enabling chain migration and economic stability within the community. In Argentina, similar enclaves emerged in Buenos Aires neighborhoods like La Boca, settled predominantly by Italian immigrants from Liguria starting in the late , where dockwork and trade fostered tight-knit settlements with mutual support systems mirroring those in the U.S. These communities declined sharply after due to , , and projects, which dispersed over half of the original populations by the 1970s in areas like New York City's , transforming once-vibrant residential cores into commercial zones. Fraternal societies adapted by shifting focus from immediate aid to heritage preservation, though enrollment waned as assimilation progressed.

Social Dynamics and Identity

Assimilation Patterns and Intermarriage Rates

Italian immigrants to the exhibited initially slow assimilation due to high illiteracy rates—approximately 44% among arrivals in 1901—and concentration in low-skilled labor, but socioeconomic mobility accelerated across generations, with second- and third-generation achieving middle-class status through emphasis on and family-supported . Intermarriage rates remained low in the first generation but rose substantially thereafter; by the second and third generations, rates were high, with studies indicating over 50% of third-generation individuals having mixed ethnic parentage, reflecting rapid integration into broader American society. Key facilitators included rapid English acquisition—historical data show 86% proficiency among pre-1930 immigrants after residence—and cultural prioritization of education and stable nuclear families, which promoted economic self-reliance and reduced reliance on public assistance compared to contemporaneous groups like Eastern European Jews or later Hispanic cohorts. Strong familial structures, characterized by intergenerational co-residence and mutual economic support, minimized welfare dependency; anecdotal and census-based accounts from the mid-20th century describe Italian Americans as "too proud" for aid, relying instead on kinship networks for stability. In , post-World War II Italian migrants followed a parallel trajectory, transitioning from rural labor and initial segregation to urban professional integration by the , aided by government-assisted assimilation policies favoring European groups perceived as adaptable. Intermarriage rates varied regionally but trended high overall, with urban Italians showing lower due to demographic imbalances and social mixing, exceeding 50% in mixed unions by later generations per ancestry data. -centric values similarly buffered against isolation, fostering low public welfare uptake through communal remittances and enterprise, though early delayed full linguistic assimilation. These patterns underscore causal links between intact units, adaptation, and measurable outcomes like occupational advancement over ethnic enclaves.

Discrimination, Stereotypes, and Anti-Italian Prejudices

In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Italian immigrants in the United States faced severe discrimination rooted in nativist prejudices, economic competition, and perceptions of cultural inferiority, often conflating their rural, working-class origins—particularly from southern Italy—with inherent criminality. A pivotal event occurred on March 14, 1891, in New Orleans, where a mob of approximately 10,000 to 20,000 people stormed the parish prison and lynched 11 Italian men—nine Sicilian immigrants and two others—following their acquittal or mistrial in the murder trial of Police Chief David Hennessy; this remains the largest mass lynching in U.S. history and exemplified extrajudicial violence against Italians suspected of Mafia ties. The incident stemmed from broader suspicions of Sicilian "Black Hand" extortion networks, though evidence of organized guilt was scant, highlighting how class-based rural backgrounds fueled assumptions of collective culpability rather than individual accountability. The Sacco-Vanzetti case further illustrated anti-Italian bias intertwined with anti-radicalism during the 1920s . In 1920, Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti, two Italian-born anarchists, were arrested for a robbery-murder in ; despite contested ballistic evidence and alibi witnesses, they were convicted in a trial permeated by hostility toward immigrants and leftists, leading to their execution on August 23, 1927. Contemporary accounts noted the courtroom's atmosphere of prejudice, where ethnic origin and political views overshadowed forensic scrutiny, contributing to international protests but underscoring causal links between immigrant status and perceived threats to American order. Stereotypes portraying Italians as inherently criminal, especially through romanticized Mafia tropes, persisted in media and culture, often exaggerating the role of a small subset involved in organized crime while ignoring the majority's law-abiding labor. Early 20th-century depictions in newspapers and films linked Italian immigrants to violence and extortion, reinforced by real but disproportionate involvement in homicides among southern Europeans due to cultural norms of personal honor from agrarian societies, yet these were overgeneralized to the entire diaspora. FBI data from the era showed elevated arrest rates for Italians in urban centers, attributable to poverty-driven petty crime and clannish networks, but by the 1930s, immigrant incarceration rates had fallen below native-born levels as communities stabilized. Empirical evidence counters enduring Mafia romanticism by demonstrating its marginal impact on Italian-American populations. Department of Justice analyses of defended neighborhoods indicate that areas with high Italian-American concentrations exhibit significantly lower and rates compared to city averages, linked to informal social controls like family cohesion rather than criminal subcultures. Modern FBI estimates place active Italian associates at around 3,000—negligible against 17 million Italian descendants—reflecting a sharp decline from Prohibition-era peaks due to prosecutions and assimilation pressures, affirming community resilience through empirical adaptation over perpetuated victim narratives.

