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Supernatural
Supernatural
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Supernatural phenomena or entities are those beyond the laws of the nature.[1] The term is derived from Medieval Latin supernaturalis, from Latin super- 'above, beyond, outside of' + natura 'nature'.[1] Although the corollary term "nature" has had multiple meanings since the ancient world, the term "supernatural" emerged in the Middle Ages[2] and did not exist in the ancient world.[3]

The supernatural is featured in religious and folkloric contexts,[4] but can also feature as an explanation in more secular contexts, as in the cases of superstitions or belief in the paranormal.[5] The term is attributed to non-physical entities, such as spirits, angels, demons, gods, and goddesses. It also includes claimed abilities embodied in or provided by such beings, including magic, telekinesis, levitation, precognition and extrasensory perception.

The supernatural is hypernymic to religion. Religions are standardized supernaturalist worldviews, or at least more complete than single supernaturalist views. Supernaturalism is the adherence to the supernatural (beliefs, and not violations of causality and the physical laws).

Etymology and history of the concept

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Occurring as both an adjective and a noun, antecedents of the modern English compound supernatural enter the language from two sources: via Middle French (supernaturel) and directly from the Middle French's term's ancestor, post-Classical Latin (supernaturalis). Post-classical Latin supernaturalis first occurs in the 6th century, composed of the Latin prefix super- and nātūrālis (see nature). The earliest known appearance of the word in the English language occurs in a Middle English translation of Catherine of Siena's Dialogue (orcherd of Syon, around 1425; Þei haue not þanne þe supernaturel lyȝt ne þe liȝt of kunnynge, bycause þei vndirstoden it not).[6]

The semantic value of the term has shifted over the history of its use. Originally the term referred exclusively to Christian understandings of the world. For example, as an adjective, the term can mean "belonging to a realm or system that transcends nature, as that of divine, magical, or ghostly beings; attributed to or thought to reveal some force beyond scientific understanding or the laws of nature; occult, paranormal" or "more than what is natural or ordinary; unnaturally or extraordinarily great; abnormal, extraordinary". Obsolete uses include "of, relating to, or dealing with metaphysics". As a noun, the term can mean "a supernatural being", with a particularly strong history of employment in relation to entities from the mythologies of the indigenous peoples of the Americas.[6]

History of the concept

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Saint Peter Attempting to Walk on Water (1766), painting by François Boucher

The ancient world had no word that resembled "supernatural".[3] Dialogues from Neoplatonic philosophy in the third century AD influenced the development of the concept of the supernatural, which later evolved through Christian theology.[7] The term nature had existed since antiquity, with Latin authors like Augustine using the word and its cognates at least 600 times in City of God. In the medieval period, "nature" had ten different meanings and "natural" had eleven different meanings.[2] Peter Lombard, a medieval scholastic of the 12th century, explored causes beyond nature, questioning how certain phenomena could be attributed solely to God. In his writings, he used the term praeter naturam to describe these occurrences.[2] In the scholastic period, Thomas Aquinas classified miracles into three categories: "above nature", "beyond nature" and "against nature". In doing so, he sharpened the distinction between nature and miracles more than the early Church Fathers had done.[2] As a result, he had created a dichotomy of sorts of the natural and supernatural.[7] Though the phrase "supra naturam" was used since the 4th century AD, it was in the 1200s that Thomas Aquinas used the term "supernaturalis". Despite this, the term had to wait until the end of the medieval period before it became more popularly used.[2] The discussions on "nature" from the scholastic period were diverse and unsettled with some postulating that even miracles are natural and that natural magic was a natural part of the world.[2]

Epistemology and metaphysics

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The metaphysical considerations of the existence of the supernatural can be difficult to approach as an exercise in philosophy or theology because any dependencies on its antithesis, the natural, will ultimately have to be inverted or rejected. One complicating factor is that there is disagreement about the definition of "natural" and the limits of naturalism. Concepts in the supernatural domain are closely related to concepts in religious spirituality and occultism or spiritualism.

For sometimes we use the word nature for that Author of nature whom the schoolmen, harshly enough, call natura naturans, as when it is said that nature hath made man partly corporeal and partly immaterial. Sometimes we mean by the nature of a thing the essence, or that which the schoolmen scruple not to call the quiddity of a thing, namely, the attribute or attributes on whose score it is what it is, whether the thing be corporeal or not, as when we attempt to define the nature of an angle, or of a triangle, or of a fluid body, as such. Sometimes we take nature for an internal principle of motion, as when we say that a stone let fall in the air is by nature carried towards the centre of the earth, and, on the contrary, that fire or flame does naturally move upwards toward firmament. Sometimes we understand by nature the established course of things, as when we say that nature makes the night succeed the day, nature hath made respiration necessary to the life of men. Sometimes we take nature for an aggregate of powers belonging to a body, especially a living one, as when physicians say that nature is strong or weak or spent, or that in such or such diseases nature left to herself will do the cure. Sometimes we take nature for the universe, or system of the corporeal works of God, as when it is said of a phoenix, or a chimera, that there is no such thing in nature, i.e. in the world. And sometimes too, and that most commonly, we would express by nature a semi-deity or other strange kind of being, such as this discourse examines the notion of.

And besides these more absolute acceptions, if I may so call them, of the word nature, it has divers others (more relative), as nature is wont to be set or in opposition or contradistinction to other things, as when we say of a stone when it falls downwards that it does it by a natural motion, but that if it be thrown upwards its motion that way is violent. So chemists distinguish vitriol into natural and fictitious, or made by art, i.e. by the intervention of human power or skill; so it is said that water, kept suspended in a sucking pump, is not in its natural place, as that is which is stagnant in the well. We say also that wicked men are still in the state of nature, but the regenerate in a state of grace; that cures wrought by medicines are natural operations; but the miraculous ones wrought by Christ and his apostles were supernatural.[8]

— Robert Boyle, A Free Enquiry into the Vulgarly Received Notion of Nature

Nomological possibility is possibility under the actual laws of nature. Most philosophers since David Hume have held that the laws of nature are metaphysically contingent—that there could have been different natural laws than the ones that actually obtain. If so, then it would not be logically or metaphysically impossible, for example, for you to travel to Alpha Centauri in one day; it would just have to be the case that you could travel faster than the speed of light. But of course there is an important sense in which this is not nomologically possible; given that the laws of nature are what they are. In the philosophy of natural science, impossibility assertions come to be widely accepted as overwhelmingly probable rather than considered proved to the point of being unchallengeable. The basis for this strong acceptance is a combination of extensive evidence of something not occurring, combined with an underlying scientific theory, very successful in making predictions, whose assumptions lead logically to the conclusion that something is impossible. While an impossibility assertion in natural science can never be absolutely proved, it could be refuted by the observation of a single counterexample. Such a counterexample would require that the assumptions underlying the theory that implied the impossibility be re-examined. Some philosophers, such as Sydney Shoemaker, have argued that the laws of nature are in fact necessary, not contingent; if so, then nomological possibility is equivalent to metaphysical possibility.[9][10][11]

The term supernatural is often used interchangeably with paranormal or preternatural—the latter typically limited to an adjective for describing abilities which appear to exceed what is possible within the boundaries of the laws of physics.[12] Epistemologically, the relationship between the supernatural and the natural is indistinct in terms of natural phenomena that, ex hypothesi, violate the laws of nature, in so far as such laws are realistically accountable.

Parapsychologists use the term psi to refer to an assumed unitary force underlying the phenomena they study. Psi is defined in the Journal of Parapsychology as "personal factors or processes in nature which transcend accepted laws" (1948: 311) and "which are non-physical in nature" (1962:310), and it is used to cover both extrasensory perception (ESP), an "awareness of or response to an external event or influence not apprehended by sensory means" (1962:309) or inferred from sensory knowledge, and psychokinesis (PK), "the direct influence exerted on a physical system by a subject without any known intermediate energy or instrumentation" (1945:305).[13]

— Michael Winkelman, Current Anthropology

Views on the "supernatural" vary, for example it may be seen as:

  • indistinct from nature. From this perspective, some events occur according to the laws of nature, and others occur according to a separate set of principles external to known nature. For example, in Scholasticism, it was believed that God was capable of performing any miracle so long as it did not lead to a logical contradiction. Some religions posit immanent deities, however, and do not have a tradition analogous to the supernatural; some believe that everything anyone experiences occurs by the will (occasionalism), in the mind (neoplatonism), or as a part (nondualism) of a more fundamental divine reality (platonism).
  • incorrect human attribution. In this view all events have natural and only natural causes. They believe that human beings ascribe supernatural attributes to purely natural events, such as lightning, rainbows, floods and the origin of life.[14][15]

Cross cultural studies

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Anthropological studies across cultures indicate that people do not hold or use natural and supernatural explanations in a mutually exclusive or dichotomous fashion. Instead, the reconciliation of natural and supernatural explanations is normal and pervasive across cultures.[16] Cross cultural studies indicate that there is coexistence of natural and supernatural explanations in both adults and children for explaining numerous things about the world, such as illness, death, and origins.[17][18] Context and cultural input play a large role in determining when and how individuals incorporate natural and supernatural explanations.[19] The coexistence of natural and supernatural explanations in individuals may be the outcomes two distinct cognitive domains: one concerned with the physical-mechanical relations and another with social relations.[20] Studies on indigenous groups have allowed for insights on how such coexistence of explanations may function.[21]

Supernatural concepts

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Deity

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A deity (/ˈdəti/ or /ˈd.əti/ )[22] is a supernatural being considered divine or sacred.[23] The Oxford Dictionary of English defines deity as "a god or goddess (in a polytheistic religion)", or anything revered as divine.[24] C. Scott Littleton defines a deity as "a being with powers greater than those of ordinary humans, but who interacts with humans, positively or negatively, in ways that carry humans to new levels of consciousness, beyond the grounded preoccupations of ordinary life."[25] A male deity is a god, while a female deity is a goddess.

