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Supernatural
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Supernatural phenomena or entities are those beyond the laws of the nature.[1] The term is derived from Medieval Latin supernaturalis, from Latin super- 'above, beyond, outside of' + natura 'nature'.[1] Although the corollary term "nature" has had multiple meanings since the ancient world, the term "supernatural" emerged in the Middle Ages[2] and did not exist in the ancient world.[3]
The supernatural is featured in religious and folkloric contexts,[4] but can also feature as an explanation in more secular contexts, as in the cases of superstitions or belief in the paranormal.[5] The term is attributed to non-physical entities, such as spirits, angels, demons, gods, and goddesses. It also includes claimed abilities embodied in or provided by such beings, including magic, telekinesis, levitation, precognition and extrasensory perception.
The supernatural is hypernymic to religion. Religions are standardized supernaturalist worldviews, or at least more complete than single supernaturalist views. Supernaturalism is the adherence to the supernatural (beliefs, and not violations of causality and the physical laws).
Etymology and history of the concept
[edit]Occurring as both an adjective and a noun, antecedents of the modern English compound supernatural enter the language from two sources: via Middle French (supernaturel) and directly from the Middle French's term's ancestor, post-Classical Latin (supernaturalis). Post-classical Latin supernaturalis first occurs in the 6th century, composed of the Latin prefix super- and nātūrālis (see nature). The earliest known appearance of the word in the English language occurs in a Middle English translation of Catherine of Siena's Dialogue (orcherd of Syon, around 1425; Þei haue not þanne þe supernaturel lyȝt ne þe liȝt of kunnynge, bycause þei vndirstoden it not).[6]
The semantic value of the term has shifted over the history of its use. Originally the term referred exclusively to Christian understandings of the world. For example, as an adjective, the term can mean "belonging to a realm or system that transcends nature, as that of divine, magical, or ghostly beings; attributed to or thought to reveal some force beyond scientific understanding or the laws of nature; occult, paranormal" or "more than what is natural or ordinary; unnaturally or extraordinarily great; abnormal, extraordinary". Obsolete uses include "of, relating to, or dealing with metaphysics". As a noun, the term can mean "a supernatural being", with a particularly strong history of employment in relation to entities from the mythologies of the indigenous peoples of the Americas.[6]
History of the concept
[edit]
The ancient world had no word that resembled "supernatural".[3] Dialogues from Neoplatonic philosophy in the third century AD influenced the development of the concept of the supernatural, which later evolved through Christian theology.[7] The term nature had existed since antiquity, with Latin authors like Augustine using the word and its cognates at least 600 times in City of God. In the medieval period, "nature" had ten different meanings and "natural" had eleven different meanings.[2] Peter Lombard, a medieval scholastic of the 12th century, explored causes beyond nature, questioning how certain phenomena could be attributed solely to God. In his writings, he used the term praeter naturam to describe these occurrences.[2] In the scholastic period, Thomas Aquinas classified miracles into three categories: "above nature", "beyond nature" and "against nature". In doing so, he sharpened the distinction between nature and miracles more than the early Church Fathers had done.[2] As a result, he had created a dichotomy of sorts of the natural and supernatural.[7] Though the phrase "supra naturam" was used since the 4th century AD, it was in the 1200s that Thomas Aquinas used the term "supernaturalis". Despite this, the term had to wait until the end of the medieval period before it became more popularly used.[2] The discussions on "nature" from the scholastic period were diverse and unsettled with some postulating that even miracles are natural and that natural magic was a natural part of the world.[2]
Epistemology and metaphysics
[edit]The metaphysical considerations of the existence of the supernatural can be difficult to approach as an exercise in philosophy or theology because any dependencies on its antithesis, the natural, will ultimately have to be inverted or rejected. One complicating factor is that there is disagreement about the definition of "natural" and the limits of naturalism. Concepts in the supernatural domain are closely related to concepts in religious spirituality and occultism or spiritualism.
For sometimes we use the word nature for that Author of nature whom the schoolmen, harshly enough, call natura naturans, as when it is said that nature hath made man partly corporeal and partly immaterial. Sometimes we mean by the nature of a thing the essence, or that which the schoolmen scruple not to call the quiddity of a thing, namely, the attribute or attributes on whose score it is what it is, whether the thing be corporeal or not, as when we attempt to define the nature of an angle, or of a triangle, or of a fluid body, as such. Sometimes we take nature for an internal principle of motion, as when we say that a stone let fall in the air is by nature carried towards the centre of the earth, and, on the contrary, that fire or flame does naturally move upwards toward firmament. Sometimes we understand by nature the established course of things, as when we say that nature makes the night succeed the day, nature hath made respiration necessary to the life of men. Sometimes we take nature for an aggregate of powers belonging to a body, especially a living one, as when physicians say that nature is strong or weak or spent, or that in such or such diseases nature left to herself will do the cure. Sometimes we take nature for the universe, or system of the corporeal works of God, as when it is said of a phoenix, or a chimera, that there is no such thing in nature, i.e. in the world. And sometimes too, and that most commonly, we would express by nature a semi-deity or other strange kind of being, such as this discourse examines the notion of.
And besides these more absolute acceptions, if I may so call them, of the word nature, it has divers others (more relative), as nature is wont to be set or in opposition or contradistinction to other things, as when we say of a stone when it falls downwards that it does it by a natural motion, but that if it be thrown upwards its motion that way is violent. So chemists distinguish vitriol into natural and fictitious, or made by art, i.e. by the intervention of human power or skill; so it is said that water, kept suspended in a sucking pump, is not in its natural place, as that is which is stagnant in the well. We say also that wicked men are still in the state of nature, but the regenerate in a state of grace; that cures wrought by medicines are natural operations; but the miraculous ones wrought by Christ and his apostles were supernatural.[8]
— Robert Boyle, A Free Enquiry into the Vulgarly Received Notion of Nature
Nomological possibility is possibility under the actual laws of nature. Most philosophers since David Hume have held that the laws of nature are metaphysically contingent—that there could have been different natural laws than the ones that actually obtain. If so, then it would not be logically or metaphysically impossible, for example, for you to travel to Alpha Centauri in one day; it would just have to be the case that you could travel faster than the speed of light. But of course there is an important sense in which this is not nomologically possible; given that the laws of nature are what they are. In the philosophy of natural science, impossibility assertions come to be widely accepted as overwhelmingly probable rather than considered proved to the point of being unchallengeable. The basis for this strong acceptance is a combination of extensive evidence of something not occurring, combined with an underlying scientific theory, very successful in making predictions, whose assumptions lead logically to the conclusion that something is impossible. While an impossibility assertion in natural science can never be absolutely proved, it could be refuted by the observation of a single counterexample. Such a counterexample would require that the assumptions underlying the theory that implied the impossibility be re-examined. Some philosophers, such as Sydney Shoemaker, have argued that the laws of nature are in fact necessary, not contingent; if so, then nomological possibility is equivalent to metaphysical possibility.[9][10][11]
The term supernatural is often used interchangeably with paranormal or preternatural—the latter typically limited to an adjective for describing abilities which appear to exceed what is possible within the boundaries of the laws of physics.[12] Epistemologically, the relationship between the supernatural and the natural is indistinct in terms of natural phenomena that, ex hypothesi, violate the laws of nature, in so far as such laws are realistically accountable.
Parapsychologists use the term psi to refer to an assumed unitary force underlying the phenomena they study. Psi is defined in the Journal of Parapsychology as "personal factors or processes in nature which transcend accepted laws" (1948: 311) and "which are non-physical in nature" (1962:310), and it is used to cover both extrasensory perception (ESP), an "awareness of or response to an external event or influence not apprehended by sensory means" (1962:309) or inferred from sensory knowledge, and psychokinesis (PK), "the direct influence exerted on a physical system by a subject without any known intermediate energy or instrumentation" (1945:305).[13]
— Michael Winkelman, Current Anthropology
Views on the "supernatural" vary, for example it may be seen as:
- indistinct from nature. From this perspective, some events occur according to the laws of nature, and others occur according to a separate set of principles external to known nature. For example, in Scholasticism, it was believed that God was capable of performing any miracle so long as it did not lead to a logical contradiction. Some religions posit immanent deities, however, and do not have a tradition analogous to the supernatural; some believe that everything anyone experiences occurs by the will (occasionalism), in the mind (neoplatonism), or as a part (nondualism) of a more fundamental divine reality (platonism).
- incorrect human attribution. In this view all events have natural and only natural causes. They believe that human beings ascribe supernatural attributes to purely natural events, such as lightning, rainbows, floods and the origin of life.[14][15]
Cross cultural studies
[edit]Anthropological studies across cultures indicate that people do not hold or use natural and supernatural explanations in a mutually exclusive or dichotomous fashion. Instead, the reconciliation of natural and supernatural explanations is normal and pervasive across cultures.[16] Cross cultural studies indicate that there is coexistence of natural and supernatural explanations in both adults and children for explaining numerous things about the world, such as illness, death, and origins.[17][18] Context and cultural input play a large role in determining when and how individuals incorporate natural and supernatural explanations.[19] The coexistence of natural and supernatural explanations in individuals may be the outcomes two distinct cognitive domains: one concerned with the physical-mechanical relations and another with social relations.[20] Studies on indigenous groups have allowed for insights on how such coexistence of explanations may function.[21]
Supernatural concepts
[edit]Deity
[edit]A deity (/ˈdiːəti/ ⓘ or /ˈdeɪ.əti/ ⓘ)[22] is a supernatural being considered divine or sacred.[23] The Oxford Dictionary of English defines deity as "a god or goddess (in a polytheistic religion)", or anything revered as divine.[24] C. Scott Littleton defines a deity as "a being with powers greater than those of ordinary humans, but who interacts with humans, positively or negatively, in ways that carry humans to new levels of consciousness, beyond the grounded preoccupations of ordinary life."[25] A male deity is a god, while a female deity is a goddess.
Religions can be categorized by how many deities they worship. Monotheistic religions accept only one deity (predominantly referred to as God),[26][27] polytheistic religions accept multiple deities.[28] Henotheistic religions accept one supreme deity without denying other deities, considering them as equivalent aspects of the same divine principle;[29][30] and nontheistic religions deny any supreme eternal creator deity but accept a pantheon of deities which live, die and are reborn just like any other being.[31]: 35–37 [32]: 357–358
Various cultures have conceptualized a deity differently than a monotheistic God.[33][34] A deity need not be omnipotent, omnipresent, omniscient, omnibenevolent or eternal,[33][34][35] The monotheistic God, however, does have these attributes.[36][37][38] Monotheistic religions typically refer to God in masculine terms,[39][40]: 96 while other religions refer to their deities in a variety of ways – masculine, feminine, androgynous and gender neutral.[41][42][43]
Historically, many ancient cultures – such as Ancient India, Ancient Iraq, Ancient Egyptian, Ancient Greek, Ancient Roman, Nordic and Asian culture – personified natural phenomena, variously as either their conscious causes or simply their effects, respectively.[44][45][46] Some Avestan and Vedic deities were viewed as ethical concepts.[44][45] In Indian religions, deities have been envisioned as manifesting within the temple of every living being's body, as sensory organs and mind.[47][48][49] Deities have also been envisioned as a form of existence (Saṃsāra) after rebirth, for human beings who gain merit through an ethical life, where they become guardian deities and live blissfully in heaven, but are also subject to death when their merit runs out.[31]: 35–38 [32]: 356–359
Angel
[edit]

An angel is generally a supernatural being found in various religions and mythologies. In Abrahamic religions and Zoroastrianism, angels are often depicted as benevolent celestial beings who act as intermediaries between God or Heaven and Earth.[50][51] Other roles of angels include protecting and guiding human beings and carrying out God's tasks.[52] Within Abrahamic religions, angels are often organized into hierarchies, although such rankings may vary between sects in each religion, and are given specific names or titles, such as Gabriel or "Destroying angel". The term "angel" has also been expanded to various notions of spirits or figures found in other religious traditions. The theological study of angels is known as "angelology".
In fine art, angels are usually depicted as having the shape of human beings of extraordinary beauty;[53][54] they are often identified using the symbols of bird wings,[55] halos[56] and light.
Prophecy
[edit]Prophecy involves a process in which messages are communicated by a god to a prophet. Such messages typically involve inspiration, interpretation, or revelation of divine will concerning the prophet's social world and events to come (compare divine knowledge). Prophecy is not limited to any one culture. It is a common property to all known ancient societies around the world, some more than others. Many systems and rules about prophecy have been proposed over several millennia.
Revelation
[edit]In religion and theology, revelation is the revealing or disclosing of some form of truth or knowledge through communication with a deity or other supernatural entity or entities.
Some religions have religious texts which they view as divinely or supernaturally revealed or inspired. For instance, Orthodox Jews, Christians and Muslims believe that the Torah was received from Yahweh on biblical Mount Sinai.[57][58] Most Christians believe that both the Old Testament and the New Testament were inspired by God. Muslims believe the Quran was revealed by God to Muhammad word by word through the angel Gabriel (Jibril).[59][60] In Hinduism, some Vedas are considered apauruṣeya, "not human compositions", and are supposed to have been directly revealed, and thus are called śruti, "what is heard". Aleister Crowley stated that The Book of the Law had been revealed to him through a higher being that called itself Aiwass.
A revelation communicated by a supernatural entity reported as being present during the event is called a vision. Direct conversations between the recipient and the supernatural entity,[61] or physical marks such as stigmata, have been reported. In rare cases, such as that of Saint Juan Diego, physical artifacts accompany the revelation.[62] The Roman Catholic concept of interior locution includes just an inner voice heard by the recipient.
In the Abrahamic religions, the term is used to refer to the process by which God reveals knowledge of himself, his will and his divine providence to the world of human beings.[63] In secondary usage, revelation refers to the resulting human knowledge about God, prophecy and other divine things. Revelation from a supernatural source plays a less important role in some other religious traditions such as Buddhism, Confucianism and Taoism.