Roots Tourism, Dual Citizenship, and Transnational Ties

Roots tourism, involving descendants of Italian emigrants visiting ancestral regions, contributes notably to Italy's through targeted expenditures on accommodations, local services, and heritage sites. In , this segment generated approximately €4 billion in inflows, supporting rural communities often depopulated by historical outflows. Pre-COVID estimates placed annual roots visitors in the low millions, though precise figures remain elusive due to underreporting in general tourism data; broader international arrivals exceeded 60 million annually before 2020 disruptions. These visits foster economic revitalization in , where many origins lie, but also highlight the irony of "exported" —talent lost to brain drain now indirectly repatriating value via consumption rather than residency. Italy's jus sanguinis principle, granting citizenship by descent without generational limits until recent reforms, has spurred a surge in applications from diaspora descendants, particularly in South America and the United States. In 2022, Italy approved around 214,000 new citizenships, the highest in the EU, with most via blood right; this rose from 121,000 in 2021, reflecting pent-up demand amid streamlined consular processes. By 2023, approvals neared 190,000 under jus sanguinis alone, though a March 2025 legislative change restricted automatic transmission to those with an Italian parent or grandparent born after unification, aiming to curb administrative overload and perceived abuses. This policy, while enabling dual nationality and EU mobility, has been critiqued as incentivizing distant claims primarily for passport privileges rather than cultural reconnection, with processing backlogs exceeding years in high-volume consulates like those in and São Paulo. Transnational ties are reinforced through the Anagrafe degli Italiani Residenti all'Estero (AIRE), which registers over 6.3 million abroad as of 2023, up from prior decades due to recent waves. AIRE enrollment, mandatory for stays exceeding 12 months, facilitates absentee voting in national elections via or proxy, creating extraterritorial constituencies that parties target with tailored platforms—often accused of vote-buying through promises of consular expansions and heritage . In 2023, over 165,000 new registrations occurred, amplifying influence despite low turnout (around 20-30% in recent polls), where pro-emigrant policies secure blocs without domestic fiscal reciprocity. This framework sustains remittances and investments—estimated at €7-8 billion annually—but underscores causal tensions: incentives preserve identity abroad while exacerbating Italy's demographic decline, as registered expatriates rarely return permanently.

