First Indochina War

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Vietnam was absorbed into French Indochina in stages between 1858 and 1887. Vietnamese nationalism grew until World War II, which provided a break in French control. Early Vietnamese resistance centered on the intellectual Phan Bội Châu. Châu looked to Japan, which had modernized and was one of the few Asian nations to successfully resist European colonization. With Prince Cường Để, Châu started the two organizations in Japan, the Duy Tân hội (Modernistic Association) and Vietnam Cong Hien Hoi.

Due to French pressure, Japan deported Phan Bội Châu to China. Witnessing Sun Yat-sen's Xinhai Revolution, Châu was inspired to commence the Viet Nam Quang Phục Hội movement in Guangzhou. From 1914 to 1917, he was imprisoned by Yuan Shikai's counterrevolutionary government. In 1925, he was captured by French agents in Shanghai and spirited to Vietnam. Due to his popularity, Châu was spared from execution and placed under house arrest until his death in 1940.

In September 1940, the Empire of Japan launched its invasion of French Indochina, parallel with its ally Germany's conquest of metropolitan France. Keeping the French colonial administration, the Japanese ruled from behind the scenes, as did the Germans in Vichy France. For Vietnamese nationalists, this was a double-puppet government, with the Axis powers behind the French behind the Vietnamese local officials. Emperor Bảo Đại collaborated with the Japanese, just as he had with the French, ensuring his continued safety and comfort.

From October 1940 to May 1941, during the Franco-Thai War, the Vichy French in Indochina defended their colony in a border conflict in which the forces of Thailand invaded while the Japanese sat on the sidelines. Thai military successes were limited to the Cambodian border area, and in January 1941 Vichy France's modern naval forces soundly defeated the inferior Thai naval forces in the Battle of Ko Chang. The war ended in May, with the French agreeing to minor territorial revisions which restored formerly Thai areas to Thailand.

In 1941, Hồ Chí Minh formed the Viet Minh (League for the Independence of Vietnam).^[39]: 98 He founded the Việt Minh as an umbrella organization, seeking to appeal to a base beyond his own communist beliefs by emphasizing national liberation instead of class struggle.^[40][41] In 1941, Hồ and Indochina Communist Party founded a communist-led united front to oppose the Japanese.^[39]: 98

In March 1945, with the World War all but lost, Japan launched the Second French Indochina Campaign to oust the Vichy French, and formally installed Emperor Bảo Đại as head of a nominally independent Vietnam. The Japanese arrested and imprisoned most of the French officials and military remaining in the country.

In Hanoi on 15–20 April 1945, the Tonkin Revolutionary Military Conference of the Việt Minh issued a resolution (reprinted 25 August 1970 in the Nhân Dân journal) calling for a general uprising, resistance and guerrilla warfare against the Japanese. It also called on the French in Vietnam to recognize Vietnamese independence and on the DeGaulle French government (Allied French) to recognize Vietnam's independence and fight alongside them against Japan.^[42][43]

In an article from August 1945, (republished 17 August 1970), the North Vietnamese National Assembly Chairman Truong Chinh denounced the Japanese Greater East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere as a regime to plunder Asia and to replace the United States and British colonial rule with Japanese colonial rule. Truong Chinh also denounced the retreating Japanese's Three Alls policy: kill all, burn all, loot all. According to Truong the Japanese also tried to pit different ethnic and political groups within Indochina against each other and attempted to infiltrate the Viet Minh.^[44][45]

The Japanese inflicted two billion US dollars' worth (1945 values) of damage, including destruction of industrial plants, 90% of heavy vehicles, motorcycles, and cars, and 16 tons of junks, railways, port installations, and one third of the bridges.^[46] In the Japanese-imposed famine of 1944–1945, one to two million Vietnamese starved to death in the Red river delta of northern Vietnam.^[47][48][49] The North Vietnamese government accused both France and Japan of the famine.^{[50][51][52][53][54]} By the time the Chinese came to disarm the Japanese, Vietnamese corpses littered the streets of Hanoi.^[55]

In the Declaration of Independence of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, Ho Chi Minh blamed "the double yoke of the French and the Japanese" for the deaths of "more than two million" Vietnamese.^[56]

American President Franklin D. Roosevelt and General Joseph Stilwell privately opposed continued French rule in Indochina after the war. Roosevelt suggested that Chiang Kai-shek place Indochina under Chinese rule; Chiang Kai-shek supposedly replied: "Under no circumstances!"^[57] Following Roosevelt's death in April 1945, U.S. resistance to French rule weakened.^[58]

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Japanese forces in Vietnam surrendered on 15 August 1945, and an armistice was signed between Japan and the United States on 20 August. The Provisional Government of the French Republic wanted to restore its colonial rule in French Indochina as the final step of the Liberation of France. On 22 August, OSS agents Archimedes Patti and Carleton B. Swift Jr. arrived in Hanoi on a mercy mission to liberate Allied POWs, accompanied by French official Jean Sainteny.^[59] As the only law enforcement, the Imperial Japanese Army remained in power, keeping French colonial troops and Sainteny detained, to the benefit of the developing Vietnamese nationalist forces.^[60][61] The Viet Minh claimed that they, alongside Meo (Hmong) and Muong tribesmen, subdued the Japanese in a nationwide rebellion from 9 March to 19 August 1945, taking control of 6 provinces,^[62][63] although some of these claims are contested.^[64] Beginning with the August Revolution, Japanese forces allowed the Việt Minh and other nationalist groups to take over public buildings and weapons. For the most part, the Japanese Army destroyed their equipment or surrendered it to Allied forces, but some of the weapons fell to the Việt Minh, including some French equipment.^[65][66] The Việt Minh also recruited more than 600 Japanese soldiers to train Vietnamese.^[67][68]

On 25 August, Ho Chi Minh persuaded Emperor Bảo Đại to abdicate and become "supreme advisor" to the new Việt Minh-led government in Hanoi. On September 2, aboard USS Missouri in Tokyo Bay, CEFEO Expeditionary Corps leader General Leclerc signed the armistice with Japan on behalf of France.^[69] The same day, Ho Chi Minh declared Vietnam's independence from France. Deliberately echoing the American Declaration of Independence, he proclaimed:

We hold the truth that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, among them life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.^[70]

Ho Chi Minh denounced the reimposition of French rule, accusing the French of selling out the Vietnamese to the Japanese twice in four years.^{[71][72][73][74]}

On 13 September 1945, a Franco-British task force landed in Java, main island of the Dutch East Indies (for which independence was being sought by Sukarno), and Saigon, capital of Cochinchina (southern part of French Indochina), both being occupied by the Japanese under Field Marshal Hisaichi Terauchi, Commander-in-Chief of Japan's Southern Expeditionary Army Group based in Saigon.^[75] Allied troops in Saigon were an airborne detachment, two British companies of the Indian 20th Infantry Division and the French 5th Colonial Infantry Regiment, with British General Sir Douglas Gracey as supreme commander. The latter proclaimed martial law on September 21, and Franco-British troops took control of Saigon.^[76]

As agreed at the Potsdam Conference,^[77][78] 200,000 troops of the Chinese 1st Army occupied northern Indochina to the 16th parallel, while the British under the South-East Asia Command of Lord Mountbatten occupied the south.^[79][80] The Chinese troops had been sent by Chiang Kai-shek under General Lu Han to accept the surrender of Japanese forces occupying that area, then to supervise the disarming and repatriation of the Japanese Army. In the North, the Chinese permitted the DRV government to remain in charge of local administration and food supply.^[81] Initially, the Chinese kept the French Colonial soldiers interned, with the acquiescence of the Americans.^[60] The Chinese used the VNQDĐ, the Vietnamese branch of the Chinese Kuomintang, to increase their influence in Indochina and put pressure on their opponents.^[82] Chiang Kai-shek deliberately withheld his best soldiers from Vietnam, holding them in reserve for the fight against the Communists inside China, and instead sent undisciplined warlord troops from Yunnan under Lu Han to occupy Vietnam north of the 16th parallel and accept the Japanese surrender.^[83][84] In total, 200,000 of General Lu Han's Chinese soldiers occupied north Vietnam starting August 1945. 90,000 arrived by October, the 62nd army came on 26 September to Nam Dinh and Haiphong, later arriving at Lang Son and Cao Bang and the Red River region and Lai Cai were occupied by a column from Yunnan. Vietnamese VNQDD fighters accompanied the Chinese soldiers. Lu Han occupied the French governor general's palace after ejecting the French staff under Sainteny.^[85]