Religions can be categorized by how many deities they worship. Monotheistic religions accept only one deity (predominantly referred to as God),[26][27] polytheistic religions accept multiple deities.[28] Henotheistic religions accept one supreme deity without denying other deities, considering them as equivalent aspects of the same divine principle;[29][30] and nontheistic religions deny any supreme eternal creator deity but accept a pantheon of deities which live, die and are reborn just like any other being.[31]: 35–37 [32]: 357–358 

Various cultures have conceptualized a deity differently than a monotheistic God.[33][34] A deity need not be omnipotent, omnipresent, omniscient, omnibenevolent or eternal,[33][34][35] The monotheistic God, however, does have these attributes.[36][37][38] Monotheistic religions typically refer to God in masculine terms,[39][40]: 96  while other religions refer to their deities in a variety of ways – masculine, feminine, androgynous and gender neutral.[41][42][43]

Historically, many ancient cultures – such as Ancient India, Ancient Iraq, Ancient Egyptian, Ancient Greek, Ancient Roman, Nordic and Asian culture – personified natural phenomena, variously as either their conscious causes or simply their effects, respectively.[44][45][46] Some Avestan and Vedic deities were viewed as ethical concepts.[44][45] In Indian religions, deities have been envisioned as manifesting within the temple of every living being's body, as sensory organs and mind.[47][48][49] Deities have also been envisioned as a form of existence (Saṃsāra) after rebirth, for human beings who gain merit through an ethical life, where they become guardian deities and live blissfully in heaven, but are also subject to death when their merit runs out.[31]: 35–38 [32]: 356–359 

Angel

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The Archangel Michael wears a late Roman military cloak and cuirass in this 17th-century depiction by Guido Reni.
Schutzengel (English: "Guardian Angel") by Bernhard Plockhorst depicts a guardian angel watching over two children.

An angel is generally a supernatural being found in various religions and mythologies. In Abrahamic religions and Zoroastrianism, angels are often depicted as benevolent celestial beings who act as intermediaries between God or Heaven and Earth.[50][51] Other roles of angels include protecting and guiding human beings and carrying out God's tasks.[52] Within Abrahamic religions, angels are often organized into hierarchies, although such rankings may vary between sects in each religion, and are given specific names or titles, such as Gabriel or "Destroying angel". The term "angel" has also been expanded to various notions of spirits or figures found in other religious traditions. The theological study of angels is known as "angelology".

In fine art, angels are usually depicted as having the shape of human beings of extraordinary beauty;[53][54] they are often identified using the symbols of bird wings,[55] halos[56] and light.

Prophecy

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Prophecy involves a process in which messages are communicated by a god to a prophet. Such messages typically involve inspiration, interpretation, or revelation of divine will concerning the prophet's social world and events to come (compare divine knowledge). Prophecy is not limited to any one culture. It is a common property to all known ancient societies around the world, some more than others. Many systems and rules about prophecy have been proposed over several millennia.

Revelation

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In religion and theology, revelation is the revealing or disclosing of some form of truth or knowledge through communication with a deity or other supernatural entity or entities.

Some religions have religious texts which they view as divinely or supernaturally revealed or inspired. For instance, Orthodox Jews, Christians and Muslims believe that the Torah was received from Yahweh on biblical Mount Sinai.[57][58] Most Christians believe that both the Old Testament and the New Testament were inspired by God. Muslims believe the Quran was revealed by God to Muhammad word by word through the angel Gabriel (Jibril).[59][60] In Hinduism, some Vedas are considered apauruṣeya, "not human compositions", and are supposed to have been directly revealed, and thus are called śruti, "what is heard". Aleister Crowley stated that The Book of the Law had been revealed to him through a higher being that called itself Aiwass.

A revelation communicated by a supernatural entity reported as being present during the event is called a vision. Direct conversations between the recipient and the supernatural entity,[61] or physical marks such as stigmata, have been reported. In rare cases, such as that of Saint Juan Diego, physical artifacts accompany the revelation.[62] The Roman Catholic concept of interior locution includes just an inner voice heard by the recipient.

In the Abrahamic religions, the term is used to refer to the process by which God reveals knowledge of himself, his will and his divine providence to the world of human beings.[63] In secondary usage, revelation refers to the resulting human knowledge about God, prophecy and other divine things. Revelation from a supernatural source plays a less important role in some other religious traditions such as Buddhism, Confucianism and Taoism.

Reincarnation

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In Jainism, a soul travels to any one of the four states of existence after death depending on its karmas.

Reincarnation is the philosophical or religious concept that an aspect of a living being starts a new life in a different physical body or form after each biological death. It is also called rebirth or transmigration, and is a part of the Saṃsāra doctrine of cyclic existence.[64][65] It is a central tenet of all major Indian religions, namely Jainism, Hinduism, Buddhism and Sikhism.[65][66][67] The idea of reincarnation is found in many ancient cultures,[68] and a belief in rebirth/metempsychosis was held by Greek historic figures, such as Pythagoras, Socrates and Plato.[69] It is also a common belief of various ancient and modern religions such as Spiritism, Theosophy and Eckankar and as an esoteric belief in many streams of Orthodox Judaism. It is found as well in many tribal societies around the world, in places such as Australia, East Asia, Siberia and South America.[70]

Although the majority of denominations within Christianity and Islam do not believe that individuals reincarnate, particular groups within these religions do refer to reincarnation; these groups include the mainstream historical and contemporary followers of Cathars, Alawites, the Druze[71] and the Rosicrucians.[72] The historical relations between these sects and the beliefs about reincarnation that were characteristic of Neoplatonism, Orphism, Hermeticism, Manicheanism and Gnosticism of the Roman era as well as the Indian religions, have been the subject of recent scholarly research.[73] Unity Church and its founder Charles Fillmore teaches reincarnation.

In recent decades, many Europeans and North Americans have developed an interest in reincarnation,[74] and many contemporary works mention it.

Karma

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Karma (/ˈkɑːrmə/; Sanskrit: कर्म, romanizedkarma, IPA: [ˈkɐɽmɐ] ; Pali: kamma) means action, work or deed;[75] it also refers to the spiritual principle of cause and effect where intent and actions of an individual (cause) influence the future of that individual (effect).[76] Good intent and good deeds contribute to good karma and future happiness, while bad intent and bad deeds contribute to bad karma and future suffering.[77][78]

With origins in ancient India's Vedic civilization, the philosophy of karma is closely associated with the idea of rebirth in many schools of Indian religions (particularly Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism and Sikhism[79]) as well as Taoism.[80] In these schools, karma in the present affects one's future in the current life, as well as the nature and quality of future lives – one's saṃsāra.[81][82]

Christian theology

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The patron saint of air travelers, aviators, astronauts, people with a mental handicap, test takers and poor students is Saint Joseph of Cupertino, who is said to have been gifted with supernatural flight.[83]

In Catholic theology, the supernatural order is, according to New Advent, defined as "the ensemble of effects exceeding the powers of the created universe and gratuitously produced by God for the purpose of raising the rational creature above its native sphere to a God-like life and destiny."[84] The Modern Catholic Dictionary defines it as "the sum total of heavenly destiny and all the divinely established means of reaching that destiny, which surpass the mere powers and capacities of human nature."[85]

Process theology

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Process theology is a school of thought influenced by the metaphysical process philosophy of Alfred North Whitehead (1861–1947) and further developed by Charles Hartshorne (1897–2000).

It is not possible, in process metaphysics, to conceive divine activity as a "supernatural" intervention into the "natural" order of events. Process theists usually regard the distinction between the supernatural and the natural as a by-product of the doctrine of creation ex nihilo. In process thought, there is no such thing as a realm of the natural in contrast to that which is supernatural. On the other hand, if "the natural" is defined more neutrally as "what is in the nature of things", then process metaphysics characterizes the natural as the creative activity of actual entities. In Whitehead's words, "It lies in the nature of things that the many enter into complex unity" (Whitehead 1978, 21). It is tempting to emphasize process theism's denial of the supernatural and thereby highlight that the processed God cannot do in comparison what the traditional God could do (that is, to bring something from nothing). In fairness, however, equal stress should be placed on process theism's denial of the natural (as traditionally conceived) so that one may highlight what the creatures cannot do, in traditional theism, in comparison to what they can do in process metaphysics (that is, to be part creators of the world with God).[86]

— Donald Viney, "Process Theism" in The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy

Heaven

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Heaven, or the heavens, is a common religious, cosmological, or transcendent place where beings such as gods, angels, spirits, saints, or venerated ancestors are said to originate, be enthroned, or live. According to the beliefs of some religions, heavenly beings can descend to Earth or incarnate, and earthly beings can ascend to heaven in the afterlife, or in exceptional cases enter heaven alive.

Heaven is often described as a "higher place", the holiest place, a Paradise, in contrast to hell or the Underworld or the "low places" and universally or conditionally accessible by earthly beings according to various standards of divinity, goodness, piety, faith, or other virtues or right beliefs or simply the will of God. Some believe in the possibility of a heaven on Earth in a world to come.

Another belief is in an axis mundi or world tree which connects the heavens, the terrestrial world and the underworld. In Indian religions, heaven is considered as Svarga loka,[87] and the soul is again subjected to rebirth in different living forms according to its karma. This cycle can be broken after a soul achieves Moksha or Nirvana. Any place of existence, either of humans, souls or deities, outside the tangible world (Heaven, Hell, or other) is referred to as otherworld.

Underworld

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The underworld is the supernatural world of the dead in various religious traditions, located below the world of the living.[88] Chthonic is the technical adjective for things of the underworld.

The concept of an underworld is found in almost every civilization and "may be as old as humanity itself".[89] Common features of underworld myths are accounts of living people making journeys to the underworld, often for some heroic purpose. Other myths reinforce traditions that entrance of souls to the underworld requires a proper observation of ceremony, such as the ancient Greek story of the recently dead Patroclus haunting Achilles until his body could be properly buried for this purpose.[90] Persons having social status were dressed and equipped in order to better navigate the underworld.[91]

A number of mythologies incorporate the concept of the soul of the deceased making its own journey to the underworld, with the dead needing to be taken across a defining obstacle such as a lake or a river to reach this destination.[92] Imagery of such journeys can be found in both ancient and modern art. The descent to the underworld has been described as "the single most important myth for Modernist authors".[93]

Spirit

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Theodor von Holst, Bertalda, Assailed by Spirits, c. 1830

A spirit is a supernatural being, often but not exclusively a non-physical entity; such as a demon, ghost, fairy, jinn or angel.[94] The concepts of a person's spirit and soul, often also overlap, as both are either contrasted with or given ontological priority over the body and both are believed to survive bodily death in some religions,[95] and "spirit" can also have the sense of "ghost", i.e. a manifestation of the spirit of a deceased person. In English Bibles, "the Spirit" (with a capital "S"), specifically denotes the Holy Spirit.

Spirit is often used metaphysically to refer to the consciousness or personality.

Historically, it was also used to refer to a "subtle" as opposed to "gross" material substance, as in the famous last paragraph of Sir Isaac Newton's Principia Mathematica.[96]

Demon

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Mephistopheles (a medieval demon from German folklore) flying over Wittenberg, in a lithograph by Eugène Delacroix.

A demon (from Koine Greek δαιμόνιον daimónion) is a supernatural and often malevolent being prevalent in religion, occultism, literature, fiction, mythology and folklore.

