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Libertarianism
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Libertarianism (from French: libertaire, lit. 'libertarian';[1] or from Latin: libertas, lit. 'freedom') is a political philosophy that holds freedom, personal sovereignty, and liberty as primary values.[2][3][4][5] Many libertarians believe that the concept of freedom is in accord with the non-aggression principle, according to which each individual has the right to live as they choose, as long as they do not violate the rights of others by initiating force or fraud against them.[6]
Libertarians advocate the expansion of individual autonomy and political self-determination, emphasizing the principles of equality before the law and the protection of civil rights, including the rights to freedom of association, freedom of speech, freedom of thought and freedom of choice.[5][7] They generally support individual liberty and oppose authority, state power, warfare, militarism and nationalism, but some libertarians diverge on the scope and nature of their opposition to existing economic and political systems.
Schools of libertarian thought offer a range of views regarding the legitimate functions of state and non-state power. Different categorizations have been used to distinguish these various forms of libertarianism.[8][9] Scholars have identified distinct libertarian perspectives on the nature of property and capital, typically delineating them along left–right or socialist–capitalist axes.[10] Libertarianism has been broadly shaped by liberal ideas.[11]
Overview
[edit]Etymology
[edit]
The first recorded use of the term libertarian was in 1789, when William Belsham wrote about libertarianism in the context of metaphysics.[12][non-primary source needed] As early as 1796, libertarian came to mean an advocate or defender of liberty, in the sense of a supporter of republicanism, when the London Packet printed on 12 February the following: "Lately marched out of the Prison at Bristol, 450 of the French Libertarians".[13] It was again used in a republican sense in 1802 in a short piece critiquing a poem by "the author of Gebir" and has since been used politically.[14][15]
The use of the term libertarian to describe a new set of political positions has been traced to the French cognate libertaire, coined in a letter French libertarian communist Joseph Déjacque wrote to mutualist Pierre-Joseph Proudhon in 1857.[16] Déjacque also used the term for his anarchist publication Le Libertaire, Journal du mouvement social (Libertarian: Journal of Social Movement) which was printed from 9 June 1858 to 4 February 1861 in New York City.[17] Sébastien Faure, another French libertarian communist, began publishing a new Le Libertaire in the mid-1890s while France's Third Republic enacted the so-called villainous laws (lois scélérates) which banned anarchist publications in France. Libertarianism has frequently been used to refer to anarchism and libertarian socialism.[18][19][20]
In the United States, the term libertarian was popularized by the individualist anarchist Benjamin Tucker around the late 1870s and early 1880s.[21][better source needed] Libertarianism as a synonym for liberalism was popularized in May 1955 by writer Dean Russell,[citation needed] a colleague of Leonard Read and a classical liberal himself. Russell justified the choice of the term as follows:
Many of us call ourselves "liberals." And it is true that the word "liberal" once described persons who respected the individual and feared the use of mass compulsions. But the leftists have now corrupted that once-proud term to identify themselves and their program of more government ownership of property and more controls over persons. As a result, those of us who believe in freedom must explain that when we call ourselves liberals, we mean liberals in the uncorrupted classical sense. At best, this is awkward and subject to misunderstanding. Here is a suggestion: Let those of us who love liberty trade-mark and reserve for our own use the good and honorable word "libertarian."[22][better source needed]
Subsequently, many Americans with classical liberal beliefs began to describe themselves as libertarians. One person who popularized the term libertarian in this sense was Murray Rothbard, who began publishing libertarian works in the 1960s.[23]
In the 1970s, Robert Nozick was responsible for popularizing this usage of the term in academic and philosophical circles outside the United States,[24][25][26] especially with the publication of Anarchy, State, and Utopia (1974), a response to social liberal John Rawls's A Theory of Justice (1971).[27] In the book, Nozick proposed a minimal state on the grounds that it was an inevitable phenomenon which could arise without violating individual rights.[28]
Definitions
[edit]
Although libertarianism originated as a form of anarchist or left-wing politics,[30] since the development in the mid-20th century of modern libertarianism in the United States caused it to be commonly associated with right-wing politics, several authors and political scientists have used two or more categorizations[8][9][31] to distinguish libertarian views on the nature of property and capital, usually along left–right or socialist–capitalist lines.[10]
While all libertarians support some level of individual rights, left-libertarians differ by supporting an egalitarian redistribution of natural resources.[31] Left-libertarian[37] ideologies include anarchist schools of thought, alongside many other anti-paternalist and New Left schools of thought centered around economic egalitarianism as well as geolibertarianism, green politics, market-oriented left-libertarianism and the Steiner–Vallentyne school.[40] Some variants of libertarianism, such as anarcho-capitalism, have been labeled as far-right or radical right by some scholars.[41][42][43][44]
Those sometimes called "right-libertarians", usually by leftists or by other libertarians with more left-leaning ideologies, often reject the label due to its association with conservatism and right-wing politics and simply describe themselves as libertarians. However, some, particularly those who describe themselves as paleo-libertarians, agree with their placement on the political right. Meanwhile, some proponents of free-market anti-capitalism in the United States consciously label themselves as left-libertarians and see themselves as part of a broad libertarian left.[30]
While the term libertarian had been substantially synonymous with anarchism and seen by many as part of the left,[45][46] continuing today as part of the libertarian left in opposition to the moderate left such as social democracy or authoritarian and statist socialism, its meaning has evolved during the past half century, with broader adoption by ideologically disparate groups,[45] including some viewed as right-wing by older users of the term.[33][47] As a term, libertarian can include both the New Left Marxists (who do not associate with a vanguard party) and extreme liberals (primarily concerned with civil liberties) or civil libertarians. Additionally, some libertarians use the term libertarian socialist to avoid anarchism's negative connotations and emphasize its connections with socialism.[45][48]
