Anarchism
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Anarchism is a political philosophy and movement that seeks to abolish all institutions that perpetuate authority, coercion, or hierarchy, primarily targeting the state and capitalism.[1] Anarchism advocates for the replacement of the state with stateless societies and voluntary free associations. A historically left-wing movement, anarchism is usually described as the libertarian wing of the socialist movement (libertarian socialism).
Although traces of anarchist ideas are found all throughout history, modern anarchism emerged from the Enlightenment. During the latter half of the 19th and the first decades of the 20th century, the anarchist movement flourished in most parts of the world and had a significant role in workers' struggles for emancipation. Various anarchist schools of thought formed during this period. Anarchists have taken part in several revolutions, most notably in the Paris Commune, the Russian Civil War and the Spanish Civil War, whose conclusion marked the end of the classical era of anarchism. In the last decades of the 20th and into the 21st century, the anarchist movement has been resurgent once more, growing in popularity and influence within anti-capitalist, anti-war and anti-globalisation movements.
Anarchists employ diverse approaches, which may be generally divided into revolutionary and evolutionary strategies; there is significant overlap between the two. Evolutionary methods try to simulate what an anarchist society might be like, but revolutionary tactics, which have historically taken a violent turn, aim to overthrow authority and the state. Many facets of human civilization have been influenced by anarchist theory, critique, and praxis.
Etymology, terminology, and definition
[edit]
The etymological origin of anarchism is from the Ancient Greek anarkhia (ἀναρχία), meaning "without a ruler", composed of the prefix an- ("without") and the word arkhos ("leader" or "ruler"). The suffix -ism denotes the ideological current that favours anarchy.[5] Anarchism appears in English from 1642 as anarchisme and anarchy from 1539; early English usages emphasised a sense of disorder.[6] Various factions within the French Revolution labelled their opponents as anarchists, although few such accused shared many views with later anarchists. Many revolutionaries of the 19th century such as William Godwin (1756–1836) and Wilhelm Weitling (1808–1871) would contribute to the anarchist doctrines of the next generation but did not use anarchist or anarchism in describing themselves or their beliefs.[7][8]
The first political philosopher to call himself an anarchist (French: anarchiste) was Pierre-Joseph Proudhon (1809–1865),[2][3][4] marking the formal birth of anarchism in the mid-19th century. Since the 1890s and beginning in France,[9] libertarianism has often been used as a synonym for anarchism;[10] its use as a synonym is still common outside the United States.[11] Some usages of libertarianism refer to individualistic free-market philosophy only, and free-market anarchism in particular is termed libertarian anarchism.[12]
While the term libertarian has been largely synonymous with anarchism,[13] its meaning has more recently been diluted by wider adoption from ideologically disparate groups,[14] including both the New Left and libertarian Marxists, who do not associate themselves with authoritarian socialists or a vanguard party, and extreme cultural liberals, who are primarily concerned with civil liberties.[14] Additionally, some anarchists use libertarian socialist[15] to avoid anarchism's negative connotations and emphasise its connections with socialism.[14] Anarchism is broadly used to describe the anti-authoritarian wing of the socialist movement.[16][nb 1] Anarchism is contrasted to socialist forms which are state-oriented or from above.[20] Scholars of anarchism generally highlight anarchism's socialist credentials[21] and criticise attempts at creating dichotomies between the two.[22] Some scholars describe anarchism as having many influences from liberalism,[14] and being both liberal and socialist but more so.[23] Many scholars reject anarcho-capitalism as a misunderstanding of anarchist principles.[24][nb 2]
While opposition to the state is central to anarchist thought, defining anarchism is not an easy task for scholars, as there is a lot of discussion among scholars and anarchists on the matter, and various currents perceive anarchism slightly differently.[26][nb 3] Major definitional elements include the will for a non-coercive society, the rejection of the state apparatus, the belief that human nature allows humans to exist in or progress toward such a non-coercive society, and a suggestion on how to act to pursue the ideal of anarchy.[29]
History
[edit]Pre-modern era
[edit]
The most notable precursors to anarchism in the ancient world were in China and Greece. In China, philosophical anarchism (the discussion on the legitimacy of the state) was delineated by Taoist philosophers Zhuang Zhou and Laozi.[31] Alongside Stoicism, Taoism has been said to have had "significant anticipations" of anarchism.[32]
Anarchic attitudes were also articulated by tragedians and philosophers in Greece. Aeschylus and Sophocles used the myth of Antigone to illustrate the conflict between laws imposed by the state and personal autonomy. Socrates questioned Athenian authorities constantly and insisted on the right of individual freedom of conscience. Cynics dismissed human law (nomos) and associated authorities while trying to live according to nature (physis). Stoics were supportive of a society based on unofficial and friendly relations among its citizens without the presence of a state.[33]
In medieval Europe, there was no anarchistic activity except some ascetic religious movements. These, and other Muslim movements, later gave birth to religious anarchism. In the Sasanian Empire, Mazdak called for an egalitarian society and the abolition of monarchy, only to be soon executed by Emperor Kavad I.[34] In Basra, religious sects preached against the state.[35] In Europe, various religious sects developed anti-state and libertarian tendencies.[36]
Renewed interest in antiquity during the Renaissance and in private judgment during the Reformation restored elements of anti-authoritarian secularism in Europe, particularly in France.[37] Enlightenment challenges to intellectual authority (secular and religious) and the revolutions of the 1790s and 1848 all spurred the ideological development of what became the era of classical anarchism.[38]
Modern era
[edit]
During the French Revolution, partisan groups such as the Enragés and the sans-culottes saw a turning point in the fermentation of anti-state and federalist sentiments.[39] The first anarchist currents developed throughout the 19th century as William Godwin espoused philosophical anarchism in England, morally delegitimising the state, Max Stirner's thinking paved the way to individualism and Pierre-Joseph Proudhon's theory of mutualism found fertile soil in France.[40] By the late 1870s, various anarchist schools of thought had become well-defined and a wave of then-unprecedented globalisation occurred from 1880 to 1914.[41] This era of classical anarchism lasted until the end of the Spanish Civil War and is considered the golden age of anarchism.[40]

Drawing from mutualism, Mikhail Bakunin founded collectivist anarchism and entered the International Workingmen's Association, a class worker union later known as the First International that formed in 1864 to unite diverse revolutionary currents. The International became a significant political force, with Karl Marx being a leading figure and a member of its General Council. Bakunin's faction (the Jura Federation) and Proudhon's followers (the mutualists) opposed state socialism, advocating political abstentionism and small property holdings.[42] After bitter disputes, the Bakuninists were expelled from the International by the Marxists at the 1872 Hague Congress.[43] Anarchists were treated similarly in the Second International, being ultimately expelled in 1896.[44] Bakunin predicted that if revolutionaries gained power by Marx's terms, they would end up the new tyrants of workers. In response to their expulsion from the First International, anarchists formed the St. Imier International. Under the influence of Peter Kropotkin, a Russian philosopher and scientist, anarcho-communism overlapped with collectivism.[45] Anarcho-communists, who drew inspiration from the 1871 Paris Commune, advocated for free federation and for the distribution of goods according to one's needs.[46]
During this time, a minority of anarchists adopted tactics of revolutionary political violence, known as propaganda of the deed.[47] The dismemberment of the French socialist movement into many groups and the execution and exile of many Communards to penal colonies following the suppression of the Paris Commune favoured individualist political expression and acts.[48] Even though many anarchists distanced themselves from these terrorist acts, infamy came upon the movement and attempts were made to prevent anarchists immigrating to the US, including the Immigration Act of 1903, also called the Anarchist Exclusion Act.[49] Illegalism was another strategy which some anarchists adopted during this period.[50]
By the turn of the 20th century, the terrorist movement had died down, giving way to anarchist communism and syndicalism, while anarchism had spread all over the world.[51][52] In China, small groups of students imported the humanistic pro-science version of anarcho-communism.[53] Tokyo was a hotspot for rebellious youth from East Asian countries, who moved to the Japanese capital to study.[54] In Latin America, Argentina was a stronghold for anarcho-syndicalism, where it became the most prominent left-wing ideology.[55] Anarchists were involved in the Strandzha Commune and Krusevo Republic established in Macedonia in Ilinden–Preobrazhenie Uprising of 1903, and in the Mexican Revolution of 1910. The revolutionary wave of 1917–23 saw varying degrees of active participation by anarchists.[56]

Despite concerns, anarchists enthusiastically participated in the Russian Revolution in opposition to the White movement, especially in the Makhnovshchina. Seeing the victories of the Bolsheviks in the October Revolution and the resulting Russian Civil War, many workers and activists turned to Communist parties, which grew at the expense of anarchism and other socialist movements. In France and the United States, members of major syndicalist movements such as the General Confederation of Labour and the Industrial Workers of the World left their organisations and joined the Communist International.[57] However, anarchists met harsh suppression after the Bolshevik government had stabilised, including during the Kronstadt rebellion.[58] Several anarchists from Petrograd and Moscow fled to Ukraine, before the Bolsheviks crushed the anarchist movement there too.[58] With the anarchists being repressed in Russia, two new antithetical currents emerged, namely platformism and synthesis anarchism. The former sought to create a coherent group that would push for revolution while the latter were against anything that would resemble a political party.