Reincarnation
[edit]
Reincarnation is the philosophical or religious concept that an aspect of a living being starts a new life in a different physical body or form after each biological death. It is also called rebirth or transmigration, and is a part of the Saṃsāra doctrine of cyclic existence.[64][65] It is a central tenet of all major Indian religions, namely Jainism, Hinduism, Buddhism and Sikhism.[65][66][67] The idea of reincarnation is found in many ancient cultures,[68] and a belief in rebirth/metempsychosis was held by Greek historic figures, such as Pythagoras, Socrates and Plato.[69] It is also a common belief of various ancient and modern religions such as Spiritism, Theosophy and Eckankar and as an esoteric belief in many streams of Orthodox Judaism. It is found as well in many tribal societies around the world, in places such as Australia, East Asia, Siberia and South America.[70]
Although the majority of denominations within Christianity and Islam do not believe that individuals reincarnate, particular groups within these religions do refer to reincarnation; these groups include the mainstream historical and contemporary followers of Cathars, Alawites, the Druze[71] and the Rosicrucians.[72] The historical relations between these sects and the beliefs about reincarnation that were characteristic of Neoplatonism, Orphism, Hermeticism, Manicheanism and Gnosticism of the Roman era as well as the Indian religions, have been the subject of recent scholarly research.[73] Unity Church and its founder Charles Fillmore teaches reincarnation.
In recent decades, many Europeans and North Americans have developed an interest in reincarnation,[74] and many contemporary works mention it.
Karma
[edit]Karma (/ˈkɑːrmə/; Sanskrit: कर्म, romanized: karma, IPA: [ˈkɐɽmɐ] ⓘ; Pali: kamma) means action, work or deed;[75] it also refers to the spiritual principle of cause and effect where intent and actions of an individual (cause) influence the future of that individual (effect).[76] Good intent and good deeds contribute to good karma and future happiness, while bad intent and bad deeds contribute to bad karma and future suffering.[77][78]
With origins in ancient India's Vedic civilization, the philosophy of karma is closely associated with the idea of rebirth in many schools of Indian religions (particularly Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism and Sikhism[79]) as well as Taoism.[80] In these schools, karma in the present affects one's future in the current life, as well as the nature and quality of future lives – one's saṃsāra.[81][82]
Christian theology
[edit]
In Catholic theology, the supernatural order is, according to New Advent, defined as "the ensemble of effects exceeding the powers of the created universe and gratuitously produced by God for the purpose of raising the rational creature above its native sphere to a God-like life and destiny."[84] The Modern Catholic Dictionary defines it as "the sum total of heavenly destiny and all the divinely established means of reaching that destiny, which surpass the mere powers and capacities of human nature."[85]
Process theology
[edit]Process theology is a school of thought influenced by the metaphysical process philosophy of Alfred North Whitehead (1861–1947) and further developed by Charles Hartshorne (1897–2000).
It is not possible, in process metaphysics, to conceive divine activity as a "supernatural" intervention into the "natural" order of events. Process theists usually regard the distinction between the supernatural and the natural as a by-product of the doctrine of creation ex nihilo. In process thought, there is no such thing as a realm of the natural in contrast to that which is supernatural. On the other hand, if "the natural" is defined more neutrally as "what is in the nature of things", then process metaphysics characterizes the natural as the creative activity of actual entities. In Whitehead's words, "It lies in the nature of things that the many enter into complex unity" (Whitehead 1978, 21). It is tempting to emphasize process theism's denial of the supernatural and thereby highlight that the processed God cannot do in comparison what the traditional God could do (that is, to bring something from nothing). In fairness, however, equal stress should be placed on process theism's denial of the natural (as traditionally conceived) so that one may highlight what the creatures cannot do, in traditional theism, in comparison to what they can do in process metaphysics (that is, to be part creators of the world with God).[86]
— Donald Viney, "Process Theism" in The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy
Heaven
[edit]Heaven, or the heavens, is a common religious, cosmological, or transcendent place where beings such as gods, angels, spirits, saints, or venerated ancestors are said to originate, be enthroned, or live. According to the beliefs of some religions, heavenly beings can descend to Earth or incarnate, and earthly beings can ascend to heaven in the afterlife, or in exceptional cases enter heaven alive.
Heaven is often described as a "higher place", the holiest place, a Paradise, in contrast to hell or the Underworld or the "low places" and universally or conditionally accessible by earthly beings according to various standards of divinity, goodness, piety, faith, or other virtues or right beliefs or simply the will of God. Some believe in the possibility of a heaven on Earth in a world to come.
Another belief is in an axis mundi or world tree which connects the heavens, the terrestrial world and the underworld. In Indian religions, heaven is considered as Svarga loka,[87] and the soul is again subjected to rebirth in different living forms according to its karma. This cycle can be broken after a soul achieves Moksha or Nirvana. Any place of existence, either of humans, souls or deities, outside the tangible world (Heaven, Hell, or other) is referred to as otherworld.
Underworld
[edit]The underworld is the supernatural world of the dead in various religious traditions, located below the world of the living.[88] Chthonic is the technical adjective for things of the underworld.
The concept of an underworld is found in almost every civilization and "may be as old as humanity itself".[89] Common features of underworld myths are accounts of living people making journeys to the underworld, often for some heroic purpose. Other myths reinforce traditions that entrance of souls to the underworld requires a proper observation of ceremony, such as the ancient Greek story of the recently dead Patroclus haunting Achilles until his body could be properly buried for this purpose.[90] Persons having social status were dressed and equipped in order to better navigate the underworld.[91]
A number of mythologies incorporate the concept of the soul of the deceased making its own journey to the underworld, with the dead needing to be taken across a defining obstacle such as a lake or a river to reach this destination.[92] Imagery of such journeys can be found in both ancient and modern art. The descent to the underworld has been described as "the single most important myth for Modernist authors".[93]
Spirit
[edit]
A spirit is a supernatural being, often but not exclusively a non-physical entity; such as a demon, ghost, fairy, jinn or angel.[94] The concepts of a person's spirit and soul, often also overlap, as both are either contrasted with or given ontological priority over the body and both are believed to survive bodily death in some religions,[95] and "spirit" can also have the sense of "ghost", i.e. a manifestation of the spirit of a deceased person. In English Bibles, "the Spirit" (with a capital "S"), specifically denotes the Holy Spirit.
Spirit is often used metaphysically to refer to the consciousness or personality.
Historically, it was also used to refer to a "subtle" as opposed to "gross" material substance, as in the famous last paragraph of Sir Isaac Newton's Principia Mathematica.[96]
Demon
[edit]
A demon (from Koine Greek δαιμόνιον daimónion) is a supernatural and often malevolent being prevalent in religion, occultism, literature, fiction, mythology and folklore.
In Ancient Near Eastern religions as well as in the Abrahamic traditions, including ancient and medieval Christian demonology, a demon is considered a harmful spiritual entity, below the heavenly planes[97] which may cause demonic possession, calling for an exorcism. In Western occultism and Renaissance magic, which grew out of an amalgamation of Greco-Roman magic, Jewish Aggadah and Christian demonology,[98] a demon is believed to be a spiritual entity that may be conjured and controlled.
Magic
[edit]Magic or sorcery is the use of rituals, symbols, actions, gestures, or language with the aim of utilizing supernatural forces.[99][100]: 6–7 [101][102]: 24 Belief in and practice of magic has been present since the earliest human cultures and continues to have an important spiritual, religious and medicinal role in many cultures today. The term magic has a variety of meanings, and there is no widely agreed upon definition of what it is.
Scholars of religion have defined magic in different ways. One approach, associated with the anthropologists Edward Tylor and James G. Frazer, suggests that magic and science are opposites. An alternative approach, associated with the sociologists Marcel Mauss and Emile Durkheim, argues that magic takes place in private, while religion is a communal and organised activity. Many scholars of religion have rejected the utility of the term magic and it has become increasingly unpopular within scholarship since the 1990s.[citation needed]
The term magic comes from the Old Persian magu, a word that applied to a form of religious functionary about which little is known. During the late sixth and early fifth centuries BC, this term was adopted into Ancient Greek, where it was used with negative connotations, to apply to religious rites that were regarded as fraudulent, unconventional and dangerous. This meaning of the term was then adopted by Latin in the first century BC. The concept was then incorporated into Christian theology during the first century AD, where magic was associated with demons and thus defined against religion. This concept was pervasive throughout the Middle Ages, although in the early modern period Italian humanists reinterpreted the term in a positive sense to establish the idea of natural magic. Both negative and positive understandings of the term were retained in Western culture over the following centuries, with the former largely influencing early academic usages of the word.
Throughout history, there have been examples of individuals who practiced magic and referred to themselves as magicians. This trend has proliferated in the modern period, with a growing number of magicians appearing within the esoteric milieu.[not verified in body] British esotericist Aleister Crowley described magic as the art of effecting change in accordance with will.
Divination
[edit]Divination (from Latin divinare "to foresee, to be inspired by a god",[103] related to divinus, divine) is the attempt to gain insight into a question or situation by way of an occultic, standardized process or ritual.[104] Used in various forms throughout history, diviners ascertain their interpretations of how a querent should proceed by reading signs, events, or omens, or through alleged contact with a supernatural agency.[105]
Divination can be seen as a systematic method with which to organize what appear to be disjointed, random facets of existence such that they provide insight into a problem at hand. If a distinction is to be made between divination and fortune-telling, divination has a more formal or ritualistic element and often contains a more social character, usually in a religious context, as seen in traditional African medicine. Fortune-telling, on the other hand, is a more everyday practice for personal purposes. Particular divination methods vary by culture and religion.
Divination is dismissed by the scientific community and skeptics as being superstition.[106][107] In the 2nd century, Lucian devoted a witty essay to the career of a charlatan, "Alexander the false prophet", trained by "one of those who advertise enchantments, miraculous incantations, charms for your love-affairs, visitations for your enemies, disclosures of buried treasure and successions to estates".[108]
Witchcraft
[edit]Witchcraft or witchery broadly means the practice of and belief in magical skills and abilities exercised by solitary practitioners and groups. Witchcraft is a broad term that varies culturally and societally and thus can be difficult to define with precision,[109] and cross-cultural assumptions about the meaning or significance of the term should be applied with caution. Witchcraft often occupies a religious divinatory or medicinal role[110] and is often present within societies and groups whose cultural framework includes a magical world view.[109]
Miracle
[edit]A miracle is an event not explicable by natural or scientific laws.[111] Such an event may be attributed to a supernatural being (a deity), a miracle worker, a saint or a religious leader.
Informally, the word "miracle" is often used to characterise any beneficial event that is statistically unlikely but not contrary to the laws of nature, such as surviving a natural disaster, or simply a "wonderful" occurrence, regardless of likelihood, such as a birth. Other such miracles might be: survival of an illness diagnosed as terminal, escaping a life-threatening situation or 'beating the odds'. Some coincidences may be seen as miracles.[112]
A true miracle would, by definition, be a non-natural phenomenon, leading many rational and scientific thinkers to dismiss them as physically impossible (that is, requiring violation of established laws of physics within their domain of validity) or impossible to confirm by their nature (because all possible physical mechanisms can never be ruled out). The former position is expressed for instance by Thomas Jefferson and the latter by David Hume. Theologians typically say that, with divine providence, God regularly works through nature yet, as a creator, is free to work without, above, or against it as well. The possibility and probability of miracles are then equal to the possibility and probability of the existence of God.[113]
Skepticism
[edit]Skepticism (American English) or scepticism (British English; see spelling differences) is generally any questioning attitude or doubt towards one or more items of putative knowledge or belief.[114][115] It is often directed at domains such as the supernatural, morality (moral skepticism), religion (skepticism about the existence of God), or knowledge (skepticism about the possibility of knowledge, or of certainty).[116]
In fiction and popular culture
[edit]Supernatural entities and powers are common in various works of fantasy. Examples include the television shows Supernatural and The X-Files, the magic of the Harry Potter series, The Lord of the Rings series, The Wheel of Time series and A Song of Ice and Fire series.
See also
[edit]References
[edit]- ^ a b "supernatural". Merriam-Webster. Archived from the original on 2020-02-07. Retrieved 2019-12-11.
- ^ a b c d e f Bartlett, Robert (14 March 2008). "1. The Boundaries of the Supernatural". The Natural and the Supernatural in the Middle Ages. Cambridge University Press. pp. 1–34. ISBN 978-0521702553.
- ^ a b "Supernatural" (Online). A Concise Companion to the Jewish Religion. Oxford Reference Online – Oxford University Press.
The ancients had no word for the supernatural any more than they had for nature.
- ^ Pasulka, Diana; Kripal, Jeffrey (23 November 2014). "Religion and the Paranormal". Oxford University Press blog. Oxford University Press. Archived from the original on 15 February 2015. Retrieved 24 October 2018.
- ^ Halman, Loek (2010). "8. Atheism And Secularity In The Netherlands". In Phil Zuckerman (ed.). Atheism and Secularity Vol.2: Gloabal Expressions. Praeger. ISBN 9780313351839.
"Thus, despite the fact that they claim to be convinced atheists and the majority deny the existence of a personal god, a rather large minority of the Dutch convinced atheists to believe in a supernatural power!" (e.g. telepathy, reincarnation, life after death, and heaven)
- ^ a b "supernatural". Oxford English Dictionary (Online ed.). Oxford University Press. Retrieved 24 October 2018. (Subscription or participating institution membership required.)
- ^ a b Saler, Benson (1977). "Supernatural as a Western Category". Ethos. 5: 31–53. doi:10.1525/eth.1977.5.1.02a00040.
- ^ Boyle, Robert; Stewart, M.A. (1991). Selected Philosophical Papers of Robert Boyle. HPC Classics Series. Hackett. pp. 176–177. ISBN 978-0-87220-122-4. LCCN 91025480.
- ^ Roberts, John T. (2010). "Some Laws of Nature are Metaphysically Contingent". Australasian Journal of Philosophy. 88 (3): 445–457. doi:10.1080/00048400903159016. S2CID 170608423. Archived from the original on 2021-09-07. Retrieved 2021-09-07.
- ^ "On the Metaphysical Contingency of Laws of Nature". Conceivability and Possibility. Oxford University Press. 2002. pp. 309–336. Archived from the original on 2021-09-07. Retrieved 2021-09-07.