The revival of free-market ideologies during the mid-to-late 20th century came with disagreement over what to call the movement. While many believers in economic freedom prefer the term libertarian, some free-market conservatives reject the term's association with the 1960s New Left and its connotations of libertine hedonism.[49] The movement is divided over the use of conservatism as an alternative.[50] Those who seek both economic and social liberty would be known as liberals, but that term developed associations opposite of the limited government, low-taxation, minimal state advocated by the movement.[51] Name variants of the free-market revival movement include classical liberalism, economic liberalism, free-market liberalism and neoliberalism.[49] As a term, libertarian or economic libertarian has the most everyday acceptance to describe a member of the movement, with the latter term being based on both the ideology's importance of economics and its distinction from libertarians of the New Left.[50]

While both historical and contemporary libertarianism share general antipathy towards power by government authority, the latter exempts power wielded through free-market capitalism. Historically, libertarians, including Herbert Spencer and Max Stirner, supported the protection of an individual's freedom from powers of government and private ownership.[52] In contrast, while condemning governmental encroachment on personal liberties, modern American libertarians support freedoms based on their agreement with private property rights.[53] The abolition or privatization of amenities or entitlements controlled by the government is a common theme in modern American libertarian writings.[54]
Although several modern American libertarians reject the political spectrum, especially the left–right political spectrum,[55][56][57][58] several strands of libertarianism in the United States and right-libertarianism have been described as being right-wing,[59] New Right[60][61] or radical right[62][63] and reactionary.[64] While some American libertarians such as Harry Browne,[56] Tibor Machan,[58] Justin Raimondo,[57] and Leonard Read[55] deny any association with either the left or right, other American libertarians have written about libertarianism's left-wing opposition to authoritarian rule and argued that libertarianism is fundamentally a left-wing position. Rothbard himself previously made the same point.[65]
The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy defines libertarianism as the moral view that agents initially fully own themselves and have certain moral powers to acquire property rights in external things.[31] Libertarian historian George Woodcock defines libertarianism as the philosophy that fundamentally doubts authority and advocates transforming society by reform or revolution.[66] Libertarian philosopher Roderick T. Long defines libertarianism as "any political position that advocates a radical redistribution of power from the coercive state to voluntary associations of free individuals", whether "voluntary association" takes the form of the free market or of communal co-operatives.[67] According to the Libertarian Party, of the United States, libertarianism is the advocacy of either anarchy, or government that is funded voluntarily and limited to protecting individuals from coercion and violence.[68]
Philosophy
[edit]According to the Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy (IEP), "What it means to be a 'libertarian' in a political sense is a contentious issue, especially among libertarians themselves."[69] Nevertheless, all libertarians begin with a conception of personal autonomy from which they argue in favor of civil liberties and a reduction or elimination of the state.[5] People described as being left-libertarian or right-libertarian generally tend to call themselves simply libertarians and refer to their philosophy as libertarianism. As a result, some political scientists and writers classify the forms of libertarianism into two or more groups[8][9] to distinguish libertarian views on the nature of property and capital.[10][70] In the United States, proponents of free-market anti-capitalism consciously label themselves as left-libertarians and see themselves as being part of a broad libertarian left.[30]
Libertarians argue that some forms of order within society emerge spontaneously from the actions of many different individuals acting independently from one another without any central planning.[5] Proposed examples of systems that evolved through spontaneous order or self-organization include the evolution of life on Earth, language, crystal structure, the Internet, Wikipedia, workers' councils, Horizontalidad, and a free market economy.[71][72]
Libertarianism or right-libertarianism
[edit]What some academics call right-libertarianism[33][36][47][24] is more often simply called "libertarianism" by its adherents. Based on the works of European writers like John Locke, Frederic Bastiat, Friedrich Hayek and Ludwig Von Mises, it developed in the United States in the mid-20th century, and is now the most popular conception of libertarianism.[24][25] Commonly referred to as a continuation or radicalization of classical liberalism,[73][74][better source needed] the most important of these early philosophers and economists was Robert Nozick.[24][25][28]
While left-libertarians advocate for social freedom, right-libertarians also value social institutions that support capitalist conditions. They reject institutions that oppose this framework, arguing that such interventions unnecessarily coerce individuals and violate their economic freedom.[75] Anarcho-capitalists[36][47] seek the elimination of the state in favor of privately funded security services while minarchists defend night-watchman states which maintain only those functions of government necessary to safeguard natural rights, understood in terms of self-ownership or autonomy.[76] Libertarian-authoritarianism has been associated with right-libertarianism, due to its broader critique of democracy, its power, and its laws.[77][better source needed][78]
Left-libertarianism
[edit]Left-libertarianism[33][34][36] encompasses those libertarian beliefs that claim the Earth's natural resources belong to everyone in an egalitarian manner, either unowned or owned collectively.[32][35][38][39][24] Contemporary left-libertarians such as Hillel Steiner, Peter Vallentyne, Philippe Van Parijs, Michael Otsuka and David Ellerman believe the appropriation of land must leave "enough and as good" for others or be taxed by society to compensate for the exclusionary effects of private property.[32][39] Socialist libertarians[79][80][81][70] such as social and individualist anarchists, libertarian Marxists, council communists, Luxemburgists and De Leonists promote usufruct and socialist economic theories, including communism, collectivism, syndicalism and mutualism.[38] They criticize the state for being the defender of private property and believe capitalism entails wage slavery and another form of coercion and domination related to that of the state.[79][80][81]
There are a number of different left-libertarian positions on the state, which can range from advocating for its complete abolition to advocating for a more decentralized and limited government with social ownership of the economy.[82] According to Sheldon Richman of the Independent Institute, other left-libertarians "prefer that corporate privileges be repealed before the regulatory restrictions on how those privileges may be exercised".[83]
Other variants