On 9 October 1945, General Leclerc arrived in Saigon, accompanied by French Colonel Massu's Groupement de marche unit. Leclerc's primary objectives were to restore public order in south Vietnam and to militarize Tonkin (northern Vietnam). Secondary objectives were to explore taking back Chinese-occupied Hanoi, and to negotiate with Việt Minh officials.^[76]

While the Chinese soldiers occupied northern Indochina, Ho Chi Minh's Viet Minh tried to appease the Chinese soldiers with welcome parades in Hanoi and Haiphong, while reassuring the Vietnamese people that China supported Vietnam's independence.^[86] Viet Minh newspapers emphasized the common ancestry (huyết thống) and culture shared by Vietnamese and Chinese, and their common struggle against western imperialists, and expressed admiration for the 1911 revolution and anti-Japanese war which had made it "not the same as feudal China".^[87]

In September 1945, Ho Chi Minh called on the people to contribute gold to purchase weapons for the Viet Minh and also gifts for the Chinese, presenting a golden opium pipe to the Chinese general Lu Han.^[88][89] Lu Han pressured Ho Chi Minh for rice to feed the Chinese occupation force.^[85] Rice sent to Cochinchina by the French in October 1945 was divided by Ho Chi Minh, with only one third to the northern Vietnamese and two thirds to the Chinese. After 18 December 1945, elections were postponed for 15 days in response to a demand by Chinese general Chen Xiuhe to allow the Dong Minh Hoi and VNQDD to prepare.^[90]

Beyond their food quota, the occupiers seized several rice stockpiles and other private and public goods, and were accused of rapes, beatings, occupying private dwellings, and burning down others, resulting only in apologies or partial compensation. By contrast, Vietnamese crimes against the Chinese were fully investigated, to the extent of executions for some Vietnamese who attacked Chinese soldiers.^[91]

While Chiang Kai-shek, Xiao Wen (Hsiao Wen) and the Kuomintang Chinese government were uninterested in occupying Vietnam beyond the allotted time period and involving itself in the war between the Viet Minh and the French, the Yunnan warlord Lu Han wanted to establish a Chinese trusteeship of Vietnam under the principles of the Atlantic Charter with the aim of eventually preparing Vietnam for independence.^[92] Ho Chi Minh sent a cable on 17 October 1945 to American President Harry S. Truman calling on him, Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, Premier Joseph Stalin and Prime Minister Clement Attlee to go to the United Nations against France and demand that they not be allowed to return to occupy Vietnam, accusing France of having sold out and cheated the Allies by surrendering Indochina to Japan.^[93] Ho Chi Minh blamed Dong Minh Hoi and VNDQQ for signing the agreement with France which allowed its soldiers to return to Vietnam.^[94][95]

Chinese communist guerrilla leader Chu Chia-pi visited northern Vietnam multiple times in 1945 and helped the Viet Minh fight against the French from Yunnan.^[96]

Chiang Kai-shek forced the contentious French and Việt Minh to come to terms in the Ho–Sainteny agreement. In February 1946, he also forced the French to surrender all of their concessions and ports in China, including Shanghai, in exchange for Chinese troops withdrawing from northern Indochina and allowing French troops to reoccupy the region starting in March 1946.^{[97][98][99][100]}

This left the VNQDĐ without support, and they were suppressed by Việt Minh and French troops. The Việt Minh massacred thousands of VNQDĐ members and other nationalists in a large-scale purge.^[101][102]

In 1945, the Vietnamese were locked in a struggle over the destiny of their post-colonial state after the ousting of the French and the surrender of Japan.^[103] Viet Minh forces seized control from the collapsing Empire of Vietnam, while the Vietnam Nationalist Party and Việt Cách advanced in Tonkin with the support of the Chinese Allied mission, and the Đại Việt Nationalist Party already posed serious competition to the Viet Minh.^[104] The South fractured between the Stalinist front Viet Minh and rival groups including the Trotskyists, Hòa Hảo, Cao Đài, and Bình Xuyên.^[105]

The Indochinese Communist Party was primarily responsible for starting widespread Vietnamese-on-Vietnamese violence.^[106] Its Viet Minh front aimed to consolidate power through the terrorization and purging of the rival Vietnamese groups.^{[107][108][109][110]} In 1946, the Franco-Chinese and Ho–Sainteny Agreements enabled French forces to replace the Chinese north of the 16th parallel and facilitated a coexistence between the DRV and the French that strengthened the Viet Minh while undermining the nationalists.^[111][112] That summer, the Viet Minh colluded with French forces to eliminate nationalists, targeted for their ardent anti-colonialism.^{[113][107]: 205–207 [114]: 175–177 [115]: 699–700} By eliminating the nationalist parties, the Viet Minh had undermined Vietnam's broader ability to resist French reconquest.^[116][117]

The Bình Xuyên organized crime group also sought power in the country and although they initially fought alongside the Việt Minh, they would later support Bảo Đại.^{[118][119][120]} Militias from the Cao Đài sect, which had initially joined the Viet Minh in their struggle against the return of the French, made a truce with France when their leader was captured on 6 June 1946. The Viet Minh later attacked the Cao Đài after open conflict had erupted with France, which led them to join the French side.^{[121][122][123]} The Viet Minh assassinated the Hòa Hảo leader Huỳnh Phú Sổ in April 1947.^[124] Vietnamese society also polarized along ethnic lines: the Nùng and Chinese Nùng minority assisted the French, while the Tày assisted the Việt Minh.^[125] The Khmer Krom also sided with France.^[126]

Surviving Vietnamese nationalist partisans and politico-religious groups rallied behind the exiled Bảo Đại to reopen negotiations with France in opposition to communist domination.^{[127][114]: 187–188} The State of Vietnam (SVN), with Bảo Đại as Chief of State, was established and positioned within the anticommunist Western Bloc.^[128] With the recognition of the DRV by China and the Soviet Union, and the recognition of the SVN by the United States in 1950, the civil war and the colonial war in Vietnam became internationalized and intertwined with the global Cold War.^[129]

In March 1946, a preliminary accord signed between the French and Ho Chi Minh which acknowledged the DRV as a free state within an Indochinese Federation in a "French Union" and allowed a limited number of French troops within its borders to replace the Chinese forces which started gradually returning to China. In further negotiations, the French would seek to ratify Vietnam's position within the Union and the Vietnamese main priorities were preserving their independence and the reunification with the Republic of Cochinchina, which had been created by High Commissioner Georges d'Argenlieu in June.^[130] In September, once main negotiations had broken down in Paris over these two key issues, Ho Chi Minh and Marius Moutet, the French Minister of the Colonies, signed a temporary modus vivendi which reaffirmed the March Accord, although no specifications were made on the issue of a Nam Bộ (Cochinchina) reunification referendum and negotiations for a definitive treaty were set to begin no later than January 1947.^[131]

In the north, an uneasy peace had been maintained during the negotiations, in November however, fighting broke out in Haiphong between the Việt Minh government and the French over a conflict of interest in import duty at the port.^[132] On November 23, 1946, the French fleet bombarded the Vietnamese sections of the city killing 6,000 Vietnamese civilians in one afternoon.^{[133][134][135]} The Việt Minh quickly agreed to a cease-fire and left the cities. This is known as the Haiphong incident. There was never any intention among the Vietnamese to give up, as General Võ Nguyên Giáp soon brought up 30,000 men to attack the city. Although the French were outnumbered, their superior weaponry and naval support made any Việt Minh attack unsuccessful. In 19 December, hostilities between the Việt Minh and the French broke out in Hanoi, and Ho Chi Minh, along with his government, was forced to evacuate the capital in favor of remote forested and mountainous areas. Guerrilla warfare ensued, with the French controlling most of the country except far-flung areas. By January the following year, most provincial capitals had fallen to the French, while Hue fell in February after a six-week siege.^[136]