In Ancient Near Eastern religions as well as in the Abrahamic traditions, including ancient and medieval Christian demonology, a demon is considered a harmful spiritual entity, below the heavenly planes[97] which may cause demonic possession, calling for an exorcism. In Western occultism and Renaissance magic, which grew out of an amalgamation of Greco-Roman magic, Jewish Aggadah and Christian demonology,[98] a demon is believed to be a spiritual entity that may be conjured and controlled.

Magic

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Magic or sorcery is the use of rituals, symbols, actions, gestures, or language with the aim of utilizing supernatural forces.[99][100]: 6–7 [101][102]: 24  Belief in and practice of magic has been present since the earliest human cultures and continues to have an important spiritual, religious and medicinal role in many cultures today. The term magic has a variety of meanings, and there is no widely agreed upon definition of what it is.

Scholars of religion have defined magic in different ways. One approach, associated with the anthropologists Edward Tylor and James G. Frazer, suggests that magic and science are opposites. An alternative approach, associated with the sociologists Marcel Mauss and Emile Durkheim, argues that magic takes place in private, while religion is a communal and organised activity. Many scholars of religion have rejected the utility of the term magic and it has become increasingly unpopular within scholarship since the 1990s.[citation needed]

The term magic comes from the Old Persian magu, a word that applied to a form of religious functionary about which little is known. During the late sixth and early fifth centuries BC, this term was adopted into Ancient Greek, where it was used with negative connotations, to apply to religious rites that were regarded as fraudulent, unconventional and dangerous. This meaning of the term was then adopted by Latin in the first century BC. The concept was then incorporated into Christian theology during the first century AD, where magic was associated with demons and thus defined against religion. This concept was pervasive throughout the Middle Ages, although in the early modern period Italian humanists reinterpreted the term in a positive sense to establish the idea of natural magic. Both negative and positive understandings of the term were retained in Western culture over the following centuries, with the former largely influencing early academic usages of the word.

Throughout history, there have been examples of individuals who practiced magic and referred to themselves as magicians. This trend has proliferated in the modern period, with a growing number of magicians appearing within the esoteric milieu.[not verified in body] British esotericist Aleister Crowley described magic as the art of effecting change in accordance with will.

Divination

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Divination (from Latin divinare "to foresee, to be inspired by a god",[103] related to divinus, divine) is the attempt to gain insight into a question or situation by way of an occultic, standardized process or ritual.[104] Used in various forms throughout history, diviners ascertain their interpretations of how a querent should proceed by reading signs, events, or omens, or through alleged contact with a supernatural agency.[105]

Divination can be seen as a systematic method with which to organize what appear to be disjointed, random facets of existence such that they provide insight into a problem at hand. If a distinction is to be made between divination and fortune-telling, divination has a more formal or ritualistic element and often contains a more social character, usually in a religious context, as seen in traditional African medicine. Fortune-telling, on the other hand, is a more everyday practice for personal purposes. Particular divination methods vary by culture and religion.

Divination is dismissed by the scientific community and skeptics as being superstition.[106][107] In the 2nd century, Lucian devoted a witty essay to the career of a charlatan, "Alexander the false prophet", trained by "one of those who advertise enchantments, miraculous incantations, charms for your love-affairs, visitations for your enemies, disclosures of buried treasure and successions to estates".[108]

Witchcraft

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Depiction of witchcraft in John William Waterhouse's painting The Magic Circle (1886)

Witchcraft or witchery broadly means the practice of and belief in magical skills and abilities exercised by solitary practitioners and groups. Witchcraft is a broad term that varies culturally and societally and thus can be difficult to define with precision,[109] and cross-cultural assumptions about the meaning or significance of the term should be applied with caution. Witchcraft often occupies a religious divinatory or medicinal role[110] and is often present within societies and groups whose cultural framework includes a magical world view.[109]

Miracle

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A miracle is an event not explicable by natural or scientific laws.[111] Such an event may be attributed to a supernatural being (a deity), a miracle worker, a saint or a religious leader.

Informally, the word "miracle" is often used to characterise any beneficial event that is statistically unlikely but not contrary to the laws of nature, such as surviving a natural disaster, or simply a "wonderful" occurrence, regardless of likelihood, such as a birth. Other such miracles might be: survival of an illness diagnosed as terminal, escaping a life-threatening situation or 'beating the odds'. Some coincidences may be seen as miracles.[112]

A true miracle would, by definition, be a non-natural phenomenon, leading many rational and scientific thinkers to dismiss them as physically impossible (that is, requiring violation of established laws of physics within their domain of validity) or impossible to confirm by their nature (because all possible physical mechanisms can never be ruled out). The former position is expressed for instance by Thomas Jefferson and the latter by David Hume. Theologians typically say that, with divine providence, God regularly works through nature yet, as a creator, is free to work without, above, or against it as well. The possibility and probability of miracles are then equal to the possibility and probability of the existence of God.[113]

Skepticism

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Skepticism (American English) or scepticism (British English; see spelling differences) is generally any questioning attitude or doubt towards one or more items of putative knowledge or belief.[114][115] It is often directed at domains such as the supernatural, morality (moral skepticism), religion (skepticism about the existence of God), or knowledge (skepticism about the possibility of knowledge, or of certainty).[116]

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Supernatural entities and powers are common in various works of fantasy. Examples include the television shows Supernatural and The X-Files, the magic of the Harry Potter series, The Lord of the Rings series, The Wheel of Time series and A Song of Ice and Fire series.

See also

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References

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
The supernatural denotes phenomena, entities, or forces claimed to operate beyond the domain of natural laws and physical processes, including purported , apparitions, spirits, and divine or magical interventions that purportedly defy empirical and scientific replication. These concepts have featured prominently in human cultures, religions, and for millennia, often serving explanatory roles for unexplained events prior to advances in scientific understanding. Despite extensive historical and contemporary reports, systematic investigations under controlled conditions have yielded no reproducible evidence supporting supernatural causation, with attributing such claims to perceptual errors, psychological predispositions, environmental factors, or deliberate deception rather than violations of causality. Parapsychological efforts to validate or psychokinesis, for instance, have consistently failed to meet evidentiary standards, reinforcing methodological naturalism as the framework for credible inquiry into reality's mechanisms. While belief in the supernatural correlates with certain cognitive patterns and persists amid institutional biases favoring unverified narratives in media and academia, causal realism demands prioritization of testable, falsifiable explanations grounded in observable data over unfalsifiable assertions.

Definition and Conceptual Foundations

Core Definition and Distinctions

The supernatural refers to entities, forces, or events posited to exist or occur independently of the physical laws governing the , transcending empirical causation and scientific explanation. This conceptualization contrasts with methodological naturalism, which posits that all phenomena can be accounted for through natural processes subject to repeatable and testing. Philosophically, supernatural claims invoke realities separated from , often involving non-physical agents or interventions that defy uniform causal regularities. Key distinctions arise between the supernatural and related categories. The natural encompasses all that adheres to discoverable laws of physics, , and chemistry, yielding predictable outcomes under controlled conditions, as evidenced by centuries of experimental validation in fields like and . In contrast, the supernatural implies an inherent violation or exemption from such laws, such as instantaneous creation or , which, if occurring, would necessitate non-natural rather than mere rarity or incomplete knowledge. phenomena, however, describe anomalies beyond current scientific paradigms but potentially reducible to expanded natural explanations, including purported or studied in , where mechanisms might align with undiscovered brain functions or quantum effects rather than extrinsic spiritual causation. Theological traditions introduce the as an intermediary: effects exceeding human or material limits but achievable by created non-human intelligences, like angelic influence or demonic deception, without invoking divine . For instance, feats preserve underlying natural principles but amplify them extraordinarily, differing from strictly supernatural acts that originate solely from an uncreated and inherently surpass all creaturely capacities. This tripartite framework—natural, , supernatural—highlights how supernatural assertions demand evidentiary thresholds unmet by historical or contemporary reports, which often conflate perceptual error, , or statistical outlier with transcendence.

Etymology and Terminological Evolution

The term "supernatural" derives from supernaturalis, a compound of super- ("above, beyond") and natura ("nature"), initially connoting that which is divine or exceeding the natural order. This Latin formation emerged in scholastic during the , reflecting efforts to distinguish divine interventions or spiritual realities from the created, . The word entered English in the early 15th century as supernaturall, appearing in texts such as translations of theological works emphasizing God's transcendence over physical laws. By the , it was borrowed partly through French supernaturel, gaining traction in philosophical and religious discourse to denote phenomena attributable to non-material causes, such as or angelic influences. Terminological evolution accelerated in the amid debates between emerging mechanistic philosophies and traditional ; for instance, Thomas Blount's Glossographia (1661) defined it as "which is above , or the ordinary course of it," highlighting a contrast with predictable natural processes. In the , the term expanded to encompass entities like spirits or forces defying empirical explanation, as seen in its application to ghosts and apparitions in Enlightenment-era literature and . This shift paralleled the solidification of "nature" as encompassing all causally deterministic phenomena under scientific scrutiny, positioning the supernatural as an explanatory category for events resistant to such reduction. By the , amid and scientific , "supernatural" became a polarized term: proponents of religious retained its theological primacy for divine agency, while critics like reframed ostensibly supernatural events as potential violations of uniform natural laws, urging probabilistic dismissal absent extraordinary evidence. In contemporary usage, the term often serves in philosophical debates over , where naturalists argue it illegitimately bifurcates reality into discrete realms, potentially obscuring unified causal mechanisms observable through empirical methods. Despite this, it persists in denoting purported phenomena—like or poltergeists—that challenge materialist paradigms, though rigorous verification remains elusive due to methodological constraints in replicating such claims.