In the Spanish Civil War of 1936–39, anarchists and syndicalists (CNT and FAI) once again allied themselves with various currents of leftists. A long tradition of Spanish anarchism led to anarchists playing a pivotal role in the war, and particularly in the Spanish Revolution of 1936. In response to the army rebellion, an anarchist-inspired movement of peasants and workers, supported by armed militias, took control of Barcelona and of large areas of rural Spain, where they collectivised the land.[59] The Soviet Union provided some limited assistance at the beginning of the war, but the result was a bitter fight between communists and other leftists in a series of events known as the May Days, as Joseph Stalin asserted Soviet control of the Republican government, ending in another defeat of anarchists at the hands of the communists.[60]
Post-WWII
[edit]
By the end of World War II, the anarchist movement had been severely weakened.[61] The 1960s witnessed a revival of anarchism, likely caused by a perceived failure of Marxism–Leninism and tensions built by the Cold War.[62] During this time, anarchism found a presence in other movements critical towards both capitalism and the state such as the anti-nuclear, environmental, and peace movements, the counterculture of the 1960s, and the New Left.[63] It also saw a transition from its previous revolutionary nature to provocative anti-capitalist reformism.[64] Anarchism became associated with punk subculture as exemplified by bands such as Crass and the Sex Pistols.[65] The established feminist tendencies of anarcha-feminism returned with vigour during the second wave of feminism.[66] Black anarchism began to take form at this time and influenced anarchism's move from a Eurocentric demographic.[67] This coincided with its failure to gain traction in Northern Europe and its unprecedented height in Latin America.[68]

Around the turn of the 21st century, anarchism grew in popularity and influence within anti-capitalist, anti-war and anti-globalisation movements.[69] Interest in the anarchist movement developed alongside momentum in the anti-globalisation movement,[70] whose leading activist networks were anarchist in orientation.[71] Anarchists became known for their involvement in protests against the World Trade Organization (WTO), the Group of Eight and the World Economic Forum. During the protests, ad hoc leaderless anonymous cadres known as black blocs engaged in rioting, property destruction and violent confrontations with the police. Other organisational tactics pioneered at this time include affinity groups, security culture and the use of decentralised technologies such as the Internet. A significant event of this period was the confrontations at the 1999 Seattle WTO conference.[69] As the movement shaped 21st century radicalism, wider embrace of anarchist principles signaled a revival of interest.[71] Contemporary news coverage of black bloc demonstrations emphasizes violence committed by anarchists.[72][73][74]
While having revolutionary aspirations, many contemporary forms of anarchism are not confrontational. Instead, they are trying to build an alternative way of social organization (following the theories of dual power), based on mutual interdependence and voluntary cooperation, for instance in groups such as Food Not Bombs and in self-managed social centers.[75]
Anarchism's publicity has also led more scholars in fields such as anthropology and history to engage with the anarchist movement, although contemporary anarchism favours actions over academic theory.[76] Anarchist ideas have been influential in the development of the Zapatistas in Mexico and the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria, more commonly known as Rojava, a de facto autonomous region in northern Syria.[77]
Schools of thought
[edit]Anarchist schools of thought have been generally grouped into two main historical traditions, social anarchism and individualist anarchism, owing to their different origins, values and evolution.[78] The individualist current emphasises negative liberty in opposing restraints upon the free individual, while the social current emphasises positive liberty in aiming to achieve the free potential of society through equality and social ownership.[79] In a chronological sense, anarchism can be segmented by the classical currents of the late 19th century and the post-classical currents (anarcha-feminism, green anarchism, and post-anarchism) developed thereafter.[80]

Anarchism's emphasis on anti-capitalism, egalitarianism, and for the extension of community and individuality sets it apart from anarcho-capitalism and other types of economic libertarianism.[24] Anarchism is usually placed on the far-left of the political spectrum, though many reject state authority from conservative principles, such as anarcho-capitalists.[81] Much of its economics and legal philosophy reflect anti-authoritarian, anti-statist, libertarian, and radical interpretations of left-wing and socialist politics[17] such as collectivism, communism, individualism, mutualism, and syndicalism, among other libertarian socialist economic theories.[82]
As anarchism does not offer a fixed body of doctrine from a single particular worldview,[83] many anarchist types and traditions exist and varieties of anarchy diverge widely.[84] One reaction against sectarianism within the anarchist milieu was anarchism without adjectives, a call for toleration and unity among anarchists first adopted by Fernando Tarrida del Mármol in 1889 in response to the bitter debates of anarchist theory at the time.[85] Despite separation, the various anarchist schools of thought are not seen as distinct entities but rather as tendencies that intermingle and are connected through a set of shared principles such as autonomy, mutual aid, anti-authoritarianism and decentralisation.[86]
Beyond the specific factions of anarchist political movements which constitute political anarchism lies philosophical anarchism, which holds that the state lacks moral legitimacy, without necessarily accepting the imperative of revolution to eliminate it.[87] A component especially of individualist anarchism,[88] philosophical anarchism may tolerate the existence of a minimal state but claims that citizens have no moral obligation to obey government when it conflicts with individual autonomy.[89] Philosophical currents as diverse as Objectivism and Kantianism have provided arguments drawn on in favor of philosophical anarchism, including Wolff's defense of anarchism against formal methods for legitimating it.[90] Anarchism pays significant attention to moral arguments since ethics have a central role in anarchist philosophy.[91] Belief in political nihilism has been espoused by anarchists.[92]
Classical
[edit]
Inceptive currents among classical anarchist currents were mutualism and individualism. They were followed by the major currents of social anarchism (collectivist, communist and syndicalist). They differ on organisational and economic aspects of their ideal society.[94]
Mutualism is an 18th-century economic theory that was developed into anarchist theory by Pierre-Joseph Proudhon. Its aims include "abolishing the state",[95] reciprocity, free association, voluntary contract, federation and monetary reform of both credit and currency that would be regulated by a bank of the people.[96] Mutualism has been retrospectively characterised as ideologically situated between individualist and collectivist forms of anarchism.[97] In What Is Property? (1840), Proudhon first characterised his goal as a "third form of society, the synthesis of communism and property."[98] Collectivist anarchism is a revolutionary socialist form of anarchism[99] commonly associated with Mikhail Bakunin.[100] Collectivist anarchists advocate collective ownership of the means of production which is theorised to be achieved through violent revolution[101] and that workers be paid according to time worked, rather than goods being distributed according to need as in communism. Collectivist anarchism arose alongside Marxism but rejected the dictatorship of the proletariat despite the stated Marxist goal of a collectivist stateless society.[102]
Anarcho-communism is a theory of anarchism that advocates a communist society with common ownership of the means of production,[103] held by a federal network of voluntary associations,[104] with production and consumption based on the guiding principle "From each according to his ability, to each according to his need."[105] Anarcho-communism developed from radical socialist currents after the French Revolution[106] but was first formulated as such in the Italian section of the First International.[107] It was later expanded upon in the theoretical work of Peter Kropotkin,[108] whose specific style would go onto become the dominating view of anarchists by the late 19th century.[109] Anarcho-syndicalism is a branch of anarchism that views labour syndicates as a potential force for revolutionary social change, replacing capitalism and the state with a new society democratically self-managed by workers. The basic principles of anarcho-syndicalism are direct action, workers' solidarity and workers' self-management.[110]
Individualist anarchism is a set of several traditions of thought within the anarchist movement that emphasise the individual and their will over any kinds of external determinants.[111] Early influences on individualist forms of anarchism include William Godwin, Max Stirner, and Henry David Thoreau. Through many countries, individualist anarchism attracted a small yet diverse following of Bohemian artists and intellectuals[112] as well as young anarchist outlaws in what became known as illegalism and individual reclamation.[113]
Post-classical and contemporary
[edit]Anarchism has continued to generate many philosophies and movements, at times eclectic, drawing upon various sources and combining disparate concepts to create new philosophical approaches.[114]The anti-capitalist tradition of classical anarchism has remained prominent in contemporary currents.[115]
Various anarchist groups, tendencies, and schools of thought exist today, making it difficult to describe the contemporary anarchist movement.[116] While theorists and activists have established "relatively stable constellations of anarchist principles", there is no consensus on which principles are core and commentators describe multiple anarchisms, rather than a singular anarchism, in which common principles are shared between schools of anarchism while each group prioritizes those principles differently. Gender equality can be a common principle, although it ranks as a higher priority to anarcha-feminists than anarcho-communists.[117]
Anarchists are generally committed against coercive authority in all forms, namely "all centralized and hierarchical forms of government (e.g., monarchy, representative democracy, state socialism, etc.), economic class systems (e.g., capitalism, Bolshevism, feudalism, slavery, etc.), autocratic religions (e.g., fundamentalist Islam, Roman Catholicism, etc.), patriarchy, heterosexism, white supremacy, and imperialism."[118] Anarchist schools disagree on the methods by which these forms should be opposed.[119]
Tactics
[edit]Anarchists' tactics take various forms but in general serve two major goals, namely, to first oppose the Establishment and secondly to promote anarchist ethics and reflect an anarchist vision of society, illustrating the unity of means and ends.[120] A broad categorisation can be made between aims to destroy oppressive states and institutions by revolutionary means on one hand and aims to change society through evolutionary means on the other.[121] Evolutionary tactics embrace nonviolence and take a gradual approach to anarchist aims, although there is significant overlap between the two.[122]
Anarchist tactics have shifted during the course of the last century. Anarchists during the early 20th century focused more on strikes and militancy while contemporary anarchists use a broader array of approaches.[123]
Classical era
[edit]
During the classical era, anarchists had a militant tendency. Not only did they confront state armed forces, as in Spain and Ukraine, but some of them also employed terrorism as propaganda of the deed. Assassination attempts were carried out against heads of state, some of which were successful. Anarchists also took part in revolutions.[124] Many anarchists, especially the Galleanists, believed that these attempts would be the impetus for a revolution against capitalism and the state.[125] Many of these attacks were done by individual assailants and the majority took place in the late 1870s, the early 1880s and the 1890s, with some still occurring in the early 1900s.[126] Their decrease in prevalence was the result of further judicial power and of targeting and cataloging by state institutions.[127]
Anarchist perspectives towards violence have always been controversial.[128] Anarcho-pacifists advocate for non-violence means to achieve their stateless, nonviolent ends.[129] Other anarchist groups advocate direct action, a tactic which can include acts of sabotage or terrorism. This attitude was quite prominent a century ago when seeing the state as a tyrant and some anarchists believing that they had every right to oppose its oppression by any means possible.[130] Emma Goldman and Errico Malatesta, who were proponents of limited use of violence, stated that violence is merely a reaction to state violence as a necessary evil.[131]
Anarchists took an active role in strike actions, although they tended to be antipathetic to formal syndicalism, seeing it as reformist. They saw it as a part of the movement which sought to overthrow the state and capitalism.[132] Anarchists also reinforced their propaganda within the arts, some of whom practiced naturism and nudism. Those anarchists also built communities which were based on friendship and were involved in the news media.[133]