- ^ "The Contingency of Physical Laws". Retrieved 2022-02-11.
- ^ Partridge, Kenneth (2009). The paranormal. H.W. Wilson Company. ISBN 9780824210922. Retrieved July 26, 2010.
- ^ Winkelman, M.; et al. (February 1982). "Magic: A Theoretical Reassessment [and Comments and Replies]". Current Anthropology. 23 (1): 37–66. doi:10.1086/202778. JSTOR 274255. S2CID 147447041.
- ^ Zhong Yang Yan Jiu Yuan; Min Tsu Hsüeh Yen Chiu So (1976). Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica, Issues 42–44.
- ^ Ellis, B.J.; Bjorklund, D.F. (2004). Origins of the Social Mind: Evolutionary Psychology and Child Development. Guilford Publications. p. 413. ISBN 9781593851033. LCCN 2004022693.
- ^ Legare, Cristine H.; Visala, Aku (2011). "Between Religion and Science: Integrating Psychological and Philosophical Accounts of Explanatory Coexistence". Human Development. 54 (3): 169–184. doi:10.1159/000329135. S2CID 53668380.
- ^ Legare, Cristine H.; Evans, E. Margaret; Rosengren, Karl S.; Harris, Paul L. (May 2012). "The Coexistence of Natural and Supernatural Explanations Across Cultures and Development: Coexistence of Natural and Supernatural Explanations". Child Development. 83 (3): 779–793. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8624.2012.01743.x. hdl:2027.42/91141. PMID 22417318.
- ^ Aizenkot, Dana (11 September 2020). "Meaning-Making to Child Loss: The Coexistence of Natural and Supernatural Explanations of Death". Journal of Constructivist Psychology. 35: 318–343. doi:10.1080/10720537.2020.1819491. S2CID 225231409.
- ^ Busch, Justin T. A.; Watson-Jones, Rachel E.; Legare, Cristine H. (March 2017). "The coexistence of natural and supernatural explanations within and across domains and development". British Journal of Developmental Psychology. 35 (1): 4–20. doi:10.1111/bjdp.12164. PMC 10676005. PMID 27785818. S2CID 24196030.
- ^ Whitehouse, Harvey (2011). "The Coexistence Problem in Psychology, Anthropology, and Evolutionary Theory". Human Development. 54 (3): 191–199. doi:10.1159/000329149. S2CID 145622566.
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- ^ The American Heritage Book of English Usage: A Practical and Authoritative Guide to Contemporary English. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. 1996. p. 219. ISBN 978-0395767856.
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- ^ Becking, Bob; Dijkstra, Meindert; Korpel, Marjo; Vriezen, Karel (2001). Only One God?: Monotheism in Ancient Israel and the Veneration of the Goddess Asherah. London: New York. p. 189. ISBN 9780567232120. Retrieved June 28, 2017.
The Christian tradition is, in imitation of Judaism, a monotheistic religion. This implies that believers accept the existence of only one God. Other deities either do not exist, are seen as the product of human imagination or are dismissed as remanents of a persistent paganism
- ^ Korte, Anne-Marie; Haardt, Maaike De (2009). The Boundaries of Monotheism: Interdisciplinary Explorations Into the Foundations of Western Monotheism. BRILL. p. 9. ISBN 978-9004173163. Retrieved June 28, 2017.
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- ^ Reat, N. Ross; Perry, Edmund F. (1991). A World Theology: The Central Spiritual Reality of Humankind. Cambridge University Press. pp. 73–75. ISBN 9780521331593. Retrieved June 28, 2017.
- ^ a b Keown, Damien (2013). Buddhism: A Very Short Introduction (New ed.). Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780199663835. Retrieved June 22, 2017.
- ^ a b Bullivant, Stephen; Ruse, Michael (2013). The Oxford Handbook of Atheism. Oxford University Publishing. ISBN 9780199644650. Archived from the original on October 3, 2023. Retrieved June 22, 2017.
- ^ a b Hood, Robert E. (1990). Must God Remain Greek?: Afro Cultures and God-talk. Minneapolis: Fortress Press. pp. 128–129. ISBN 9780800624491.
African people may describe their deities as strong, but not omnipotent; wise but not omniscient; old but not eternal; great but not omnipresent (...)
- ^ a b Trigger, Bruce G. (2003). Understanding Early Civilizations: A Comparative Study (1st ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 441–442. ISBN 9780521822459.
[Historically...] people perceived far fewer differences between themselves and the gods than the adherents of modern monotheistic religions. Deities were not thought to be omniscient or omnipotent and were rarely believed to be changeless or eternal
- ^ John Murdoch, English Translations of Select Tracts, Published in India – Religious Texts at Google Books, pages 141–142; Quote: "We [monotheists] find by reason and revelation that God is omniscient, omnipotent, most holy, etc, but the Hindu deities possess none of those attributes. It is mentioned in their Shastras that their deities were all vanquished by the Asurs, while they fought in the heavens, and for fear of whom they left their abodes. This plainly shows that they are not omnipotent."
- ^ Taliaferro, Charles; Marty, Elsa J. (2010). A Dictionary of Philosophy of Religion. New York: Continuum. pp. 98–99. ISBN 9781441111975.
- ^ Wilkerson, W.D. (2014). Walking With The Gods. Sankofa. pp. 6–7. ISBN 978-0991530014.
- ^ Trigger, Bruce G. (2003). Understanding Early Civilizations: A Comparative Study (1st ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 473–474. ISBN 9780521822459.
- ^ Kramarae, Cheris; Spender, Dale (2004). Routledge International Encyclopedia of Women: Global Women's Issues and Knowledge. Routledge. p. 655. ISBN 9781135963156. Retrieved June 28, 2017.
- ^ O'Brien, Julia M. (2014). Oxford Encyclopedia of the Bible and Gender Studies. Oxford University Press, Incorporated. ISBN 9780199836994. Retrieved June 22, 2017.
- ^ Bonnefoy, Yves (1992). Roman and European Mythologies. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. pp. 274–275. ISBN 9780226064550. Retrieved June 28, 2017.
- ^ Pintchman, Tracy (2014). Seeking Mahadevi: Constructing the Identities of the Hindu Great Goddess. SUNY Press. pp. 1–2, 19–20. ISBN 9780791490495. Retrieved June 28, 2017.
- ^ Roberts, Nathaniel (2016). To Be Cared For: The Power of Conversion and Foreignness of Belonging in an Indian Slum. University of California Press. p. xv. ISBN 9780520963634. Retrieved June 28, 2017.
- ^ a b Malandra, William W. (1983). An Introduction to Ancient Iranian Religion: Readings from the Avesta and the Achaemenid Inscriptions. Minneapolis, Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press. pp. 9–10. ISBN 978-0816611157. Retrieved June 28, 2017.
- ^ a b Fløistad, Guttorm (2010). Volume 10: Philosophy of Religion (1st ed.). Dordrecht: Springer Science & Business Media B.V. pp. 19–20. ISBN 9789048135271. Retrieved June 28, 2017.
- ^ Daniel T. Potts (1997). Mesopotamian Civilization: The Material Foundations. Cornell University Press. pp. 186–187. ISBN 978-0-8014-3339-9.
- ^ Potter, Karl H. (2014). The Encyclopedia of Indian Philosophies, Volume 3: Advaita Vedanta up to Samkara and His Pupils. Princeton University Press. pp. 272–274. ISBN 9781400856510. Retrieved June 28, 2017.
- ^ Olivelle, Patrick (2006). The Samnyasa Upanisads: Hindu Scriptures on Asceticism and Renunciation. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 47. ISBN 9780195361377. Retrieved June 28, 2017.
- ^ Cush, Denise; Robinson, Catherine; York, Michael (2008). Encyclopedia of Hinduism. London: Routledge. pp. 899–900. ISBN 9781135189792. Archived from the original on January 17, 2023. Retrieved June 28, 2017.
- ^ The Free Dictionary [1] Archived 2012-11-08 at the Wayback Machine retrieved 1 September 2012
- ^ ""Angels in Christianity." Religion Facts. N.p., n.d. Web. 15 Dec. 2014". Archived from the original on 2015-04-06. Retrieved 2018-01-05.
- ^ [2] Archived 2011-10-09 at the Wayback MachineAugustine of Hippo's Enarrationes in Psalmos, 103, I, 15, augustinus.it (in Latin)
- ^ "Definition of ANGEL". www.merriam-webster.com. Archived from the original on 2023-06-28. Retrieved 2016-05-02.
- ^ "ANGELOLOGY - JewishEncyclopedia.com". jewishencyclopedia.com. Archived from the original on 2016-05-20. Retrieved 2016-05-02.
- ^ Proverbio (2007), pp. 90–95; cf. review in La Civiltà Cattolica, 3795–3796 (2–16 August 2008), pp. 327–328.
- ^ Didron, Vol 2, pp.68–71
- ^ Beale G.K., The Book of Revelation, NIGTC, Grand Rapids – Cambridge 1999. = ISBN 0-8028-2174-X
- ^ Esposito, John L. What Everyone Needs to Know about Islam (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002), pp. 7–8.
- ^ Lambert, Gray (2013). The Leaders Are Coming!. WestBow Press. p. 287. ISBN 9781449760137.
- ^ Roy H. Williams; Michael R. Drew (2012). Pendulum: How Past Generations Shape Our Present and Predict Our Future. Vanguard Press. p. 143. ISBN 9781593157067.[permanent dead link]
- ^ Michael Freze, 1993, Voices, Visions, and Apparitions, OSV Publishing ISBN 0-87973-454-X p. 252
- ^ Michael Freze, 1989 They Bore the Wounds of Christ ISBN 0-87973-422-1
- ^ "Revelation | Define Revelation at Dictionary.com". Dictionary.reference.com. Archived from the original on 2016-03-04. Retrieved 2013-07-14.
- ^ Norman C. McClelland 2010, pp. 24–29, 171.
- ^ a b Mark Juergensmeyer & Wade Clark Roof 2011, pp. 271–272.
- ^ Stephen J. Laumakis 2008, pp. 90–99.
- ^ Rita M. Gross (1993). Buddhism After Patriarchy: A Feminist History, Analysis, and Reconstruction of Buddhism. State University of New York Press. pp. 148. ISBN 978-1-4384-0513-1.
- ^ Norman C. McClelland 2010, pp. 102–103.
- ^ see Charles Taliaferro, Paul Draper, Philip L. Quinn, A Companion to Philosophy of Religion. John Wiley and Sons, 2010, page 640, Google Books Archived 2022-12-12 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ Gananath Obeyesekere, Imagining Karma: Ethical Transformation in Amerindian, Buddhist, and Greek Rebirth. University of California Press, 2002, page 15.
- ^ Hitti, Philip K (2007) [1924]. Origins of the Druze People and Religion, with Extracts from their Sacred Writings (New Edition). Columbia University Oriental Studies. 28. London: Saqi. pp. 13–14. ISBN 0-86356-690-1
- ^ Heindel, Max (1985) [1939, 1908] The Rosicrucian Christianity Lectures (Collected Works): The Riddle of Life and Death Archived 2010-06-29 at the Wayback Machine. Oceanside, California. 4th edition. ISBN 0-911274-84-7
- ^ An important recent work discussing the mutual influence of ancient Greek and Indian philosophy regarding these matters is The Shape of Ancient Thought by Thomas McEvilley
- ^ "Popular psychology, belief in life after death and reincarnation in the Nordic countries, Western and Eastern Europe" (PDF). Archived (PDF) from the original on 2009-09-30. Retrieved 2018-10-23. (54.8 KB)
- ^ See:
- Encyclopædia Britannica, 11th Edition, Volume 15, New York, pp 679–680, Article on Karma; Quote – "Karma meaning deed or action; in addition, it also has philosophical and technical meaning, denoting a person's deeds as determining his future lot."
- The Encyclopedia of World Religions, Robert Ellwood & Gregory Alles, ISBN 978-0-8160-6141-9, pp 253; Quote – "Karma: Sanskrit word meaning action and the consequences of action."
- Hans Torwesten (1994), Vedanta: Heart of Hinduism, ISBN 978-0802132628, Grove Press New York, pp 97; Quote – "In the Vedas the word karma (work, deed or action, and its resulting effect) referred mainly to..."
- ^ Karma Archived 2015-05-03 at the Wayback Machine Encyclopædia Britannica (2012)
- ^ Halbfass, Wilhelm (2000), Karma und Wiedergeburt im indischen Denken, Diederichs, München, Germany
- ^ Lawrence C. Becker & Charlotte B. Becker, Encyclopedia of Ethics, 2nd Edition, ISBN 0-415-93672-1, Hindu Ethics, pp 678
- ^ Parvesh Singla. The Manual of Life – Karma. Parvesh singla. pp. 5–7. GGKEY:0XFSARN29ZZ. Retrieved 4 June 2011.
- ^ Eva Wong, Taoism, Shambhala Publications, ISBN 978-1590308820, pp. 193
- ^ "Karma" in: John Bowker (1997), The Concise Oxford Dictionary of World Religions, Oxford University Press.
- ^ James Lochtefeld (2002), The Illustrated Encyclopedia of Hinduism, Rosen Publishing, New York, ISBN 0-8239-2287-1, pp 351–352
- ^ Pastrovicchi, Angelo (1918). Rev. Francis S. Laing (ed.). St. Joseph of Copertino. St. Louis: B.Herder. p. iv. ISBN 978-0-89555-135-1. Archived from the original on 2021-05-02. Retrieved 2013-02-26.
{{cite book}}: ISBN / Date incompatibility (help) - ^ Sollier, J. "Supernatural Order". Robert Appleton Company. Archived from the original on 2008-09-14. Retrieved 2008-09-11.
- ^ Hardon, Fr. John. "Supernatural Order". Eternal Life. Archived from the original on 2011-06-10. Retrieved 2008-09-15.
- ^ Viney, Donald (2008). "Process Theism". In Edward N. Zalta (ed.). The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2008 ed.). Archived from the original on 2013-12-02. Retrieved 2012-08-06.