[edit]Libertarian paternalism[84] is a position advocated in the international bestseller Nudge by two American scholars, namely the economist Richard Thaler and the jurist Cass Sunstein.[85] In the book Thinking, Fast and Slow, Daniel Kahneman provides the brief summary: "Thaler and Sunstein advocate a position of libertarian paternalism, in which the state and other institutions are allowed to nudge people to make decisions that serve their own long-term interests. The designation of joining a pension plan as the default option is an example of a nudge. It is difficult to argue that anyone's freedom is diminished by being automatically enrolled in the plan, when they merely have to check a box to opt out."[86] Nudge is considered an important piece of literature in behavioral economics.[86]
Neo-libertarianism combines "the libertarian's moral commitment to negative liberty with a procedure that selects principles for restricting liberty on the basis of a unanimous agreement in which everyone's particular interests receive a fair hearing".[87] Neo-libertarianism has its roots at least as far back as 1980 when it was first described by the American philosopher James Sterba of the University of Notre Dame. Sterba observed that libertarianism advocates for a government that does no more than protection against force, fraud, theft, enforcement of contracts and other so-called negative liberties as contrasted with positive liberties by Isaiah Berlin.[88] Sterba contrasted this with the older libertarian ideal of a night watchman state or minarchism. Sterba held that it is "obviously impossible for everyone in society to be guaranteed complete liberty as defined by this ideal: after all, people's actual wants as well as their conceivable wants can come into serious conflict. [...] [I]t is also impossible for everyone in society to be completely free from the interference of other persons."[89] In 2013, Sterba wrote, "I shall show that moral commitment to an ideal of 'negative' liberty, which does not lead to a night-watchman state, but instead requires sufficient government to provide each person in society with the relatively high minimum of liberty that persons using Rawls' decision procedure would select. The political program actually justified by an ideal of negative liberty I shall call Neo-Libertarianism."[90]
Libertarian populism combines libertarian and populist politics. According to Jesse Walker, writing in the libertarian magazine Reason, libertarian populists oppose "big government" while also opposing "other large, centralized institutions" and advocate "tak[ing] an axe to the thicket of corporate subsidies, favors, and bailouts, clearing our way to an economy where businesses that can't make money serving customers don't have the option of wringing profits from the taxpayers instead".[91]
Typology
[edit]
In the United States, and increasingly worldwide, libertarian is a typology used to describe a political position that advocates small government and is culturally liberal and fiscally conservative in a two-dimensional political spectrum such as the libertarian-inspired Nolan Chart, where the other major typologies are conservative, liberal and populist.[92][93][94][95] Libertarians support the legalization of victimless crimes such as the use of marijuana while opposing high levels of taxation and government spending on health, welfare, and education.[92] Libertarians also support a foreign policy of non-interventionism.[96][better source needed][97] Libertarian was adopted in the United States, where liberal had become associated with a version that supports extensive government spending on social policies.[98] Libertarian may also refer to an anarchist ideology that developed in the 19th century and to a liberal version that developed in the United States that is avowedly pro-capitalist.[32][33][36]
According to polls, approximately one in four Americans self-identify as libertarian.[99][100][101][102][better source needed] While most members of this group are not necessarily ideologically driven, the term libertarian is commonly used to describe the form of libertarianism widely practiced in the United States and is the common meaning of the word libertarianism in the U.S.[24] This form is often named liberalism elsewhere such as in Europe, where liberalism has a different common meaning than in the United States.[98] In some academic circles, this form is called right-libertarianism as a complement to left-libertarianism, with acceptance of capitalism or the private ownership of land as being the distinguishing feature.[32][33][36]
History
[edit]Liberalism
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Elements of libertarianism can be traced back to the higher-law concepts of the Greeks and the Israelites, and Christian theologians who argued for the moral worth of the individual and the division of the world into two realms, one of which is the province of God and thus beyond the power of states to control it.[5][103][better source needed] The Cato Institute's David Boaz includes passages from the Tao Te Ching in his 1997 book The Libertarian Reader and noted in an article for the Encyclopædia Britannica that Laozi advocated for rulers to "do nothing" because "without law or compulsion, men would dwell in harmony".[104] Libertarianism was influenced by debates within Scholasticism regarding private property and slavery.[5] Scholastic thinkers, including Thomas Aquinas, Francisco de Vitoria, and Bartolomé de Las Casas, argued for the concept of "self-mastery" as the foundation of a system supporting individual rights.[5]
Early Christian sects such as the Waldensians displayed libertarian attitudes.[105][106] In 17th-century England, libertarian ideas began to take modern form in the writings of the Levellers and John Locke. In the middle of that century, opponents of royal power began to be called Whigs, or sometimes simply Opposition or Country, as opposed to Court writers.[107][better source needed]
During the 18th century and Age of Enlightenment, liberal ideas flourished in Europe and North America.[108][109] Libertarians of various schools were influenced by liberal ideas.[11] For philosopher Roderick T. Long, libertarians "share a common—or at least an overlapping—intellectual ancestry. [Libertarians] [...] claim the seventeenth century English Levellers and the eighteenth century French Encyclopedists among their ideological forebears; and [...] usually share an admiration for Thomas Jefferson and Thomas Paine."[110]

John Locke greatly influenced both libertarianism and the modern world in his writings published before and after the English Revolution of 1688, especially A Letter Concerning Toleration (1667), Two Treatises of Government (1689) and An Essay Concerning Human Understanding (1690). In the text of 1689, he established the basis of liberal political theory, i.e. that people's rights existed before government; that the purpose of government is to protect personal and property rights; that people may dissolve governments that do not do so; and that representative government is the best form to protect rights.[111]
The United States Declaration of Independence was inspired by Locke in its statement: "[T]o secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed. That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it."[112] According to American historian Bernard Bailyn, during and after the American Revolution, "the major themes of eighteenth-century libertarianism were brought to realization" in constitutions, bills of rights, and limits on legislative and executive powers, including limits on starting wars.[5]