Karl Marx, considered to be one of the principal founders of Marxism, criticised anarchism as the movement of the "petty bourgeois", i.e. of formerly self-employed craftsmen and artisans who had been ruined by capitalistic industrialization or even war and then driven to factories; even so, they refused to subject themselves to factory discipline, party leadership, and State control, were prone to violence when frustrated, and advocated seizing factories only to break down mass production and return to craftsmanship.[134] Friedrich Engels, who is considered Marxism's other principal founder, criticised anarchism's anti-authoritarianism as inherently counter-revolutionary because in his view a revolution is by itself authoritarian.[135] A Socialist Workers Party pamphlet by John Molyneux, Anarchism: A Marxist Criticism argues that "anarchism cannot win", believing that it lacks the ability to properly implement its ideas.[136] Another Marxist criticism of anarchism is that it has a utopian character because all individuals should have anarchist views and values. According to this Marxist view, that a social idea would follow directly from this human ideal and out of the free will of every individual formed its essence. Marxists state that this contradiction was responsible for their inability to act. In the anarchist vision, the conflict between liberty and equality was resolved through coexistence and intertwining.[137]
Revolutionary and insurrectionary
[edit]In the current era, Italian anarchist Alfredo Bonanno, a proponent of insurrectionary anarchism, has reinstated the debate on violence by rejecting the nonviolence tactic adopted since the late 19th century by Kropotkin and other prominent anarchists afterwards. Both Bonanno and the French group The Invisible Committee advocate for small, informal affiliation groups, where each member is responsible for their own actions but works together to bring down oppression using sabotage and other violent means against state, capitalism, and other enemies. Members of The Invisible Committee were arrested in 2008 on various charges, terrorism included.[138]
Overall, contemporary anarchists are much less violent and militant than their ideological ancestors. They mostly engage in confronting the police during demonstrations and riots, especially in countries such as Canada, Greece, and Mexico. Militant black bloc protest groups are known for clashing with the police;[139] however, anarchists not only clash with state operators, they also engage in the struggle against fascists, racists, and other bigots, taking anti-fascist action and mobilizing to prevent hate rallies from happening.[140]
Evolutionary
[edit]
Anarchists commonly employ direct action. This can take the form of disrupting and protesting against unjust hierarchy, or the form of self-managing their lives through the creation of counter-institutions such as communes and non-hierarchical collectives.[121] Decision-making is often handled in an anti-authoritarian way, with everyone having equal say in each decision, an approach known as horizontalism.[141] Contemporary-era anarchists have been engaging with various grassroots movements that are more or less based on horizontalism, although not explicitly anarchist, respecting personal autonomy and participating in mass activism such as strikes and demonstrations. In contrast with the "big-A Anarchism" of the classical era, the newly coined term "small-a anarchism" signals their tendency not to base their thoughts and actions on classical-era anarchism or to refer to classical anarchists such as Peter Kropotkin and Pierre-Joseph Proudhon to justify their opinions. Those anarchists would rather base their thought and praxis on their own experience, which they will later theorize.[142]
The concept of prefigurative politics is enacted by many contemporary anarchist groups, striving to embody the principles, organization and tactics of the changed social structure they hope to bring about. As part of this the decision-making process of small anarchist affinity groups plays a significant tactical role.[143] Anarchists have employed various methods to build a rough consensus among members of their group without the need of a leader or a leading group. One way is for an individual from the group to play the role of facilitator to help achieve a consensus without taking part in the discussion themselves or promoting a specific point. Minorities usually accept rough consensus, except when they feel the proposal contradicts anarchist ethics, goals and values. Anarchists usually form small groups (5–20 individuals) to enhance autonomy and friendships among their members. These kinds of groups more often than not interconnect with each other, forming larger networks. Anarchists still support and participate in strikes, especially wildcat strikes as these are leaderless strikes not organised centrally by a syndicate.[144]
As in the past, newspapers and journals are used, and anarchists have gone online to spread their message. Anarchists have found it easier to create websites because of distributional and other difficulties, hosting electronic libraries and other portals.[145] Anarchists were also involved in developing various software that are available for free. The way these hacktivists work to develop and distribute resembles the anarchist ideals, especially when it comes to preserving users' privacy from state surveillance.[146]
Anarchists organize themselves to squat and reclaim public spaces. During important events such as protests and when spaces are being occupied, they are often called Temporary Autonomous Zones (TAZ), spaces where art, poetry, and surrealism are blended to display the anarchist ideal.[147] As seen by anarchists, squatting is a way to regain urban space from the capitalist market, serving pragmatical needs and also being an exemplary direct action.[148] Acquiring space enables anarchists to experiment with their ideas and build social bonds.[149] Adding up these tactics while having in mind that not all anarchists share the same attitudes towards them, along with various forms of protesting at highly symbolic events, make up a carnivalesque atmosphere that is part of contemporary anarchist vividity.[150]
Key issues
[edit]As anarchism is a philosophy that embodies many diverse attitudes, tendencies, and schools of thought, disagreement over questions of values, ideology, and tactics is common. Its diversity has led to widely different uses of identical terms among different anarchist traditions which has created a number of definitional concerns in anarchist theory. The compatibility of capitalism,[151] nationalism, and religion with anarchism is widely disputed, and anarchism enjoys complex relationships with ideologies such as communism, collectivism, Marxism, and trade unionism. Anarchists may be motivated by humanism, divine authority, enlightened self-interest, veganism, or any number of alternative ethical doctrines. Phenomena such as civilisation, technology (e.g. within anarcho-primitivism), and the democratic process may be sharply criticised within some anarchist tendencies and simultaneously lauded in others.[152]
The state
[edit]
Objection to the state and its institutions is a sine qua non of anarchism.[153] Anarchists consider the state as a tool of domination and believe it to be illegitimate regardless of its political tendencies. Instead of people being able to control the aspects of their life, major decisions are taken by a small elite. Authority ultimately rests solely on power, regardless of whether that power is open or transparent, as it still has the ability to coerce people. Another anarchist argument against states is that the people constituting a government, even the most altruistic among officials, will unavoidably seek to gain more power, leading to corruption. Anarchists consider the idea that the state is the collective will of the people to be an unachievable fiction due to the fact that the ruling class is distinct from the rest of society.[154]
One of the earliest criticisms is that anarchism defies and fails to understand the biological inclination to authority.[155][non-primary source needed] Joseph Raz states that the acceptance of authority implies the belief that following their instructions will afford more success.[156] Raz believes that this argument is true in following both authorities' successful and mistaken instruction.[157] Anarchists reject this criticism because challenging or disobeying authority does not entail the disappearance of its advantages by acknowledging authority such as doctors or lawyers as reliable, nor does it involve a complete surrender of independent judgment.[158] Anarchist perception of human nature, rejection of the state, and commitment to social revolution has been criticised by academics as naive, overly simplistic, and unrealistic, respectively.[159] Classical anarchism has been criticised for relying too heavily on the belief that the abolition of the state will lead to human cooperation prospering.[160]
Specific anarchist attitudes towards the state vary. Robert Paul Wolff believed that the tension between authority and autonomy would mean the state could never be legitimate. Bakunin saw the state as meaning "coercion, domination by means of coercion, camouflaged if possible but unceremonious and overt if need be." A. John Simmons and Leslie Green, who leaned toward philosophical anarchism, believed that the state could be legitimate if it is governed by consensus, although they saw this as highly unlikely.[161] Beliefs on how to abolish the state also differ.[162]
A counterpoint of anarchism is the assertion that humans cannot self-govern and so a state is necessary for human survival; this critique was supported by Philosopher Bertrand Russell, stating that "[p]eace and war, tariffs, regulations of sanitary conditions and the sale of noxious drugs, the preservation of a just system of distribution: these, among others, are functions which could hardly be performed in a community in which there was no central government."[163] Another common criticism of anarchism is that it fits a world of isolation in which only the small enough entities can be self-governing; a response would be that major anarchist thinkers advocated anarchist federalism.[164]
Philosopher Robert Nozick argued that a "night-watchman state", or minarchy, would emerge from anarchy through the process of an invisible hand, in which people would exercise their liberty and buy protection from protection agencies, evolving into a minimal state. Anarchists reject these criticisms by arguing that humans in a state of nature would not just be in a state of war. Anarcho-primitivists in particular argue that humans were better off in a state of nature in small tribes living close to the land, while anarchists in general argue that the negatives of state organization, such as hierarchies, monopolies and inequality, outweigh the benefits.[165] Philosophy lecturer Andrew G. Fiala composed a list of common arguments against anarchism which includes critiques such as that anarchism is innately related to violence and destruction, not only in the pragmatic world, such as at protests, but in the world of ethics as well. Secondly, anarchism is evaluated as unfeasible or utopian since the state cannot be defeated practically. He says that this line of arguments most often calls for political action within the system to reform it. The third argument is that anarchism is self-contradictory as a ruling theory that has no ruling theory. Anarchism also calls for collective action while endorsing the autonomy of the individual, hence no collective action can be taken. Lastly, Fiala mentions a critique towards philosophical anarchism of being ineffective (all talk and thoughts) and in the meantime capitalism and bourgeois class remains strong.[166]
Gender, sexuality, and free love
[edit]As gender and sexuality carry along them dynamics of hierarchy, many anarchists address, analyse, and oppose the suppression of one's autonomy imposed by gender roles.[167]

Sexuality was not often discussed by classical anarchists but the few that did felt that an anarchist society would lead to sexuality naturally developing.[160] Sexual violence was a concern for anarchists such as Benjamin Tucker, who opposed age-of-consent laws, believing they would benefit predatory men.[168] A historical current that arose and flourished during 1890 and 1920 within anarchism was free love. In contemporary anarchism, this current survives as a tendency to support polyamory, relationship anarchy, and queer anarchism.[169] Free love advocates were against marriage, which they saw as a way of men imposing authority over women, largely because marriage law greatly favoured the power of men. The notion of free love was much broader and included a critique of the established order that limited women's sexual freedom and pleasure.[170] Those free love movements contributed to the establishment of communal houses, where large groups of travelers, anarchists and other activists slept in beds together.[171] Free love had roots both in Europe and the United States; however, some anarchists struggled with the jealousy that arose from free love.[172] Anarchist feminists were advocates of free love, against marriage, and pro-choice (using a contemporary term), and had a similar agenda. Anarchist and non-anarchist feminists differed on suffrage but were supportive of one another.[173]