Historical Development of Supernatural Beliefs

Ancient and Prehistoric Origins

The earliest archaeological indicators of supernatural beliefs appear in prehistoric practices, which suggest emerging concepts of an or spiritual continuity. Sites like Sungir in , dated to approximately 34,000 years ago during the , contain graves adorned with over 13,000 ivory beads, fox incisors, and exotic artifacts, arrangements that archaeologists interpret as deliberate efforts to provision the deceased for a postmortem existence rather than mere disposal of remains. Similarly, interments from around 100,000 years ago in the , such as those at Qafzeh Cave in , feature pigments and like shells, pointing to ritualistic behaviors implying symbolic thought about death and possibly ancestral spirits, though debates persist on intentionality versus natural deposition. These practices contrast with simpler animal scavenging or exposure, evidencing a cognitive shift toward attributing agency beyond observable . Cave art from the same era provides further inferential evidence of supernatural ideation, often featuring hybrid human-animal figures (therianthropes) that researchers link to shamanistic visions or spirit intermediaries. Examples include the figurine from Hohlenstein-Stadel, , carved around 40,000 years ago from , depicting a humanoid with leonine features, which some paleoanthropologists view as an early representation of transformative supernatural entities accessed via , supported by ethnographic analogies to trance rituals. Paintings in , , dated 36,000–30,000 years ago, show analogous motifs alongside hand stencils and abstract signs, potentially signifying entoptic patterns from hallucinogenic experiences or invocations of animal spirits for hunting success, though direct causation remains unprovable without textual corroboration. By the period around 10,000 BCE, settled communities in the amplified these beliefs through monumental structures like in , constructed circa 9600–7000 BCE with T-shaped pillars engraved with predatory beasts and abstract symbols, interpreted by excavators as complexes predating and embodying cosmological narratives of supernatural forces ordering chaos. A 12,000-year-old in the southern Levant, containing a with tortoise shells, a wild boar arm, and corvid talons as grave offerings, exemplifies a "shaman grave" suggesting mediation between human and otherworldly realms, as detailed in forensic analysis of the remains. In ancient civilizations, these prehistoric foundations evolved into codified supernatural systems. Sumerian records from Mesopotamia, beginning around 4500 BCE, document polytheistic worship of anthropomorphic deities like Anu and Enlil, who governed cosmic order and natural calamities, with cuneiform incantations from circa 2500 BCE prescribing rituals against malevolent spirits (gidim) to avert misfortune, reflecting a worldview where unseen entities directly influenced material events. Egyptian beliefs, traceable to predynastic times before 3100 BCE, centered on gods such as Ra and Osiris embodying cycles of death and rebirth, evidenced by Naqada II period (circa 3500–3200 BCE) tombs with amulets and model boats for the ka (spirit) to navigate the afterlife, predating the Pyramid Texts of 2400 BCE. These developments mark a transition from animistic inferences to structured theologies, grounded in empirical observations of environmental patterns yet attributing them to transcendent causal agents.

Classical and Medieval Periods

In ancient Greece, from the Archaic period onward (c. 800–500 BCE), supernatural beliefs permeated culture through myths of gods like Zeus and Apollo who directly influenced human events, as depicted in Hesiod's Theogony (c. 700 BCE) and Homeric epics. Oracles, such as that at Delphi established by the 8th century BCE, served as conduits for divine prophecy, with consultations recorded for state decisions up to the Hellenistic era. Pre-Socratic philosophers like Thales (c. 624–546 BCE) sought natural explanations for phenomena traditionally attributed to gods, yet retained belief in divine order, while Pythagoras (c. 570–495 BCE) posited the soul's immortality and transmigration, influencing later mystical traditions. Plato (c. 428–348 BCE) described the soul as eternal and divine in origin, encountering supernatural realms in allegories like the Phaedo, though he critiqued popular myths for moral inconsistencies. Aristotle (384–322 BCE) conceptualized a supernatural "unmoved mover" as the eternal cause of cosmic motion, distinct from empirical observation, in his Metaphysics (c. 350 BCE). Roman adoption of Greek pantheons by the 3rd century BCE integrated supernatural elements into , where rituals like the do ut des ("I give so that you give") pact ensured divine favor for prosperity and victory, as in the auguries performed by magistrates from the Republic's inception in 509 BCE. Prodigies—unusual natural events interpreted as supernatural omens—prompted expiatory sacrifices, with Livy's (c. 27–9 BCE) documenting over 100 such instances between 218–167 BCE to avert disasters. Philosophers like (106–43 BCE) in On the Nature of the Gods debated the gods' existence rationally, favoring probabilistic arguments over dogmatic faith, while Epicureans like (c. 99–55 BCE) rejected divine intervention in favor of atomic , viewing fears of supernatural punishment as baseless. Amulets and rituals against malevolent spirits, including ghosts (), were common, reflecting a practical intertwined with civic . The transition to the medieval period (c. 500–1500 CE) reframed supernatural beliefs through Christian dominance in , subordinating pagan deities to demonic entities as per Augustine of Hippo's City of God (426 CE), which argued that classical gods were deceiving humanity. Miracles, defined as suspensions of natural order by divine will, were central, with hagiographies recording over 1,000 saintly interventions by the , including healings and visions vetted by ecclesiastical inquiries. proliferated, positing demons as real agents of temptation and possession, with exorcisms formalized in the Rituale Romanum precedents from the 4th century onward; chronicles like the (c. 1260) detail thousands of demonic encounters resolved by prayer. Scholastic thinkers reconciled supernatural claims with Aristotelian logic: (1225–1274) in (1265–1274) classified miracles as effects of higher causes exceeding but not contradicting nature, distinguishing them from demonic illusions, which operate via subordinate intellects mimicking divine power. Supernatural grace elevated human nature toward beatitude, inaccessible by reason alone, as Aquinas argued against purely naturalistic ethics. Beliefs in fairies and elves persisted as folk remnants, often reinterpreted as demonic deceptions by theologians like (c. 1200–1280), though empirical verification remained ecclesiastical rather than experimental.

Enlightenment to Modern Shifts

The Enlightenment, spanning roughly the late 17th to 18th centuries, marked a pivotal shift toward rational inquiry and empirical evidence, fostering widespread skepticism toward traditional supernatural beliefs such as miracles and witchcraft. Philosophers emphasized reason over revelation, subjecting religious and folk claims to critical analysis; for instance, David Hume's 1748 essay "Of Miracles" argued that no testimony could establish a miracle, as uniform human experience consistently aligns with natural laws, rendering supernatural violations inherently improbable without extraordinary counter-evidence. This intellectual current contributed to the cessation of witch trials across Europe, with legal prosecutions largely ending by the early 18th century—last state executions in England occurred in 1684 and in the American colonies in 1697—replaced by Enlightenment-influenced views dismissing such accusations as products of ignorance or hysteria rather than genuine supernatural pacts. Courts increasingly demanded physical evidence, reflecting a broader causal prioritization of observable mechanisms over invisible agencies. Despite these rationalist advances, the 19th century witnessed a counter-movement in Spiritualism, which emerged in 1848 with the ' alleged communications via "rapping" sounds in Hydesville, New York, sparking a transatlantic craze in séances and mediumship. By the 1850s, Spiritualism attracted millions, blending progressive ideals like with claims of empirical proof for spirit interaction, as adherents conducted public demonstrations and formed societies; estimates suggest over 8 million American adherents by 1897, driven partly by grief from the Civil War and industrialization's dislocations. This revival persisted amid scientific progress, with figures like chemist investigating mediums in the 1870s, though later exposés revealed fraud, underscoring tensions between anecdotal testimony and replicable experimentation. In the 20th and 21st centuries, materialist paradigms in physics and —epitomized by relativity (1915) and —further marginalized supernatural explanations in elite discourse, attributing phenomena once deemed otherworldly, like or , to natural causes. Yet public adherence to beliefs endures, with a 2024 CivicScience survey finding 41% of U.S. adults affirming ghosts or spirits, and 64% endorsing at least one paranormal category, stable from earlier polls like Gallup's 2005 data showing similar rates for (41%). Such persistence correlates with cultural factors, including media portrayals and psychological needs for agency amid uncertainty, rather than empirical disconfirmation, as rigorous studies often fail to validate claims like hauntings or UFO encounters under controlled conditions. This duality reflects no wholesale eradication of supernatural thinking but a compartmentalization, where coexists with folk ontologies resistant to falsification.

Philosophical and Metaphysical Dimensions

Ontological Status of the Supernatural

The ontological status of the supernatural concerns whether entities, forces, or realms posited as transcending or violating the natural order possess independent existence as fundamental aspects of reality, distinct from mere conceptual or psychological constructs. In philosophical terms, this debate pits ontological naturalism, which asserts that only entities amenable to scientific description—typically spatiotemporal and causally efficacious within physical laws—comprise reality's furniture, against supernatural realism, which entertains non-natural beings or principles as ontologically basic. Ontological naturalism maintains that all existent things are identical to or constituted by physical entities, rendering supernatural claims superfluous or illusory unless demonstrably integrated into the causal nexus of the observed . Proponents of supernatural realism, often aligned with theistic or dualistic metaphysics, argue that certain phenomena necessitate non-natural explanations, such as the universe's contingency requiring an uncaused first beyond physical chains of dependence, or the irreducibility of to material processes implying immaterial substrates. For instance, cosmological arguments posit that the existence of entities demands a supernatural ground to halt explanatory regress, while appeals to fine-tuning in physical constants suggest intentional incompatible with purely naturalistic . However, these inferences rely on philosophical premises rather than direct , and critics counter that hypotheses or eternal inflationary models provide naturalistic alternatives without invoking supernatural agency, adhering to parsimony by avoiding unobservable posits. Empirically, no verified instances of supernatural causation have withstood rigorous scrutiny, with purported , apparitions, or interventions consistently attributable to misperception, , or undiscovered natural mechanisms upon investigation. Scientific progress, from to , has systematically demystified phenomena once deemed supernatural—such as or —without recourse to non-natural , supporting the view that supernatural entities, if existent, exert no detectable causal influence on the observable world. This evidential paucity aligns with ontological naturalism's methodological success, where assumptions of uniformity in natural laws yield , whereas supernatural postulation introduces explanatory gaps unfillable by . While some contend that methodological naturalism (restricting inquiry to natural causes) does not preclude ontological supernaturalism, the persistent failure to identify boundary-crossing effects undermines claims of independent supernatural reality.

Epistemological Issues in Verification

Verification of supernatural claims encounters fundamental epistemological barriers due to their inherent incompatibility with empirical standards of and . Supernatural phenomena, by definition involving interventions or entities outside natural laws, resist controlled experimentation, as they are typically described as singular, non-reproducible events defying predictable causation. Scientific knowledge advances through hypotheses testable via observation and potential disconfirmation, yet supernatural assertions often evade such scrutiny, rendering them philosophically akin to unfalsifiable propositions that cannot be rigorously differentiated from non-existence or fabrication. David Hume articulated a core challenge in his 1748 essay "Of Miracles," arguing that testimony supporting a miracle—a violation of natural laws established by uniform human experience—must outweigh the accumulated evidence of those laws' consistency. He posited that "no testimony is sufficient to establish a miracle, unless the testimony be of such a kind, that its falsehood would be more miraculous than the fact which it endeavors to establish," emphasizing how experiential priors heavily favor natural regularity over anomalous reports, which are prone to exaggeration, deception, or misperception. This framework highlights the probabilistic imbalance: the prior likelihood of human error or bias in testimony exceeds that of a law-defying event, absent corroborative physical traces or independent verification. Contemporary reinforces this through the principle that extraordinary claims demand commensurate evidence, as articulated by in 1977: claims diverging sharply from established knowledge bear a heightened burden of proof proportional to their improbability. Supernatural propositions, presupposing acausal mechanisms with low baseline probability derived from historical non-observation, require not mere anecdotal support but robust, replicable data—such as measurable anomalies under blinded conditions—which investigations in fields like have failed to produce consistently, often succumbing to methodological flaws or selective reporting. Bayesian approaches formalize these issues by updating priors with likelihoods; for supernatural hypotheses, extremely low initial probabilities (reflecting vast experiential absence of verification) necessitate evidence with overwhelming posterior impact to shift credences significantly, a threshold rarely met by testimonial or circumstantial data alone. Epistemological reliance on testimony further complicates matters, as beliefs derived from others' reports face reductionist challenges: hearers must assess speakers' reliability amid incentives for confirmation bias, cultural conditioning, or outright invention, without direct access to the originating event. Thus, supernatural verification hinges on extraordinary evidential convergence across independent sources, a convergence empirically absent in documented cases, underscoring grounded in causal predictability over interpretive trust.