In 1947, Ho Chi Minh and General Võ Nguyên Giáp retreated with his command into the Việt Bắc, the mountainous forests of northern Vietnam. By March, France had taken control of the main population centers in the country. The French chose not to pursue the Việt Minh before the beginning of the seasonal rains in May, and military operations were postponed until their conclusion.^[137]

Come October, the French launched Operation Léa with the objective of swiftly putting an end to the resistance movement by taking out the Vietnamese main battle units and the Việt Minh leadership at their base in Bắc Kạn. Léa was followed by Operation Ceinture in November, with similar aims. As a result of the French offensive, the Việt Minh would end up losing valuable resources and suffering heavy losses, 7,200–9,500 KIA. Nevertheless, both operations failed to capture Ho Chi Minh and his key lieutenants as intended, and the main Vietnamese battle units managed to survive.^[138][139]

In 1948, France started looking for means of opposing the Việt Minh politically, with an alternative government led by former emperor Bảo Đại to lead an "autonomous" government within the French Union of nations. This new state ruled over northern and central Vietnam, excluding the colony of Cochinchina, and had limited autonomy. This initial accord with the French was decried by non-Communist nationalists and Bảo Đại withdrew from the agreement. It would not be until March 1949 that the French would concede on the issue of unification and a final agreement would be reached.^[140][141]

Two years prior, the French had refused Ho's proposal of a similar status within the French Union, albeit with some restrictions on French power and the latter's eventual withdrawal from Vietnam.^[142] However, they were willing to deal with Bảo Đại as he represented a non-radical option who could rally behind him the non-Communist nationalist movement.^[143] In January 1950, France officially recognized the nominal "independence" of the unified State of Vietnam, led by Bảo Đại, as an associated state within the French Union. However, France still controlled all foreign policy, every defense issue and would have a French Union army stationed in the country with complete freedom of movement.^[144] Within the framework of the French Union, France also granted independence to the other nations in Indochina, the Kingdoms of Laos and Cambodia.

In January 1949, the Vietnamese National Army was created to go along the formation of the new Vietnamese associated state. This was meant to bolster French numbers as their army found itself outnumbered by the People's Army of Vietnam at this point in the war. To this end, the CEFEO provided some of its officers to lead these new divisions.^[145]

Throughout 1948 and 1949, the Việt Minh engaged in ambushes and sabotage of French convoys and infrastructure. Meanwhile, the French government was still looking for a political solution and major military operations stalled for a lack of manpower.^[146][147] With the triumph of the communists in China's civil war in October 1949, the Vietnamese communists gained a major political ally on their northern border, who supported them with advisers, weapons and supplies along with camps where new recruits were trained. Between 1950 and 1951, Giap re-organized his local forces into five full conventional infantry divisions, the 304th, 308th, 312th, 316th and the 320th.^[148]

In January 1950, Ho's government gained recognition from China and the Soviet Union. Shortly after in February, the government of Bảo Đại gained recognition by the United States and the United Kingdom.^{[149][150][151][152]} Along with Mao Zedong's victory in China, this gesture by the main Communist powers, played a part in shifting the US view of the war, which began to be seen as part of the global struggle against Communism.^[153] Starting in May, the United States began to provide military aid to France in the form of weaponry and military observers.^[154]

In June 1950, the Korean War broke out between communist North Korea (DPRK) supported by China and the Soviet Union, and South Korea (ROK) supported by the United States and its allies in the UN. The Cold War was turning 'hot' in East Asia, and the American government feared communist domination of the entire region would have deep implications for American interests. The US became strongly opposed to the government of Ho Chi Minh, in part, because it was supported and supplied by China. Throughout 1950, the DRV would seek to secure its control over the Chinese border, which would allow for a greater flow of supplies. In February, Giáp launched "Operation Lê Hong Phong I", taking control of the border town of Lào Cai, in the high valley of the Red River^[155] and by April, most of the northeastern border was under Viet-Minh control, save for a string of posts along the eastern Tonkinese frontier; Cao Bằng, Đông Khê, Thất Khê and Lạng Sơn, from North to South, connected by the Colonial Route 4 (RC 4).

On September 16 the Viet Minh launched a new offensive, "Operation Lê Hong Phong II", along this route under the command of General Hoàng Văn Thái. The Viet Minh attacked Đông Khê, which fell two days later.^[156] In response, the French decided to evacuate Cao Bằng, which had become isolated. Soldiers and civilians were to march south and join a group marching north from Thất Khê tasked with recapturing the lost position. However, despite having been ordered to destroy all equipment, the commander of the Cao Bằng force decided to bring along its artillery when they left on October 3, causing delays and making them vulnerable to ambushes. The two forces approached Đông Khê four days later but by were eventually encircled and defeated.^[157] This operation would cost the French around 6,000 soldiers.^[158] On October 17, faced with the PAVN's demonstrated ability to fight a conventional battle, the French command decided to abandon Lạng Sơn before it could come under attack, leaving behind considerable amounts of military supplies. The Viet-Minh now controlled most of the northern half of Tonkin.^[159]

A new French commander in chief and high commissioner, General Jean Marie de Lattre de Tassigny, was appointed in December 1950.^[160] With him began the construction of a defensive line of fortifications from Hanoi to the Gulf of Tonkin, around the Red River Delta, to protect Tonkin against a possible Chinese invasion and prevent Việt Minh infiltration. It became known as the De Lattre Line.^[161] In 1950 and 1951, de Lattre implemented scorched earth tactics in an effort to limit Việt Minh access to food and other supplies.^[39]: 101 French forces burned crops in areas of Việt Minh activity.^[39]: 101 These tactics increased the anger of the Vietnamese people against the French and were a strategic failure.^[39]: 101

In late 1950 Giáp decided to go on a "general counteroffensive", seeking the final defeat of the French.^[162] On January 13, 1951, he moved the 308th and 312th Divisions, with more than 20,000 men, to attack Vĩnh Yên, 30 miles (48 km) northwest of Hanoi, which was manned by 6,000 French troops. Considered the first set-piece battle of the war, the Vietnamese saw initial success, although as the battle progressed, French aerial supremacy proved decisive as reinforcements flew in from the rest of Indochina and all available aircraft capable of dropping bombs was utilized to carry out what would be the largest aerial bombardment of the war. By noon of January 17, Giáp's troops withdrew in defeat. The Vietnamese had suffered 5,000–6,000 deaths and 500 combatants were captured.^{[163][164][165]}

Giáp tried again to break the French defensive line, this time 20 miles (32 km) north-east of Haiphong in an attempt to cut the French access to the port city. On March 23, the Việt Minh's 316th Division, composed of 11,000 men, with the partly rebuilt 308th and 312th Divisions in reserve, launched an attack on Mạo Khê. With instances of hand-to-hand combat, the French, supported by paratroopers and naval artillery, repelled the attack and the Vietnamese were beaten by the morning of March 28.^[166][167] About 1,500 – 3,000 Việt Minh soldiers were killed.^{[168][166][169]}

Giáp launched yet another attack, the Battle of the Day River, on May 29 with the 304th Division at Phủ Lý, the 308th Division at Ninh Bình, and the main attack delivered by the 320th Division at Phát Diệm south of Hanoi. The attacks fared no better and the three divisions lost heavily. Taking advantage of this, de Lattre mounted his counteroffensive against the demoralized Việt Minh, driving them back into the forests and eliminating the enemy pockets in the Red River Delta by June 18, costing the Việt Minh over 10,000 killed.^[170]

Every effort by Võ Nguyên Giáp to break the De Lattre Line failed, and every attack he made was answered by a French counter-attack that destroyed his forces. Việt Minh casualties rose alarmingly during this period, leading some to question the leadership of the Communist government, even within the party. However, any benefit this may have reaped for France was negated by the increasing domestic opposition to the war in France.