During the second half of the 20th century, anarchism intermingled with the second wave of feminism, radicalising some currents of the feminist movement and being influenced as well. By the latest decades of the 20th century, anarchists and feminists were advocating for the rights and autonomy of women, LGBT people, and other marginalised groups, with some feminist thinkers suggesting a fusion of the two currents.[174] With the third wave of feminism, sexual identity and compulsory heterosexuality became a subject of study for anarchists, yielding a post-structuralist critique of sexual normality.[175] Some anarchists distanced themselves from this line of thinking, suggesting that it leaned towards an individualism that was dropping the cause of social liberation.[176]
Education
[edit]| Anarchist education | State education | |
|---|---|---|
| Concept | Education as self-mastery | Education as service |
| Management | Community based | State run |
| Methods | Practice-based learning | Vocational training |
| Aims | Being a critical member of society | Being a productive member of society |
The interest of anarchists in education stretches back to the first emergence of classical anarchism. Anarchists consider proper education, one which sets the foundations of the future autonomy of the individual and the society, to be an act of mutual aid.[178] Anarchist writers such as William Godwin (Political Justice) and Max Stirner ("The False Principle of Our Education") attacked both state education and private education as another means by which the ruling class replicate their privileges.[179]
In 1901, Catalan anarchist and free thinker Francisco Ferrer established the Escuela Moderna in Barcelona as an opposition to the established education system which was dictated largely by the Catholic Church.[180] Ferrer's approach was secular, rejecting both state and church involvement in the educational process while giving pupils large amounts of autonomy in planning their work and attendance. Ferrer aimed to educate the working class and explicitly sought to foster class consciousness among students. The school closed after constant harassment by the state and Ferrer was later arrested. Nonetheless, his ideas formed the inspiration for a series of modern schools around the world.[181] Christian anarchist Leo Tolstoy, who published the essay Education and Culture, also established a similar school with its founding principle being that "for education to be effective it had to be free."[182] In a similar token, A. S. Neill founded what became the Summerhill School in 1921, also declaring being free from coercion.[183]
Anarchist education is based largely on the idea that a child's right to develop freely and without manipulation ought to be respected and that rationality would lead children to morally good conclusions; however, there has been little consensus among anarchist figures as to what constitutes manipulation. Ferrer believed that moral indoctrination was necessary and explicitly taught pupils that equality, liberty and social justice were not possible under capitalism, along with other critiques of government and nationalism.[184]
Late 20th century and contemporary anarchist writers (Paul Goodman, Herbert Read, and Colin Ward) intensified and expanded the anarchist critique of state education, largely focusing on the need for a system that focuses on children's creativity rather than on their ability to attain a career or participate in consumerism as part of a consumer society.[185] Contemporary anarchists such as Ward claim that state education serves to perpetuate socioeconomic inequality.[186]
While few anarchist education institutions have survived to the modern-day, major tenets of anarchist schools, among them respect for child autonomy and relying on reasoning rather than indoctrination as a teaching method, have spread among mainstream educational institutions. Judith Suissa names three schools as explicitly anarchists' schools, namely the Free Skool Santa Cruz in the United States which is part of a wider American-Canadian network of schools, the Self-Managed Learning College in Brighton, England, and the Paideia School in Spain.[187]
The arts
[edit]
The connection between anarchism and art was quite profound during the classical era of anarchism, especially among artistic currents that were developing during that era such as futurists, surrealists and others.[189] In literature, anarchism was mostly associated with the New Apocalyptics and the neo-romanticism movement.[190] In music, anarchism has been associated with music scenes such as punk.[191] Anarchists such as Leo Tolstoy and Herbert Read stated that the border between the artist and the non-artist, what separates art from a daily act, is a construct produced by the alienation caused by capitalism and it prevents humans from living a joyful life.[192]
Other anarchists advocated for or used art as a means to achieve anarchist ends.[193] In his book Breaking the Spell: A History of Anarchist Filmmakers, Videotape Guerrillas, and Digital Ninjas, Chris Robé claims that "anarchist-inflected practices have increasingly structured movement-based video activism."[194] Throughout the 20th century, many prominent anarchists (Peter Kropotkin, Emma Goldman, Gustav Landauer and Camillo Berneri) and publications such as Anarchy wrote about matters pertaining to the arts.[195]
Three overlapping properties made art useful to anarchists. It could depict a critique of existing society and hierarchies, serve as a prefigurative tool to reflect the anarchist ideal society and even turn into a means of direct action such as in protests. As it appeals to both emotion and reason, art could appeal to the whole human and have a powerful effect.[196] The 19th-century neo-impressionist movement had an ecological aesthetic and offered an example of an anarchist perception of the road towards socialism.[197] In Les chataigniers a Osny by anarchist painter Camille Pissarro, the blending of aesthetic and social harmony is prefiguring an ideal anarchistic agrarian community.[188]
See also
[edit]- Outline of anarchism
- List of anarchist movements by region
- List of anarchist political ideologies
- List of books about anarchism
- List of films dealing with anarchism
Anarchist communities
References
[edit]Explanatory notes
[edit]- ^ In Anarchism: From Theory to Practice (1970),[17] anarchist historian Daniel Guérin described it as a synonym for libertarian socialism, and wrote that anarchism "is really a synonym for socialism. The anarchist is primarily a socialist whose aim is to abolish the exploitation of man by man. Anarchism is only one of the streams of socialist thought, that stream whose main components are concern for liberty and haste to abolish the State."[18] In his many works on anarchism, historian Noam Chomsky describes anarchism, alongside libertarian Marxism, as the libertarian wing of socialism.[19]
- ^ Herbert L. Osgood claimed that anarchism is "the extreme antithesis" of authoritarian communism and state socialism.[20] Peter Marshall states that "[i]n general anarchism is closer to socialism than liberalism. ... Anarchism finds itself largely in the socialist camp, but it also has outriders in liberalism. It cannot be reduced to socialism, and is best seen as a separate and distinctive doctrine."[14] According to Jeremy Jennings, "[i]t is hard not to conclude that these ideas", referring to anarcho-capitalism, "are described as anarchist only on the basis of a misunderstanding of what anarchism is." Jennings adds that "anarchism does not stand for the untrammelled freedom of the individual (as the 'anarcho-capitalists' appear to believe) but, as we have already seen, for the extension of individuality and community."[25] Nicolas Walter wrote that "anarchism does derive from liberalism and socialism both historically and ideologically. ... In a sense, anarchists always remain liberals and socialists, and whenever they reject what is good in either they betray anarchism itself. ... We are liberals but more so, and socialists but more so."[23] Michael Newman includes anarchism as one of many socialist traditions, especially the more socialist-aligned tradition following Proudhon and Mikhail Bakunin.[21] Brian Morris argues that it is "conceptually and historically misleading" to "create a dichotomy between socialism and anarchism."[22]
- ^ One common definition adopted by anarchists is that anarchism is a cluster of political philosophies opposing authority and hierarchical organisation, including capitalism, nationalism, the state, and all associated institutions, in the conduct of all human relations in favour of a society based on decentralisation, freedom, and voluntary association. Scholars highlight that this definition has the same shortcomings as the definition based on anti-authoritarianism (a posteriori conclusion), anti-statism (anarchism is much more than that),[27] and etymology (negation of rulers).[28]
Citations
[edit]- ^ Fiala, Andrew (2021), "Anarchism", in Zalta, Edward N. (ed.), The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2021 ed.), Metaphysics Research Lab, Stanford University, retrieved 23 February 2025
- ^ a b Kahn 2000.
- ^ a b Merriman, John M. (2009). How a Bombing in Fin-de-Siècle Paris Ignited the Age of Modern Terror. New Haven: Yale University Press. p. 42. ISBN 9780300217933.
- ^ a b Leier, Mark (2006). Bakunin: The Creative Passion. New York: Seven Stories Press. p. 211. ISBN 9781583228944.
- ^ Bates 2017, p. 128; Long 2013, p. 217.
- ^ Merriam-Webster 2019, "Anarchism"; Oxford English Dictionary 2005, "Anarchism"; Sylvan 2007, p. 260.
- ^ Joll 1964, pp. 27–37.
- ^ Carlson 1972, pp. 22–23.
- ^ Nettlau 1996, p. 162.
- ^ Guérin 1970, "The Basic Ideas of Anarchism".
- ^ Ward 2004, p. 62; Goodway 2006, p. 4; Skirda 2002, p. 183; Fernández 2009, p. 9.
- ^ Morris 2002, p. 61.
- ^ Marshall 1992, p. 641; Cohn 2009, p. 6.
- ^ a b c d e Marshall 1992, p. 641.
- ^ Marshall 1992, p. 641; Cohn 2009, p. 6; Levy & Adams 2018, p. 104.
- ^ Levy & Adams 2018, p. 104.
- ^ a b Guérin 1970, p. 12.
- ^ Arvidsson 2017.
- ^ Otero 1994, p. 617.
- ^ a b Osgood 1889, p. 1.
- ^ a b Newman 2005, p. 15.
- ^ a b Morris 2015, p. 64.
- ^ a b Walter 2002, p. 44.
- ^ a b Marshall 1992, pp. 564–565; Jennings 1993, p. 143; Gay & Gay 1999, p. 15; Morris 2008, p. 13; Johnson 2008, p. 169; Franks 2013, pp. 393–394.
- ^ Jennings 1999, p. 147.
- ^ Long 2013, p. 217.
- ^ McLaughlin 2007, p. 166; Jun 2009, p. 507; Franks 2013, pp. 386–388.
- ^ McLaughlin 2007, pp. 25–29; Long 2013, pp. 217.
- ^ McLaughlin 2007, pp. 25–26.
- ^ Marshall 1993, p. 70.
- ^ Coutinho 2016; Marshall 1993, p. 54.
- ^ Sylvan 2007, p. 257.
- ^ Marshall 1993, pp. 4, 66–73.
- ^ Marshall 1993, p. 86.
- ^ Crone 2000, pp. 3, 21–25.
- ^ Nettlau 1996, p. 8.
- ^ Marshall 1993, p. 108.
- ^ Levy & Adams 2018, p. 307.
- ^ Marshall 1993, p. 4.
- ^ a b Marshall 1993, pp. 4–5.
- ^ Levy 2011, pp. 10–15.
- ^ Dodson 2002, p. 312; Thomas 1985, p. 187; Chaliand & Blin 2007, p. 116.
- ^ Graham 2019, pp. 334–336; Marshall 1993, p. 24.
- ^ Levy 2011, p. 12.
- ^ Marshall 1993, p. 5.
- ^ Graham 2005, p. xii.
- ^ Marshall 1993, pp. 633–636.
- ^ Anderson 2004.
- ^ Marshall 1993, pp. 633–636; Lutz & Ulmschneider 2019, p. 46.
- ^ Bantman 2019, p. 374.
- ^ Moya 2015, p. 327.
- ^ Levy 2011, p. 16.
- ^ Marshall 1993, pp. 519–521.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 133; Ramnath 2019, pp. 681–682.
- ^ Levy 2011, p. 23; Laursen 2019, p. 157; Marshall 1993, pp. 504–508.
- ^ Marshall 1993, p. 470.
- ^ Nomad 1966, p. 88.
- ^ a b Avrich 2006, p. 204.
- ^ Bolloten 1984, p. 1107.
- ^ Marshall 1993, pp. xi, 466.
- ^ Marshall 1993, p. xi.
- ^ Marshall 1993, p. 539.
- ^ Marshall 1993, pp. xi, 539.
- ^ Levy 2011, pp. 5.
- ^ Marshall 1993, pp. 493–494.
- ^ Marshall 1993, pp. 556–557.
- ^ Williams 2015, p. 680.
- ^ Harmon 2011, p. 70.
- ^ a b Rupert 2006, p. 66.
- ^ Evren 2011, p. 1.
- ^ a b Evren 2011, p. 2.
- ^ "Black Blocs hijack Brazil teacher protests". BBC News. 8 October 2013. Retrieved 23 June 2025.
- ^ Booth, Robert; Vallée, Marc (1 April 2011). "'Black bloc' anarchists behind anti-cuts rampage reject thuggery claims". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077. Retrieved 23 June 2025.
- ^ "Who are the Black Bloc and what are they trying to achieve?". ABC News. 3 April 2011. Retrieved 23 June 2025.
- ^ Honeywell 2021.
- ^ Williams 2010, p. 110; Evren 2011, p. 1; Angelbeck & Grier 2012, p. 549.
- ^ Ramnath 2019, p. 691.
- ^ McLean & McMillan 2003, "Anarchism"; Ostergaard 2003, p. 14, "Anarchism".
- ^ Harrison & Boyd 2003, p. 251.
- ^ Levy & Adams 2018, p. 9.
- ^ Brooks 1994, p. xi, "Usually considered to be an extreme left-wing ideology".
- ^ Marshall 1993, pp. 14–17.
- ^ Sylvan 2007, p. 262.
- ^ Avrich 1996, p. 6.
- ^ Marshall 1993, pp. 1–6; Angelbeck & Grier 2012, p. 551.
- ^ Egoumenides 2014, p. 2.
- ^ Ostergaard 2003, p. 12; Gabardi 1986, pp. 300–302.
- ^ Klosko 2005, p. 4.
- ^ Martin, Thomas (Fall–Winter 2000). "Book Review: In Defense of Anarchism". Social Anarchism (27). Retrieved 19 June 2008.
- ^ Franks 2019, p. 549.
- ^ Walter 2002, p. 52.
- ^ Wilbur 2019, pp. 216–218.
- ^ Levy & Adams 2018, p. 2.
- ^ Wright, Edmund, ed. (2006). The Desk Encyclopedia of World History. New York: Oxford University Press. pp. 20–21. ISBN 978-0-7394-7809-7.
- ^ Wilbur 2019, pp. 213–218.
- ^ Avrich 1996, p. 6; Miller 1991, p. 11.
- ^ Pierson 2013, p. 187.
- ^ Morris 1993, p. 76.
- ^ Shannon 2019, p. 101.
- ^ Avrich 1996, pp. 3–4.
- ^ Heywood 2017, pp. 146–147; Bakunin 1990.
- ^ Mayne 1999, p. 131.
- ^ Marshall 1993, p. 327.
- ^ Marshall 1993, p. 327; Turcato 2019, pp. 237–238.
- ^ Graham 2005.
- ^ Pernicone 2009, pp. 111–113.
- ^ Turcato 2019, pp. 239–244.
- ^ Levy 2011, p. 6.
- ^ Van der Walt 2019, p. 249.
- ^ Ryley 2019, p. 225.
- ^ Marshall 1993, p. 440.
- ^ Imrie 1994; Parry 1987, p. 15.
- ^ Williams 2007, p. 303.
- ^ Williams 2018, p. 4.
- ^ Franks 2013, pp. 385–386.
- ^ Franks 2013, p. 386.
- ^ Jun 2009, pp. 507–508.
- ^ Jun 2009, p. 507.