Key Arguments and Thought Experiments

Philosophers have advanced a priori arguments positing the supernatural as metaphysically necessary, such as Anselm of Canterbury's ontological argument, which defines God as a being than which none greater can be conceived and contends that existence in reality is greater than mere conceptual existence, thereby necessitating God's actual existence as the supremum of perfection. This reasoning, formalized in Anselm's Proslogion (1077–1078), relies on the incoherence of denying the reality of the greatest conceivable being, though critics like Gaunilo of Marmoutiers countered with parodies, such as imagining a perfect island whose existence would similarly follow from conception alone, highlighting potential flaws in equating conceivability with necessity. Empirical critiques further challenge such arguments by noting their detachment from observable causal chains, where no verifiable supernatural entities have been identified despite extensive scientific inquiry into natural phenomena. Cosmological and teleological variants extend to the supernatural by inferring a transcendent cause for the universe's existence and order; for instance, the fine-tuning argument observes that physical constants, such as the (Λ ≈ 10^{-120} in ) and the strong coupling (α_s ≈ 1), fall within extraordinarily narrow ranges permitting atomic stability and life, probabilities estimated at less than 10^{-100} under random variation models, suggesting intentional calibration by an intelligent supernatural agent rather than chance or hypotheses lacking direct evidence. Proponents like argue this tuning elevates design explanations over naturalistic ones, as the latter require untestable assumptions about infinite universes to dilute improbability. However, opponents invoke Bayesian reasoning to contend that fine-tuning could reflect selection in any life-permitting , without necessitating supernatural intervention, and note that proposed "tuners" introduce greater explanatory complexity without resolving ultimate origins. Skeptical arguments against supernatural claims emphasize epistemological barriers, notably David Hume's critique in An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding (1748), which holds that miracle reports—violations of uniform natural laws established by inductive experience—carry testimonial evidence invariably outweighed by the vast confirmatory instances of those laws, rendering rational belief in miracles improbable unless testimony attains an impossible degree of reliability surpassing global experiential consensus. Hume's maxim, that "a miracle is a violation of the laws of nature," prioritizes causal uniformity, with subsequent analyses quantifying this via likelihood ratios where P(miracle|testimony) < P(no miracle|testimony) given historical fraud, error, or exaggeration in purported cases. Rebuttals, such as Richard Swinburne's probabilistic defense, propose cumulative evidence from multiple miracles could cumulatively justify belief if prior probabilities for divine agency are non-negligible, yet empirical reviews of claims (e.g., Lourdes medical verifications yielding no statistically anomalous cures beyond placebo rates) sustain Humean priors favoring natural explanations. Thought experiments probing supernatural verifiability include ' "" hypothesis in (1641), positing a powerful deceiver capable of fabricating sensory illusions indistinguishable from , which undermines in natural causation and opens conceptual space for supernatural interference, though it ultimately serves to affirm divine non-deceptiveness via clear and distinct ideas rather than proving entities. Variants like the "brain-in-a-vat" scenario extend this to question empirical boundaries, suggesting simulated realities could mimic supernatural events without , reinforcing methodological naturalism's demand for falsifiable criteria absent in supernatural posits, as no experiment has isolated non-physical causal influences amid controlled variables. These devices illustrate philosophy's reliance on logical possibility over empirical warrant, where supernatural hypotheses persist as unfalsifiable but explanatorily inert compared to causal models grounded in repeatable .

Cultural and Religious Contexts

Cross-Cultural Variations

Supernatural beliefs manifest universally across human societies, yet exhibit notable variations in form, attribution, and integration with daily explanations. Ethnographic analyses of 114 societies reveal that supernatural explanations are far more prevalent for natural phenomena—such as illness, , events, and crop failure—than for social phenomena like or interpersonal conflict, suggesting a toward invoking non-human agents for uncontrollable environmental hazards. This pattern holds despite cultural differences, with societies lacking any documented absence of such beliefs, indicating deep evolutionary roots tied to reduction rather than localized invention. Cross-cultural studies highlight divergences in the ontology and agency ascribed to supernatural entities. In small-scale foraging and horticultural societies, animistic frameworks predominate, positing spirits or essences inherent in animals, plants, and landscapes that influence human affairs through reciprocal relations, as observed in Amazonian and Australian Aboriginal groups. Conversely, complex agrarian and state societies often feature hierarchical pantheons or singular moralizing deities that monitor and punish social deviance, correlating with population density and cooperative demands, as evidenced in Mesoamerican and ancient Near Eastern polities. These variations align with ecological pressures: sparse-resource environments foster diffuse, localized spirits, while intensive agriculture promotes centralized, punitive gods to sustain large-scale coordination. Perceptual experiences of supernatural presence also show cross-cultural consistency in phenomenology—such as vivid sensory impressions of unseen agents— but diverge in interpretation and elicitors. Research involving over 3,000 participants from 20 cultural groups, including Indigenous American, East Asian, and Abrahamic adherents, demonstrates that such "sensed presences" arise similarly from environmental cues like isolation or , yet are framed as ancestral ghosts in some African traditions, divine interventions in Christian contexts, or impersonal forces in secularized Western reports. In non-Western ontologies, the supernatural-natural boundary is often porous, lacking the categorical dualism of Enlightenment-derived Western views, where phenomena like shamanic or efficacy blur into empirical causality without requiring empirical falsification. Witchcraft and malevolent supernatural attributions provide another axis of variation, often amplifying social tensions in high-inequality settings. Comparative data from 31 traits across global societies link witchcraft beliefs to historical stressors like warfare and resource scarcity, with African and Melanesian cultures emphasizing invisible sorcerers causing misfortune, in contrast to European medieval foci on pacts with demonic entities. These beliefs persist empirically unverified but functionally adaptive for , underscoring how cultural transmission shapes supernatural narratives to address shared human gaps in causal understanding, such as untimely deaths or anomalies, rather than objective evidence.

Supernatural in Abrahamic Religions

—Judaism, —posit a singular, omnipotent who transcends natural laws and periodically intervenes through miracles, angelic messengers, and prophetic revelations, forming the foundational supernatural framework shared across these traditions. Central to this worldview is the belief in angels as non-corporeal intermediaries executing divine will, such as guiding patriarchs or delivering revelations, as depicted in scriptural accounts like the appearance of angels to Abraham in Genesis 18. These religions also affirm adversarial spiritual entities—demons in Jewish and Christian texts, in Islamic doctrine—capable of influencing human affairs, often in opposition to divine order, with described in the as beings created from smokeless fire possessing akin to humans. An eschatological supernatural realm features prominently, including bodily , , paradise, and , where souls face eternal consequences based on earthly conduct. In , supernatural elements emphasize God's direct interventions during formative historical events, such as the , the parting of the in Exodus 14, and the provision of in the wilderness, portrayed as validations of covenantal promises rather than routine occurrences. Angels function primarily as agents of divine communication and protection, appearing to figures like at the burning bush (Exodus 3) or Jacob in dreams (Genesis 28), but post-biblical Jewish thought largely views overt miracles as exceptional, prioritizing ethical observance over expectation of ongoing supernatural displays. Demonic forces, like in Leviticus 16, represent chaotic opposition but lack the elaborated hierarchy seen in later traditions, with or spirit influence downplayed in favor of human responsibility under . Christianity, building on Jewish foundations, intensifies supernatural claims through the New Testament's accounts of Jesus' ministry, including healings of the blind and lepers (e.g., Mark 8:22-26), exorcisms of demons (Mark 5:1-20), and the resurrection of the dead (John 11:38-44), presented as signs of 's kingdom breaking into the material world. The assuming human form in —constitutes the ultimate supernatural event, culminating in the and ascension (Acts 1:9-11), enabling believers' access to divine power via the , which manifests in glossolalia and as described in Acts 2. Angels and demons play active roles, with archangels like Michael battling (:7-9), and ongoing posited as influencing believers' lives, though empirical verification of such events remains absent beyond testimonial reports. Islam incorporates supernatural agency through the Quran's affirmation of miracles performed by prophets, such as ' staff turning into a serpent (Quran 7:107-108) and speaking from the cradle and animating clay birds (Quran 5:110), underscoring God's over creation. Prophet Muhammad's miracles include the (Quran 54:1-2) and the Night Journey (, Quran 17:1), where he ascended to heavenly realms, interacting with angels and prophets. , parallel to biblical demons, are integrated as a parallel creation with potential for faith or rebellion, as in Surah Al-Jinn (72), where some jinn accept upon hearing the , highlighting a permeable boundary between physical and spiritual domains. These elements reinforce monotheistic submission (), with supernatural occurrences serving didactic purposes rather than empirical proofs, consistent across traditions despite interpretive variances.

Supernatural in Eastern and Indigenous Traditions

In Hinduism, supernatural beliefs encompass a pantheon of deities known as devas, who inhabit higher realms and intervene in human affairs through rituals and devotion, alongside concepts like karma dictating rebirth into supernatural planes such as svarga (heavenly abodes) or naraka (hellish realms). Ancient texts attribute mental disturbances to influences by supernatural agents or sorcery, reflecting a worldview where ethereal forces shape causality beyond physical laws. Reincarnation (samsara) perpetuates existence across these realms until liberation (moksha) is achieved, with empirical validation absent but culturally persistent through millennia of scriptural tradition. Buddhist traditions incorporate supernatural elements via the six realms of rebirth (gati), including divine beings (devas), asuras, humans, animals, pretas (hungry ghosts), and hell denizens, driven by karmic causation without a creator deity. Enlightened figures exhibit iddhi (supernormal powers) like clairvoyance or levitation, as narrated in sutras, though doctrinal emphasis prioritizes ethical conduct over miraculous displays for verification of truth claims. While some interpretations downplay supernatural aspects as metaphorical, canonical accounts affirm their role in soteriological narratives, with no controlled empirical corroboration. Taoist practices involve pursuits of immortality through internal alchemy (neidan) and interactions with spiritual entities, aiming to harmonize qi (vital energy) for transcendence into immortal states (xian). Mystical experiences include encounters with transcendent forces, often via meditation or ritual, positing a cosmos infused with unseen agencies influencing fortune and longevity, though historical records blend anecdotal feats with philosophical naturalism. Indigenous traditions frequently embody , positing spirits inherent in natural elements, animals, and landscapes, enabling relational dynamics with the nonhuman world as foundational to cosmologies dating back at least 10,000 years. Shamanic practitioners mediate these supernatural interactions through states induced by drumming or psychoactive , combating malevolent spirits or communing with ancestors to restore balance, as documented in ethnographic studies of Siberian, Amazonian, and Native American groups. Such beliefs lack falsifiable under scientific scrutiny but persist as adaptive cultural mechanisms for interpreting environmental .