According to Murray Rothbard, the libertarian creed emerged from the liberal challenges to an "absolute central State and a king ruling by divine right on top of an older, restrictive web of feudal land monopolies and urban guild controls and restrictions" as well as the mercantilism of a bureaucratic warfaring state allied with privileged merchants. The object of liberals was individual liberty in the economy, in personal freedoms and civil liberty, separation of state and religion and peace as an alternative to imperial aggrandizement. He cites Locke's contemporaries, the Levellers, who held similar views. Also influential were the English Cato's Letters during the early 1700s, reprinted eagerly by American colonists who already were free of European aristocracy and feudal land monopolies.[112]
Thomas Paine promoted liberal ideas in clear and concise language that allowed the general public to understand the debates among the political elites.[113] Common Sense was immensely popular in disseminating these ideas,[114] selling hundreds of thousands of copies.[115] Paine's theory of property showed a "libertarian concern" with the unequal distribution of resources under statism.[116]
In 1793, William Godwin wrote a libertarian philosophical treatise titled Enquiry Concerning Political Justice and its Influence on Morals and Happiness which criticized ideas of human rights and of society by contract based on vague promises. He took liberalism to its logical anarchic conclusion by rejecting all political institutions, law, government and apparatus of coercion as well as all political protest and insurrection. Instead of institutionalized justice, Godwin proposed that people influence one another to moral goodness through informal reasoned persuasion, including in the associations they joined as this would facilitate happiness.[117]
Libertarian socialism (1857–1980s)
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In the mid-19th century, libertarianism originated as a form of anti-authoritarian and anti-state politics usually seen as being on the left (like socialists and anarchists[118] especially social anarchists,[119] but more generally libertarian communists/Marxists and libertarian socialists).[45] Along with seeking to abolish or reduce the power of the State, these libertarians sought to abolish capitalism and private ownership of the means of production, or else to restrict their purview or effects to usufruct property norms, in favor of common or cooperative ownership and management, viewing private property in the means of production as a barrier to freedom and liberty.[120]
Anarchist communist philosopher Joseph Déjacque was the first person to describe himself as a libertarian in an 1857 letter.[121][non-primary source needed] Unlike mutualist anarchist philosopher Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, he argued that "it is not the product of his or her labor that the worker has a right to, but to the satisfaction of his or her needs, whatever may be their nature".[122] According to anarchist historian Max Nettlau, the first use of the term libertarian communism was in November 1880, when a French anarchist congress employed it to identify its doctrines more clearly.[123] The French anarchist journalist Sébastien Faure started the weekly paper Le Libertaire (The Libertarian) in 1895.[124]

The revolutionary wave of 1917–1923 saw the active participation of anarchists in Russia and Europe. Russian anarchists participated alongside the Bolsheviks in both the February and October 1917 revolutions. However, Bolsheviks in central Russia quickly began to imprison or drive underground the libertarian anarchists. Many fled to Ukraine.[125] After the anarchist Makhnovshchina helped stave off the White movement during the Russian Civil War, the Bolsheviks turned on the Makkhnovists and contributed to the schism between the anarcho-syndicalists and the Communists.[126]
With the rise of fascism in Europe between the 1920s and the 1930s, anarchists began to fight fascists in Italy,[127] in France during the February 1934 riots[128] and in Spain where the CNT (Confederación Nacional del Trabajo) boycott of elections led to a right-wing victory and its later participation in voting in 1936 helped bring the popular front back to power. This led to a ruling class attempted coup and the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939).[129] Gruppo Comunista Anarchico di Firenze held that during the early twentieth century, the terms libertarian communism and anarchist communism became synonymous within the international anarchist movement as a result of the close connection they had in Spain (anarchism in Spain), with libertarian communism becoming the prevalent term.[130]

Libertarian socialism reached its apex of popularity with the Spanish Revolution of 1936, during which libertarian socialists led "the largest and most successful revolution against capitalism to ever take place in any industrial economy".[131] During the revolution, the means of production were brought under workers' control and worker cooperatives formed the basis for the new economy.[132] According to Gaston Leval, the CNT established an agrarian federation in the Levante that encompassed 78% of Spain's most arable land. The regional federation was populated by 1,650,000 people, 40% of whom lived on the region's 900 agrarian collectives, which were self-organised by peasant unions.[133] Although industrial and agricultural production was at its highest in the anarchist-controlled areas of the Spanish Republic, and the anarchist militias displayed the strongest military discipline, liberals and communists alike blamed the "sectarian" libertarian socialists for the defeat of the Republic in the Spanish Civil War. These charges have been disputed by contemporary libertarian socialists, such as Robin Hahnel and Noam Chomsky, who have accused such claims of lacking substantial evidence.[134]
During the autumn of 1931, the "Manifesto of the 30" was published by militants of the anarchist trade union CNT and among those who signed it there was the CNT General Secretary (1922–1923) Joan Peiro, Ángel Pestaña CNT (General Secretary in 1929) and Juan Lopez Sanchez. They were called treintismo and they were calling for libertarian possibilism which advocated achieving libertarian socialist ends with participation inside structures of contemporary parliamentary democracy.[135] In 1932, they established the Syndicalist Party, which participated in the 1936 Spanish general elections and proceeded to be a part of the leftist coalition of parties known as the Popular Front obtaining two congressmen (Pestaña and Benito Pabon). In 1938, Horacio Prieto, general secretary of the CNT, proposed that the Iberian Anarchist Federation transform itself into the Libertarian Socialist Party and that it participate in the national elections.[136]

The Manifesto of Libertarian Communism was written in 1953 by Georges Fontenis for the Federation Communiste Libertaire of France. It is one of the key texts of the anarchist-communist current known as platformism.[137] In 1968, the International of Anarchist Federations was founded during an international anarchist conference in Carrara, Italy to advance libertarian solidarity. It wanted to form "a strong and organized workers movement, agreeing with the libertarian ideas".[138][139] In the United States, the Libertarian League was founded in New York City in 1954 as a left-libertarian political organization building on the Libertarian Book Club.[140][141] Members included Sam Dolgoff,[142] Russell Blackwell, Dave Van Ronk, Enrico Arrigoni[143] and Murray Bookchin.