On July 31, French General Charles Chanson was assassinated during a propaganda suicide attack at Sa Đéc in South Vietnam that was blamed on the Việt Minh although it was argued in some quarters that Cao Đài nationalist Trình Minh Thế could have been involved in its planning.^[171][172]

Following the Viet Minh's defeats on the Hanoi perimeter, De Lattre decided to seize the city of Hòa Bình, 20 miles (32 km) west of the De Lattre Line, in an attempt to hinder the flow of supplies between Tonkin, which received direct Chinese support, and central and southern Vietnam. It also aimed to maintain the allegiance of the Muong troops. The city was captured by a parachute drop on November 14.^[173][174]

The ensuing battle became increasingly costly to the French and after De Lattre fell ill from cancer and returned to Paris for treatment where he would die shortly thereafter in January 1952, his replacement as the overall commander of French forces in Indochina, General Raoul Salan, decided to pull back from the Hòa Bình salient.^[175][176] The French lost nearly 5,000 men and the Viet Minh "at least that number" according to historian Phillip P. Davidson, while Spencer C. Tucker claims 894 French killed and missing and 9,000 Viet Minh casualties.^[175][177] This campaign showed that the war was far from over.

Throughout the war theater, the Việt Minh cut French supply lines and wore down the resolve of the French forces. There were continued raids, skirmishes and guerrilla attacks, but through most of the rest of the year each side withdrew to prepare for larger operations. In the Battle of Nà Sản, starting on October 2, French commanders began using "hedgehog" tactics, consisting in setting up well-defended outposts to get the Việt Minh out of the forests and force them to fight conventional battles instead of using guerrilla tactics.

On October 17, 1952, Giáp launched attacks against the French garrisons along Nghĩa Lộ, northwest of Hanoi, and overran much of the Black River valley, except for the airfield of Nà Sản where a strong French garrison entrenched. Giáp by now had control over most of Tonkin beyond the De Lattre Line. Raoul Salan, seeing the situation as critical, launched Operation Lorraine along the Clear River to force Giáp to relieve pressure on the Nghĩa Lộ outposts. On October 29, 1952, in the largest operation in Indochina to date, 30,000 French Union soldiers moved out from the De Lattre Line to attack the Việt Minh supply dumps at Phú Yên. Salan took Phú Thọ on November 5, and Phu Doan on November 9 by a parachute drop, and finally Phú Yên on November 13. Giáp at first did not react to the French offensive. He planned to wait until their supply lines were overextended and then cut them off from the Red River Delta.

Salan correctly guessed what the Việt Minh were up to and cancelled the operation on November 14, beginning to withdraw back to the De Lattre Line. The only major fighting during the operation came during the withdrawal, when the Việt Minh ambushed the French column at Chan Muong on November 17. The road was cleared after a bayonet charge by the Indochinese March Battalion, and the withdrawal could continue. The French lost around 1,200 men during the whole operation, most of them during the Chan Muong ambush. The operation was partially successful, proving that the French could strike out at targets outside the De Lattre Line. However, it failed to divert the Việt Minh offensive or seriously damage its logistical network.

On April 9, 1953, Giáp, after having failed repeatedly in direct attacks on French positions in Vietnam, changed strategy and began to pressure the French by invading Laos, surrounding and defeating several French outposts such as Muong Khoua. In May, General Henri Navarre replaced Salan as supreme commander of French forces in Indochina. He reported to the French government "... that there was no possibility of winning the war in Indo-China", saying that the best the French could hope for was a stalemate.

Through the Navarre Plan, French forces and the Vietnamese National Army sought to use their advantage in technology and arms to hold cities and key roads, thereby hoping to force the Việt Minh into an impasse and negotiation.^[39]: 103 Per this strategy, French forces fortified the town of Điện Biên Phủ in an effort to block the Việt Minh's connections with Laos and Việt Minh bases there.^[39]: 103 The town was located along a main route between Hanoi and Vientiane and was ringed by mountains.^[39]: 103

Operation Castor was launched on November 20, 1953, with 1,800 men of the French 1st and 2nd Airborne Battalions dropping into the valley of Điện Biên Phủ and sweeping aside the local Việt Minh garrison. The paratroopers gained control of a heart-shaped valley 12 miles (19 km) long and 8 miles (13 km) wide surrounded by heavily wooded mountains. Encountering little opposition, the French and Tai units operating from Lai Châu to the north patrolled the mountains.

The operation was a tactical success for the French. However, Giáp, seeing the weakness of the French position, started moving most of his forces from the De Lattre Line to Điện Biên Phủ. From December 1953 to March 1954, the Việt Minh concentrated more than 40,000 troops to encircle the 15,000 French troops at Điện Biên Phủ.^[39]: 103

The fight for control of Điện Biên Phủ was the longest and hardest battle for the French Far East Expeditionary Corps and its veterans described the battle as "57 Days of Hell".

The Battle of Dien Bien Phu took place in 1954 between Việt Minh forces under Võ Nguyên Giáp, supported by China and the Soviet Union, and the French Union's French Far East Expeditionary Corps, supported by US financing^[178] and Indochinese allies. The battle was fought near the village of Điện Biên Phủ in northern Vietnam and became the last major battle between the French and the Vietnamese in the First Indochina War.

The battle began on March 13 when the Việt Minh began attacks to isolate French strong points at Điện Biên Phủ .^[39]: 103 Việt Minh artillery damaged both the main and secondary airfields that the French were using to fly in supplies. With French supply lines interrupted, the French position became untenable, particularly when the advent of the monsoon season made dropping supplies and reinforcements by parachute difficult. By late April, French forces held only three strong points.^[39]: 103 With defeat imminent, the French sought to hold on until the opening of the Geneva peace meeting on April 26. The last French offensive took place on May 4, but it was ineffective. The Việt Minh then began to hammer the outpost with newly supplied Soviet Katyusha rockets.^[179]

On May 6, the Việt Minh began their final attack.^[39]: 103 French forces were eventually overrun by a huge frontal assault. General Cogny, based in Hanoi, ordered General de Castries, who was commanding the outpost, to cease fire at 5:30 pm and to destroy all matériel (weapons, transmissions, etc.) to deny their use to the enemy. A formal order was given to not use the white flag so that the action would be considered a ceasefire instead of a surrender. Much of the fighting ended on May 7; however, the ceasefire was not respected on Isabelle, the isolated southern position, where the battle lasted until May 8, 1:00 am.^[180] At least 2,200 members of the 20,000-strong French forces died, and another 1,729 were reported missing after the battle, and 11,721 were captured. The Viet Minh suffered approximately 25,000 casualties over the course of the battle, with as many as 10,000 Viet Minh personnel having been killed in the battle. The French prisoners taken at Điện Biên Phủ were the greatest number the Việt Minh had ever captured: one-third of the total captured during the entire war.

Dien Bien Phu was a serious defeat for the French and was the decisive battle of the Indochina war. The battle would thus heavily influence the outcome of the 1954 Geneva accords.^[181]

Negotiations between France and the Việt Minh started in Geneva in April 1954 at the Geneva Conference, during which time the French Union and the Việt Minh were fighting a battle at Điện Biên Phủ. In France, Pierre Mendès France, opponent of the war since 1950, had been invested as Prime Minister on June 17, 1954, on a promise to put an end to the war, reaching a ceasefire in four months:

Today it seems we can be reunited in a will for peace that may express the aspirations of our country ... Since already several years, a compromise peace, a peace negotiated with the opponent seemed to me commanded by the facts, while it commanded, in return, to put back in order our finances, the recovery of our economy and its expansion. Because this war placed on our country an unbearable burden. And here appears today a new and formidable threat: if the Indochina conflict is not resolved—and settled very fast—it is the risk of war, of international war and maybe atomic, that we must foresee. It is because I wanted a better peace that I wanted it earlier, when we had more assets. But even now there is some renouncings or abandons that the situation does not comprise. France does not have to accept and will not accept settlement which would be incompatible with its more vital interests [applauding on certain seats of the Assembly on the left and at the extreme right]. France will remain present in Far-Orient. Neither our allies, nor our opponents must conserve the least doubt on the signification of our determination. A negotiation has been engaged in Geneva ... I have longly studied the report ... consulted the most qualified military and diplomatic experts. My conviction that a pacific settlement of the conflict is possible has been confirmed. A "cease-fire" must henceforth intervene quickly. The government which I will form will fix itself—and will fix to its opponents—a delay of 4 weeks to reach it. We are today on 17th of June. I will present myself before you before the 20th of July ... If no satisfying solution has been reached at this date, you will be freed from the contract which would have tied us together, and my government will give its dismissal to the President of the Republic.^[182]

One month after Điện Biên Phủ, the composite Groupe Mobile 100 (GM100) of the French Union forces evacuated the An Khê outpost. They were ambushed by a larger Việt Minh force at the Battle of Mang Yang Pass on June 24, and again at the Battle of Chu Dreh Pass which took place on July 17 suffering heavy losses; this being the last battle of the war, as three days later the Geneva accords took place.