Categories of Supernatural Phenomena

Divine Entities and Interventions

Divine entities encompass deities or supernatural beings, such as gods or angels, conceptualized in theistic traditions as possessing agency to influence the material world. These entities are often described as transcendent yet capable of direct interaction with , distinguishing them from impersonal forces in non-theistic supernatural frameworks. Divine interventions refer to purported instances where such entities actively alter natural processes, manifesting as miracles, apparitions, or providential outcomes. In , examples include biblical accounts like the parting of the , attributed to Yahweh's command over nature, and the Christ, claimed as a reversal of death. Similar claims appear in other traditions, such as avatars of in intervening in historical crises, like Krishna advising in the . Historical manifestations of divine entities include ancient reports of gods appearing in human form or through signs, such as Greek deities aiding heroes in the or Roman auguries interpreting celestial omens as godly directives. These accounts, preserved in texts like ' Histories, served to legitimize rulers or events but lack independent corroboration beyond testimonial traditions. Modern claims of interventions often involve healings or Eucharistic transformations investigated by religious authorities. The has approved 70 miraculous healings at since 1858, following reviews by the International Medical Committee, where recoveries defied medical explanation at the time of assessment. Similarly, over 100 Eucharistic miracles, such as those in (8th century) and (1996), have undergone forensic analysis revealing human cardiac tissue in transubstantiated hosts, as reported by pathologists including . However, these findings, while anomalous, have not been replicated under controlled scientific conditions and remain contested due to potential contamination or incomplete chain-of-custody documentation. Angelic interventions, as divine messengers, feature in claims like guardian angels averting harm, with historical examples including the Michael's role in biblical battles. Testimonies of such protections persist in contemporary reports, but empirical validation is absent, as events align with probabilistic natural occurrences rather than verifiable causation. Overall, while religious institutions affirm these as evidence of divine agency, secular evaluations emphasize the absence of repeatable, falsifiable proof distinguishing them from or misattribution.

Spiritual Beings and Afterlife Realms

Spiritual beings are conceptualized in numerous religious and cultural frameworks as non-physical entities capable of influencing human events, including angels as benevolent messengers, demons as malevolent forces, and ghosts or ancestral spirits as remnants of deceased individuals. Belief in such entities persists globally, with 69% of U.S. adults affirming angels and 56% the in a 2023 survey, while 61% endorse ghosts. Worldwide, Pew Research in 2025 found widespread acceptance of spirits in nature and other supernatural agents across demographics. Claims of encounters, such as apparitions or possessions, rely on anecdotal reports lacking reproducible empirical validation, with scientific analyses attributing them to psychological factors like hallucinations or cultural expectations rather than external agents. Afterlife realms denote purported post-mortem domains, such as and in Abrahamic traditions—envisioned as eternal reward or punishment—or cyclical existences in Eastern philosophies like across multiple planes. In the U.S., 73% believe in heaven and 62% in hell per 2021 Pew data, though fewer endorse hell, reflecting selective doctrinal adherence. Empirical inquiries into these realms center on near-death experiences (NDEs), reported by 10-20% of survivors, featuring elements like out-of-body perceptions and encounters with light or deceased relatives. Peer-reviewed reviews identify nine potential evidential lines for NDE veridicality, including corroborated observations during , yet mainstream explains these via , endorphin release, or REM intrusion, without necessitating survival of consciousness. Reincarnation research, notably by psychiatrist , documented over 2,500 cases of children recalling purported past lives, sometimes with corresponding birthmarks matching deceased individuals' wounds, suggesting memory transfer. These cases, concentrated in cultures favoring rebirth doctrines like , face critiques for verification challenges, potential , and absence of controlled replication, rendering them suggestive but not conclusive proof of afterlife continuity. Exorcism accounts and , invoked for spirit interactions, similarly depend on subjective testimonies, with controlled tests like those by the Foundation yielding no positive results under scrutiny. Across studies, no empirical data confirms the objective existence of spiritual beings or afterlife realms, aligning with methodological naturalism's failure to detect non-physical interventions despite extensive parapsychological efforts.

Occult and Paranormal Practices

Occult practices involve rituals and techniques purportedly accessing hidden supernatural forces or knowledge, such as , , and methods including and reading. These traditions trace roots to ancient esoteric systems but gained structured form in through texts like grimoires detailing spirit invocation and talismanic magic. In the 19th century, occultism revived with organizations like the Hermetic Order of the Golden Dawn, blending , , and Eastern influences into systems for personal transformation via invoked entities. Paranormal practices encompass efforts to demonstrate abilities beyond physical laws, including for spirit communication, psychokinesis to influence objects mentally, and tests like card guessing for or . Spiritualism emerged in 1848 when sisters and claimed spirit rappings in Hydesville, New York, sparking a movement with millions of adherents by the late 19th century, though confessed in 1888 that the sounds were produced by cracking her toe joints, publicly demonstrating the method as a . Magician exposed numerous mediums in the 1920s through controlled tests revealing , trickery, and ectoplasm as disguised . Empirical evaluations of these practices yield no reproducible supernatural effects. Parapsychological experiments, such as J.B. Rhine's ESP card tests at , initially reported above-chance results but failed replication under stricter controls, with meta-analyses showing small effects attributable to methodological flaws like and selective reporting. The Educational Foundation's , active from 1964 to 2015, tested over 1,000 claimants but awarded the prize to none, as demonstrations succeeded only under uncontrolled conditions prone to deception or error. Mainstream science attributes purported successes to cognitive biases, statistical artifacts, and , with no verified instances defying naturalistic explanations.

Empirical Claims and Scientific Evaluation

Historical and Anecdotal Evidence

Historical records of supernatural phenomena often rely on eyewitness testimonies and investigations rather than modern scientific protocols, rendering them in nature. In the Catholic tradition, the shrine of has documented over 7,000 claims of healing since 1858, with 72 cases officially recognized as by the following rigorous medical examinations by the Lourdes Medical Bureau, which requires inexplicable recovery from verified organic diseases. For instance, the 70th declared miracle involved a French nun's sudden recovery from severe and in 1989, affirmed after years of scrutiny by independent physicians. These validations prioritize cases defying natural explanations, though skeptics argue they reflect incomplete medical knowledge or spontaneous remissions rather than supernatural intervention. The 1917 Miracle of the Sun at , , stands as one of the most widely attested modern events, with approximately 70,000 eyewitnesses reporting the sun appearing to dance, spin, and emit multicolored lights while plunging toward Earth on , after heavy rain abruptly ceased. Accounts from diverse observers, including skeptics like university professor Dr. José Maria de , described the phenomenon as visible for several minutes across a wide radius, with some noting dried clothing and ground despite prior soaking. Secular newspapers such as O Século corroborated the mass sighting, though explanations range from optical illusions caused by staring at the sun to collective hysteria. Reports of levitation provide another category of historical anecdotal evidence, particularly in hagiographies of saints. Saint Joseph of Cupertino (1603–1663) allegedly levitated over 70 times in public, witnessed by crowds, , and even papal inquisitors during trials, with flights lasting minutes and occurring involuntarily during or . Contemporary biographies, including those by Giuseppe Castiglione, detail instances such as rising 10 feet to prune a tree or transporting a lamb mid-air, leading to his in 1767 despite Vatican scrutiny for fraud. Critics, however, point to potential hysteric seizures or hidden wires, noting the absence of independent, non- verification. Poltergeist activity represents secular anecdotal claims investigated in the 20th century. The case (1977–1979) in involved two sisters experiencing furniture movement, object , and disembodied voices over 18 months, witnessed by police officers, journalists, and parapsychologists like , who recorded over 2,000 incidents including a observing a chair slide unaided. Audio tapes captured gravelly voices claiming to be a deceased resident, and photos showed partial , but skeptics highlight adolescent pranks, with one girl admitting to faking some events under interrogation, undermining the case's credibility despite unexplained elements. Such reports persist across cultures, yet consistently fail replication under controlled conditions, suggesting perceptual errors, suggestion, or deception over genuine supernatural causation.

Parapsychological Experiments

Parapsychological experiments aim to test claims of (ESP), , , , and psychokinesis (PK) through controlled laboratory protocols, measuring outcomes against chance expectations via statistical analysis. Pioneered by J.B. Rhine at in the 1930s, early ESP studies used featuring five symbols, with subjects attempting to guess hidden cards held by experimenters. Rhine reported hit rates exceeding chance, such as averages of 6.5 correct guesses out of 25 trials where 5 were expected, across thousands of runs. However, subsequent analyses revealed methodological vulnerabilities, including inadequate due to manual shuffling, potential from visible card backs or experimenter cues, and selective reporting of high-performing subjects or sessions. Independent replications in the mid-20th century often yielded null results, attributing initial positives to these flaws rather than genuine psi. The Ganzfeld procedure, developed in the 1970s by Charles Honorton, sought to enhance telepathy detection by placing a "receiver" in sensory isolation (halved ping-pong balls over eyes, white noise) while a "sender" viewed a visual stimulus, followed by the receiver judging from four options. Early meta-analyses of 28 studies reported a 35% hit rate against 25% chance, prompting claims of replicable evidence. Statistician Ray Hyman critiqued these, identifying flaws in about 70% of experiments, such as inadequate blinding, drift in judging criteria, and multiple statistical analyses inflating significance (e.g., "optional stopping" where trials continued until p-values dropped below 0.05). A 1986 joint communiqué by Hyman and proponent Honorton acknowledged persistent artifacts but called for stricter "auto-Ganzfeld" protocols with automated randomization; subsequent metas by parapsychologists like Storm et al. (2010) maintained small effects (effect size ~0.14), yet skeptics highlighted unresolved file-drawer bias—unpublished null studies—and failure of high-quality subsets to exceed chance consistently. Preregistered replications, such as those post-2010, have largely failed to reproduce effects, aligning with broader psychology's replicability crisis where low statistical power (often <0.5) and questionable practices yield false positives. Other paradigms, like Princeton's laboratory (1979–2007) micro-PK tests on random event generators, showed minute deviations (e.g., 0.1% shifts) from intention, but these dissipated under external scrutiny and independent labs reported no replication. Daryl Bem's 2011 experiments, using retroactive priming, initially hit across nine studies but crumbled in large-scale replications (e.g., only 36% effect reproducibility rate), exemplifying the "decline effect" where positives fade with rigor. Meta-analyses in journals often aggregate heterogeneous data, overlooking quality variations and assuming psi's "elusiveness" excuses non-replication, yet causal analysis reveals no plausible mechanism bridging mind-matter without violating conservation laws or locality in physics. Overall, empirical scrutiny—prioritizing preregistered, blinded, high-power designs—yields no deviations beyond artifacts, underscoring 's systemic challenges with in proponent-led outlets versus null findings in neutral venues.