In Australia, the Sydney Push was a predominantly left-wing intellectual subculture in Sydney from the late 1940s to the early 1970s which became associated with the label Sydney libertarianism. Well known associates of the Push include Jim Baker, John Flaus, Harry Hooton, Margaret Fink, Sasha Soldatow,[144] Lex Banning, Eva Cox, Richard Appleton, Paddy McGuinness, David Makinson, Germaine Greer, Clive James, Robert Hughes, Frank Moorhouse and Lillian Roxon. Amongst the key intellectual figures in Push debates were philosophers David J. Ivison, George Molnar, Roelof Smilde, Darcy Waters and Jim Baker, as recorded in Baker's memoir Sydney Libertarians and the Push, published in the libertarian Broadsheet in 1975.[145] An understanding of libertarian values and social theory can be obtained from their publications, a few of which are available online.[146][147]
In 1969, French platformist anarcho-communist Daniel Guérin published an essay in 1969 called "Libertarian Marxism?" in which he dealt with the debate between Karl Marx and Mikhail Bakunin at the First International.[148] Libertarian Marxist currents often draw from Marx and Engels' later works, specifically the Grundrisse and The Civil War in France.[149]
Libertarianism in the United States (1943–1980s)
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In the mid-20th century, American[150] proponents of anarcho-capitalism and minarchism began using the term libertarian. Minarchists advocate for night-watchman states which maintain only those functions of government necessary to safeguard natural rights, understood in terms of self-ownership or autonomy,[76] while anarcho-capitalists advocate for the replacement of all state institutions with private alternatives.[151]
During this time period, the term "libertarian" became used by growing numbers of people to advocate laissez-faire capitalism and strong private property rights such as in land, infrastructure and natural resources.[24][152] This libertarianism, a revival of classical liberalism in the United States,[153] occurred due to other American liberals abandoning classical liberalism and embracing progressivism and economic interventionism in the early 20th century after the Great Depression and with the New Deal.[154]
H. L. Mencken and Albert Jay Nock were the first prominent figures in the United States to describe themselves as libertarian as synonym for liberal. They believed that Franklin D. Roosevelt had co-opted the word liberal for his New Deal policies which they opposed and used libertarian to signify their allegiance to classical liberalism, individualism and limited government.[155]
According to David Boaz, in 1943 three women "published books that could be said to have given birth to the modern libertarian movement".[156] Isabel Paterson's The God of the Machine, Rose Wilder Lane's The Discovery of Freedom and Ayn Rand's The Fountainhead each promoted individualism and capitalism. None of the three used the term libertarianism to describe their beliefs and Rand specifically rejected the label, criticizing the burgeoning American libertarian movement as the "hippies of the right".[157] Rand accused libertarians of plagiarizing ideas related to her own philosophy of Objectivism and yet viciously attacking other aspects of it.[157]
In 1946, Leonard E. Read founded the Foundation for Economic Education (FEE), an American nonprofit educational organization which promotes the principles of laissez-faire economics, private property and limited government.[158] According to Gary North, the FEE is the "granddaddy of all libertarian organizations".[159]
Karl Hess, a speechwriter for Barry Goldwater and primary author of the Republican Party's 1960 and 1964 platforms, became disillusioned with traditional politics following the 1964 presidential campaign in which Goldwater lost to Lyndon B. Johnson. He and his friend Murray Rothbard, an Austrian School economist, founded the journal Left and Right: A Journal of Libertarian Thought, which was published from 1965 to 1968, with George Resch and Leonard P. Liggio. In 1969, they edited The Libertarian Forum which Hess left in 1971.[160]
The Vietnam War split the uneasy alliance between the growing numbers of American libertarians, on the one hand, and conservatives who believed in limiting liberty to uphold moral virtues on the other. Libertarians opposed to the war joined the draft resistance and peace movements as well as organizations such as Students for a Democratic Society (SDS). In 1969 and 1970, Hess joined with others, including Murray Rothbard, Robert LeFevre, Dana Rohrabacher, Samuel Edward Konkin III and former SDS leader Carl Oglesby to speak at two conferences which brought together activists from both the New Left and the Old Right in what was emerging as a nascent libertarian movement. Rothbard ultimately broke with the left, allying himself with the burgeoning paleoconservative movement.[161][162] He criticized the tendency of these libertarians to appeal to "'free spirits,' to people who don't want to push other people around, and who don't want to be pushed around themselves" in contrast to "the bulk of Americans" who "might well be tight-assed conformists, who want to stamp out drugs in their vicinity, kick out people with strange dress habits, etc.". Rothbard emphasized that this was relevant as a matter of strategy as the failure to pitch the libertarian message to Middle America might result in the loss of "the tight-assed majority".[163][164] This left-libertarian tradition has been carried to the present day by Konkin's agorists,[165] contemporary mutualists such as Kevin Carson,[166] Roderick T. Long[167] and others such as Gary Chartier[168] Charles W. Johnson[169][170] Sheldon Richman,[171] Chris Matthew Sciabarra[172] and Brad Spangler.[173]

In 1971, a small group led by David Nolan formed the Libertarian Party.[174]
Modern libertarianism gained significant recognition in academia with the publication of Harvard University professor Robert Nozick's Anarchy, State, and Utopia in 1974, for which he received a National Book Award in 1975.[175] In response to John Rawls' A Theory of Justice, Nozick's book supported a minimal state (also called a nightwatchman state by Nozick) on the grounds that the ultraminimal state arises without violating individual rights[176] and the transition from an ultraminimal state to a minimal state is morally obligated to occur.