- ^ Williams 2019, pp. 107–108.
- ^ a b Williams 2018, pp. 4–5.
- ^ Kinna 2019, p. 125.
- ^ Williams 2019, p. 112.
- ^ Williams 2019, pp. 112–113.
- ^ Norris 2020, pp. 7–8.
- ^ Levy 2011, p. 13; Nesser 2012, p. 62.
- ^ Harmon 2011, p. 55.
- ^ Carter 1978, p. 320.
- ^ Fiala 2017, section 3.1.
- ^ Kinna 2019, pp. 116–117.
- ^ Carter 1978, pp. 320–325.
- ^ Williams 2019, p. 113.
- ^ Williams 2019, p. 114.
- ^ Meltzer, Albert (1996) [1981]. Anarchism: Arguments For and Against (PDF) (second revised ed.). pp. 7–8, 55–56.
- ^ Tucker 1978.
- ^ Dodds 2011.
- ^ Baár et al. 2016, p. 488.
- ^ Kinna 2019, pp. 134–135.
- ^ Williams 2019, p. 115.
- ^ Williams 2019, p. 117.
- ^ Williams 2019, pp. 109–117.
- ^ Kinna 2019, pp. 145–149.
- ^ Williams 2019, pp. 109, 119.
- ^ Williams 2019, pp. 119–121.
- ^ Williams 2019, pp. 118–119.
- ^ Williams 2019, pp. 120–121.
- ^ Kinna 2019, p. 139; Mattern 2019, p. 596; Williams 2018, pp. 5–6.
- ^ Kinna 2012, p. 250; Williams 2019, p. 119.
- ^ Williams 2019, p. 122.
- ^ Morland 2004, pp. 37–38.
- ^ Marshall 1993, p. 565; Honderich 1995, p. 31; Meltzer 2000, p. 50; Goodway 2006, p. 4; Newman 2010, p. 53.
- ^ De George 2005, pp. 31–32.
- ^ Carter 1971, p. 14; Jun 2019, pp. 29–30.
- ^ Jun 2019, pp. 32–38.
- ^ Ferguson 1886.
- ^ Gans 1992, p. 37.
- ^ Gans 1992, p. 38.
- ^ Gans 1992, pp. 34, 38.
- ^ Brinn 2020, p. 206.
- ^ a b Lucy 2020, p. 162.
- ^ Wendt 2020, p. 2; Ashwood 2018, p. 727.
- ^ Ashwood 2018, p. 735.
- ^ Krimerman & Perry 1966, p. 494.
- ^ Ward 2004, p. 78.
- ^ Fiala, Andrew (2021), "Anarchism", in Zalta, Edward N. (ed.), The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2021 ed.), Metaphysics Research Lab, Stanford University, retrieved 17 June 2023
- ^ Fiala 2017, "4. Objections and Replies".
- ^ Nicholas 2019, p. 603.
- ^ Lucy 2020, p. 178.
- ^ Nicholas 2019, p. 611; Jeppesen & Nazar 2012, pp. 175–176.
- ^ Jeppesen & Nazar 2012, pp. 175–176.
- ^ Jeppesen & Nazar 2012, p. 177.
- ^ Jeppesen & Nazar 2012, pp. 175–177.
- ^ Kinna 2019, pp. 166–167.
- ^ Nicholas 2019, pp. 609–611.
- ^ Nicholas 2019, pp. 610–611.
- ^ Nicholas 2019, pp. 616–617.
- ^ Kinna 2019, p. 97.
- ^ Kinna 2019, pp. 83–85.
- ^ Suissa 2019, pp. 514, 521; Kinna 2019, pp. 83–86; Marshall 1993, p. 222.
- ^ Suissa 2019, pp. 511–512.
- ^ Suissa 2019, pp. 511–514.
- ^ Suissa 2019, pp. 517–518.
- ^ Suissa 2019, pp. 518–519.
- ^ Avrich 1980, pp. 3–33; Suissa 2019, pp. 519–522.
- ^ Kinna 2019, pp. 89–96.
- ^ Ward 1973, pp. 39–48.
- ^ Suissa 2019, pp. 523–526.
- ^ a b Antliff 1998, p. 99.
- ^ Mattern 2019, p. 592.
- ^ Gifford 2019, p. 577.
- ^ Marshall 1993, pp. 493–494; Dunn 2012; Evren, Kinna & Rouselle 2013.
- ^ Mattern 2019, pp. 592–593.
- ^ Mattern 2019, p. 593.
- ^ Robé 2017, p. 44.
- ^ Miller et al. 2019, p. 1.
- ^ Mattern 2019, pp. 593–596.
- ^ Antliff 1998, p. 78.
General and cited sources
[edit]Primary sources
[edit]- Bakunin, Mikhail (1990) [1873]. Shatz, Marshall (ed.). Statism and Anarchy. Cambridge Texts in the History of Political Thought. Translated by Shatz, Marshall. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/CBO9781139168083. ISBN 978-0-5213-6182-8. LCCN 89077393. OCLC 20826465.
Secondary sources
[edit]- Angelbeck, Bill; Grier, Colin (2012). "Anarchism and the Archaeology of Anarchic Societies: Resistance to Centralization in the Coast Salish Region of the Pacific Northwest Coast". Current Anthropology. 53 (5): 547–587. doi:10.1086/667621. ISSN 0011-3204. S2CID 142786065. Archived from the original on 21 July 2018. Retrieved 24 June 2021.
- Antliff, Mark (1998). "Cubism, Futurism, Anarchism: The 'Aestheticism' of the "Action d'art" Group, 1906–1920". Oxford Art Journal. 21 (2): 101–120. doi:10.1093/oxartj/21.2.99. JSTOR 1360616.
- Anderson, Benedict (2004). "In the World-Shadow of Bismarck and Nobel". New Left Review. 2 (28) 2519: 85–129. doi:10.64590/q8k. Archived from the original on 19 December 2015. Retrieved 7 January 2016.
- Arvidsson, Stefan (2017). The Style and Mythology of Socialism: Socialist Idealism, 1871–1914 (1st ed.). London: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-3673-4880-9.
- Ashwood, Loka (2018). "Rural Conservatism or Anarchism? The Pro-state, Stateless, and Anti-state Positions". Rural Sociology. 83 (4): 717–748. doi:10.1111/ruso.12226. S2CID 158802675.
- Avrich, Paul (1996). Anarchist Voices: An Oral History of Anarchism in America. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-6910-4494-1.
- —— (2006). The Russian Anarchists. Stirling: AK Press. ISBN 978-1-9048-5948-2.
- —— (1980). The Modern School Movement: Anarchism and Education in the United States. Princeton University Press. pp. 3–33. ISBN 978-1-4008-5318-2. OCLC 489692159.
- Baár, Monika; Falina, Maria; Janowski, Maciej; Kopeček, Michal; Trencsényi, Balázs Trencsényi (2016). A History of Modern Political Thought in East Central Europe: Negotiating Modernity in the 'Long Nineteenth Century'. Vol. I. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-1910-5695-6.
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Further reading
[edit]- Avrich, Paul (1995). Anarchist Voices: An Oral History of Anarchism in America. Princeton: Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-6910-3412-6.
- Barclay, Harold B. (1990). People Without Government: An Anthropology of Anarchy. Kahn & Averill. ISBN 978-0-9393-0609-1.
- Baker, Zoe (2023). Means and Ends: The Revolutionary Practice of Anarchism in Europe and the United States. AK Press. ISBN 978-1-8493-5498-1. OCLC 1345217229.
- Chomsky, Noam (2005). Pateman, Barry (ed.). Chomsky on Anarchism. Oakland: AK Press. ISBN 978-1-9048-5926-0.
- Edmundson, William A. (2007). Three Anarchical Fallacies: An Essay on Political Authority. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-5210-3751-8. Criticism of philosophical anarchism.
- Esenwein, George (1989). Anarchist Ideology and the Working-Class Movement in Spain, 1868–1898. Berkeley: University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-5200-6398-3.
- Harper, Clifford (1987). Anarchy: A Graphic Guide. Camden Press. ISBN 978-0-9484-9122-1.
- Huemer, Michael (2012). The Problem of Political Authority: An Examination of the Right to Coerce and the Duty to Obey. London: Palgrave Macmillan. p. 137. ISBN 978-1-1372-8164-7. A defence of philosophical anarchism, stating that "both kinds of 'anarchism' [i.e. philosophical and political anarchism] are philosophical and political claims."
- Kahn, Joseph (5 August 2000). "Anarchism, the Creed That Won't Stay Dead; The Spread of World Capitalism Resurrects a Long-Dormant Movement". The New York Times. p. B9. ISSN 0362-4331.
- Kinna, Ruth (2005). Anarchism: A Beginners Guide. Oneworld. ISBN 978-1-8516-8370-3.
- Le Guin, Ursula K. (2009). The Dispossessed. HarperCollins. Anarchistic popular fiction novel.
- Sartwell, Crispin (2008). Against the State: An Introduction to Anarchist Political Theory. SUNY Press. ISBN 978-0-7914-7447-1.
- Scott, James C. (2012). Two Cheers for Anarchism: Six Easy Pieces on Autonomy, Dignity, and Meaningful Work and Play. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-6911-5529-6.
- Suissa, Judith (1 July 2019b). "Education and Non-domination: Reflections from the Radical Tradition". Studies in Philosophy and Education. 38 (4): 359–375. doi:10.1007/s11217-019-09662-3. S2CID 151210357.
- Wolff, Robert Paul (1998). In Defense of Anarchism. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-5202-1573-3. An argument for philosophical anarchism.
- Woodcock, George (January 1962). "Anarchism in Spain". History Today. 12 (1): 22–32. Retrieved 14 October 2020.
- Levy, Carl; Adams, Matthew S. (2019). The Palgrave Handbook of Anarchism. Palgrave Macmillan. doi:10.1007/978-3-319-75620-2. ISBN 978-3-3197-5620-2. S2CID 149333615.
External links
[edit]- Anarchy Archives – an online research center on the history and theory of anarchism.