- ^ "Life After Death Revealed – What Really Happens in the Afterlife". SSRF English. Archived from the original on 2019-01-30. Retrieved 2018-03-22.
- ^ "Underworld". The free dictionary. Archived from the original on 6 November 2012. Retrieved 1 July 2010.
- ^ Isabelle Loring Wallace, Jennie Hirsh, Contemporary Art and Classical Myth (2011), p. 295.
- ^ Radcliffe G. Edmonds, III, Myths of the Underworld Journey: Plato, Aristophanes, and the 'Orphic' Gold Tablets (2004), p. 9.
- ^ Jon Mills, Underworlds: Philosophies of the Unconscious from Psychoanalysis to Metaphysics (2014), p. 1.
- ^ Evans Lansing Smith, The Descent to the Underworld in Literature, Painting, and Film, 1895–1950 (2001), p. 257.
- ^ Evans Lansing Smith, The Descent to the Underworld in Literature, Painting, and Film, 1895–1950 (2001), p. 7.
- ^ François 2008, p.187-197.
- ^ OED "spirit 2.a.: The soul of a person, as commended to God, or passing out of the body, in the moment of death."
- ^ Burtt, Edwin A. (2003). Metaphysical Foundations of Modern Physical Science. Mineola, New York: Dover Publications, Inc. p. 275.
- ^ S. T. Joshi Icons of Horror and the Supernatural: An Encyclopedia of Our Worst Nightmares, Band Greenwood Publishing Group 2007 ISBN 978-0-313-33781-9 page 34
- ^ See, for example, the course synopsis and bibliography for "Magic, Science, Religion: The Development of the Western Esoteric Traditions" Archived November 29, 2014, at the Wayback Machine, at Central European University, Budapest
- ^ Hutton, Ronald (1995). The Pagan Religions of the Ancient British Isles: Their Nature and Legacy (Reprint ed.). Oxford; Cambridge: Blackwell. pp. 289–291, 335. ISBN 978-0631189466.
- ^ Tambiah, Stanley Jeyaraja (1991). Magic, Science, Religion, and the Scope of Rationality (Reprint ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0521376310.
- ^ Hanegraaff, Wouter J. (2006). Dictionary of Gnosis & Western Esotericism (Unabridged ed.). Leiden: Brill. p. 718. ISBN 978-9004152311.
- ^ Mauss, Marcel; Bain, Robert; Pocock, D. F. (2007). A General Theory of Magic (Reprint ed.). London: Routledge. ISBN 978-0415253963.
- ^ "LacusCurtius • Greek and Roman Divination (Smith's Dictionary, 1875)". uchicago.edu.
- ^ Peek, P.M. African Divination Systems: Ways of Knowing. page 2. Indiana University Press. 1991.
- ^ Silva, Sónia (2016). "Object and Objectivity in Divination". Material Religion. 12 (4): 507–509. doi:10.1080/17432200.2016.1227638. ISSN 1743-2200. S2CID 73665747.
- ^ Yau, Julianna. (2002). Witchcraft and Magic. In Michael Shermer. The Skeptic Encyclopedia of Pseudoscience. ABC-CLIO. pp. 278–282. ISBN 1-57607-654-7
- ^ Regal, Brian. (2009). Pseudoscience: A Critical Encyclopedia. Greenwood. p. 55. ISBN 978-0-313-35507-3
- ^ "Lucian of Samosata : Alexander the False Prophet". tertullian.org. Archived from the original on 2017-11-09. Retrieved 2019-01-19.
- ^ a b Witchcraft in the Middle Ages Archived 2023-07-31 at the Wayback Machine, Jeffrey Russell, p.4-10.
- ^ Bengt Ankarloo & Stuart Clark, Witchcraft and Magic in Europe: Biblical and Pagan Societies", University of Philadelphia Press, 2001
- ^ Miracle
- ^ Halbersam, Yitta (1890). Small Miracles. Adams Media Corp. ISBN 978-1-55850-646-6.
{{cite book}}: ISBN / Date incompatibility (help) - ^ Miracles Archived 2019-11-22 at the Wayback Machine on the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy
- ^ Popkin, R. H. "The History of Skepticism from Erasmus to Descartes (rev. ed. 1968); C. L. Stough, Greek Skepticism (1969); M. Burnyeat, ed., The Skeptical Tradition (1983); B. Stroud, The Significance of Philosophical Skepticism (1984)". Encyclopedia2.thefreedictionary.com. Archived from the original on 2012-07-13. Retrieved 2018-01-13.
- ^ "Philosophical views are typically classed as skeptical when they involve advancing some degree of doubt regarding claims that are elsewhere taken for granted." utm.edu Archived 2009-01-13 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ Greco, John (2008). The Oxford Handbook of Skepticism. Oxford University Press, US. ISBN 9780195183214.
Further reading
[edit]- Economic Production and the Spread of Supernatural Beliefs ~ Daniel Araújo (PDF). January 7, 2022.
- Bouvet R, Bonnefon J. F. (2015). "Non-Reflective Thinkers Are Predisposed to Attribute Supernatural Causation to Uncanny Experiences". Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin. 41 (7): 955–61. doi:10.1177/0146167215585728. PMID 25948700. S2CID 33570482.
- McNamara P, Bulkeley K (2015). "Dreams as a Source of Supernatural Agent Concepts". Frontiers in Psychology. 6: 283. doi:10.3389/fpsyg.2015.00283. PMC 4365543. PMID 25852602.
- Riekki T, Lindeman M, Raij T. T. (2014). "Supernatural Believers Attribute More Intentions to Random Movement than Skeptics: An fMRI Study". Social Neuroscience. 9 (4): 400–411. doi:10.1080/17470919.2014.906366. PMID 24720663. S2CID 33940568.
{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) - Purzycki Benjamin G (2013). "The Minds of Gods: A Comparative Study of Supernatural Agency". Cognition. 129 (1): 163–179. doi:10.1016/j.cognition.2013.06.010. PMID 23891826. S2CID 23554738.
- Thomson P, Jaque S. V. (2014). "Unresolved Mourning, Supernatural Beliefs and Dissociation: A Mediation Analysis". Attachment and Human Development. 16 (5): 499–514. doi:10.1080/14616734.2014.926945. PMID 24913392. S2CID 10290610.
- Vail K. E, Arndt J, Addollahi A. (2012). "Exploring the Existential Function of Religion and Supernatural Agent Beliefs Among Christians, Muslims, Atheists, and Agnostics". Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin. 38 (10): 1288–1300. doi:10.1177/0146167212449361. PMID 22700240. S2CID 2019266.
{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
Supernatural
View on GrokipediaDefinition and Conceptual Foundations
Core Definition and Distinctions
The supernatural refers to entities, forces, or events posited to exist or occur independently of the physical laws governing the observable universe, transcending empirical causation and scientific explanation. This conceptualization contrasts with methodological naturalism, which posits that all phenomena can be accounted for through natural processes subject to repeatable observation and testing. Philosophically, supernatural claims invoke realities separated from nature, often involving non-physical agents or interventions that defy uniform causal regularities.[5] Key distinctions arise between the supernatural and related categories. The natural encompasses all that adheres to discoverable laws of physics, biology, and chemistry, yielding predictable outcomes under controlled conditions, as evidenced by centuries of experimental validation in fields like mechanics and thermodynamics. In contrast, the supernatural implies an inherent violation or exemption from such laws, such as instantaneous creation or resurrection, which, if occurring, would necessitate non-natural ontology rather than mere rarity or incomplete knowledge. Paranormal phenomena, however, describe anomalies beyond current scientific paradigms but potentially reducible to expanded natural explanations, including purported telepathy or precognition studied in parapsychology, where mechanisms might align with undiscovered brain functions or quantum effects rather than extrinsic spiritual causation. Theological traditions introduce the preternatural as an intermediary: effects exceeding human or material limits but achievable by created non-human intelligences, like angelic influence or demonic deception, without invoking divine omnipotence. For instance, preternatural feats preserve underlying natural principles but amplify them extraordinarily, differing from strictly supernatural acts that originate solely from an uncreated deity and inherently surpass all creaturely capacities. This tripartite framework—natural, preternatural, supernatural—highlights how supernatural assertions demand evidentiary thresholds unmet by historical or contemporary reports, which often conflate perceptual error, fraud, or statistical outlier with transcendence.[6][7]Etymology and Terminological Evolution
The term "supernatural" derives from Medieval Latin supernaturalis, a compound of super- ("above, beyond") and natura ("nature"), initially connoting that which is divine or exceeding the natural order.[8] This Latin formation emerged in scholastic theology during the late Middle Ages, reflecting efforts to distinguish divine interventions or spiritual realities from the created, observable world.[9] The word entered English in the early 15th century as supernaturall, appearing in Middle English texts such as translations of theological works emphasizing God's transcendence over physical laws.[8] By the 16th century, it was borrowed partly through French supernaturel, gaining traction in philosophical and religious discourse to denote phenomena attributable to non-material causes, such as miracles or angelic influences.[10] Terminological evolution accelerated in the 17th century amid debates between emerging mechanistic philosophies and traditional theology; for instance, Thomas Blount's Glossographia (1661) defined it as "which is above Nature, or the ordinary course of it," highlighting a contrast with predictable natural processes.[11] In the 18th century, the term expanded to encompass entities like spirits or forces defying empirical explanation, as seen in its application to ghosts and apparitions in Enlightenment-era literature and skepticism.[8] This shift paralleled the solidification of "nature" as encompassing all causally deterministic phenomena under scientific scrutiny, positioning the supernatural as an explanatory category for events resistant to such reduction.[12] By the 19th century, amid Romanticism and scientific materialism, "supernatural" became a polarized term: proponents of religious orthodoxy retained its theological primacy for divine agency, while critics like David Hume reframed ostensibly supernatural events as potential violations of uniform natural laws, urging probabilistic dismissal absent extraordinary evidence.[13] In contemporary usage, the term often serves in philosophical debates over ontology, where naturalists argue it illegitimately bifurcates reality into discrete realms, potentially obscuring unified causal mechanisms observable through empirical methods.[2] Despite this, it persists in denoting purported phenomena—like precognition or poltergeists—that challenge materialist paradigms, though rigorous verification remains elusive due to methodological constraints in replicating such claims.[9]Historical Development of Supernatural Beliefs
Ancient and Prehistoric Origins
The earliest archaeological indicators of supernatural beliefs appear in prehistoric burial practices, which suggest emerging concepts of an afterlife or spiritual continuity. Sites like Sungir in Russia, dated to approximately 34,000 years ago during the Upper Paleolithic, contain graves adorned with over 13,000 ivory beads, fox incisors, and exotic artifacts, arrangements that archaeologists interpret as deliberate efforts to provision the deceased for a postmortem existence rather than mere disposal of remains.[14] Similarly, Neanderthal interments from around 100,000 years ago in the Near East, such as those at Qafzeh Cave in Israel, feature ochre pigments and grave goods like shells, pointing to ritualistic behaviors implying symbolic thought about death and possibly ancestral spirits, though debates persist on intentionality versus natural deposition.[15] These practices contrast with simpler animal scavenging or exposure, evidencing a cognitive shift toward attributing agency beyond observable causality. Cave art from the same era provides further inferential evidence of supernatural ideation, often featuring hybrid human-animal figures (therianthropes) that researchers link to shamanistic visions or spirit intermediaries. Examples include the Lion Man figurine from Hohlenstein-Stadel, Germany, carved around 40,000 years ago from mammoth ivory, depicting a humanoid with leonine features, which some paleoanthropologists view as an early representation of transformative supernatural entities accessed via altered states, supported by ethnographic analogies to hunter-gatherer trance rituals.[16] Paintings in Chauvet Cave, France, dated 36,000–30,000 years ago, show analogous motifs alongside hand stencils and abstract signs, potentially signifying entoptic patterns from hallucinogenic experiences or invocations of animal spirits for hunting success, though direct causation remains unprovable without textual corroboration.[17] By the Neolithic period around 10,000 BCE, settled communities in the Fertile Crescent amplified these beliefs through monumental structures like Göbekli Tepe in Turkey, constructed circa 9600–7000 BCE with T-shaped pillars engraved with predatory beasts and abstract symbols, interpreted by excavators as ritual complexes predating agriculture and embodying cosmological narratives of supernatural forces ordering chaos.[18] A 12,000-year-old burial in the southern Levant, containing a human skeleton with tortoise shells, a wild boar arm, and corvid talons as grave offerings, exemplifies a "shaman grave" suggesting mediation between human and otherworldly realms, as detailed in forensic analysis of the remains.[19] In ancient civilizations, these prehistoric foundations evolved into codified supernatural systems. Sumerian records from Mesopotamia, beginning around 4500 BCE, document polytheistic worship of anthropomorphic deities like Anu and Enlil, who governed cosmic order and natural calamities, with cuneiform incantations from circa 2500 BCE prescribing rituals against malevolent spirits (gidim) to avert misfortune, reflecting a worldview where unseen entities directly influenced material events.[20] Egyptian beliefs, traceable to predynastic times before 3100 BCE, centered on gods such as Ra and Osiris embodying cycles of death and rebirth, evidenced by Naqada II period (circa 3500–3200 BCE) tombs with amulets and model boats for the ka (spirit) to navigate the afterlife, predating the Pyramid Texts of 2400 BCE.[21] These developments mark a transition from animistic inferences to structured theologies, grounded in empirical observations of environmental patterns yet attributing them to transcendent causal agents.Classical and Medieval Periods
In ancient Greece, from the Archaic period onward (c. 800–500 BCE), supernatural beliefs permeated culture through myths of gods like Zeus and Apollo who directly influenced human events, as depicted in Hesiod's Theogony (c. 700 BCE) and Homeric epics. Oracles, such as that at Delphi established by the 8th century BCE, served as conduits for divine prophecy, with consultations recorded for state decisions up to the Hellenistic era. Pre-Socratic philosophers like Thales (c. 624–546 BCE) sought natural explanations for phenomena traditionally attributed to gods, yet retained belief in divine order, while Pythagoras (c. 570–495 BCE) posited the soul's immortality and transmigration, influencing later mystical traditions. Plato (c. 428–348 BCE) described the soul as eternal and divine in origin, encountering supernatural realms in allegories like the Phaedo, though he critiqued popular myths for moral inconsistencies. Aristotle (384–322 BCE) conceptualized a supernatural "unmoved mover" as the eternal cause of cosmic motion, distinct from empirical observation, in his Metaphysics (c. 350 BCE).[22][23] Roman adoption of Greek pantheons by the 3rd century BCE integrated supernatural elements into state religion, where rituals like the do ut des ("I give so that you give") pact ensured divine favor for prosperity and victory, as in the auguries performed by magistrates from the Republic's inception in 509 BCE. Prodigies—unusual natural events interpreted as supernatural omens—prompted expiatory sacrifices, with Livy's History of Rome (c. 27–9 BCE) documenting over 100 such instances between 218–167 BCE to avert disasters. Philosophers like Cicero (106–43 BCE) in On the Nature of the Gods debated the gods' existence rationally, favoring probabilistic arguments over dogmatic faith, while Epicureans like Lucretius (c. 99–55 BCE) rejected divine intervention in favor of atomic materialism, viewing fears of supernatural punishment as baseless. Amulets and rituals against malevolent spirits, including ghosts (lemures), were common, reflecting a practical superstition intertwined with civic piety.[24] The transition to the medieval period (c. 500–1500 CE) reframed supernatural beliefs through Christian dominance in Europe, subordinating pagan deities to demonic entities as per Augustine of Hippo's City of God (426 CE), which argued that classical gods were fallen angels deceiving humanity. Miracles, defined as suspensions of natural order by divine will, were central, with hagiographies recording over 1,000 saintly interventions by the 12th century, including healings and visions vetted by ecclesiastical inquiries. Demonology proliferated, positing demons as real agents of temptation and possession, with exorcisms formalized in the Rituale Romanum precedents from the 4th century onward; chronicles like the Golden Legend (c. 1260) detail thousands of demonic encounters resolved by prayer. Scholastic thinkers reconciled supernatural claims with Aristotelian logic: Thomas Aquinas (1225–1274) in Summa Theologica (1265–1274) classified miracles as effects of higher causes exceeding but not contradicting nature, distinguishing them from demonic illusions, which operate via subordinate intellects mimicking divine power. Supernatural grace elevated human nature toward beatitude, inaccessible by reason alone, as Aquinas argued against purely naturalistic ethics. Beliefs in fairies and elves persisted as folk remnants, often reinterpreted as demonic deceptions by theologians like Albertus Magnus (c. 1200–1280), though empirical verification remained ecclesiastical rather than experimental.[25][26][27]Enlightenment to Modern Shifts