The project of spreading libertarian ideals in the United States has been so successful that some Americans who do not identify as libertarian seem to hold libertarian views.[177] Since the resurgence of neoliberalism in the 1970s, this modern American libertarianism has spread beyond North America via think tanks and political parties.[178][179]
In a 1975 interview with Reason, California Governor Ronald Reagan appealed to libertarians when he stated to "believe the very heart and soul of conservatism is libertarianism".[180] Libertarian Republican Ron Paul supported Reagan's 1980 presidential campaign, being one of the first elected officials in the nation to support his campaign[181] and actively campaigned for Reagan in 1976 and 1980.[182] However, Paul quickly became disillusioned with the Reagan administration's policies after Reagan's election in 1980 and later recalled being the only Republican to vote against Reagan budget proposals in 1981.[183][184] In the 1980s, libertarians criticized President Reagan, Reaganomics and policies of the Reagan administration for, among other reasons, having turned the United States' big trade deficit into debt and the United States became a debtor nation for the first time since World War I under the Reagan administration.[185][186] Rothbard argued that the presidency of Reagan has been "a disaster for libertarianism in the United States"[187] and Paul described Reagan himself as "a dramatic failure".[182]
Since the 1970s, this classical liberal form of libertarianism has spread beyond the United States,[188] with libertarian or right-libertarian parties being established in the United Kingdom,[189] Israel,[190][191][192][193] South Africa,[194] Argentina, and many other countries.[195]
Contemporary libertarianism
[edit]Contemporary libertarian socialism
[edit]
A surge of popular interest in libertarian socialism occurred in Western nations during the 1960s and 1970s.[196] Anarchism was influential in the counterculture of the 1960s[197][198][199] and anarchists actively participated in the protests of 1968 which included students and workers' revolts.[200]
After the fall of the Soviet Union, which caused many people to give up on Marxism or state socialism, libertarian socialism grew in popularity and influence, alongside left-wing anti-war, anti-capitalist and anti-globalization and alter-globalisation movements.[201][202] Around the turn of the 21st century, libertarian socialism grew in popularity and influence as part of the anti-war, anti-capitalist and anti-globalisation movements.[201] Anarchists became known for their involvement in protests against the meetings of the World Trade Organization (WTO), Group of Eight and the World Economic Forum. Some anarchist factions at these protests engaged in rioting, property destruction and violent confrontations with police. These actions were precipitated by ad hoc, leaderless, anonymous cadres known as black blocs and other organizational tactics pioneered in this time include security culture, affinity groups and the use of decentralized technologies such as the Internet.[201] A significant event of this period was the confrontations at WTO conference in Seattle in 1999.[201] For English anarchist scholar Simon Critchley, "contemporary anarchism can be seen as a powerful critique of the pseudo-libertarianism of contemporary neo-liberalism. One might say that contemporary anarchism is about responsibility, whether sexual, ecological or socio-economic; it flows from an experience of conscience about the manifold ways in which the West ravages the rest; it is an ethical outrage at the yawning inequality, impoverishment and disenfranchisment that is so palpable locally and globally".[203] This might also have been motivated by "the collapse of 'really existing socialism' and the capitulation to neo-liberalism of Western social democracy".[204]
Since the end of the Cold War, there have been at least two major experiments in libertarian socialism: the Zapatista uprising in Mexico, during which the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) enabled the formation of a self-governing autonomous territory in the Mexican state of Chiapas;[205] and the Rojava Revolution in Syria, which established the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES) as a "libertarian socialist alternative to the colonially established state boundaries in the Middle East."[205]
In 2022, former student activist and self-described libertarian socialist Gabriel Boric became President of Chile after winning the 2021 Chilean presidential election with the Apruebo Dignidad coalition.[206][207][208]
Contemporary libertarianism in the United States
[edit]In the United States, polls (circa 2006) found that the views and voting habits of between 10% and 20%, or more, of voting age Americans might be classified as "fiscally conservative and socially liberal, or libertarian".[92][93] This was based on pollsters' and researchers' defining libertarian views as fiscally conservative and socially liberal (based on the common United States meanings of the terms) and against government intervention in economic affairs and for expansion of personal freedoms.[92] In a 2015 Gallup poll, this figure had risen to 27%.[102] A 2015 Reuters poll found that 23% of American voters self-identified as libertarians, including 32% in the 18–29 age group.[101] Through twenty polls on this topic spanning thirteen years, Gallup found that voters who are libertarian on the political spectrum ranged from 17% to 23% of the United States electorate.[99] However, 11% of respondents in a 2014 Pew Poll both identified as libertarians and understood what the term meant.[100]
In 2001, an American political migration movement, called the Free State Project, was founded to recruit at least 20,000 libertarians to move to a single low-population state (New Hampshire, was selected in 2003) in order to make the state a stronghold for libertarian ideas.[209][210] As of May 2022, approximately 6,232 participants have moved to New Hampshire for the Free State Project.[211]

2009 saw the rise of the Tea Party, an American political movement known for advocating reductions in the United States national debt and federal budget deficits by reducing government spending, as well as cutting taxes. This movement had a significant libertarian component[212][better source needed] despite having contrasts with libertarian values and views in some areas such as free trade, immigration, nationalism and social issues.[213] A 2011 Reason-Rupe poll found that among those who self-identified as Tea Party supporters, 41 percent leaned libertarian and 59 percent socially conservative.[214] Named after the Boston Tea Party, it also contained populist elements.[215][216] By 2016, Politico noted that the Tea Party movement was essentially completely dead; however, the article noted that the movement seemed to die in part because some of its ideas had been absorbed by the mainstream Republican Party.[217]