Anarchism
View on GrokipediaDefinition and Terminology
Etymology and Conceptual Evolution
The term anarchism originates from the Greek anarkhos, combining the prefix an- (meaning "without" or "absence of") and arkhos (meaning "ruler," "leader," or "chief"), thus denoting a state without rulers or coercive authority.[2] This etymological root entered European languages through Medieval Latin anarchia and French anarchie, initially referring to the absence of government or ordered rule, often with a neutral or descriptive connotation rather than inherent disorder.[3] Pierre-Joseph Proudhon first employed the term "anarchist" in a positive, self-applied sense in his 1840 work What is Property?, where he defined anarchy as "the absence of a master, of a sovereign" and advocated for a society organized without hierarchical domination or state compulsion.[4] This reclaimed the term from earlier pejorative uses, presenting anarchism as a political theory of mutual agreements and voluntary associations.[5] During the 19th century, the term shifted from a focus on anti-statism—opposition to centralized governmental authority—to a critique of economic, social, and institutional power structures.[6] Opponents, including Karl Marx and his followers, often portrayed anarchism as synonymous with disorder or impractical utopianism, dismissing its vision of self-organization as naive or disruptive to proletarian discipline.[7] Unlike the common association of "anarchy" with lawless confusion, anarchism views the absence of rulers as enabling ordered cooperation through non-coercive norms, without eliminating rules or social coordination.[8]Core Principles and Distinctions from Related Ideologies
Anarchism fundamentally rejects the initiation of coercive force by any centralized authority, positing that all social order should emerge from voluntary associations grounded in individual consent.[9] This opposition extends to the state's claimed monopoly on legitimate violence. Anarchists argue that this monopoly is susceptible to abuse. They also contend it is unnecessary for maintaining security or resolving disputes. Alternative non-coercive mechanisms, such as arbitration and mutual defense networks, are proposed as alternatives.[10] Central to this framework is skepticism toward involuntary hierarchies, whether political, economic, or social, favoring instead decentralized cooperation where participation remains optional and revocable at any time.[11] Anarchists emphasize empirical instances of spontaneous self-organization, such as mutual aid networks that arise during disasters when formal institutions falter. These are often cited as examples of human coordination without top-down mandates. For example, during the initial COVID-19 outbreak, community-led mutual aid groups rapidly distributed resources and support across global locales, sometimes operating parallel to or supplementing official responses by leveraging local knowledge and voluntary reciprocity.[12] These patterns align with observations from other crises, where self-help initiatives emerge organically to address immediate needs.[13] Anarchism diverges from minarchist libertarianism, which tolerates a minimal state apparatus for functions like defense and adjudication, by maintaining that even a "night-watchman" government is argued to expand its coercive scope due to its monopolistic position.[14] Minarchists argue this limited entity can be constrained to protect rights without overreach. Anarchists maintain that no state, however small, avoids the principal-agent problems inherent in delegating force to unaccountable rulers, preferring polycentric law and private enforcement instead.[15] Broader libertarianism encompasses both strains but often accommodates state minimalism, whereas anarchism demands complete abolition to prevent any institutionalized coercion from undermining voluntary order.[16] Relative to socialism, anarchism prioritizes individual consent as the sole basis for collective action, rejecting compulsory uniform economic or social arrangements lacking explicit voluntary agreement.[17] While some socialist variants share anti-capitalist aims, they often involve state-mediated redistribution or planning, which anarchists view as coercive to self-ownership; anarchism instead envisions voluntary federations of communes, cooperatives, or market networks where cooperation stems from mutual benefit, not enforced solidarity.[18] This distinction highlights anarchism's commitment to non-aggression as a core tenet, critiquing socialist collectivism for prioritizing collective goals over individual autonomy, even absent a state.[19]Philosophical Foundations
First-Principles Reasoning on Authority and Coercion
Anarchists contend that legitimate authority must derive from rational justification rather than presumption, building on the axiom of self-ownership as elaborated in the Key Concepts subsection. This foundation implies that coercion—defined as the initiation of physical force or threats thereof—cannot be justified merely by appeals to tradition, divine right, or collective utility, as such arguments do not address why individuals should yield self-governance to a third party.[1] Instead, any claim to authority demands demonstration that it enhances freedom without net infringement, a burden unmet by states that monopolize violence and enforce compliance through taxation and prohibition, which anarchists view as lacking voluntary consent.[20] Anarchists argue that causal realism critiques authority by examining incentives: centralized states, as institutions with territorial monopoly on force, create incentives that may distort human action through moral hazard, where rulers and bureaucrats impose costs on others without bearing equivalent risks, leading to overexpansion, corruption, and resource misallocation.[21] Public choice theorists argue that self-interested actors in government pursue rent-seeking—lobbying for privileges that extract value without productive exchange—resulting in rent-seeking dynamics that prioritize elite capture over societal welfare, often discussed in relation to historical patterns of fiscal burdens exceeding voluntary markets.[22] Anarchist analysis posits that these distortions are argued to arise from coercive hierarchies, which suppress spontaneous cooperation and innovation by overriding decentralized signals of preference. In contrast, voluntary associations align incentives via direct accountability and exit options. Empirical observations from non-state orders reinforce this reasoning; for example, see the discussion of the Icelandic Commonwealth in the Historical Development section.Key Concepts: Voluntaryism, Self-Ownership, and Spontaneous Order
Self-ownership constitutes a foundational axiom in anarchist philosophy, asserting that each individual holds absolute dominion over their own body and labor, with no legitimate external claims upon them. This principle, systematically defended by Murray Rothbard in The Ethics of Liberty (1982), derives from the logical incompatibility of denying self-ownership: alternatives either imply fractional ownership of persons by others or collective non-ownership, both of which lead to contradictions in agency and responsibility. From self-ownership follows the right to homestead unowned resources through labor, as unowned natural resources become property via transformative effort, prohibiting unconsented appropriation by others. This axiom directly implies the non-aggression principle (NAP), wherein aggression—defined as the initiation of force, threat of force, or fraud against another's person or justly acquired property—violates self-ownership and is thus illegitimate, as it treats the victim as a means rather than an end. Voluntaryism extends self-ownership to all social and economic interactions, insisting that associations, exchanges, and defense services arise solely from explicit, contract-based consent, rejecting any form of coercion or implied consent doctrines such as the social contract theory. Auberon Herbert formalized voluntaryism in The Principles of Voluntaryism and Free Life (1897), arguing that true liberty requires individuals to opt into any system of protection or governance, with non-participants free from its impositions, thereby undermining state monopolies on force.[23] In anarchist applications, voluntaryism precludes taxation or regulation without unanimous agreement, positing instead that markets for security and adjudication would emerge competitively, as individuals contract with private agencies aligned with their preferences.[24] This framework aligns with the NAP by ensuring no initiation of force in forming or enforcing voluntary pacts, fostering cooperation through mutual benefit rather than compulsion. Spontaneous order describes the emergent, self-regulating patterns of cooperation and norm adherence that arise from decentralized, individual actions without central design, a concept influential in anarchist thought via Friedrich Hayek's analysis in Law, Legislation and Liberty (1973–1979). Hayek contended that legal and social rules evolve through trial-and-error adaptation, compared by Hayek to evolutionary processes, argued to yield more resilient orders than top-down imposition. Works proposing applications to anarchist contexts, such as David Friedman's in The Machinery of Freedom (1973), discuss this concept in relation to polycentric law, where competing private courts and insurers develop overlapping jurisdictions, resolving disputes via reputation, arbitration, and market incentives rather than monopoly enforcement. Data from private arbitration, reported in studies of commercial arbitrations, show a 73% court enforcement success rate across major jurisdictions, with median disposition times under a year, cited as evidence of efficient conflict resolution without state intermediation.[25] Such systems are argued to incentivize norms of reciprocity and restitution, as agencies face reputational consequences for unpopular rulings, proposed to support forms of order from polycentric interactions discussed within frameworks emphasizing self-ownership and voluntary exchange.Historical Development
Ancient and Pre-Modern Precursors

19th-Century Origins and Key Figures
The origins of modern anarchism trace to early 19th-century Europe amid industrial unrest and critiques of emerging capitalist structures. The silk weavers' (canuts) revolts in Lyon, France, in November 1831 and April 1834 are often cited as early instances of anarchist-influenced resistance. Workers organized mutual aid societies and barricades against merchant practices viewed as exploitative and state repression, demanding fixed minimum wages and decrying arbitrary authority.[34] [35] These uprisings, which resulted in hundreds of deaths from military intervention, have been interpreted as examples of spontaneous worker solidarity without reliance on political representation, influencing later anarchist emphasis on direct action over electoralism.[34] Pierre-Joseph Proudhon formalized anarchist thought in 1840 with What is Property? Or, an Inquiry into the Principle of Right and of Government, declaring "property is theft" and positioning himself as the first self-proclaimed anarchist by critiquing private ownership and state authority in favor of mutualist exchanges among producers.[5] [36] Proudhon's federalism advocated decentralized credit and labor exchanges to abolish exploitation without state intervention, distinguishing his views from utopian socialism and laying groundwork for anarchist economics.[37] In 1844, Max Stirner published The Ego and Its Own, advancing egoism by critiquing Hegelian abstractions like state, society, and morality as "spooks" that alienate the unique individual, urging egoistic union only where self-interest aligns, which later informed individualist strands of anarchism.[38] [39] Stirner's approach emphasized individual autonomy over collective ideologies, challenging even revolutionary hierarchies. Mikhail Bakunin became a pivotal collectivist anarchist, promoting the abolition of the state through federated worker and peasant communes.[40] Joining the International Workingmen's Association (First International) in 1869, Bakunin's secret societies disagreed with Karl Marx on organizational centralization, leading to expulsion at the 1872 Hague Congress and the founding of the anti-authoritarian St. Imier International, solidifying anarchism's split from Marxism.[41] [42] This rupture emphasized anarchists' rejection of vanguard parties, favoring revolution via propaganda by deed and insurrections.[43]Early 20th-Century Movements and Revolutions


Post-World War II Adaptations and Declines
The defeat in the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939), involving the large anarchist-led Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT) syndicalist movement, combined with the global consolidation of state power during and after World War II, severely marginalized organized anarchism.[53] Fascist victory in Spain exiled or executed key figures and dismantled collectives, while wartime alliances prioritized statist structures over libertarian experiments, leaving surviving groups fragmented and under-resourced.[54] By the war's end in 1945, anarchism's mass base had eroded, with movements in Europe and the Americas reduced to small, clandestine networks amid rising bipolar geopolitical tensions.[54] The Cold War intensified this decline through systematic suppression, as Western anti-communist purges like the U.S. Red Scare (1919–1920, revived 1947–1957) targeted radicals including anarchists via deportations, surveillance, and legal harassment, equating anti-statism with subversion. In the Eastern Bloc, Stalinist regimes liquidated remaining anarchist cells, as seen in post-1945 raids and show trials that echoed earlier Bolshevik purges.[55] Numerical estimates reflect this pivot to fringe status: from peaks of over one million active affiliates in 1930s Spain alone, global anarchist adherence contracted to scattered thousands by the 1970s, lacking institutional footholds or broad appeal amid welfare-state expansions and Marxist-Leninist dominance on the left.[53][54] Ideological adaptations emerged in response, with anarchist thought influencing the 1960s New Left through critiques of bureaucracy and authority, though often diluted via co-optation into countercultural lifestyles emphasizing personal liberation over collective seizure of production.[56] Noam Chomsky, articulating anarcho-syndicalist principles from the mid-1960s, synthesized them with analyses of media manipulation and imperial power, gaining visibility through essays like "Objectivity and Liberal Scholarship" (1969) while critiquing both capitalist and Soviet hierarchies.[57] Paralleling this, pacifist variants adapted to nuclear deterrence, rejecting violence in favor of direct action and civil disobedience, as proponents argued that atomic weaponry rendered insurrectionary strategies obsolete and necessitated prefigurative non-coercive alternatives.[54] This shift, evident in groups like the British Direct Action Committee (1957–1961), prioritized anti-militarism over class-war paradigms, reflecting pragmatic concessions to total war's shadow.[54]21st-Century Resurgences and Fragmentations