The Enlightenment, spanning roughly the late 17th to 18th centuries, marked a pivotal shift toward rational inquiry and empirical evidence, fostering widespread skepticism toward traditional supernatural beliefs such as miracles and witchcraft. Philosophers emphasized reason over revelation, subjecting religious and folk claims to critical analysis; for instance, David Hume's 1748 essay "Of Miracles" argued that no testimony could establish a miracle, as uniform human experience consistently aligns with natural laws, rendering supernatural violations inherently improbable without extraordinary counter-evidence.[28] This intellectual current contributed to the cessation of witch trials across Europe, with legal prosecutions largely ending by the early 18th century—last state executions in England occurred in 1684 and in the American colonies in 1697—replaced by Enlightenment-influenced views dismissing such accusations as products of ignorance or hysteria rather than genuine supernatural pacts.[29] Courts increasingly demanded physical evidence, reflecting a broader causal prioritization of observable mechanisms over invisible agencies. Despite these rationalist advances, the 19th century witnessed a counter-movement in Spiritualism, which emerged in 1848 with the Fox sisters' alleged communications via "rapping" sounds in Hydesville, New York, sparking a transatlantic craze in séances and mediumship. By the 1850s, Spiritualism attracted millions, blending progressive ideals like women's rights with claims of empirical proof for spirit interaction, as adherents conducted public demonstrations and formed societies; estimates suggest over 8 million American adherents by 1897, driven partly by grief from the Civil War and industrialization's dislocations.[30] [31] This revival persisted amid scientific progress, with figures like chemist William Crookes investigating mediums in the 1870s, though later exposés revealed fraud, underscoring tensions between anecdotal testimony and replicable experimentation.[32] In the 20th and 21st centuries, materialist paradigms in physics and biology—epitomized by relativity (1915) and quantum mechanics—further marginalized supernatural explanations in elite discourse, attributing phenomena once deemed otherworldly, like lightning or disease, to natural causes. Yet public adherence to paranormal beliefs endures, with a 2024 CivicScience survey finding 41% of U.S. adults affirming ghosts or spirits, and 64% endorsing at least one paranormal category, stable from earlier polls like Gallup's 2005 data showing similar rates for extrasensory perception (41%).[33] [34] Such persistence correlates with cultural factors, including media portrayals and psychological needs for agency amid uncertainty, rather than empirical disconfirmation, as rigorous studies often fail to validate claims like hauntings or UFO encounters under controlled conditions.[4] This duality reflects no wholesale eradication of supernatural thinking but a compartmentalization, where scientific consensus coexists with folk ontologies resistant to falsification.Philosophical and Metaphysical Dimensions
Ontological Status of the Supernatural
The ontological status of the supernatural concerns whether entities, forces, or realms posited as transcending or violating the natural order possess independent existence as fundamental aspects of reality, distinct from mere conceptual or psychological constructs. In philosophical terms, this debate pits ontological naturalism, which asserts that only entities amenable to scientific description—typically spatiotemporal and causally efficacious within physical laws—comprise reality's furniture, against supernatural realism, which entertains non-natural beings or principles as ontologically basic. Ontological naturalism maintains that all existent things are identical to or constituted by physical entities, rendering supernatural claims superfluous or illusory unless demonstrably integrated into the causal nexus of the observed universe.[35] Proponents of supernatural realism, often aligned with theistic or dualistic metaphysics, argue that certain phenomena necessitate non-natural explanations, such as the universe's contingency requiring an uncaused first cause beyond physical chains of dependence, or the irreducibility of consciousness to material processes implying immaterial substrates. For instance, cosmological arguments posit that the existence of natural entities demands a supernatural ground to halt explanatory regress, while appeals to fine-tuning in physical constants suggest intentional design incompatible with purely naturalistic emergence. However, these inferences rely on philosophical premises rather than direct observation, and critics counter that multiverse hypotheses or eternal inflationary models provide naturalistic alternatives without invoking supernatural agency, adhering to parsimony by avoiding unobservable posits.[36] Empirically, no verified instances of supernatural causation have withstood rigorous scrutiny, with purported miracles, apparitions, or interventions consistently attributable to misperception, fraud, or undiscovered natural mechanisms upon investigation. Scientific progress, from quantum mechanics to evolutionary biology, has systematically demystified phenomena once deemed supernatural—such as lightning or disease—without recourse to non-natural ontology, supporting the view that supernatural entities, if existent, exert no detectable causal influence on the observable world. This evidential paucity aligns with ontological naturalism's methodological success, where assumptions of uniformity in natural laws yield predictive power, whereas supernatural postulation introduces explanatory gaps unfillable by evidence. While some contend that methodological naturalism (restricting inquiry to natural causes) does not preclude ontological supernaturalism, the persistent failure to identify boundary-crossing effects undermines claims of independent supernatural reality.[37][35]Epistemological Issues in Verification
Verification of supernatural claims encounters fundamental epistemological barriers due to their inherent incompatibility with empirical standards of repeatability and falsifiability. Supernatural phenomena, by definition involving interventions or entities outside natural laws, resist controlled experimentation, as they are typically described as singular, non-reproducible events defying predictable causation.[38] Scientific knowledge advances through hypotheses testable via observation and potential disconfirmation, yet supernatural assertions often evade such scrutiny, rendering them philosophically akin to unfalsifiable propositions that cannot be rigorously differentiated from non-existence or fabrication.[39] David Hume articulated a core challenge in his 1748 essay "Of Miracles," arguing that testimony supporting a miracle—a violation of natural laws established by uniform human experience—must outweigh the accumulated evidence of those laws' consistency. He posited that "no testimony is sufficient to establish a miracle, unless the testimony be of such a kind, that its falsehood would be more miraculous than the fact which it endeavors to establish," emphasizing how experiential priors heavily favor natural regularity over anomalous reports, which are prone to exaggeration, deception, or misperception.[40] This framework highlights the probabilistic imbalance: the prior likelihood of human error or bias in testimony exceeds that of a law-defying event, absent corroborative physical traces or independent verification.[41] Contemporary epistemology reinforces this through the principle that extraordinary claims demand commensurate evidence, as articulated by Carl Sagan in 1977: claims diverging sharply from established knowledge bear a heightened burden of proof proportional to their improbability.[42] Supernatural propositions, presupposing acausal mechanisms with low baseline probability derived from historical non-observation, require not mere anecdotal support but robust, replicable data—such as measurable anomalies under blinded conditions—which investigations in fields like parapsychology have failed to produce consistently, often succumbing to methodological flaws or selective reporting.[43] Bayesian approaches formalize these issues by updating priors with likelihoods; for supernatural hypotheses, extremely low initial probabilities (reflecting vast experiential absence of verification) necessitate evidence with overwhelming posterior impact to shift credences significantly, a threshold rarely met by testimonial or circumstantial data alone.[44] Epistemological reliance on testimony further complicates matters, as beliefs derived from others' reports face reductionist challenges: hearers must assess speakers' reliability amid incentives for confirmation bias, cultural conditioning, or outright invention, without direct access to the originating event.[45] Thus, supernatural verification hinges on extraordinary evidential convergence across independent sources, a convergence empirically absent in documented cases, underscoring skepticism grounded in causal predictability over interpretive trust.[46]Key Arguments and Thought Experiments
Philosophers have advanced a priori arguments positing the supernatural as metaphysically necessary, such as Anselm of Canterbury's ontological argument, which defines God as a being than which none greater can be conceived and contends that existence in reality is greater than mere conceptual existence, thereby necessitating God's actual existence as the supremum of perfection. This reasoning, formalized in Anselm's Proslogion (1077–1078), relies on the incoherence of denying the reality of the greatest conceivable being, though critics like Gaunilo of Marmoutiers countered with parodies, such as imagining a perfect island whose existence would similarly follow from conception alone, highlighting potential flaws in equating conceivability with necessity. Empirical critiques further challenge such arguments by noting their detachment from observable causal chains, where no verifiable supernatural entities have been identified despite extensive scientific inquiry into natural phenomena. Cosmological and teleological variants extend to the supernatural by inferring a transcendent cause for the universe's existence and order; for instance, the fine-tuning argument observes that physical constants, such as the cosmological constant (Λ ≈ 10^{-120} in Planck units) and the strong nuclear force coupling (α_s ≈ 1), fall within extraordinarily narrow ranges permitting atomic stability and life, probabilities estimated at less than 10^{-100} under random variation models, suggesting intentional calibration by an intelligent supernatural agent rather than chance or multiverse hypotheses lacking direct evidence.[47] Proponents like William Lane Craig argue this tuning elevates design explanations over naturalistic ones, as the latter require untestable assumptions about infinite universes to dilute improbability. However, opponents invoke Bayesian reasoning to contend that fine-tuning could reflect anthropic selection bias in any life-permitting universe, without necessitating supernatural intervention, and note that proposed "tuners" introduce greater explanatory complexity without resolving ultimate origins.[47] Skeptical arguments against supernatural claims emphasize epistemological barriers, notably David Hume's critique in An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding (1748), which holds that miracle reports—violations of uniform natural laws established by inductive experience—carry testimonial evidence invariably outweighed by the vast confirmatory instances of those laws, rendering rational belief in miracles improbable unless testimony attains an impossible degree of reliability surpassing global experiential consensus.[48] Hume's maxim, that "a miracle is a violation of the laws of nature," prioritizes causal uniformity, with subsequent analyses quantifying this via likelihood ratios where P(miracle|testimony) < P(no miracle|testimony) given historical fraud, error, or exaggeration in purported cases.[49] Rebuttals, such as Richard Swinburne's probabilistic defense, propose cumulative evidence from multiple miracles could cumulatively justify belief if prior probabilities for divine agency are non-negligible, yet empirical reviews of claims (e.g., Lourdes medical verifications yielding no statistically anomalous cures beyond placebo rates) sustain Humean priors favoring natural explanations.[48] Thought experiments probing supernatural verifiability include René Descartes' "evil demon" hypothesis in Meditations on First Philosophy (1641), positing a powerful deceiver capable of fabricating sensory illusions indistinguishable from reality, which undermines certainty in natural causation and opens conceptual space for supernatural interference, though it ultimately serves to affirm divine non-deceptiveness via clear and distinct ideas rather than proving entities. Variants like the "brain-in-a-vat" scenario extend this to question empirical boundaries, suggesting simulated realities could mimic supernatural events without ontological commitment, reinforcing methodological naturalism's demand for falsifiable criteria absent in supernatural posits, as no experiment has isolated non-physical causal influences amid controlled variables. These devices illustrate philosophy's reliance on logical possibility over empirical warrant, where supernatural hypotheses persist as unfalsifiable but explanatorily inert compared to causal models grounded in repeatable observation.Cultural and Religious Contexts
Cross-Cultural Variations
Supernatural beliefs manifest universally across human societies, yet exhibit notable variations in form, attribution, and integration with daily explanations. Ethnographic analyses of 114 societies reveal that supernatural explanations are far more prevalent for natural phenomena—such as illness, death, weather events, and crop failure—than for social phenomena like theft or interpersonal conflict, suggesting a cognitive bias toward invoking non-human agents for uncontrollable environmental hazards.[50] This pattern holds despite cultural differences, with societies lacking any documented absence of such beliefs, indicating deep evolutionary roots tied to uncertainty reduction rather than localized invention.[51] Cross-cultural studies highlight divergences in the ontology and agency ascribed to supernatural entities. In small-scale foraging and horticultural societies, animistic frameworks predominate, positing spirits or essences inherent in animals, plants, and landscapes that influence human affairs through reciprocal relations, as observed in Amazonian and Australian Aboriginal groups.[52] Conversely, complex agrarian and state societies often feature hierarchical pantheons or singular moralizing deities that monitor and punish social deviance, correlating with population density and cooperative demands, as evidenced in Mesoamerican and ancient Near Eastern polities.[53] These variations align with ecological pressures: sparse-resource environments foster diffuse, localized spirits, while intensive agriculture promotes centralized, punitive gods to sustain large-scale coordination.[54] Perceptual experiences of supernatural presence also show cross-cultural consistency in phenomenology—such as vivid sensory impressions of unseen agents— but diverge in interpretation and elicitors. Research involving over 3,000 participants from 20 cultural groups, including Indigenous American, East Asian, and Abrahamic adherents, demonstrates that such "sensed presences" arise similarly from environmental cues like isolation or altered states, yet are framed as ancestral ghosts in some African traditions, divine interventions in Christian contexts, or impersonal forces in secularized Western paranormal reports.[55] In non-Western ontologies, the supernatural-natural boundary is often porous, lacking the categorical dualism of Enlightenment-derived Western views, where phenomena like shamanic trance or ritual efficacy blur into empirical causality without requiring empirical falsification.[56] Witchcraft and malevolent supernatural attributions provide another axis of variation, often amplifying social tensions in high-inequality settings. Comparative data from 31 traits across global societies link witchcraft beliefs to historical stressors like warfare and resource scarcity, with African and Melanesian cultures emphasizing invisible sorcerers causing misfortune, in contrast to European medieval foci on pacts with demonic entities.[57] These beliefs persist empirically unverified but functionally adaptive for scapegoating, underscoring how cultural transmission shapes supernatural narratives to address shared human gaps in causal understanding, such as untimely deaths or anomalies, rather than objective evidence.[58]Supernatural in Abrahamic Religions