The Geneva Conference on July 21, 1954, recognized the 17th parallel north as a "provisional military demarcation line", temporarily dividing the country into two zones, communist North Vietnam and pro-Western South Vietnam.

In August Operation Passage to Freedom began, consisting of the evacuation of Catholic and other Vietnamese civilians from communist North Vietnamese persecution.

The Geneva Accords promised elections in 1956 to determine a national government for a united Vietnam. Neither the United States government nor Ngô Đình Diệm's State of Vietnam signed anything at the 1954 Geneva Conference. With respect to the question of reunification, the non-communist Vietnamese delegation objected strenuously to any division of Vietnam, but lost out when the French accepted the proposal of Việt Minh delegate Phạm Văn Đồng,^[183] who proposed that Vietnam eventually be united by elections under the supervision of "local commissions".^[184] The United States countered with what became known as the "American Plan", with the support of South Vietnam and the United Kingdom.^[185] It provided for unification elections under the supervision of the United Nations, but was rejected by the Soviet delegation.^[185] From his home in France, Bảo Đại appointed Ngô Đình Diệm as Prime Minister of South Vietnam. With American support, in 1955 Diem used a referendum to remove the former Emperor and declare himself the president of the Republic of Vietnam.

When the elections failed to occur, Việt Minh cadres who stayed behind in South Vietnam were activated and started to fight the government. North Vietnam also invaded and occupied portions of Laos to assist in supplying the National Liberation Front guerrillas fighting in South Vietnam. The war gradually escalated into the Second Indochina War, more commonly known as the Vietnam War.

The Viet Minh victory in the war had an inspirational effect to independence movements in various French colonies worldwide, most notably the FLN in Algeria. The Algerian War broke out on 1 November 1954, only six months after the Geneva Conference. Benyoucef Benkhedda, later became the head of the Provisional Government of the Algerian Republic, praised the Viet Minh feat at Dien Bien Phu as "a powerful incentive to all who thought immediate insurrection the only possible strategy".^[186] The French Communist Party played an even stronger role by supplying the National Liberation Front (FLN) rebels with intelligence documents and financial aid. They were called "the suitcase carriers" (les porteurs de valises).

In the French news, the Indochina War was presented as a direct continuation of the Korean War, where France had fought: a UN French battalion, incorporated in a U.S. unit in Korea, was later involved in the Battle of Mang Yang Pass of June and July 1954.^[187] In an interview taped in May 2004, General Marcel Bigeard (6th BPC) argues that "one of the deepest mistakes done by the French during the war was the propaganda telling you are fighting for Freedom, you are fighting against Communism",^[188] hence the sacrifice of volunteers during the climactic battle of Dien Bien Phu. In the latest days of the siege, 652 non-paratrooper soldiers from all army corps from cavalry to infantry to artillery dropped for the first and last time of their life to support their comrades. The Cold War excuse was later used by General Maurice Challe through his famous "Do you want Mers El Kébir and Algiers to become Soviet bases as soon as tomorrow?", during the Generals' putsch (Algerian War) of 1961, with limited effect though.^[189]

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Atrocities occurred in the conflict long before France ratified the 1949 Geneva Conventions on June 28, 1951, in which such acts committed afterwards in violation of the Conventions' provisions in force became war crimes.^[190] Common Article 3 of the 1949 Geneva Conventions contains a minimum protection that only applies to humane treatment in a non-international conflict (i.e., war by a state against non-state armed groups or between non-state armed groups themselves). For the purpose of this section, however, atrocities committed before or after France's ratification of the 1949 Geneva Conventions are included.

During the war, there were many instances of war rapes against Vietnamese civilians by French soldiers. This occurred in Saigon, alongside robberies and killings, following the return of the French in August 1945.^[191] Vietnamese women were also raped by French soldiers in northern Vietnam in 1948, following the defeat of the Viet Minh, including in Bảo Hà, Bảo Yên District, Lào Cai province and Phu Lu. This led to 400 French-trained Vietnamese defecting to the Viet Minh June 1948.^[192] French killings of Vietnamese civilians were reported, many of them were caused by the tendency of Viet Minh troops to hide among civilian settlements.^[193] One of the largest massacres by French troops was the Mỹ Trạch massacre of November 29, 1947, in which French soldiers killed over 200 women and children. Regarding this massacre and other atrocities during the conflict, Christopher Goscha wrote in The Penguin History of Modern Vietnam:

Rape became a disturbing weapon used by the Expeditionary Corps, as did summary executions. Young Vietnamese women who could not escape approaching enemy patrols smeared themselves with any stinking thing they could find, including human excrement. Decapitated [sic] heads were raised on sticks, bodies were gruesomely disemboweled, and body parts were taken as 'souvenirs'; Vietnamese soldiers of all political color also committed such acts. The non-communist nationalist singer, Phạm Duy, wrote a bone-chilling ballad about the mothers of Gio Linh village in central Vietnam, each of whom had lost a son to a French Army massacre in 1948. Troops decapitated their bodies and displayed their heads along a public road to strike fear into those tempted to accept the Democratic Republic of Vietnam's sovereignty. Massacres did not start with the Americans in My Lai, or the Vietnamese communists in Hue in 1968. And yet, the French Union's massacre of over two hundred Vietnamese women and children in My Tratch in 1948 remains virtually unknown in France to this day.^[34]

The French Army also utilized torture against Việt Minh prisoners.^[194] Benjamin Valentino estimates that the French were responsible for 60,000 to 250,000 civilian deaths.^[195]

According to Arthur J. Dommen, the Việt Minh assassinated 100,000–150,000 civilians during the war out of a total civilian death toll of 400,000.^[196]

Viet Minh militants employed terrorist attacks throughout the conflict as a systematic practice, often targeting European and Eurasian civilians.^[193] One of the worst attacks on Europeans was on 21 July 1952, when Viet Minh militants, using grenades, Sten guns, and machetes, massacred twenty unarmed people at a military hospital in Cap St. Jacques—eight officers on sick leave, six children, four Vietnamese servants, and two women.^[197][198]

Many French Union and Vietnamese National Army prisoners died in the Việt Minh POW camps as a result of torture. In the Boudarel Affair, French Communist militant Georges Boudarel was discovered to have used brainwashing and torture against French Union POWs in Việt Minh reeducation camps.^[199] The French national association of POWs brought Boudarel to court for a war crime charge.

The 1946 Constitution creating the Fourth Republic (1946–1958) made France a parliamentary republic. Because of the political context, it could find stability only by an alliance between the three dominant parties: the Christian Democratic Popular Republican Movement (MRP), the French Communist Party (PCF) and the socialist French Section of the Workers' International (SFIO). Known as tripartisme, this alliance briefly lasted until the May 1947 crisis, with the expulsion from Paul Ramadier's SFIO government of the PCF ministers, marking the official start of the Cold War in France. This had the effect of weakening the regime, with the two most significant movements of this period, Communism and Gaullism, in opposition.