Digital innovations facilitated crypto-anarchist variants, including digital currencies associated with crypto-anarchism. These technologies supported parallel economies bypassing central banks, echoing earlier calls for cryptographic privacy to undermine coercive authority. In the early 2010s, anarchism resurfaced in mass mobilizations organized using horizontal methods and direct action, notably through the Occupy Wall Street protests that began on September 17, 2011, in New York City's Zuccotti Park. These encampments used practices such as consensus-based decision-making and leaderlessness, drawing from principles of mutual aid and prefigurative politics to critique corporate power and economic inequality.[58][59] Parallel to this, militant anti-fascist networks, often aligned with anarchist tactics, expanded via decentralized direct actions against gatherings identified by participants as far-right, with some participants employing tactics like black bloc formations during events such as the 2017 presidential inauguration protests in Washington, D.C.[60][61] The 2020 George Floyd protests saw attempted autonomous zones, including Seattle's Capitol Hill Organized Protest (CHOP); see "Post-1945 Attempts and Short-Lived Zones" for details. Such experiments highlighted tensions in scaling anarchist self-organization amid urban unrest. By 2024, academic interest in anarchism grew amid widespread disillusionment with hierarchical institutions, reflected in an uptick in publications rethinking anarchy's relevance to contemporary crises like inequality and surveillance.[62] This paralleled fragmentation into post-left strains rejecting leftist organizational dogma for individualized critiques of work and ideology, alongside lifestyle anarchism focused on personal autonomy over mass movements, as critiqued for prioritizing immediacy over structural change.[63][64] Niche persistence was marked by targeted funding, such as the Institute for Anarchist Studies awarding Anarchist Horizons grants on August 18, 2025, to projects including translations and media initiatives.[65] Similarly, Anarchists United distributed 2025 grants to filmmakers and writers advancing anarchist narratives, totaling support for multiple recipients in film incubators and fellowships.[66][67] These developments underscore anarchism's adaptation into specialized, digitally mediated forms rather than unified mass resurgence.Varieties of Anarchism
Individualist Anarchism and Egoism
Individualist anarchism prioritizes the absolute sovereignty of the individual, viewing all forms of external authority, including the state and collective abstractions, as illegitimate impositions on personal will. This variant emerged prominently in 19th-century Europe and America, blending egoistic philosophy with advocacy for voluntary exchange unhindered by privileges. Unlike collectivist strains, it centers on self-ownership and self-interested action, where individuals pursue their interests without deference to societal norms or moral absolutes.[68][69]
Mutualist and Market Anarchism
Mutualism, as originally formulated by Pierre-Joseph Proudhon (see "19th-Century Origins and Key Figures"), distinguishes between exploitative absentee ownership and possession considered legitimate when tied to personal use and labor.[75] It proposes occupancy-and-use standards for land and resources, where title lapses upon non-use, intended to limit rent-seeking and unearned income.[76] Mutual credit banks issuing labor notes or interest-free loans based on participants' productive output facilitate exchange at cost-of-production prices without profits associated with capitalist structures or state monopolies on currency.[77] This framework rejects both state socialism and laissez-faire capitalism, emphasizing voluntary associations and federations of producers to coordinate economic activity through markets freed from privilege.[78] Market anarchism encompasses mutualist principles alongside other exchange-oriented variants, positing that voluntary market interactions, including competition among private defense agencies, are presented as capable of providing order without coercive government.[79] Proponents argue that state interventions, such as subsidies, tariffs, and intellectual property enforcement, are argued to influence market structures, and their abolition is argued would enable decentralized, worker-owned enterprises to thrive.[80] Observations from black markets in socialist regimes, like the Soviet Union's informal networks for consumer goods during the 1920s New Economic Policy and post-1960s shortages, are often cited as examples of spontaneous price coordination and entrepreneurial adaptation emerging despite legal prohibitions, underscoring markets' resilience absent central planning.[81] In the late 20th century, agorism developed as a strategic extension of market anarchism, formulated by Samuel Edward Konkin III in his 1980 New Libertarian Manifesto.[82] Konkin promoted counter-economics—engagement in untaxed, unregulated black and gray markets—as a proposed strategy to reduce state influence by expanding the agora, or free market sphere, through withdrawal of economic consent rather than political activism or violence.[82] This approach contrasts with electoral libertarianism, prioritizing immediate, parallel institution-building to achieve a stateless society. Debates persist within market anarchism over property norms and compatibility with anarcho-capitalism, which advocates homesteading-based property titles allowing absentee ownership and contractual hierarchies.[83] Mutualists argue that these norms could recreate conditions associated with exploitation akin to capitalism. They advocate use-based limits and anti-rent norms proposed as enforceable through custom or contract to align incentives with labor and occupancy.[84] Some contemporary market anarchists integrate Rothbardian influences, arguing that defense arbitration would restrain monopolistic tendencies. Others continue to emphasize Proudhon's focus on egalitarian exchange, intended to reduce the likelihood of power imbalances.Collectivist, Syndicalist, and Communist Anarchism
Collectivist anarchism, pioneered by Mikhail Bakunin in the 1870s during the split of the First International, advocates for the collective ownership of the means of production by federated workers' associations, with distribution of goods based on the amount of labor contributed, often through labor vouchers rather than money.[85] Bakunin emphasized overthrowing the state and capitalism through revolutionary workers' organizations, rejecting both private property and state socialism while viewing collectivism as a transitional phase toward fuller equality.[86] This approach differed from emerging communist variants by retaining remuneration proportional to work performed, critiquing immediate abolition of all exchange mechanisms as impractical without prior productive reorganization.[87] Anarcho-syndicalism, evolving from collectivist roots in the late 19th century, posits revolutionary trade unions (syndicates) as the primary vehicle for social transformation, aiming to replace the state and capitalism with a federation of self-managed industrial and agricultural syndicates coordinating production democratically.[88] Key organizations included the Spanish Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT), founded in 1910, which grew to approximately 1.3 million members by 1931 and exceeded 2 million by 1936, representing the largest anarcho-syndicalist union historically.[89] Syndicalists prioritized direct action by workers' councils to expropriate and manage workplaces, influencing movements in France, Italy, and Latin America pre-World War II, though often blending collectivist wage systems with aspirations for communist distribution.[90] Anarcho-communism, systematized by Peter Kropotkin from the 1880s onward, seeks immediate abolition of wage labor and money in favor of distribution "from each according to their ability, to each according to their needs," grounded in communal production and free access to goods via federated communes.[91] Kropotkin's Mutual Aid: A Factor of Evolution (1902) argued that mutual cooperation, observed in animal and human societies, underpins social evolution more than competition, providing a naturalistic basis for communist organization without state coercion.[92] This variant critiqued collectivism's labor-based remuneration as perpetuating inequality, advocating instead for voluntary associations ensuring abundance through decentralized planning.[93] These collectivist, syndicalist, and communist strains constituted the predominant forms of what is termed "social" or "left" anarchism before World War II. They attracted mass followings through union-based mobilization in industrial regions. Syndicalist confederations like the CNT achieved peak memberships rivaling socialist parties in membership scale and strike participation.[88] Empirical data from European labor movements indicate that by the 1930s, anarcho-syndicalist unions claimed over 3 million members across Europe and Latin America, underscoring their numerical dominance over individualist tendencies in practical organizing.[94] Despite theoretical debates on remuneration—collectivists favoring labor proportionality as an incentive mechanism, communists prioritizing need—these variants shared a commitment to anti-statist collectivism, influencing revolutionary experiments like the Spanish collectives of 1936-1939.[87]Contemporary and Hybrid Variants
Green anarchism emerged in the late 20th century as a fusion of ecological critique and anarchist principles, with Murray Bookchin's social ecology serving as a foundational framework from the 1970s onward. Bookchin, active in leftist politics since the 1940s, developed social ecology to address environmental degradation through decentralized, non-hierarchical communes that prioritize ecological rationality over industrial capitalism and state authority.[95] His 1982 book The Ecology of Freedom argues that social hierarchies, rather than natural ones, contribute to ecological crises. Bookchin advocated libertarian municipalism as a proposed approach to participatory governance.[96] This variant was associated with some 1980s green movements by integrating anti-authoritarian ecology with critiques of both capitalism and orthodox Marxism, though Bookchin later distanced himself from deep ecology for what he described as its anti-humanist tendencies.[97] Post-left anarchism, gaining traction in the 1980s and 1990s, rejects traditional leftist structures and ideologies, including much of historical anarchism, in favor of individualist critiques of civilization. John Zerzan's primitivism exemplifies this. He argued that agriculture, technology, and symbolic culture contributed to human alienation and domestication around 10,000 BCE. This led, in his view, to division of labor and hierarchy.[98] Zerzan, through essays like those in Future Primitive (1994), advocates a radical rethinking of industrial society to restore autonomous, small-scale hunter-gatherer lifeways. He views time, language, and abstraction as tools of control rather than progress.[99] This strand emphasizes critiques of civilization and industrial society over organized revolution. It influences green anarchy by linking technology's origins to ongoing oppression. However, it faces criticism for romanticizing prehistory, with questions raised about scalability.[100] Insurrectionary anarchism, articulated by Alfredo Bonanno in the 1970s, advocates spontaneous, affinity-based actions by small groups to provoke immediate ruptures in state and capitalist power, eschewing formal organizations or waiting for mass conditions. Bonanno's 1977 text Armed Joy—later suppressed by Italian authorities—frames joy and play as subversive forces against work and authority, promoting informal networks for sabotage and evasion over syndicalist unions.[101] This approach, rooted in post-1968 European autonomism, hybridizes with other variants by focusing on present-tense disruption, associated with tactics like autonomous zones and direct action cells, while critiquing vanguardism as inherently coercive.[102] Post-2008 financial crisis, agorist-inspired uses of cryptocurrencies applied counter-economic ideas to blockchain technologies, enabling trustless, decentralized exchange. Cryptocurrencies like Bitcoin, launched on January 3, 2009, by the pseudonymous Satoshi Nakamoto to provide privacy-focused, state-evading transactions rooted in cypherpunk cryptography, align with agorism by facilitating voluntary transactions outside fiat systems and surveillance, as proponents argue they challenge monetary monopolies through non-violent market aggression.[103] This fusion appeals to individualist anarchists wary of state bailouts, with crypto-anarchists extending 1990s cypherpunk ideals of privacy via code, though studies note significant adoption through centralized exchanges vulnerable to regulation.[104] In the 2020s, anarchist thought has increasingly targeted AI's role in surveillance capitalism, critiquing machine learning for amplifying predictive control and behavioral modification framed as efficiency. Horizontal networks, leveraging encrypted peer-to-peer protocols like Tor and mesh systems, counter state AI by enabling resilient, leaderless coordination against facial recognition and data aggregation, as seen in protest adaptations post-2019 global uprisings.[105] These critiques highlight arguments that AI systems may be vulnerable to sabotage—due to reliance on centralized infrastructure—while fusing with primitivist warnings of techno-dependency, though some sources from activist circles sometimes present decentralization as more resistant to co-optation than evidence shows, without addressing energy demands or algorithmic biases empirically observed in systems like Palantir's.[106]Internal Theoretical Debates
Authority, Hierarchy, and Decision-Making

Property Rights, Economics, and Incentives


Revolution, Violence, and Human Behavior