Abrahamic religions—Judaism, Christianity, and Islam—posit a singular, omnipotent God who transcends natural laws and periodically intervenes through miracles, angelic messengers, and prophetic revelations, forming the foundational supernatural framework shared across these traditions.[59] Central to this worldview is the belief in angels as non-corporeal intermediaries executing divine will, such as guiding patriarchs or delivering revelations, as depicted in scriptural accounts like the appearance of angels to Abraham in Genesis 18.[60] These religions also affirm adversarial spiritual entities—demons in Jewish and Christian texts, jinn in Islamic doctrine—capable of influencing human affairs, often in opposition to divine order, with jinn described in the Quran as beings created from smokeless fire possessing free will akin to humans.[61] An eschatological supernatural realm features prominently, including bodily resurrection, judgment day, paradise, and hell, where souls face eternal consequences based on earthly conduct.[62] In Judaism, supernatural elements emphasize God's direct interventions during formative historical events, such as the plagues of Egypt, the parting of the Red Sea in Exodus 14, and the provision of manna in the wilderness, portrayed as validations of covenantal promises rather than routine occurrences.[63] Angels function primarily as agents of divine communication and protection, appearing to figures like Moses at the burning bush (Exodus 3) or Jacob in dreams (Genesis 28), but post-biblical Jewish thought largely views overt miracles as exceptional, prioritizing ethical observance over expectation of ongoing supernatural displays.[60] Demonic forces, like Azazel in Leviticus 16, represent chaotic opposition but lack the elaborated hierarchy seen in later traditions, with exorcism or spirit influence downplayed in favor of human responsibility under divine law. Christianity, building on Jewish foundations, intensifies supernatural claims through the New Testament's accounts of Jesus' ministry, including healings of the blind and lepers (e.g., Mark 8:22-26), exorcisms of demons (Mark 5:1-20), and the resurrection of the dead (John 11:38-44), presented as signs of God's kingdom breaking into the material world.[64] The incarnation—God assuming human form in Jesus—constitutes the ultimate supernatural event, culminating in the resurrection and ascension (Acts 1:9-11), enabling believers' access to divine power via the Holy Spirit, which manifests in glossolalia and prophecy as described in Acts 2.[65] Angels and demons play active roles, with archangels like Michael battling Satan (Revelation 12:7-9), and ongoing spiritual warfare posited as influencing believers' lives, though empirical verification of such events remains absent beyond testimonial reports. Islam incorporates supernatural agency through the Quran's affirmation of miracles performed by prophets, such as Moses' staff turning into a serpent (Quran 7:107-108) and Jesus speaking from the cradle and animating clay birds (Quran 5:110), underscoring God's sovereignty over creation.[66] Prophet Muhammad's miracles include the splitting of the moon (Quran 54:1-2) and the Night Journey (Isra and Mi'raj, Quran 17:1), where he ascended to heavenly realms, interacting with angels and prophets.[67] Jinn, parallel to biblical demons, are integrated as a parallel creation with potential for faith or rebellion, as in Surah Al-Jinn (72), where some jinn accept Islam upon hearing the Quran, highlighting a permeable boundary between physical and spiritual domains. These elements reinforce monotheistic submission (tawhid), with supernatural occurrences serving didactic purposes rather than empirical proofs, consistent across traditions despite interpretive variances.Supernatural in Eastern and Indigenous Traditions
In Hinduism, supernatural beliefs encompass a pantheon of deities known as devas, who inhabit higher realms and intervene in human affairs through rituals and devotion, alongside concepts like karma dictating rebirth into supernatural planes such as svarga (heavenly abodes) or naraka (hellish realms).[68] Ancient texts attribute mental disturbances to influences by supernatural agents or sorcery, reflecting a worldview where ethereal forces shape causality beyond physical laws.[69] Reincarnation (samsara) perpetuates existence across these realms until liberation (moksha) is achieved, with empirical validation absent but culturally persistent through millennia of scriptural tradition.[70] Buddhist traditions incorporate supernatural elements via the six realms of rebirth (gati), including divine beings (devas), asuras, humans, animals, pretas (hungry ghosts), and hell denizens, driven by karmic causation without a creator deity.[71] Enlightened figures exhibit iddhi (supernormal powers) like clairvoyance or levitation, as narrated in sutras, though doctrinal emphasis prioritizes ethical conduct over miraculous displays for verification of truth claims.[72] While some interpretations downplay supernatural aspects as metaphorical, canonical accounts affirm their role in soteriological narratives, with no controlled empirical corroboration.[73] Taoist practices involve pursuits of immortality through internal alchemy (neidan) and interactions with spiritual entities, aiming to harmonize qi (vital energy) for transcendence into immortal states (xian). Mystical experiences include encounters with transcendent forces, often via meditation or ritual, positing a cosmos infused with unseen agencies influencing fortune and longevity, though historical records blend anecdotal feats with philosophical naturalism.[74] Indigenous traditions frequently embody animism, positing spirits inherent in natural elements, animals, and landscapes, enabling relational dynamics with the nonhuman world as foundational to hunter-gatherer cosmologies dating back at least 10,000 years.[75] Shamanic practitioners mediate these supernatural interactions through trance states induced by drumming or psychoactive plants, combating malevolent spirits or communing with ancestors to restore balance, as documented in ethnographic studies of Siberian, Amazonian, and Native American groups.[76] Such beliefs lack falsifiable evidence under scientific scrutiny but persist as adaptive cultural mechanisms for interpreting environmental causality.[77]Categories of Supernatural Phenomena
Divine Entities and Interventions
Divine entities encompass deities or supernatural beings, such as gods or angels, conceptualized in theistic traditions as possessing agency to influence the material world.[78] These entities are often described as transcendent yet capable of direct interaction with human events, distinguishing them from impersonal forces in non-theistic supernatural frameworks.[79] Divine interventions refer to purported instances where such entities actively alter natural processes, manifesting as miracles, apparitions, or providential outcomes.[80] In Abrahamic religions, examples include biblical accounts like the parting of the Red Sea, attributed to Yahweh's command over nature, and the resurrection of Jesus Christ, claimed as a reversal of death.[81] Similar claims appear in other traditions, such as avatars of Vishnu in Hinduism intervening in historical crises, like Krishna advising Arjuna in the Bhagavad Gita.[82] Historical manifestations of divine entities include ancient reports of gods appearing in human form or through signs, such as Greek deities aiding heroes in the Iliad or Roman auguries interpreting celestial omens as godly directives.[83] These accounts, preserved in texts like Herodotus' Histories, served to legitimize rulers or events but lack independent corroboration beyond testimonial traditions.[84] Modern claims of interventions often involve healings or Eucharistic transformations investigated by religious authorities. The Catholic Church has approved 70 miraculous healings at Lourdes since 1858, following reviews by the International Medical Committee, where recoveries defied medical explanation at the time of assessment.[85] Similarly, over 100 Eucharistic miracles, such as those in Lanciano (8th century) and Buenos Aires (1996), have undergone forensic analysis revealing human cardiac tissue in transubstantiated hosts, as reported by pathologists including Frederick Zugibe.[86] However, these findings, while anomalous, have not been replicated under controlled scientific conditions and remain contested due to potential contamination or incomplete chain-of-custody documentation.[87] Angelic interventions, as divine messengers, feature in claims like guardian angels averting harm, with historical examples including the Archangel Michael's role in biblical battles.[88] Testimonies of such protections persist in contemporary reports, but empirical validation is absent, as events align with probabilistic natural occurrences rather than verifiable causation.[89] Overall, while religious institutions affirm these as evidence of divine agency, secular evaluations emphasize the absence of repeatable, falsifiable proof distinguishing them from coincidence or misattribution.[90]Spiritual Beings and Afterlife Realms
Spiritual beings are conceptualized in numerous religious and cultural frameworks as non-physical entities capable of influencing human events, including angels as benevolent messengers, demons as malevolent forces, and ghosts or ancestral spirits as remnants of deceased individuals.[91] Belief in such entities persists globally, with 69% of U.S. adults affirming angels and 56% the devil in a 2023 survey, while 61% endorse ghosts.[92][93] Worldwide, Pew Research in 2025 found widespread acceptance of spirits in nature and other supernatural agents across demographics.[94] Claims of encounters, such as apparitions or possessions, rely on anecdotal reports lacking reproducible empirical validation, with scientific analyses attributing them to psychological factors like hallucinations or cultural expectations rather than external agents.[95] Afterlife realms denote purported post-mortem domains, such as heaven and hell in Abrahamic traditions—envisioned as eternal reward or punishment—or cyclical existences in Eastern philosophies like reincarnation across multiple planes.[96] In the U.S., 73% believe in heaven and 62% in hell per 2021 Pew data, though fewer endorse hell, reflecting selective doctrinal adherence.[97] Empirical inquiries into these realms center on near-death experiences (NDEs), reported by 10-20% of cardiac arrest survivors, featuring elements like out-of-body perceptions and encounters with light or deceased relatives.[98] Peer-reviewed reviews identify nine potential evidential lines for NDE veridicality, including corroborated observations during clinical death, yet mainstream neuroscience explains these via cerebral hypoxia, endorphin release, or REM intrusion, without necessitating survival of consciousness.[99][100] Reincarnation research, notably by psychiatrist Ian Stevenson, documented over 2,500 cases of children recalling purported past lives, sometimes with corresponding birthmarks matching deceased individuals' wounds, suggesting memory transfer.[101] These cases, concentrated in cultures favoring rebirth doctrines like India, face critiques for verification challenges, potential cryptomnesia, and absence of controlled replication, rendering them suggestive but not conclusive proof of afterlife continuity.[102] Exorcism accounts and mediumship, invoked for spirit interactions, similarly depend on subjective testimonies, with controlled tests like those by the James Randi Foundation yielding no positive results under scrutiny.[103] Across studies, no empirical data confirms the objective existence of spiritual beings or afterlife realms, aligning with methodological naturalism's failure to detect non-physical interventions despite extensive parapsychological efforts.[104][105]Occult and Paranormal Practices
Occult practices involve rituals and techniques purportedly accessing hidden supernatural forces or knowledge, such as ceremonial magic, alchemy, and divination methods including astrology and tarot reading. These traditions trace roots to ancient esoteric systems but gained structured form in Renaissance Europe through texts like grimoires detailing spirit invocation and talismanic magic.[106] In the 19th century, occultism revived with organizations like the Hermetic Order of the Golden Dawn, blending Kabbalah, Egyptian mythology, and Eastern influences into systems for personal transformation via invoked entities.[107] Paranormal practices encompass efforts to demonstrate abilities beyond physical laws, including mediumship for spirit communication, psychokinesis to influence objects mentally, and extrasensory perception tests like card guessing for telepathy or clairvoyance. Spiritualism emerged in 1848 when sisters Margaret and Kate Fox claimed spirit rappings in Hydesville, New York, sparking a movement with millions of adherents by the late 19th century, though Margaret confessed in 1888 that the sounds were produced by cracking her toe joints, publicly demonstrating the method as a hoax.[108] Magician Harry Houdini exposed numerous mediums in the 1920s through controlled tests revealing cold reading, trickery, and ectoplasm as disguised cheesecloth.[109] Empirical evaluations of these practices yield no reproducible supernatural effects. Parapsychological experiments, such as J.B. Rhine's 1930s ESP card tests at Duke University, initially reported above-chance results but failed replication under stricter controls, with meta-analyses showing small effects attributable to methodological flaws like sensory leakage and selective reporting.[110] The James Randi Educational Foundation's One Million Dollar Paranormal Challenge, active from 1964 to 2015, tested over 1,000 claimants but awarded the prize to none, as demonstrations succeeded only under uncontrolled conditions prone to deception or error.[111] Mainstream science attributes purported successes to cognitive biases, statistical artifacts, and fraud, with no verified instances defying naturalistic explanations.[4]Empirical Claims and Scientific Evaluation
Historical and Anecdotal Evidence