A strong anti-war movement came into existence in France driven mostly by the powerful French Communist Party (outpowering the socialists) and its young militant associations, major trade unions such as the General Confederation of Labour, and notable leftist intellectuals.^[200][201] The first occurrence was probably at the National Assembly on March 21, 1947, when the communist deputies refused to back the military credits for Indochina. The following year a pacifist event was organized, the "1st Worldwide Congress of Peace Partisans" (1er Congrès Mondial des Partisans de la Paix, the World Peace Council's predecessor), which took place March 25–28, 1948, in Paris, with the French communist Nobel laureate atomic physicist Frédéric Joliot-Curie as president. Later, on April 28, 1950, Joliot-Curie would be dismissed from the military and civilian Atomic Energy Commission for political reasons.^[202]

Young communist militants (UJRF) were also accused of sabotage actions like the famous Henri Martin affair and the case of Raymonde Dien, who was jailed one year for having blocked an ammunition train, with the help of other militants, in order to prevent the supply of French forces in Indochina in February 1950.^[203][200]

Similar actions against trains occurred in Roanne, Charleville, Marseille, and Paris. Even ammunition sabotage by PCF agents has been reported, such as grenades exploding in the hands of legionaries.^[203] These actions became such a cause for concern by 1950 that the French Assembly voted a law against sabotage between March 2–8. At this session tension was so high between politicians that fighting ensued in the assembly following communist deputies' speeches against the Indochinese policy.^[202] This month saw the French navy mariner and communist militant Henri Martin arrested by military police and jailed for five years for sabotage and propaganda operations in Toulon's arsenal. On May 5 communist Ministers were dismissed from the government, marking the end of Tripartism.^[202] A few months later on November 11, 1950, the French Communist Party leader Maurice Thorez went to Moscow.

Some military officers involved in the Revers Report scandal (Rapport Revers) such as Salan were pessimistic about the way the war was being conducted,^[204] with multiple political-military scandals all happening during the war, starting with the Generals' Affair (Affaire des Généraux) from September 1949 to November 1950. As a result, General Georges Revers was dismissed in December 1949 and socialist Defense Ministry Jules Moch (SFIO) was brought on court by the National Assembly on November 28, 1950. The scandal started the commercial success of the first French news magazine, L'Express, created in 1953.^[205] The third scandal was financial-political, concerning military corruption, money and arms trading involving both the French Union army and the Việt Minh, known as the Piastres affair.

By 1954, despite official propaganda presenting the war as a "crusade against communism",^[187][188] the war in Indochina was still growing unpopular with the French public. The political stagnation in the Fourth Republic meant that France was unable to extract itself from the conflict.

Unlikely alliances had to be made between left- and right-wing parties in order to form a government invested by the National Assembly, resulting in parliamentary instability, with 14 prime ministers in succession between 1947 and 1954. The rapid turnover of governments (there were 17 different governments during the war) left France unable to prosecute the war with any consistent policy, according to veteran General René de Biré (who was a lieutenant at Dien Bien Phu).^[203] France was increasingly unable to afford the costly conflict in Indochina and, by 1954, the United States was paying 80% of France's war effort, which was $3,000,000 per day in 1952.^[206][207]

By 1946, France headed the French Union. As successive governments had forbidden the sending of metropolitan troops, the French Far East Expeditionary Corps (CEFEO) was created in March 1945. The Union gathered combatants from almost all French territories made of colonies, protectorates and associated states (Algeria, Morocco, Madagascar, Senegal, Tunisia, etc.) to fight in French Indochina, which was then occupied by the Japanese. About 325,000 of the 500,000 French troops were Indochinese, almost all of whom were used in conventional units.^[208] French West Africa (Afrique Occidentale Française, AOF) was a federation of African colonies. Senegalese and other African troops were sent to fight in Indochina. Some African alumni were trained in the Infantry Instruction Center no.2 (Centre d'Instruction de l'Infanterie no.2) located in southern Vietnam. Senegalese of the Colonial Artillery fought at the siege of Dien Bien Phu. As a French colony (later a full province), French Algeria sent local troops to Indochina including several RTA (Régiment de Tirailleurs Algériens) light infantry battalions. Morocco was a French protectorate and sent troops to support the French effort in Indochina. Moroccan troops were part of light infantry RTMs (Régiment de Tirailleurs Marocains) for the "Moroccan Sharpshooters Regiment".

As a French protectorate, Bizerte, Tunisia, was a major French base. Tunisian troops, mostly RTT (Régiment de Tirailleurs Tunisiens), were sent to Indochina. Part of French Indochina, then part of the French Union and later an associated state, Laos fought the communists along with French forces. The role played by Laotian troops in the conflict was depicted by veteran Pierre Schoendoerffer's famous 317th Platoon released in 1964.^[209] The French Indochina state of Cambodia also played a role during the Indochina War through the Khmer Royal Army, which had been formed in 1946 in an agreement signed with the French.^[210]

While Bảo Đại's State of Vietnam (formerly Annam, Tonkin, Cochinchina) had the Vietnamese National Army supporting the French forces, some minorities were trained and organized as regular battalions (mostly infantry tirailleurs) that fought with French forces against the Việt Minh. The Tai Battalion 2 (BT2, 2e Bataillon Thai) is infamous for its desertion during the siege of Dien Bien Phu. Propaganda leaflets written in Tai and French sent by the Việt Minh were found in the deserted positions and trenches. Such deserters were called the Nam Yum rats by Bigeard during the siege, as they hid close to the Nam Yum river during the day and searched at night for supply drops.^[211] Another allied minority was the Muong people (Mường). The 1st Muong Battalion (1er Bataillon Muong) was awarded the Croix de guerre des théâtres d'opérations extérieures after the victorious Battle of Vĩnh Yên in 1951.^[212]

In the 1950s, the French established secret commando groups based on loyal Montagnard ethnic minorities referred to as "partisans" or "maquisards", called the Groupement de Commandos Mixtes Aéroportés (Composite Airborne Commando Group or GCMA), later renamed Groupement Mixte d'Intervention (GMI, or Mixed Intervention Group), directed by the SDECE counter-intelligence service. The SDECE's "Service Action" GCMA used both commando and guerrilla techniques and operated in intelligence and secret missions from 1950 to 1955.^[213][214] Declassified information about the GCMA includes the name of its commander, famous Colonel Roger Trinquier, and a mission on April 30, 1954, when Jedburgh veteran Captain Sassi led the Meo partisans of the GCMA Malo-Servan in Operation Condor during the siege of Dien Bien Phu.^[215]

In 1951, Adjutant-Chief Vandenberghe from the 6th Colonial Infantry Regiment (6e RIC) created the "Commando Vanden" (aka "Black Tigers", aka "North Vietnam Commando #24") based in Nam Định. Recruits were volunteers from the Thổ people, Nùng people and Miao people. This commando unit wore Việt Minh black uniforms to confuse the enemy and used techniques of the experienced Bo doi (Bộ đội, regular army) and Du Kich (guerrilla unit). Việt Minh prisoners were recruited in POW camps. The commando was awarded the Croix de Guerre des TOE with palm in July 1951; however, Vandenberghe was betrayed by a Việt Minh recruit, commander Nguien Tinh Khoi (308th Division's 56th Regiment), who assassinated him (and his Vietnamese fiancée) with external help on the night of January 5, 1952.^{[216][217][218]} Coolies and POWs known as PIM (Prisonniers Internés Militaires, which is basically the same as POW) were civilians used by the army as logistical support personnel. During the battle of Dien Bien Phu, coolies were in charge of burying the corpses—during the first days only, after they were abandoned, hence giving off a terrible smell, according to veterans—and they had the dangerous job of gathering supply packets delivered in drop zones while the Việt Minh artillery was firing hard to destroy the crates. The Việt Minh also used thousands of coolies to carry the Chu-Luc (regional units) supplies and ammunition during assaults. The PIM were civilian males old enough to join Bảo Đại's army. They were captured in enemy-controlled villages, and those who refused to join the State of Vietnam's army were considered prisoners or used as coolies to support a given regiment.^[219]

Many former Imperial Japanese Army soldiers fought alongside the Việt Minh—perhaps as many as 5,000 volunteered their services throughout the war.^{[citation needed]} These Japanese soldiers had stayed behind in Indochina after World War II concluded in 1945. The occupying British authorities then repatriated most of the rest of the 50,000 Japanese troops back to Japan.^[220] For those that stayed behind, supporting the Việt Minh became a more attractive idea than returning to a defeated and occupied homeland. In addition the Việt Minh had minimal experience in warfare or government so the advice of the Japanese was welcome. Some of the Japanese were ex-Kenpeitai who were wanted for questioning by Allied authorities. Giap arranged for them all to receive Vietnamese citizenship and false identification papers.^[220] Some Japanese were captured by the Việt Minh during the last months of World War II and were recruited into their ranks.