In 2012, anti-war and pro-drug liberalization presidential candidates such as Libertarian Republican Ron Paul and Libertarian Party candidate Gary Johnson raised millions of dollars and garnered millions of votes despite opposition to their obtaining ballot access by both Democrats and Republicans.[218] The 2012 Libertarian National Convention saw Johnson and Jim Gray being nominated as the 2012 presidential ticket for the Libertarian Party, resulting in the most successful result for a third-party presidential candidacy since 2000 and the best in the Libertarian Party's history by vote number. Johnson received 1% of the popular vote, amounting to more than 1.2 million votes.[219][220] Johnson has expressed a desire to win at least 5 percent of the vote so that the Libertarian Party candidates could get equal ballot access and federal funding, thus subsequently ending the two-party system.[221][222][223] The 2016 Libertarian National Convention saw Johnson and Bill Weld nominated as the 2016 presidential ticket and resulted in the most successful result for a third-party presidential candidacy since 1996 and the best in the Libertarian Party's history by vote number. Johnson received 3% of the popular vote, amounting to more than 4.3 million votes.[224] Following the 2022 Libertarian National Convention, the Mises Caucus, a paleolibertarian faction, became the dominant faction on the Libertarian National Committee.[225][226] Right-wing libertarian ideals are also prominent in far-right American militia movement associated with extremist anti-government ideas.[227]
Chicago school of economics economist Milton Friedman made the distinction between being part of the American Libertarian Party and "a libertarian with a small 'l'", where he held libertarian values but belonged to the American Republican Party.[228]
Contemporary libertarianism in Argentina
[edit]
Contemporary libertarianism in Argentina has gained significant prominence, particularly with the rise of Javier Milei and his La Libertad Avanza coalition. The Libertarian Party, founded in 2018, initially attracted young intellectuals and has since evolved into a major political force. Milei, a self-described "liberal libertarian," became the face of this movement, transforming it from an academic discourse into a powerful political phenomenon that culminated in his victory in the 2023 Argentine general election.[229][better source needed]
In November 2023, Milei was elected as the world's first self-identified Libertarian head of state[230] after winning an upset landslide in that year's Argentine general election as the leader of the libertarian La Libertad Avanza coalition.[231]
Milei's libertarian platform represents a radical departure from traditional Argentine politics. His economic proposals included substantial government spending reduction, elimination of numerous federal agencies, and promoting currency competition through free market mechanisms. The intellectual foundations of Milei's libertarianism draw from classical liberal thinkers like Milton Friedman and Murray Rothbard, emphasizing individual economic freedom and minimal state intervention.[229]
Criticism
[edit]Criticism of libertarianism includes ethical, economic, environmental, pragmatic and philosophical concerns. These concerns are most commonly voiced by critics on the left and directed against the more right-leaning schools of libertarian thought.[232] One such argument is the view that it has no explicit theory of liberty.[25] It has also been argued that laissez-faire capitalism does not necessarily produce the best or most efficient outcome,[233][234] nor does its philosophy of individualism and policies of deregulation prevent the abuse of natural resources.[235]
Critics have accused libertarianism of promoting "atomistic" individualism that ignores the role of groups and communities in shaping an individual's identity.[5] Libertarians have responded by denying that they promote this form of individualism, arguing that recognition and protection of individualism does not mean the rejection of community living.[5] Libertarians also argue that they are simply against individuals' being forced to have ties with communities and that individuals should be allowed to sever ties with communities they dislike and form new communities instead.[5]
Critics such as Corey Robin describe this type of libertarianism as fundamentally a reactionary conservative ideology united with more traditionalist conservative thought and goals by a desire to enforce hierarchical power and social relations.[59] Similarly, Nancy MacLean has argued that libertarianism is a radical right ideology that has stood against democracy. According to MacLean, libertarian-leaning Charles and David Koch have used anonymous, dark money campaign contributions, a network of libertarian institutes and lobbying for the appointment of libertarian, pro-business judges to United States federal and state courts to oppose taxes, public education, employee protection laws, environmental protection laws and the New Deal Social Security program.[236]
Conservative philosopher Russell Kirk argued that libertarians "bear no authority, temporal or spiritual" and do not "venerate ancient beliefs and customs, or the natural world, or [their] country, or the immortal spark in [their] fellow men".[5] Libertarians have responded by saying that they do venerate these ancient traditions, but are against using law to force individuals to follow them.[5]
See also
[edit]- Authoritarianism - a political system that is sometimes considered the antonym of libertarianism.
- Christian libertarianism
- Conscientious objector
- Copyright abolition
- Criticism of copyright
- Critique of work
- Decriminalization of homosexuality
- Decriminalization of sex work
- Free-culture movement
- Freedom of information
- Fusionism
- Green libertarianism
- Information wants to be free
- Internet freedom
- Libertarian feminism
- List of libertarian political ideologies
- Neoclassical liberalism
- Non-aggression principle
- Objectivism
- Outline of libertarianism
- Paleolibertarianism
- "Property is theft!"
- Refusal of medical assistance
- Refusal of work
- Right to die
- Right to disconnect
- Sovereign citizen movement
- "Taxation is theft!"
- Technolibertarianism
References
[edit]- ^ "libertaire - traduction - Dictionnaire Français-Anglais WordReference.com". www.wordreference.com (in French). Retrieved 6 October 2025.
- ^ Wolff, Jonathan (2016). "Libertarianism". Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy. London. doi:10.4324/9780415249126-S036-1. ISBN 9780415250696.
- ^ Vossen, Bas Van Der (2017). "Libertarianism". Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics. doi:10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.86. ISBN 978-0-19-022863-7.
- ^ Mack, Eric (2011). Klosko, George (ed.). "Libertarianism". The Oxford Handbook of the History of Political Philosophy: 673–688. doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199238804.003.0041.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m Boaz, David (30 January 2009). "Libertarianism". Encyclopædia Britannica. Archived from the original on 4 May 2015. Retrieved 21 February 2017.
[L]ibertarianism, political philosophy that takes individual liberty to be the primary political value.
- ^ "Non-Aggression Principle". Archived from the original on 14 December 2024. Retrieved 23 November 2024.
There are a small group of libertarians who do not accept the non- aggression axiom.
- ^ Woodcock, George (2004) [1962]. Anarchism: A History of Libertarian Ideas and Movements. Peterborough: Broadview Press. p. 16. ISBN 978-1551116297.
[F]or the very nature of the libertarian attitude—its rejection of dogma, its deliberate avoidance of rigidly systematic theory, and, above all, its stress on extreme freedom of choice and on the primacy of the individual judgement [sic].