Historical records of supernatural phenomena often rely on eyewitness testimonies and ecclesiastical investigations rather than modern scientific protocols, rendering them anecdotal in nature. In the Catholic tradition, the shrine of Lourdes has documented over 7,000 claims of healing since 1858, with 72 cases officially recognized as miraculous by the Catholic Church following rigorous medical examinations by the Lourdes Medical Bureau, which requires inexplicable recovery from verified organic diseases.[112] For instance, the 70th declared miracle involved a French nun's sudden recovery from severe hypertension and paralysis in 1989, affirmed after years of scrutiny by independent physicians.[113] These validations prioritize cases defying natural explanations, though skeptics argue they reflect incomplete medical knowledge or spontaneous remissions rather than supernatural intervention.[114] The 1917 Miracle of the Sun at Fatima, Portugal, stands as one of the most widely attested modern events, with approximately 70,000 eyewitnesses reporting the sun appearing to dance, spin, and emit multicolored lights while plunging toward Earth on October 13, after heavy rain abruptly ceased.[115] Accounts from diverse observers, including skeptics like university professor Dr. José Maria de Almeida Garrett, described the phenomenon as visible for several minutes across a wide radius, with some noting dried clothing and ground despite prior soaking.[116] Secular newspapers such as O Século corroborated the mass sighting, though explanations range from optical illusions caused by staring at the sun to collective hysteria.[117] Reports of levitation provide another category of historical anecdotal evidence, particularly in hagiographies of saints. Saint Joseph of Cupertino (1603–1663) allegedly levitated over 70 times in public, witnessed by crowds, clergy, and even papal inquisitors during ecclesiastical trials, with flights lasting minutes and occurring involuntarily during prayer or Mass.[118] Contemporary biographies, including those by Giuseppe Castiglione, detail instances such as rising 10 feet to prune a tree or transporting a lamb mid-air, leading to his canonization in 1767 despite Vatican scrutiny for fraud.[119] Critics, however, point to potential hysteric seizures or hidden wires, noting the absence of independent, non-ecclesiastical verification.[120] Poltergeist activity represents secular anecdotal claims investigated in the 20th century. The Enfield Poltergeist case (1977–1979) in London involved two sisters experiencing furniture movement, object levitation, and disembodied voices over 18 months, witnessed by police officers, journalists, and parapsychologists like Maurice Grosse, who recorded over 2,000 incidents including a constable observing a chair slide unaided.[121] Audio tapes captured gravelly voices claiming to be a deceased resident, and photos showed partial levitation, but skeptics highlight adolescent pranks, with one girl admitting to faking some events under interrogation, undermining the case's credibility despite unexplained elements.[122] Such reports persist across cultures, yet consistently fail replication under controlled conditions, suggesting perceptual errors, suggestion, or deception over genuine supernatural causation.Parapsychological Experiments
Parapsychological experiments aim to test claims of extrasensory perception (ESP), telepathy, clairvoyance, precognition, and psychokinesis (PK) through controlled laboratory protocols, measuring outcomes against chance expectations via statistical analysis. Pioneered by J.B. Rhine at Duke University in the 1930s, early ESP studies used Zener cards featuring five symbols, with subjects attempting to guess hidden cards held by experimenters. Rhine reported hit rates exceeding chance, such as averages of 6.5 correct guesses out of 25 trials where 5 were expected, across thousands of runs.[123] However, subsequent analyses revealed methodological vulnerabilities, including inadequate randomization due to manual shuffling, potential sensory leakage from visible card backs or experimenter cues, and selective reporting of high-performing subjects or sessions.[124] Independent replications in the mid-20th century often yielded null results, attributing initial positives to these flaws rather than genuine psi.[125] The Ganzfeld procedure, developed in the 1970s by Charles Honorton, sought to enhance telepathy detection by placing a "receiver" in sensory isolation (halved ping-pong balls over eyes, white noise) while a "sender" viewed a visual stimulus, followed by the receiver judging from four options. Early meta-analyses of 28 studies reported a 35% hit rate against 25% chance, prompting claims of replicable evidence.[126] Statistician Ray Hyman critiqued these, identifying flaws in about 70% of experiments, such as inadequate blinding, drift in judging criteria, and multiple statistical analyses inflating significance (e.g., "optional stopping" where trials continued until p-values dropped below 0.05).[127] A 1986 joint communiqué by Hyman and proponent Honorton acknowledged persistent artifacts but called for stricter "auto-Ganzfeld" protocols with automated randomization; subsequent metas by parapsychologists like Storm et al. (2010) maintained small effects (effect size ~0.14), yet skeptics highlighted unresolved file-drawer bias—unpublished null studies—and failure of high-quality subsets to exceed chance consistently.[128] Preregistered replications, such as those post-2010, have largely failed to reproduce effects, aligning with broader psychology's replicability crisis where low statistical power (often <0.5) and questionable practices yield false positives.[129] Other paradigms, like Princeton's PEAR laboratory (1979–2007) micro-PK tests on random event generators, showed minute deviations (e.g., 0.1% shifts) from intention, but these dissipated under external scrutiny and independent labs reported no replication.[125] Daryl Bem's 2011 precognition experiments, using retroactive priming, initially hit statistical significance across nine studies but crumbled in large-scale replications (e.g., only 36% effect reproducibility rate), exemplifying the "decline effect" where positives fade with rigor.[129] Meta-analyses in parapsychology journals often aggregate heterogeneous data, overlooking quality variations and assuming psi's "elusiveness" excuses non-replication, yet causal analysis reveals no plausible mechanism bridging mind-matter without violating conservation laws or locality in physics. Overall, empirical scrutiny—prioritizing preregistered, blinded, high-power designs—yields no deviations beyond artifacts, underscoring parapsychology's systemic challenges with confirmation bias in proponent-led outlets versus null findings in neutral venues.[125][129]Systematic Failures and Methodological Critiques
Investigations into supernatural phenomena, particularly through parapsychology, have been plagued by methodological shortcomings that undermine claims of empirical support for psi effects such as telepathy or precognition. Common flaws include inadequate controls against sensory leakage, where unintended cues allow participants to gain information through normal channels, and cueing by experimenters who may subtly influence outcomes via body language or expectations.[130] These issues persist even in studies touted as rigorous, as critics like Ray Hyman have demonstrated through reanalyses showing that apparent hits often result from procedural lapses rather than paranormal means.[131] Replication failures represent a core systematic issue, with parapsychological findings exhibiting low reproducibility akin to broader crises in psychology but exacerbated by small effect sizes and high variability. A 2020 analysis argued that most psi research findings are false positives, attributable to the replicability crisis, where initial significant results fail under independent verification due to low statistical power and selective reporting.[129] For instance, classic protocols like the ganzfeld experiments, which meta-analyses initially suggested supported telepathy, collapsed upon stricter replications, yielding null results in controlled settings by groups unaffiliated with proponents.[132] Publication bias, known as the file-drawer problem, further distorts the literature, as non-significant studies are disproportionately suppressed, inflating meta-analytic effect sizes. In parapsychology, estimates indicate that hundreds to thousands of unreported null trials would be needed to nullify observed averages, a threshold rarely met despite calls for comprehensive archiving.[133] This bias, combined with questionable research practices like optional stopping or p-hacking—halting data collection when significance emerges—amplifies false positives, as evidenced by simulations showing psi claims evaporate under preregistered protocols.[129] Fraud and self-deception compound these failures, with historical cases like the Fox sisters' 1848 spirit rappings—admitted as toe-cracking hoaxes—setting precedents for fabricated evidence in spiritualism.[134] Modern examples include investigators like the Warrens, whose high-profile cases such as Amityville involved embellished claims later contradicted by participants admitting exaggeration for profit.[135] Over a century of scrutiny reveals no verifiable progress toward falsifiable, mechanism-explaining models, as supernatural hypotheses evade disconfirmation by ad hoc adjustments, contrasting with natural sciences' predictive advancements.[136] These patterns suggest that methodological critiques expose not mere errors but inherent incompatibilities with causal chains grounded in physical laws.Psychological and Sociological Analyses
Cognitive Mechanisms Underlying Belief
Belief in supernatural phenomena often stems from evolved cognitive processes that prioritize error management over accuracy, such as over-attributing agency to ambiguous stimuli to avoid potential threats from predators or conspecifics.[137] This hyperactive agency detection mechanism, proposed as a byproduct of adaptive vigilance, leads individuals to infer intentional agents behind natural events, fostering concepts of gods, spirits, or ghosts even without empirical support.[138] Experimental evidence shows paranormal believers exhibit heightened illusory agency detection, mistaking random patterns for purposeful action more frequently than skeptics.[139] However, recent critiques argue that claims of an inherited "hyperactive agency detection device" lack direct genetic or neurophysiological evidence, suggesting such tendencies may arise from general learning rather than specialized modules.[140] Theory of mind, the capacity to attribute mental states like beliefs and intentions to others, extends intuitively to non-observable entities, enabling the conceptualization of supernatural minds with desires and knowledge beyond human limits.[137] Children as young as three demonstrate this by reasoning about divine omniscience in ways that parallel human social cognition, though such extensions do not necessitate actual supernatural existence.[141] Studies link stronger theory-of-mind faculties to greater religiosity and paranormal endorsement, as mentalizing biases predispose individuals to anthropomorphize natural forces or abstract concepts into agentic beings.[142] This process is amplified in social contexts, where cultural transmission reinforces minimally counterintuitive agent concepts that violate few expectations yet evoke intuitive appeal.[143] Illusory pattern perception, or apophenia, drives supernatural attribution by compelling the brain to discern meaningful connections in noise, a bias adaptive for identifying real correlations in survival-relevant domains like foraging or threat avoidance.[144] Paranormal adherents show reduced perceptual sensitivity and liberal response biases in signal-detection tasks, interpreting randomness as evidence of hidden forces or conspiracies.[145] Neuroimaging and behavioral data indicate this stems from overactive default mode networks, which generate causal narratives from ambiguous data, correlating with both supernatural and pseudoscientific beliefs.[146] Innate dualistic intuitions, where mind and body are parsed as separable, provide a foundational scaffold for afterlife and disembodied spirit concepts, emerging in infants before cultural influence.[138] This cognitive default, evident in spontaneous soul-body distinctions by age four, underpins teleological reasoning that imbues events with purpose, sequentially leading to supernatural endorsements via mentalizing pathways.[147] Reflective dualism, distinct from philosophical variants, correlates with paranormal experiences independent of religiosity, as it facilitates acceptance of non-physical causal influences.[148] Empirical models confirm these mechanisms interact hierarchically: agency detection feeds pattern-seeking, which bolsters dualistic ontologies, yielding resilient supernatural frameworks resistant to disconfirmation.[142]Evolutionary and Adaptive Explanations
Evolutionary explanations for supernatural beliefs posit that such cognitions emerged as byproducts of cognitive adaptations shaped by natural selection to enhance survival in ancestral environments. Humans evolved mechanisms like theory of mind, which enables inference of others' mental states, but this capacity can extend erroneously to non-existent agents, fostering intuitions of invisible supernatural entities that monitor behavior or intervene in events. Similarly, the hyperactive agency detection device (HADD) hypothesis suggests an adaptive bias toward over-attributing ambiguous stimuli—such as rustling bushes or unusual coincidences—to intentional agents rather than random natural causes, minimizing the fitness costs of false negatives (missing a predator) at the expense of false positives (imagining ghosts or spirits). This mechanism, rooted in predator avoidance and social vigilance, likely contributed to the cross-cultural prevalence of animistic and theistic beliefs, as evidenced by ethnographic data from hunter-gatherer societies where agency attribution correlates with environmental uncertainty.[149][150][151] While HADD provides a proximate cognitive explanation, its ultimate adaptive status remains debated, with empirical tests yielding mixed results; for instance, laboratory experiments show heightened agency detection in paranormal believers, but field studies fail to confirm a heritable "hyperactive" module distinct from general perceptual biases. Proponents argue these errors were tolerated because they occasionally yielded benefits, such as heightened caution in hazardous Pleistocene environments, but critics contend there is insufficient genetic or neuroscientific evidence for a dedicated device, viewing it instead as an emergent property of broader Bayesian inference systems tuned for threat detection. Supernatural concepts that are minimally counterintuitive—violating few ontological categories while retaining intuitive cores, like purposeful minds without bodies—also spread efficiently via cultural transmission, as they balance memorability and inferential potential without overwhelming cognitive load.[139][140][151] Adaptationist accounts extend beyond byproducts to propose direct fitness advantages, particularly in promoting cooperation and group cohesion. Beliefs in moralistic supernatural watchers—deities or ancestors who punish defection—function as a low-cost commitment device, enforcing reciprocity in large-scale societies where kin selection alone fails, as supported by historical analyses showing correlations between "Big God" religions and societal complexity from the Axial Age onward (circa 800–200 BCE). Costly rituals and signals, such as painful initiations or sacrifices, further demonstrate devotee sincerity, filtering free-riders and enhancing intragroup trust, with economic modeling indicating net reproductive benefits in competitive intergroup settings. Twin studies estimate religiosity heritability at 30–50%, implying genetic selection pressures, though environmental factors confound pure adaptation claims; for example, religious priming experiments reliably boost prosociality in anonymous games, suggesting causal efficacy in modern analogs of ancestral dilemmas.[152][153] Critiques of adaptationism highlight that supernatural beliefs can incur costs, such as resource diversion to ineffective rituals or intergroup conflict, questioning their net selectivity; byproduct theorists counter that persistence arises from non-adaptive cultural elaboration of pre-existing intuitions, without requiring domain-specific evolution. Empirical cross-cultural surveys, including those from the Human Relations Area Files, reveal near-universal supernatural agent concepts, but variation in intensity ties more to ecological stressors than fixed adaptations, underscoring multifactorial causation over monocausal models. Overall, while cognitive byproducts provide a parsimonious baseline, evidence for adaptive enhancements in social functionality remains suggestive rather than conclusive, pending advances in behavioral genetics and comparative primatology.[154][151][149]Social and Cultural Functions