Most of the Japanese officers who stayed served as military instructors for the Việt Minh forces, most notably at the Quảng Ngãi Army Academy.^[221] They imparted necessary conventional military knowledge – such as how to conduct assaults, night attacks, company/battalion level exercises, commanding, tactics, navigation, communications and movements. A few, however, actively led Vietnamese forces into combat.^[221] The French also identified eleven Japanese nurses and two doctors working for the Việt Minh in northern Vietnam in 1951. The Yasukuni Shrine commemorates a number of Japanese involved in the First Indochina War.^[222]

Notable Japanese officers serving in Việt Minh included:

• Colonel Mukaiyama – reportedly a staff officer in the 38th Army, who became a technical advisor to the Vietnamese. Credited as the leader of Japanese forces in Vietnam; killed in combat in 1946.
• Colonel Masanobu Tsuji – Operations Staff Officer.^{[citation needed]}
• Major Ishii Takuo [ja] – a staff officer in the 55th Division who had commanded a squadron of its cavalry regiment. Supposedly the youngest major in the Imperial Army at the time, he led a number of volunteers to the Vietnamese cause, becoming a colonel and military advisor to General Nguyễn Sơn. He headed the Quảng Ngãi Military Academy for a while before founding the Tuy Hòa Military Academy, and was killed by a land mine in 1950.
• Major Kanetoshi Toshihide – served with Major Igari in the 2nd Division and followed him to join the Việt Minh; he became Chief of Staff for General Nguyễn Giác Ngộ.
• Major Igawa Sei [ja] – a staff officer in the 34th Independent Mixed Brigade; he joined the Viet Minh forces, and was killed in action against the French in 1946. He allegedly conceived the idea of establishing the Quảng Ngãi Military Academy.
• Lieutenant Igari Kazumasa – the commander of an infantry company in the 2nd Division's 29th Infantry Regiment; he became an instructor at the Quảng Ngãi Military Academy.
• Lieutenant Kamo Tokuji – a platoon leader under Lieutenant Igari; he also became an instructor at the Quảng Ngãi Military Academy.
• 2nd Lieutenant Tanimoto Kikuo [ja] an intelligence officer who was originally supposed to remain behind in Indonesia, but linked up with the 34th Brigade to try to get home, only to end up as an instructor at the Quảng Ngãi Military Academy until 1954.
• 2nd Lieutenant Nakahara Mitsunobu – an intelligence officer of the 34th Independent Mixed Brigade; became a decorated soldier in the Việt Minh forces, and later an instructor at the Quảng Ngãi Military Academy.^[223][224]

The victory of the Chinese communists in December 1949 proved decisive in the course of the war as during the early 1950s guerrilla troops used the southern areas of China as a sanctuary where new troops could be trained and fitted beyond the reach of the French.^[27] The Việt Minh successfully carried out several hit-and-run ambushes against French Union military convoys along the Route Coloniale 4 (RC 4) roadway, which ran along the Chinese border, and was a major supply passage in Tonkin (northern Vietnam) for a series of frontier forts.^[225] One of the most famous attacks of this nature was the Battle of Cao Bằng of 1947–1949.

China supplied and provided the Việt Minh guerrilla forces with almost every kind of crucial and important supplies and material required, such as food (including thousands of tonnes of rice), money, medics and medical aid and supplies, arms and weapons (ranging from artillery guns (24 of which were used at the Battle of Dien Bien Phu) to rifles and machine-guns), ammunition and explosives and other types of military equipment, including a large part of war-material captured from the then-recently defeated National Revolutionary Army (NRA) of Chiang Kai-shek's Nationalist Chinese government following the end of the Chinese Civil War in 1949. Evidence of the People's Republic of China's secret aid and supplies were found hidden in caves during the French military's Operation Hirondelle in July 1953.^[226][227] 2,000 military advisors from the PRC and the Soviet Union trained the Việt Minh guerrilla force with the aim of turning it into a full-fledged armed force to fight off their French colonial masters and gain national independence.^[203] On top of this, the PRC sent two People's Liberation Army (PLA) artillery battalions to fight at the siege of Dien Bien Phu on May 6, 1954, with one battalion operating the Soviet Katyusha multiple-rocket launcher systems (MRLS) against French forces besieged at Dien Bien Phu's valley.^[228]

From 1950 to 1954 the Chinese government shipped goods, materials, and medicine worth $53 billion (in 2024 dollars) to Vietnam. From 1950 to 1956 the Chinese government shipped 155,000 small arms, 58 million rounds of ammunition, 4,630 artillery pieces, 1,080,000 artillery shells, 840,000 hand grenades, 1,400,000 uniforms, 1,200 vehicles, 14,000 tons of food, and 26,000 tons of fuel to Vietnam. Mao Zedong considered it necessary to buttress the Viet Minh to secure his country's southern flank against potential interference by westerners, while the bulk of the PRC's regular military forces participated in the Korean War from 1950 to 1953. After the end of the Korean War and the resolution of the First Taiwan Strait Crisis, China stepped up involvement in the Indochina Wars, viewing the presence of potentially hostile forces in Indochina as the main threat.^[229][230]

The Soviet Union was the other major ally of the Việt Minh, alongside the PRC. Moscow supplied GAZ-built trucks, truck engines and motor-parts, fuel, tyres, many different kinds of arms and weapons (including thousands of Škoda-manufactured light machine-guns of Czech origin), all kinds of ammunition (ranging from rifle to machine-gun ammunition), various types of anti-aircraft guns (such as the 37mm air-defense gun) and even cigarettes and tobacco products. During Operation Hirondelle, French Union paratroopers captured and destroyed many tonnes of Soviet-supplied material destined for Việt Minh use in the area of Ky Lua.^[226][231] According to General Giap, the chief military leader of all Việt Minh forces, the Việt Minh used about 400 Soviet-produced GAZ-51 trucks at the Battle of Dien Bien Phu. Because the trucks were concealed and hidden with the use of highly effective camouflage (consisting predominantly of thick vegetation), French Union reconnaissance aircraft were not able to notice them and take note of the effective Việt Minh supply-train. On May 6, 1954, during the siege against French forces at the valley of Dien Bien Phu, Soviet-supplied Katyusha MLRS were successfully fielded against French Union military outposts, destroying enemy troop formations and bases and lowering their morale levels. Together with the PRC, the Soviet Union sent up to 2,000 military advisors to provide training to the Việt Minh guerrilla troops and to turn it into a conventional army.^[203]

At the beginning of the war, the U.S. was neutral in the conflict because of its opposition to European colonialism, because the Việt Minh had recently been U.S. allies, and because, in the context of the Cold War, most of its attention was focused on Europe where Winston Churchill argued an "Iron Curtain" had fallen.