Notable Achievements and Figures

Political and Business Leaders

Members of the Italian diaspora have achieved prominence in outside , often leveraging tight-knit community networks formed in immigrant enclaves to build electoral support and ascend to leadership roles. In the United States, these enclaves in cities like New York and facilitated mutual-aid societies and cultural organizations that mobilized voters, contributing to a rise in Italian-American political participation; for instance, electoral turnout among Italian-Americans in increased by 21 percent between 1924 and 1932. Such networks emphasized family loyalty and grassroots organizing, enabling figures to rise through local without reliance on modern frameworks, which historically excluded European immigrants facing . Mario Cuomo, born in 1932 to Italian immigrant parents from the region who ran a laundry in , New York, served as the 52nd from 1983 to 1994, becoming the first Italian-American to hold that office; he won three terms by focusing on infrastructure and education reforms amid economic challenges. Rudy Giuliani, of Sicilian and Italian ancestry through his father—a convicted felon who instilled a strong —served as from 1994 to 2001, implementing crime-reduction policies that halved the city's homicide rate from 1990 levels through broken-windows policing and community partnerships rooted in neighborhood ties. Fiorello LaGuardia, half-Italian through his mother from , was mayor of New York from 1934 to 1945, the first Italian-American in that role, where he expanded public works and fought corruption, drawing on enclave support in . In Argentina, where Italian immigrants and descendants formed up to 60 percent of the population by the early , Fernando de la Rúa, of 75 percent Italian ancestry via his paternal grandfather from , served as president from 1999 to 2001, attempting fiscal austerity amid economic crisis before resigning during riots. In business, Italian diaspora leaders have demonstrated success through family-oriented enterprises and operational turnarounds, often building on immigrant entrepreneurship traditions rather than institutional quotas. , born in 1952 in , Italy, and raised in , Canada, after emigrating at age 14, became CEO of in 2004 and orchestrated the 2009 merger with , reviving both firms; under his leadership, Fiat-Chrysler's revenue grew from €47 billion in 2004 to €111 billion by 2016 through cost-cutting and , without subsidies akin to those for other sectors. Lee Iacocca, born in 1924 to Italian immigrants from the who owned a and later a cinema, led as CEO from 1978 to 1992, securing $1.5 billion in government loans in 1979 that he repaid early by 1983 via models like the , turning a $1.7 billion loss into profitability. These achievements reflect causal pathways from enclave-honed resilience—such as mutual support in labor-intensive trades—to scalable enterprises, with Italian-Americans overrepresented in sectors like and automotive relative to their 5 percent U.S. population share.

Scientific, Cultural, and Entrepreneurial Icons

Enrico Fermi, born in Rome in 1901, exemplified the scientific prowess of Italian emigrants after fleeing fascist Italy's racial laws in 1938 with his Jewish wife, Laura Capon, following his Nobel Prize in Physics for neutron-induced radioactivity. Settling in the United States, Fermi led the team that achieved the first controlled nuclear chain reaction on December 2, 1942, under the University of Chicago's west stands, pivotal to the Manhattan Project's success. His emigration underscored the meritocratic opportunities abroad, where first-generation immigrants like Fermi advanced nuclear physics despite initial barriers. Riccardo Giacconi, born in in 1931, emigrated to the post-graduation from the , pioneering that revealed cosmic phenomena like quasars and black holes. Awarded the in 2002 for foundational discoveries in , including the first extragalactic X-ray source , Giacconi's work via sounding rockets and satellites demonstrated the innovative drive of diaspora scientists in resource-scarce early environments. His career trajectory from Italian academia to leading U.S. observatories highlighted resilience in competitive fields. In culture, , born Francesco Rosario Capra in , in 1897, arrived in the U.S. at age six with his impoverished family in 1903, rising from manual labor to direct populist classics like (1934) and (1946). Winning six , including three for Best Director, Capra's films celebrated American individualism rooted in immigrant grit, influencing Hollywood's narrative style amid the . His success reflected the cultural adaptation of first-generation Italians in merit-based entertainment. Entrepreneurially, Amadeo Peter Giannini, born in 1870 to Italian immigrant parents in shortly after their arrival, founded the in 1904 in San Francisco's Little Italy, targeting working-class immigrants shunned by established banks. Renamed in 1930, it grew into a global institution under his vision, financing post-1906 earthquake reconstruction and Hollywood films, embodying the risk-taking ethos of diaspora founders in building financial access for underserved communities.

References

Add your contribution
Related Hubs
User Avatar
No comments yet.