Supernatural beliefs have historically served to promote social cohesion by providing shared narratives and rituals that reinforce group identity and cooperation. In small-scale societies lacking centralized authority, beliefs in watchful supernatural agents, such as moralizing gods or ancestors, encourage prosocial behaviors like altruism and norm compliance, as individuals perceive divine oversight deterring free-riding.[155] A 2022 study analyzing historical data from African ethnic groups demonstrated causal links between traditional supernatural beliefs and increased interpersonal trust and generosity, particularly in environments with weak formal institutions.[155] These functions align with evolutionary theories positing that costly signaling through rituals—such as communal feasts or sacrifices—verifies commitment to the group, fostering alliances and reducing conflict.[152] Anthropological analyses highlight how supernatural cosmologies integrate rules of behavior with rituals, embedding moral imperatives within cultural practices to regulate social interactions. For instance, prohibitions against witchcraft or taboos enforced by supernatural sanctions maintain order by discouraging deviance, as seen in ethnographic accounts from diverse societies where such beliefs correlate with lower rates of intra-group violence.[156] Cross-cultural surveys across 114 societies reveal that supernatural explanations are disproportionately invoked for social phenomena—like misfortune attributed to envy or sorcery—rather than natural events, aiding in the attribution of causality to human actions and thereby stabilizing social hierarchies and reciprocity networks.[50] This pattern intensifies in more complex societies, where layered supernatural agents monitor compliance with norms, enhancing collective action for public goods.[50] Beyond cohesion, supernatural beliefs fulfill cultural roles in meaning-making and resilience, transmitting values across generations through myths and festivals that affirm communal bonds. In pre-modern contexts, they offered frameworks for coping with uncertainty, such as epidemics framed as divine retribution, which mobilized collective responses like purification rites.[157] Empirical correlations from psychological studies link paranormal convictions to heightened social efficacy, where believers report stronger outcome expectations in interpersonal domains due to perceived supernatural support.[158] However, these functions vary by context; while adaptive in high-uncertainty settings, they can rigidify when institutionalized, as evidenced by reduced flexibility in belief systems amid modernization.[138] Overall, such beliefs persist because they causally underpin cooperation without relying solely on kin selection or repeated interactions.[159]Major Controversies and Debates
Conflict with Scientific Naturalism
Scientific naturalism posits that the universe and all phenomena within it are explicable through natural laws and processes, without recourse to supernatural entities or interventions.[35] This framework underpins modern science, which has achieved explanatory success by assuming methodological naturalism—seeking causes within observable, testable reality—yielding predictions and technologies from quantum mechanics to evolutionary biology.[35] Supernatural claims, by contrast, invoke non-physical agents, forces, or violations of natural laws, such as miracles or divine interventions, creating an inherent tension with naturalism's causal closure: the principle that every event has a natural cause sufficient to explain it.[35] Philosophers like David Hume argued that testimony for miracles—a transgression of natural law by supernatural volition—must be outweighed by the uniform empirical experience of those laws holding without exception.[48] Hume emphasized that the evidence against a miracle's occurrence, derived from consistent natural regularity, requires any supporting testimony to demonstrate a degree of reliability exceeding that improbability, a threshold rarely met by anecdotal reports alone.[28] This probabilistic reasoning aligns with Bayesian epistemology, where prior probabilities based on established science render supernatural hypotheses vanishingly low absent extraordinary verification.[41] Supernatural assertions often evade Karl Popper's falsifiability criterion, essential for demarcating scientific theories: a claim is scientific only if it risks empirical refutation through observation or experiment.[160] Proponents may retreat to ad hoc explanations—like undetectable spiritual mechanisms—when predictions fail, rendering such views non-scientific and incompatible with naturalism's demand for testable, revisable models.[160] Empirical investigations, including parapsychological studies of telepathy or prayer efficacy, have consistently failed replication under controlled conditions, reinforcing that no verified supernatural phenomenon has withstood rigorous scrutiny.[161] The conflict extends to explanatory parsimony: naturalism favors simpler, unified theories without multiplying entities beyond necessity (Occam's razor), whereas supernaturalism introduces unobservable realms that complicate rather than resolve causal chains.[35] Historical "supernatural" events, from eclipses once attributed to gods to diseases blamed on demons, have yielded to natural explanations—astronomy and germ theory, respectively—suggesting a pattern where supernatural appeals mark knowledge gaps later filled empirically.[162] Adopting supernaturalism risks halting inquiry, as it permits dismissing natural evidence in favor of unfalsifiable alternatives, undermining science's track record of progressive understanding.[163]Religious and Theistic Counterarguments
Theistic philosophers argue that metaphysical naturalism undermines the reliability of human cognition, thereby weakening its own foundations. Alvin Plantinga’s Evolutionary Argument Against Naturalism maintains that under unguided Darwinian evolution, cognitive faculties evolve for adaptive behavior rather than truth detection, yielding a low probability (less than 50%) that beliefs align with reality, including the belief in naturalism itself.[164] This renders naturalism self-defeating epistemically, as it provides no warrant for trusting the processes that led to its acceptance.[165] In contrast, theism posits a divine intellect designing humans to form true beliefs about the world, supplying the necessary reliability.[164] On miracles, theists counter scientific skepticism by challenging David Hume’s probabilistic objection, which holds that uniform experience of natural laws outweighs testimony for violations. William Lane Craig contends Hume begs the question by presupposing no divine agency capable of suspending laws, arguing instead that miracles become credible when historical evidence—such as multiple independent attestations and the rapid rise of Christianity despite persecution—exceeds the improbability of natural explanations.[166] For the resurrection of Jesus, Craig invokes minimal facts like the empty tomb (endorsed by 75% of scholars), postmortem appearances to skeptics including Paul, and the disciples’ transformation from despair to martyrdom-risking proclamation, which naturalistic hypotheses (hallucinations, theft) fail to explain cohesively.[166] These facts, drawn from sources within years of the events, suggest supernatural intervention as the superior inference.[166] C.S. Lewis further defends miracles by rejecting naturalism’s materialist account of reason, asserting that non-rational causes cannot produce genuine rational inference without invoking supernatural ground for thought.[167] Miracles, he argues, do not contradict nature but represent the Creator’s deliberate interventions in His ordered creation, akin to an author altering a story; denying them a priori commits the "chronological snobbery" of assuming modern science exhausts reality.[167] Theistic traditions thus view supernatural events as purposeful signs of divine reality, corroborated by cumulative cases across scriptures and experiences, though resistant to laboratory replication due to their contextual, non-mechanistic nature.[167]Societal Impacts and Policy Implications
Belief in supernatural phenomena has been linked to both prosocial behaviors and detrimental societal outcomes. Empirical studies indicate that certain supernatural explanations, prevalent in 114 societies, correlate with enhanced parochial cooperation and group cohesion, potentially fostering social stability in small-scale communities.[50] However, these beliefs often undermine public health efforts; for instance, sorcery and witchcraft attributions in various cultures delay medical interventions, reducing adherence to evidence-based treatments and exacerbating illness outcomes.[168] In sub-Saharan Africa, widespread superstitious practices impose significant economic burdens, diverting resources from productive activities to rituals and deterring investment due to fears of supernatural reprisals.[169] Supernatural convictions contribute to pseudoscientific decision-making, with correlations to vaccine hesitancy and lower endorsement of scientific consensus on health matters.[170] Economically, superstitions manifest in measurable costs, such as reduced driving speeds among those avoiding "unlucky" license plates or suboptimal financial choices influenced by omens, aggregating to billions in foregone productivity globally.[171] Sociologically, higher supernatural belief prevalence among lower socioeconomic groups perpetuates cycles of reduced social efficacy and outcome expectations, hindering upward mobility.[172][158] Policy responses have varied, often balancing free expression with consumer protection. In the United States, historical government initiatives like the CIA's Stargate Project (1978–1995) allocated millions to psychic research for intelligence purposes, but evaluations deemed results unreliable, leading to termination and recommendations against public funding for unverified paranormal claims.[173] Several municipalities regulate psychic services through licensing and fraud statutes, requiring mediums to register or prohibiting unsubstantiated claims to curb scams estimated at hundreds of millions annually in consumer losses.[174] Recent repeals, such as Norfolk, Virginia's 2024 lifting of a 45-year ban on palmistry, reflect growing tolerance amid First Amendment challenges, though critics argue such deregulation invites exploitation without empirical validation.[175] In health policy, supernatural beliefs complicate enforcement of child welfare laws; faith-based exemptions for medical neglect in cases of prayer-only healing have resulted in documented fatalities, prompting reforms in states like Oregon to eliminate such provisions since 2011.[176] Education policies increasingly incorporate critical thinking curricula to mitigate paranormal endorsement, with university interventions showing modest reductions in pseudoscientific beliefs among students.[177] Overall, policies prioritize empirical standards, avoiding endorsement of supernatural claims in public institutions while permitting private practice, as unsubstantiated beliefs risk eroding trust in verifiable systems without commensurate benefits.[178]Supernatural in Modern Culture and Recent Trends
Representations in Media and Fiction
Supernatural elements in literature trace back to ancient myths and folklore but proliferated in modern fiction through the Gothic tradition, which emphasized irrational forces defying natural laws to heighten suspense and moral allegory. Horace Walpole's The Castle of Otranto (1764) is credited as the first Gothic novel, featuring apparitions and prophetic dreams that blurred boundaries between the rational Enlightenment and medieval superstition, influencing subsequent works by authors like Ann Radcliffe and Matthew Lewis.[179] In the 19th century, Mary Shelley's Frankenstein (1818) portrayed reanimated life as a hubristic violation of natural order, while Bram Stoker's Dracula (1897) depicted vampirism as an invasive, atavistic threat, reflecting Victorian anxieties over immigration and degeneration rather than literal supernatural endorsement.[180] These narratives prioritized atmospheric dread over empirical validation, establishing supernatural fiction as a vehicle for exploring human psychology and societal taboos without asserting ontological reality.[181] In film, supernatural representations evolved from silent-era adaptations to blockbuster horror, often amplifying visceral effects to exploit audience adrenaline responses in controlled settings. F.W. Murnau's Nosferatu (1922), a plagiarized rendition of Dracula, introduced cinematic vampires as shadowy, plague-bearing entities, setting precedents for expressionist visuals in German horror.[182] The genre surged post-World War II with Universal Studios' monster cycle, including Dracula (1931) starring Bela Lugosi, which grossed over $700,000 domestically despite the Depression, demonstrating commercial viability through archetypal undead threats.[183] Modern examples like The Exorcist (1973), based on William Peter Blatty's novel, depicted demonic possession with medical realism to heighten plausibility, earning $441 million worldwide and spawning franchises that normalized exorcism tropes despite ecclesiastical critiques of sensationalism.[184] Such depictions, while fictional, correlate with temporary spikes in reported paranormal experiences, as per surveys linking horror viewing to heightened suggestibility rather than evidential shifts.[185] Television expanded supernatural motifs into serialized formats, blending procedural investigation with mythological arcs to sustain viewer engagement over seasons. The Twilight Zone (1959–1964), created by Rod Serling, aired 156 episodes featuring twist-ending tales of ghosts, aliens, and fate, influencing anthology horror by embedding moral cautionary elements in everyday scenarios.[186] The X-Files (1993–2002, revived 2016–2018) followed FBI agents probing unexplained phenomena, attracting 10–20 million U.S. viewers per episode at peak and boosting public discourse on UFOs through its "truth is out there" mantra, though empirical analyses attribute its appeal to narrative ambiguity over factual substantiation.[184] The CW's Supernatural (2005–2020), spanning 15 seasons and 327 episodes, chronicled brothers hunting demons and folklore creatures, drawing from American urban legends and achieving cult status with over 5 million viewers in its early seasons, exemplifying how procedural hunts ritualize confrontation with the uncanny for escapist catharsis.[187] Recent trends show sustained demand, with horror fiction sales rising 54% in the UK from 2022 to 2023 to £7.7 million, driven by streaming adaptations like Stranger Things (2016–present), which reimagines 1980s nostalgia with interdimensional entities, reflecting cyclical popularity amid real-world uncertainties rather than renewed evidential claims.[188][189]Contemporary Belief Patterns and Surveys
In the United States, a 2025 Gallup poll found that 39% of adults believe in ghosts, while belief in other paranormal phenomena such as extrasensory perception (ESP), clairvoyance, and astrology ranges from 24% to 29%, reflecting broad skepticism with nearly half (48%) rejecting all eight tested supernatural claims.[190] This marks relative stability compared to prior Gallup surveys in 2001 and earlier, though absolute belief levels remain below historical highs for some categories like ESP.[191] A contemporaneous YouGov survey indicated that 38% of Americans affirm the existence of ghosts and 36% believe in other supernatural beings, such as spirits or entities, with personal experiences reported by a majority who endorse such views.[192] Belief patterns show demographic variations: younger Americans exhibit higher endorsement of witchcraft and luck as supernatural forces, per a 2025 analysis of national data, potentially linked to cultural influences like media portrayals.[193] Religious affiliation strongly predicts acceptance, with evangelical Christians more likely to affirm biblical supernatural elements like demons (54% among Republicans per related Gallup crosstabs) compared to Democrats (37%).[194] Education and secularity inversely correlate; a 2025 study of Danish adults, despite high societal secularism, revealed persistent supernatural beliefs in 20-40% across phenomena like fate or afterlife, underscoring that even in low-religiosity contexts, such views endure.[195] Globally, an Ipsos survey across 26 countries in 2023 reported that 40% believe in God as described in holy scriptures, with 20% affirming a higher spirit or universal force, though acceptance of paranormal specifics like ghosts varies widely (e.g., 39% in the US).[196] In the UK, a 2025 YouGov poll found 38% open to ghosts' existence and 21% believing in witches, with lower rates for magic (19%) or spirit communication (20%), indicating cultural persistence amid declining traditional religiosity.[197] These patterns suggest supernatural beliefs adapt rather than vanish in modern societies, often decoupling from organized religion toward personalized or secularized forms like UFOs (42% US belief per Ipsos 2023).[198]| Phenomenon | US Belief (%) - Gallup 2025 | Comparison (e.g., UK YouGov 2025 %) |
|---|---|---|
| Ghosts | 39 | 38 |
| ESP | 29 | N/A |
| Astrology | 24 | N/A |
| Witches | N/A | 21 |
| Magic | N/A | 19 |