The 1949 victory of Mao Zedong's Chinese Communist Party in the Chinese Civil War, the recognition of the DRV by the USSR and the newly formed People's Republic of China in January 1950, which prompted the US and the UK to recognize the State of Vietnam in response, and the signing of the Sino-Soviet Treaty of Friendship shortly after in February, shifted the US stance on the matter, and the war came to be viewed as another front in the anticommunist struggle.^[153]

Indochina, and Southeast Asia more broadly, was declared vital by the U.S. government, and the containment of communism at the southern Chinese border, and, later, Korea, became one of the priorities of American foreign policy as it was believed that the fall of Indochina to communist hands would lead to the loss of other nations in the region.^[232] At this time, communism was seen as a uniform bloc, dominated by the Soviet Union. It was feared in Washington that if Ho were to win the war, he would establish a state politically aligned with Moscow, with the Soviets ultimately controlling Vietnamese affairs.^[233] This prospect spurred the U.S. to support France in their war effort, primarily through the Mutual Defense Assistance Act. In May 1950, after Chinese communist forces occupied Hainan island, U.S. President Harry S. Truman began covertly authorizing direct financial assistance to the French, and on June 27, 1950, after the outbreak of the Korean War, announced publicly that the U.S. was doing so.^[234]

On June 30, 1950, the first U.S. supplies for Indochina were delivered.^[235] In September, Truman sent the Military Assistance Advisory Group (MAAG) to Indochina to assist the French.^[236] Later, in 1954, U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower explained the escalation risk, introducing what he referred to as the "domino principle", which eventually became the concept of domino theory.^[237] After the Moch–Marshall meeting of September 23, 1950, in Washington, United States, started to support the French Union effort politically, logistically and financially. Officially, US involvement did not include use of armed force.

As the situation at Dien Bien Phu deteriorated in 1954, France requested more support from the United States, including equipment and direct intervention. For instance, on April 4 French Prime Minister Joseph Laniel and Foreign Minister Georges Bidault conveyed to U.S. Ambassador C. Douglas Dillon that "immediate armed intervention of US carrier aircraft at DienBien Phu is now necessary to save the situation". The United States discussed with allies multiple options, including the use of nuclear weapons. A key concern in the planning was the response of China. While the planning continued, the United States moved an aircraft-carrier task-force, which included the carriers Boxer and Essex, into the South China Sea between the Philippines and Indochina. However, the leadership of the United States eventually decided that there was not sufficient international or domestic support for the United States to become directly involved in the conflict.^[238]

Following the end of the war United States Secretary of State John Foster Dulles denounced Chinese aid to the Việt Minh, and explained that the United States could not act openly because of international pressure, and concluded with the call to "all concerned nations" concerning the necessity of "a collective defense" against "the communist aggression".^[239]

USS Windham Bay delivered Grumman F8F Bearcat fighter aircraft to Saigon on January 26, 1951.^[240]

On March 2, 1951, the United States Navy transferred USS Agenor (LST 490) to the French Navy in Indochina in accordance with the MAAG-led MAP. Renamed RFS Vulcain (A-656), she was used in Operation Hirondelle in 1953. USS Sitkoh Bay carrier delivered Grumman F8F Bearcat aircraft to Saigon on March 26, 1951. During September 1953, USS Belleau Wood (renamed Bois Belleau) was lent to France and sent to French Indochina to replace the Arromanches. She was used to support delta defenders in the Hạ Long Bay operation in May 1954. In August she joined the Franco-American evacuation operation called "Passage to Freedom". The same month, the United States delivered additional aircraft, again using USS Windham Bay.^[241] On April 18, 1954, during the siege of Dien Bien Phu, USS Saipan delivered 25 Korean War AU-1 Corsair aircraft for use by the French Aeronavale in supporting the besieged garrison.

A total of 94 F4U-7s were built for the Aéronavale in 1952, with the last of the batch, the final Corsair built, rolled out in December 1952. The F4U-7s were actually purchased by the U.S. Navy and passed on to the Aéronavale through the U.S. Military Assistance Program (MAP). They were supplemented by 25 ex-U.S.MC AU-1s (previously used in the Korean War) and moved from Yokosuka, Japan, to Tourane Air Base (Da Nang), Vietnam, in April 1952. US Air Force assistance followed in November 1953 when the French commander in Indochina, General Henri Navarre, asked General Chester E. McCarty, commander of the Combat Cargo Division, for 12 Fairchild C-119s for Operation Castor at Dien Bien Phu. The USAF also provided C-124 Globemasters to transport French paratroop reinforcements to Indochina. Under the codename Project Swivel Chair,^[242] on March 3, 1954, 12 C-119s of the 483rd Troop Carrier Wing ("Packet Rats") based at Ashiya, Japan, were painted with France's insignia and loaned to France with 24 CIA pilots for short-term use. Maintenance was carried out by the US Air Force and airlift operations were commanded by McCarty.^[243]

At the request of the French, the US government tasked the CIA to carry out covert airlift operations to support the French troops in Laos. To that end, during Operation SQUAW, from 5 May to 16 July 1953, the CIA used 12 pilots, officially employed by the (CIA owned) Civil Air Transport airline, to fly equipment on 6 C-119s supplied by the USAF, bearing French colours.^[244] Twenty four Civil Air Transport pilots supplied the French Union garrison during the siege of Dien Bien Phu – airlifting paratroopers, ammunition, artillery pieces, tons of barbed wire, medics and other military materiel. With the reducing Drop zone areas, night operations and anti-aircraft artillery assaults, many of the "packets" fell into Việt Minh hands. The CIA pilots completed 682 airdrops under anti-aircraft fire between March 13 and May 6, 1954. Two CAT pilots, Wallace Bufford and James B. McGovern Jr. were killed in action when their Fairchild C-119 Flying Boxcar was shot down on May 6, 1954.^[243] On February 25, 2005, the French ambassador to the United States, Jean-David Levitte, awarded the seven remaining CIA pilots the Légion d'honneur.^[243][245]

In August 1954, in support of the French navy and the merchant navy, the U.S. Navy launched Operation Passage to Freedom and sent hundreds of ships, including USS Montague, in order to evacuate non-communist—especially Catholic—Vietnamese refugees from North Vietnam following the July 20, 1954, armistice and partition of Vietnam. Up to 1 million Vietnamese civilians were transported from North to South during this period,^[246] with around one-tenth of that number moving in the opposite direction.

Although the war was largely treated with indifference in metropolitan France,^[247] "the dirty war" has been featured in various films, books and songs. Since its declassification in the 2000s, television documentaries have been released using new perspectives about the U.S. covert involvement and open critics about the French propaganda used during wartime.

The famous Communist propagandist Roman Karmen was in charge of the media exploitation of the battle of Dien Bien Phu. In his documentary, Vietnam (Вьетнам, 1955), he staged the famous scene with the raising of the Việt Minh flag over de Castries' bunker which is similar to the one he staged over the Berlin Reichstag roof during World War II (Берлин, 1945) and the S-shaped POW column marching after the battle, where he used the same optical technique he experimented with before when he staged the German prisoners after the Siege of Leningrad (Ленинград в борьбе, 1942) and the Battle of Moscow (Разгром немецких войск под Москвой, 1942).^[248][249]

Hollywood made a film about Dien Bien Phu in 1955, Jump into Hell, directed by David Butler and scripted by Irving Wallace, before his fame as a bestselling novelist. Hollywood also made several films about the war, Robert Florey's Rogues' Regiment (1948). Samuel Fuller's China Gate (1957). and James Clavell's Five Gates to Hell (1959).

The first French movie about the war, Shock Patrol (Patrouille de Choc) aka Patrol Without Hope (Patrouille Sans Espoir) by Claude Bernard-Aubert, came out in 1956. The French censor cut some violent scenes and made the director change the end of his movie which was seen as "too pessimistic".^[250] Léo Joannon's film Fort du Fou (Fort of the Mad) /Outpost in Indochina was released in 1963. Another film was The 317th Platoon (La 317ème Section) was released in 1964, it was directed by Indochina War (and siege of Dien Bien Phu) veteran Pierre Schoendoerffer. Schoendoerffer has since become a media specialist about the Indochina War and has focused his production on realistic war movies. He was cameraman for the army ("Cinematographic Service of the Armies", SCA) during his duty time; moreover, as he had covered the Vietnam War he released The Anderson Platoon, which won the Academy Award for Documentary Feature. Graham Greene's novel The Quiet American takes place during this war.

In 2011, Vietnamese software developer Emobi Games released a first-person-shooter called 7554. Named after the date 07-05-54 (7 May 1954) which marks the end of the decisive Battle of Dien Bien Phu, it commemorates the First Indochina War from the Vietnamese point of view.

The 2017 film by Olivier Lorelle, Ciel Rouge, starring Cyril Descours and Audrey Giacomini, is set during the early part of the First Indochina War.^[251]