Systematic Failures and Methodological Critiques

Investigations into supernatural phenomena, particularly through , have been plagued by methodological shortcomings that undermine claims of empirical support for psi effects such as or . Common flaws include inadequate controls against , where unintended cues allow participants to gain information through normal channels, and cueing by experimenters who may subtly influence outcomes via or expectations. These issues persist even in studies touted as rigorous, as critics like have demonstrated through reanalyses showing that apparent hits often result from procedural lapses rather than means. Replication failures represent a core systematic issue, with parapsychological findings exhibiting low akin to broader crises in but exacerbated by small effect sizes and high variability. A 2020 analysis argued that most psi research findings are false positives, attributable to the replicability crisis, where initial significant results fail under independent verification due to low statistical power and selective reporting. For instance, classic protocols like the ganzfeld experiments, which meta-analyses initially suggested supported , collapsed upon stricter replications, yielding null results in controlled settings by groups unaffiliated with proponents. Publication bias, known as the file-drawer problem, further distorts the literature, as non-significant studies are disproportionately suppressed, inflating meta-analytic effect sizes. In , estimates indicate that hundreds to thousands of unreported null trials would be needed to nullify observed averages, a threshold rarely met despite calls for comprehensive archiving. This bias, combined with questionable research practices like optional stopping or p-hacking—halting when significance emerges—amplifies false positives, as evidenced by simulations showing psi claims evaporate under preregistered protocols. Fraud and self-deception compound these failures, with historical cases like the ' 1848 spirit rappings—admitted as toe-cracking hoaxes—setting precedents for fabricated evidence in spiritualism. Modern examples include investigators like the Warrens, whose high-profile cases such as Amityville involved embellished claims later contradicted by participants admitting exaggeration for profit. Over a century of scrutiny reveals no verifiable progress toward falsifiable, mechanism-explaining models, as supernatural hypotheses evade disconfirmation by adjustments, contrasting with natural sciences' predictive advancements. These patterns suggest that methodological critiques expose not mere errors but inherent incompatibilities with causal chains grounded in physical laws.

Psychological and Sociological Analyses

Cognitive Mechanisms Underlying Belief

Belief in supernatural phenomena often stems from evolved cognitive processes that prioritize error management over accuracy, such as over-attributing agency to ambiguous stimuli to avoid potential threats from predators or conspecifics. This hyperactive agency detection mechanism, proposed as a byproduct of adaptive vigilance, leads individuals to infer intentional agents behind natural events, fostering concepts of gods, spirits, or ghosts even without empirical support. Experimental shows paranormal believers exhibit heightened illusory agency detection, mistaking random patterns for purposeful action more frequently than skeptics. However, recent critiques argue that claims of an inherited "hyperactive agency detection device" lack direct genetic or neurophysiological , suggesting such tendencies may arise from general learning rather than specialized modules. Theory of mind, the capacity to attribute mental states like beliefs and intentions to others, extends intuitively to non-observable entities, enabling the conceptualization of supernatural minds with desires and knowledge beyond human limits. Children as young as three demonstrate this by reasoning about divine in ways that parallel human , though such extensions do not necessitate actual supernatural existence. Studies link stronger theory-of-mind faculties to greater and endorsement, as mentalizing biases predispose individuals to anthropomorphize natural forces or abstract concepts into agentic beings. This process is amplified in social contexts, where cultural transmission reinforces minimally counterintuitive agent concepts that violate few expectations yet evoke intuitive appeal. Illusory pattern perception, or apophenia, drives supernatural attribution by compelling the brain to discern meaningful connections in noise, a bias adaptive for identifying real correlations in survival-relevant domains like or avoidance. Paranormal adherents show reduced perceptual sensitivity and liberal response biases in signal-detection tasks, interpreting as evidence of hidden forces or conspiracies. and behavioral data indicate this stems from overactive default mode networks, which generate causal narratives from ambiguous data, correlating with both supernatural and pseudoscientific beliefs. Innate dualistic intuitions, where mind and body are parsed as separable, provide a foundational scaffold for and disembodied spirit concepts, emerging in infants before cultural influence. This cognitive default, evident in spontaneous soul-body distinctions by age four, underpins teleological reasoning that imbues events with purpose, sequentially leading to supernatural endorsements via mentalizing pathways. Reflective dualism, distinct from philosophical variants, correlates with experiences independent of , as it facilitates acceptance of non-physical causal influences. Empirical models confirm these mechanisms interact hierarchically: agency detection feeds pattern-seeking, which bolsters dualistic ontologies, yielding resilient supernatural frameworks resistant to disconfirmation.

Evolutionary and Adaptive Explanations

Evolutionary explanations for supernatural beliefs posit that such cognitions emerged as byproducts of cognitive adaptations shaped by to enhance survival in ancestral environments. Humans evolved mechanisms like , which enables inference of others' mental states, but this capacity can extend erroneously to non-existent agents, fostering intuitions of invisible supernatural entities that monitor behavior or intervene in events. Similarly, the hypothesis suggests an adaptive bias toward over-attributing ambiguous stimuli—such as rustling bushes or unusual coincidences—to intentional agents rather than random natural causes, minimizing the fitness costs of false negatives (missing a predator) at the expense of false positives (imagining ghosts or spirits). This mechanism, rooted in predator avoidance and social vigilance, likely contributed to the cross-cultural prevalence of animistic and theistic beliefs, as evidenced by ethnographic data from societies where agency attribution correlates with environmental uncertainty. While HADD provides a proximate cognitive explanation, its ultimate adaptive status remains debated, with empirical tests yielding mixed results; for instance, laboratory experiments show heightened agency detection in believers, but field studies fail to confirm a heritable "hyperactive" module distinct from general perceptual biases. Proponents argue these errors were tolerated because they occasionally yielded benefits, such as heightened caution in hazardous Pleistocene environments, but critics contend there is insufficient genetic or neuroscientific evidence for a dedicated device, viewing it instead as an emergent property of broader systems tuned for threat detection. Supernatural concepts that are minimally counterintuitive—violating few ontological categories while retaining intuitive cores, like purposeful minds without bodies—also spread efficiently via cultural transmission, as they balance memorability and inferential potential without overwhelming . Adaptationist accounts extend beyond byproducts to propose direct fitness advantages, particularly in promoting and group cohesion. Beliefs in moralistic supernatural watchers—deities or ancestors who punish —function as a low-cost , enforcing reciprocity in large-scale societies where alone fails, as supported by historical analyses showing correlations between "Big God" religions and societal complexity from the onward (circa 800–200 BCE). Costly rituals and signals, such as painful initiations or sacrifices, further demonstrate devotee sincerity, filtering free-riders and enhancing intragroup trust, with economic modeling indicating net reproductive benefits in competitive intergroup settings. Twin studies estimate heritability at 30–50%, implying genetic selection pressures, though environmental factors confound pure adaptation claims; for example, religious priming experiments reliably boost prosociality in anonymous games, suggesting causal efficacy in modern analogs of ancestral dilemmas. Critiques of highlight that supernatural beliefs can incur costs, such as resource diversion to ineffective rituals or intergroup conflict, questioning their net selectivity; byproduct theorists counter that persistence arises from non-adaptive cultural elaboration of pre-existing intuitions, without requiring domain-specific . Empirical surveys, including those from the Human Relations Area Files, reveal near-universal supernatural agent concepts, but variation in intensity ties more to ecological stressors than fixed adaptations, underscoring multifactorial causation over monocausal models. Overall, while cognitive s provide a parsimonious baseline, for adaptive enhancements in social functionality remains suggestive rather than conclusive, pending advances in behavioral and comparative .

Social and Cultural Functions

Supernatural beliefs have historically served to promote social cohesion by providing shared narratives and rituals that reinforce group identity and . In small-scale societies lacking centralized , beliefs in watchful supernatural agents, such as moralizing gods or ancestors, encourage prosocial behaviors like and norm compliance, as individuals perceive divine oversight deterring free-riding. A 2022 study analyzing historical data from African ethnic groups demonstrated causal links between traditional supernatural beliefs and increased interpersonal trust and , particularly in environments with weak formal institutions. These functions align with evolutionary theories positing that costly signaling through rituals—such as communal feasts or sacrifices—verifies commitment to the group, fostering alliances and reducing conflict. Anthropological analyses highlight how supernatural cosmologies integrate rules of behavior with rituals, embedding moral imperatives within cultural practices to regulate social interactions. For instance, prohibitions against or taboos enforced by supernatural sanctions maintain order by discouraging deviance, as seen in ethnographic accounts from diverse societies where such beliefs correlate with lower rates of intra-group violence. surveys across 114 societies reveal that supernatural explanations are disproportionately invoked for social phenomena—like misfortune attributed to or sorcery—rather than natural events, aiding in the attribution of to human actions and thereby stabilizing social hierarchies and reciprocity networks. This pattern intensifies in more complex societies, where layered supernatural agents monitor compliance with norms, enhancing for public goods. Beyond cohesion, supernatural beliefs fulfill cultural roles in meaning-making and resilience, transmitting values across generations through myths and festivals that affirm communal bonds. In pre-modern contexts, they offered frameworks for coping with uncertainty, such as epidemics framed as divine retribution, which mobilized collective responses like purification rites. Empirical correlations from psychological studies link paranormal convictions to heightened social efficacy, where believers report stronger outcome expectations in interpersonal domains due to perceived supernatural support. However, these functions vary by context; while adaptive in high-uncertainty settings, they can rigidify when institutionalized, as evidenced by reduced flexibility in belief systems amid modernization. Overall, such beliefs persist because they causally underpin cooperation without relying solely on kin selection or repeated interactions.