Anarchists have historically debated the role of violence in achieving societal transformation, with many distinguishing between defensive violence—described by some as justifiable as a response to state-initiated coercion—and initiatory violence, which some reject as perpetuating cycles of aggression. Errico Malatesta argued that while anarchists oppose violence as a means of organization, defensive force may be necessary to counter oppression during revolutionary defense, emphasizing that liberation requires opposing the state's monopolized violence with proportionate resistance. [124] [125] This view is consistent with views held by many anarchists opposing structural violence embedded in hierarchical institutions, though criticized as potentially overlapping with offensive actions if not strictly limited to immediate threats. [126]
Practical Implementations and Empirical Outcomes
Historical Experiments: Paris Commune (1871) and Ukrainian Free Territory (1918-1921)

Spanish Revolution (1936-1939) and Its Collapse


Post-1945 Attempts and Short-Lived Zones
In Chiapas, Mexico, the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) initiated an armed uprising on January 1, 1994, against the implementation of the North American Free Trade Agreement, which they viewed as exacerbating indigenous marginalization. By December 1994, the EZLN declared 38 Rebel Zapatista Autonomous Municipalities (MAREZ), governed through local assemblies and five regional Boards of Good Government (JBGs) that coordinated education, healthcare, and agrarian reforms via consensus-based decision-making and rejection of hierarchical state authority.[152] [153] These structures emphasized rotational leadership and community self-reliance, though they operated within Mexican territory without seceding, leading to ongoing interactions with federal programs for basic services like electricity and roads.[154] Facing paramilitary violence and political infiltration, the EZLN announced on November 6, 2023, the dissolution of the MAREZ and JBGs in Chiapas, reorganizing into 17 "autonomous territories organized for resistance" to counter external co-optation by political parties and enhance defensive mobilization.[155] [156] This restructuring reflects persistent challenges in maintaining isolation from state influence, as Zapatista communities have accepted selective government aid amid economic isolation and population stagnation around 300,000 adherents.[157] In northern Syria, the autonomous administration of North and East Syria (commonly Rojava) emerged in 2012 amid the Syrian civil war, following the retreat of regime forces, implementing democratic confederalism through a network of neighborhood communes, multi-ethnic councils, and cooperatives that prioritize direct democracy, ecological sustainability, and gender parity via mandatory co-presidency in all bodies and women-led security forces.[158] [159] This system, drawing from Murray Bookchin's libertarian municipalism and adapted by imprisoned PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan, covers approximately 25% of Syria's territory and serves over 4 million people, with economic policies favoring worker-owned enterprises and resource sharing.[160] [161] Survival of Rojava's structures has hinged on military dependencies, including U.S.-led coalition airstrikes and special forces support for the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) against ISIS from 2014 to 2019, which enabled territorial gains but exposed vulnerabilities after U.S. troop drawdowns in 2019 prompted Turkish invasions and forced alliances with Russia and the Assad regime for de facto protection.[162] [163] Ongoing Turkish drone strikes and economic blockades have constrained self-sufficiency, with oil revenues and agriculture reliant on cross-border trade amid non-recognition by major powers.[164] The Capitol Hill Organized Protest (CHOP), initially called the Capitol Hill Autonomous Zone (CHAZ), occupied a six-block area in Seattle, Washington, from June 8 to July 1, 2020, as an experiment in police-free communal governance inspired by abolitionist demands during Black Lives Matter protests.[165] Organizers established barricades, volunteer patrols, gardens, and mutual aid stations, rejecting state policing in favor of restorative justice circles.[166] Within three weeks, CHOP experienced four shootings, including fatalities of a 16-year-old boy on June 20 and a 19-year-old man on June 29, alongside non-fatal injuries and a 132.9% surge in overall crime compared to equivalent pre-2020 periods in the zone.[167] [168] [169] Authorities cleared the area on July 1, citing unmanaged violence, sanitation failures, and resident complaints, marking the zone's collapse without achieving sustained autonomy.[165][170]Synthesis: Empirical assessments of viability and scalability of historical implementations
Anarchist experiments, including the Paris Commune (1871), Ukrainian Free Territory (1918–1921), and Spanish Revolution (1936–1939), uniformly collapsed without establishing permanent stateless societies beyond localized and temporary zones.[171] These outcomes reflect not merely contingent historical pressures but recurring causal patterns, such as vulnerability to external coercion and endogenous coordination failures. No empirical record exists of a self-sustaining anarchist polity exceeding several million participants for more than a few years, contrasting with enduring state-based systems.[147]External suppression
A primary factor in these failures was external military suppression by organized state or rival forces, which exploited the absence of centralized defense capabilities. The Paris Commune, controlling Paris from March 18 to May 28, 1871, was overwhelmed by 130,000 French regular troops, resulting in 20,000–30,000 communard deaths during the Semaine Sanglante.[172] Similarly, the Makhnovshchina in Ukraine, peaking at around 100,000 combatants, succumbed to coordinated Bolshevik offensives by late 1921 after initial successes against Whites and nationalists.[146] In Spain, anarchist-controlled territories encompassing 8 million people by 1937 faced invasion by Franco's Nationalists, bolstered by German and Italian aid totaling over 100,000 troops and 700 aircraft, culminating in total defeat by March 1939.[147] These cases illustrate how stateless formations, lacking unified command structures, proved defenseless against hierarchical adversaries with superior logistics and firepower.Internal hierarchy and incentives
Internally, the emergence of de facto hierarchies undermined anarchist principles, as power vacuums invited dominance by charismatic leaders or informal elites. Anthropological examinations of pre-state societies reveal that even ostensibly egalitarian groups developed mechanisms like gerontocracy or patriarchy to manage disputes, often escalating into stratified authority when scale increased.[173] In the Spanish collectives, CNT-FAI militias initially decentralized but centralized under figures like Buenaventura Durruti, while coordination councils evolved into quasi-governmental bodies by 1937, diluting voluntary federation.[174] Ukrainian anarchist forces under Nestor Makhno similarly concentrated authority in military staffs, fostering resentment and defections amid resource scarcity.[146] Such patterns align with public choice analyses positing that, absent enforceable rules, self-interested actors in anarchy default to polycentric orders prone to capture by dominant coalitions.[175] Economic incentive misalignments exacerbated these issues, promoting free-riding and inefficiencies in collective production. Public goods theory demonstrates that without exclusion mechanisms, individuals shirk contributions while benefiting from others' efforts, a dynamic intensified in large anarchist communes lacking market signals or private property.[176] Mancur Olson's 1965 analysis in The Logic of Collective Action argues that in groups exceeding a certain size, rational individuals withhold contributions to public goods, necessitating coercive institutions to overcome free-riding, while simulations of iterated prisoner's dilemmas confirm defection dominates in expansive networks without centralized punishment.[177][178] Spanish agricultural collectives reported initial output surges from enthusiasm—e.g., Catalonia's production rose 20% in 1936—but subsequent declines due to absenteeism and requisitioning by republican authorities, with grain yields falling 10–15% by 1938 amid hoarding and black markets.[179] Ukrainian free communes faced analogous breakdowns, where egalitarian distribution failed to motivate labor during famines, leading to reliance on foraging over organized farming.[146] These failures stem from the assurance problem: participants withhold effort absent guarantees of reciprocity, scaling poorly beyond kin-based or ideologically homogeneous groups.[180]Tactics and Strategies
Propaganda of the Deed and Insurrectionary Methods
The concept of "propaganda of the deed" emerged among European anarchists in the 1870s, evolving from Mikhail Bakunin's ideas of exemplary action to incite popular insurrection, but gained prominence through Italian anarchist theorist Errico Malatesta's arguments supporting direct, violent demonstrations against authority in the 1880s to spark revolutionary consciousness.[181] This tactic focused on attacks against state figures and symbols over mass organization, arguing that acts could spread anarchist ideals.[182]
Evolutionary, Direct Action, and Counter-Economic Approaches
Direct action in anarchism refers to tactics employed by individuals or groups to achieve objectives without intermediaries such as governments or representatives, often through non-violent means like boycotts, strikes, occupations, and sit-ins.[190] These methods aim to disrupt operations of perceived oppressive structures directly, such as workplace occupations to demand better conditions or consumer boycotts to pressure corporations.[191] Proponents argue that such actions demonstrate self-reliance and build participant skills for stateless organization, though empirical outcomes typically yield localized concessions rather than systemic change, as authorities often respond with legal or coercive countermeasures.[192] Evolutionary approaches within anarchism emphasize gradual societal transformation by constructing parallel institutions that operate outside state control, such as worker cooperatives and mutual aid networks, intended to foster self-sufficiency and demonstrate viable alternatives to hierarchical systems.[193] These structures, like cooperatives managing production collectively without bosses, seek to erode reliance on state-mediated economics over time by expanding informal economies and community governance models.[194] However, such initiatives frequently encounter regulatory hurdles, market competition from state-backed entities, and internal coordination challenges, limiting their growth beyond niche scales; for instance, while cooperatives can achieve economic stability for members, they rarely displace dominant capitalist or statist frameworks.[195] Counter-economic strategies involve engaging in unregulated, untaxed markets to undermine state authority.External Criticisms and Challenges
Critiques from Libertarian and Capitalist Perspectives
Minarchists, who advocate a minimal state limited to protection of person and property, contend that stateless anarchism may face challenges in effective defense against external aggression. Without a centralized authority to coordinate military response, private defense agencies in a purely anarchist order risk fragmentation, which critics argue could allow statist invaders to exploit divisions.[196][197] Critics argue this potential vulnerability arises because competing protection firms, operating under profit incentives, may prioritize individual contracts over collective security, potentially leading to free-rider problems and challenges in deterring large-scale threats like totalitarian invasions.[198] Minarchists argue that a night-watchman state addresses such concerns by monopolizing force in core functions, enabling unified action without expanding into broader governance.[199]
Objections from Conservative, Traditionalist, and Realist Viewpoints
Conservative, traditionalist, and realist thinkers argue that anarchism overlooks fundamental aspects of human nature, which inclines individuals toward self-interest, conflict, and the formation of hierarchies without coercive central authority. Thomas Hobbes, a foundational realist, described the state of nature—absent any sovereign power—as a "war of every man against every man," where life is "solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short" due to unchecked competition and fear.[202] [203] He contended that rational self-preservation demands submission to an absolute authority to enforce peace, viewing anarchic conditions as inherently unstable because humans lack the natural harmony anarchists presume.[204] This perspective frames anarchism as naive optimism, ignoring empirical patterns of aggression and the necessity of enforced order to mitigate innate drives. Traditionalists extend this critique by emphasizing that anarchism erodes evolved social structures like family, religion, and custom, which provide voluntary yet authoritative frameworks for cohesion. Edmund Burke warned that radical assaults on established institutions, akin to anarchism's wholesale rejection of hierarchy, precipitate chaos by severing ties to ancestral wisdom and moral order, as evidenced by the French Revolution's descent into terror after dismantling traditional authority.[205] Without such anchors, societies risk atomization, where individuals prioritize transient desires over communal bonds, leading to cultural dissolution rather than liberation.[206] Conservatives maintain that human flaws—selfishness and fallibility—necessitate authoritative traditions to cultivate virtue and restraint, rejecting anarchism's faith in uncoerced cooperation as detached from historical lessons of disorder.[207] Empirical cases of de facto statelessness reinforce these objections, correlating power vacuums with surges in violence and factional dominance. In Somalia, following the government's collapse in January 1991, clan-based militias and warlords filled the void, sparking civil war that killed an estimated 300,000 people from combat, famine, and disease by 1995, with 25,000 deaths alone in Mogadishu fighting during 1991-1992.[208] [209] This period saw no emergent stable voluntary order but rather entrenched predation, piracy, and humanitarian catastrophe, underscoring realists' point that absent centralized enforcement, local power asymmetries devolve into predatory equilibria rather than mutual aid.[210] Such outcomes align with conservative assessments that statelessness amplifies human tendencies toward tribalism and coercion, rendering anarchism's vision empirically unviable for large-scale societies.[206]Marxist and Statiste Rebuttals on Organization and Power

Empirical and Game-Theoretic Critiques of Scalability