Major Controversies and Debates

Conflict with Scientific Naturalism

Scientific naturalism posits that the universe and all phenomena within it are explicable through natural laws and processes, without recourse to supernatural entities or interventions. This framework underpins modern science, which has achieved explanatory success by assuming methodological naturalism—seeking causes within observable, testable reality—yielding predictions and technologies from to . Supernatural claims, by contrast, invoke non-physical agents, forces, or violations of natural laws, such as miracles or divine interventions, creating an inherent tension with naturalism's : the principle that every event has a natural cause sufficient to explain it. Philosophers like argued that testimony for miracles—a transgression of natural law by supernatural volition—must be outweighed by the uniform empirical experience of those laws holding without exception. Hume emphasized that the evidence against a miracle's occurrence, derived from consistent natural regularity, requires any supporting to demonstrate a degree of reliability exceeding that improbability, a threshold rarely met by anecdotal reports alone. This probabilistic reasoning aligns with Bayesian , where prior probabilities based on established render supernatural hypotheses vanishingly low absent extraordinary verification. Supernatural assertions often evade Karl Popper's falsifiability criterion, essential for demarcating scientific theories: a claim is scientific only if it risks empirical refutation through observation or experiment. Proponents may retreat to ad hoc explanations—like undetectable spiritual mechanisms—when predictions fail, rendering such views non-scientific and incompatible with naturalism's demand for testable, revisable models. Empirical investigations, including parapsychological studies of or efficacy, have consistently failed replication under controlled conditions, reinforcing that no verified supernatural phenomenon has withstood rigorous scrutiny. The conflict extends to explanatory parsimony: naturalism favors simpler, unified theories without multiplying entities beyond necessity (Occam's razor), whereas supernaturalism introduces unobservable realms that complicate rather than resolve causal chains. Historical "supernatural" events, from eclipses once attributed to gods to diseases blamed on demons, have yielded to natural explanations—astronomy and germ theory, respectively—suggesting a pattern where supernatural appeals mark knowledge gaps later filled empirically. Adopting supernaturalism risks halting inquiry, as it permits dismissing natural evidence in favor of unfalsifiable alternatives, undermining science's track record of progressive understanding.

Religious and Theistic Counterarguments

Theistic philosophers argue that undermines the reliability of human cognition, thereby weakening its own foundations. ’s maintains that under unguided Darwinian evolution, cognitive faculties evolve for rather than truth detection, yielding a low probability (less than 50%) that beliefs align with reality, including the belief in naturalism itself. This renders naturalism self-defeating epistemically, as it provides no warrant for trusting the processes that led to its acceptance. In contrast, posits a divine designing humans to form true beliefs about the , supplying the necessary reliability. On miracles, theists counter by challenging ’s probabilistic objection, which holds that uniform experience of natural laws outweighs testimony for violations. contends Hume begs the question by presupposing no divine agency capable of suspending laws, arguing instead that miracles become credible when historical evidence—such as multiple independent attestations and the rapid rise of despite persecution—exceeds the improbability of natural explanations. For the , Craig invokes minimal facts like the (endorsed by 75% of scholars), postmortem appearances to skeptics including Paul, and the disciples’ transformation from despair to martyrdom-risking proclamation, which naturalistic hypotheses (hallucinations, theft) fail to explain cohesively. These facts, drawn from sources within years of the events, suggest supernatural intervention as the superior inference. C.S. Lewis further defends miracles by rejecting naturalism’s materialist account of reason, asserting that non-rational causes cannot produce genuine rational inference without invoking supernatural ground for thought. Miracles, he argues, do not contradict but represent the Creator’s deliberate interventions in His ordered creation, akin to an altering a story; denying them a priori commits the "" of assuming modern exhausts . Theistic traditions thus view supernatural events as purposeful signs of divine , corroborated by cumulative cases across scriptures and experiences, though resistant to laboratory replication due to their contextual, non-mechanistic .

Societal Impacts and Policy Implications

Belief in supernatural phenomena has been linked to both prosocial behaviors and detrimental societal outcomes. Empirical studies indicate that certain supernatural explanations, prevalent in 114 societies, correlate with enhanced parochial and group cohesion, potentially fostering social stability in small-scale communities. However, these beliefs often undermine efforts; for instance, sorcery and attributions in various cultures delay medical interventions, reducing adherence to evidence-based treatments and exacerbating illness outcomes. In , widespread superstitious practices impose significant economic burdens, diverting resources from productive activities to rituals and deterring investment due to fears of supernatural reprisals. Supernatural convictions contribute to pseudoscientific decision-making, with correlations to and lower endorsement of on health matters. Economically, superstitions manifest in measurable costs, such as reduced driving speeds among those avoiding "unlucky" license plates or suboptimal financial choices influenced by omens, aggregating to billions in foregone productivity globally. Sociologically, higher supernatural belief prevalence among lower socioeconomic groups perpetuates cycles of reduced social efficacy and outcome expectations, hindering upward mobility. Policy responses have varied, often balancing free expression with . In the United States, historical government initiatives like the CIA's Stargate Project (1978–1995) allocated millions to research for intelligence purposes, but evaluations deemed results unreliable, leading to termination and recommendations against public funding for unverified claims. Several municipalities regulate services through licensing and statutes, requiring mediums to register or prohibiting unsubstantiated claims to curb scams estimated at hundreds of millions annually in consumer losses. Recent repeals, such as Norfolk, Virginia's 2024 lifting of a 45-year ban on , reflect growing tolerance amid First Amendment challenges, though critics argue such deregulation invites exploitation without empirical validation. In , supernatural beliefs complicate enforcement of child welfare laws; faith-based exemptions for medical neglect in cases of prayer-only healing have resulted in documented fatalities, prompting reforms in states like to eliminate such provisions since 2011. Education policies increasingly incorporate curricula to mitigate paranormal endorsement, with university interventions showing modest reductions in pseudoscientific beliefs among students. Overall, policies prioritize empirical standards, avoiding endorsement of supernatural claims in public institutions while permitting private practice, as unsubstantiated beliefs risk eroding trust in verifiable systems without commensurate benefits.

Representations in Media and Fiction

Supernatural elements in literature trace back to ancient myths and but proliferated in modern fiction through the Gothic tradition, which emphasized irrational forces defying natural laws to heighten suspense and moral allegory. Horace Walpole's The Castle of Otranto (1764) is credited as the first Gothic novel, featuring apparitions and prophetic dreams that blurred boundaries between the rational Enlightenment and medieval superstition, influencing subsequent works by authors like and Matthew Lewis. In the , Mary Shelley's (1818) portrayed reanimated life as a hubristic violation of natural order, while Bram Stoker's Dracula (1897) depicted vampirism as an invasive, atavistic threat, reflecting Victorian anxieties over immigration and degeneration rather than literal supernatural endorsement. These narratives prioritized atmospheric dread over empirical validation, establishing as a vehicle for exploring human psychology and societal taboos without asserting ontological reality. In film, supernatural representations evolved from silent-era adaptations to blockbuster horror, often amplifying visceral effects to exploit audience adrenaline responses in controlled settings. F.W. Murnau's (1922), a plagiarized rendition of , introduced cinematic vampires as shadowy, plague-bearing entities, setting precedents for expressionist visuals in German horror. The genre surged post-World War II with Universal Studios' monster cycle, including (1931) starring , which grossed over $700,000 domestically despite the Depression, demonstrating commercial viability through archetypal undead threats. Modern examples like (1973), based on William Peter Blatty's novel, depicted demonic possession with medical realism to heighten plausibility, earning $441 million worldwide and spawning franchises that normalized tropes despite ecclesiastical critiques of sensationalism. Such depictions, while fictional, correlate with temporary spikes in reported experiences, as per surveys linking horror viewing to heightened rather than evidential shifts. Television expanded supernatural motifs into serialized formats, blending procedural investigation with mythological arcs to sustain viewer engagement over seasons. The Twilight Zone (1959–1964), created by Rod Serling, aired 156 episodes featuring twist-ending tales of ghosts, aliens, and fate, influencing anthology horror by embedding moral cautionary elements in everyday scenarios. The X-Files (1993–2002, revived 2016–2018) followed FBI agents probing unexplained phenomena, attracting 10–20 million U.S. viewers per episode at peak and boosting public discourse on UFOs through its "truth is out there" mantra, though empirical analyses attribute its appeal to narrative ambiguity over factual substantiation. The CW's Supernatural (2005–2020), spanning 15 seasons and 327 episodes, chronicled brothers hunting demons and creatures, drawing from American urban legends and achieving cult status with over 5 million viewers in its early seasons, exemplifying how procedural hunts ritualize confrontation with the for escapist . Recent trends show sustained demand, with sales rising 54% in the UK from 2022 to 2023 to £7.7 million, driven by streaming adaptations like Stranger Things (2016–present), which reimagines nostalgia with interdimensional entities, reflecting cyclical popularity amid real-world uncertainties rather than renewed evidential claims.

Contemporary Belief Patterns and Surveys

In the United States, a 2025 Gallup poll found that 39% of adults believe in ghosts, while belief in other paranormal phenomena such as , , and ranges from 24% to 29%, reflecting broad with nearly half (48%) rejecting all eight tested supernatural claims. This marks relative stability compared to prior Gallup surveys in 2001 and earlier, though absolute belief levels remain below historical highs for some categories like ESP. A contemporaneous survey indicated that 38% of Americans affirm the existence of ghosts and 36% believe in other supernatural beings, such as spirits or entities, with personal experiences reported by a majority who endorse such views. Belief patterns show demographic variations: younger Americans exhibit higher endorsement of witchcraft and luck as supernatural forces, per a 2025 analysis of national data, potentially linked to cultural influences like media portrayals. Religious affiliation strongly predicts acceptance, with evangelical Christians more likely to affirm biblical supernatural elements like demons (54% among Republicans per related Gallup crosstabs) compared to Democrats (37%). Education and secularity inversely correlate; a 2025 study of Danish adults, despite high societal secularism, revealed persistent supernatural beliefs in 20-40% across phenomena like fate or afterlife, underscoring that even in low-religiosity contexts, such views endure. Globally, an survey across 26 countries in 2023 reported that 40% believe in as described in holy scriptures, with 20% affirming a higher spirit or universal force, though acceptance of specifics like ghosts varies widely (e.g., 39% in the ). In the UK, a 2025 YouGov poll found 38% open to ghosts' existence and 21% believing in witches, with lower rates for (19%) or spirit communication (20%), indicating cultural persistence amid declining traditional religiosity. These patterns suggest supernatural beliefs adapt rather than vanish in modern societies, often decoupling from toward personalized or secularized forms like UFOs (42% belief per 2023).
PhenomenonUS Belief (%) - Gallup 2025Comparison (e.g., UK YouGov 2025 %)
Ghosts3938
ESP29N/A
Astrology24N/A
WitchesN/A21
MagicN/A19

References

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