- ^ a b c Long, Joseph. W (1996). "Toward a Libertarian Theory of Class". Social Philosophy and Policy. 15 (2): 310. "When I speak of 'libertarianism' [...] I mean all three of these very different movements. It might be protested that LibCap [libertarian capitalism], LibSoc [libertarian socialism] and LibPop [libertarian populism] are too different from one another to be treated as aspects of a single point of view. But they do share a common—or at least an overlapping—intellectual ancestry."
- ^ a b c Carlson, Jennifer D. (2012). "Libertarianism". In Miller, Wilburn R., ed. The Social History of Crime and Punishment in America. London: SAGE Publications. p. 1006 Archived 30 September 2020 at the Wayback Machine. ISBN 1412988764. "There exist three major camps in libertarian thought: right-libertarianism, socialist libertarianism, and left-libertarianism; the extent to which these represent distinct ideologies as opposed to variations on a theme is contested by scholars."
- ^ a b c Francis, Mark (December 1983). "Human Rights and Libertarians". Australian Journal of Politics & History. 29 (3): 462–472. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8497.1983.tb00212.x. ISSN 0004-9522.
- ^ a b Otero Carlos-Peregrín, ed. (1994). Noam Chomsky: Critical Assessments, Volumes 2–3. Taylor & Francis. p. 617 Archived 9 January 2020 at the Wayback Machine. ISBN 978-0415106948.
- ^ William Belsham (1789). Essays. C. Dilly. p. 11. Archived from the original on 11 April 2021. Retrieved 26 October 2020Original from the University of Michigan, digitized 21 May 2007
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: postscript (link) - ^ OED November 2010 edition
- ^ Seeley, John Robert (1878). Life and Times of Stein: Or Germany and Prussia in the Napoleonic Age. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 3: 355.
- ^ Maitland, Frederick William (July 1901). "William Stubbs, Bishop of Oxford". English Historical Review. 16[.3]: 419.
- ^ Marshall, Peter (2009). Demanding the Impossible: A History of Anarchism. p. 641. "The word 'libertarian' has long been associated with anarchism, and has been used repeatedly throughout this work. The term originally denoted a person who upheld the doctrine of the freedom of the will; in this sense, Godwin was not a 'libertarian', but a 'necessitarian'. It came however to be applied to anyone who approved of liberty in general. In anarchist circles, it was first used by Joseph Déjacque as the title of his anarchist journal Le Libertaire, Journal du Mouvement Social published in New York in 1858. At the end of the last century, the anarchist Sebastien Faure took up the word, to stress the difference between anarchists and authoritarian socialists".
- ^ Woodcock, George (1962). Anarchism: A History of Libertarian Ideas and Movements. Meridian Books. p. 280. "He called himself a "social poet," and published two volumes of heavily didactic verse—Lazaréennes and Les Pyrénées Nivelées. In New York, from 1858 to 1861, he edited an anarchist paper entitled Le Libertaire, Journal du Mouvement Social, in whose pages he printed as a serial his vision of the anarchist Utopia, entitled L'Humanisphére."
- ^ Nettlau, Max (1996). A Short History of Anarchism. London: Freedom Press. p. 162. ISBN 978-0900384899. OCLC 37529250.
- ^ Ward, Colin (2004). Anarchism: A Very Short Introduction Archived 13 January 2016 at the Wayback Machine. Oxford: Oxford University Press. p. 62. "For a century, anarchists have used the word 'libertarian' as a synonym for 'anarchist', both as a noun and an adjective. The celebrated anarchist journal Le Libertaire was founded in 1896. However, much more recently the word has been appropriated by various American free-market philosophers [...]."
- ^ Chomsky, Noam (23 February 2002). "The Week Online Interviews Chomsky". Z Magazine. Z Communications. Archived from the original on 13 January 2013. Retrieved 21 November 2011.
The term libertarian as used in the US means something quite different from what it meant historically and still means in the rest of the world. Historically, the libertarian movement has been the anti-statist wing of the socialist movement. Socialist anarchism was libertarian socialism.
- ^ Comegna, Anthony; Gomez, Camillo (3 October 2018). "Libertarianism, Then and Now" Archived 3 August 2020 at the Wayback Machine. Libertarianism. Cato Institute. "[...] Benjamin Tucker was the first American to really start using the term 'libertarian' as a self-identifier somewhere in the late 1870s or early 1880s." Retrieved 3 August 2020.
- ^ Russell, Dean (May 1955). "Who Is A Libertarian?". The Freeman. 5 (5). Foundation for Economic Education. Archived from the original on 26 June 2010. Retrieved 6 March 2010.
- ^ Paul Cantor, The Invisible Hand in Popular Culture: Liberty Vs. Authority in American Film and TV, University Press of Kentucky, 2012, p. 353, n. 2.
- ^ a b c d e f g h Carlson, Jennifer D. (2012). "Libertarianism". In Miller, Wilburn R., ed. The Social History of Crime and Punishment in America. London: SAGE Publications. p. 1006 Archived 21 December 2019 at the Wayback Machine. ISBN 1412988764.
- ^ a b c d Lester, J. C. (22 October 2017). "New-Paradigm Libertarianism: a Very Brief Explanation" Archived 6 July 2018 at the Wayback Machine. PhilPapers. Retrieved 26 June 2019.
- ^ Teles, Steven; Kenney, Daniel A. (2008). "Spreading the Word: The diffusion of American Conservatism in Europe and beyond". In Steinmo, Sven. Growing Apart?: America and Europe in the 21st Century Archived 13 January 2016 at the Wayback Machine Growing Apart?: America and Europe in the Twenty-first Century. Cambridge University Press. pp. 136–169.
- ^ "National Book Award: 1975 – Philosophy and Religion" (1975). National Book Foundation. Retrieved 9 September 2011. Archived 9 September 2011 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ a b Schaefer, David Lewis (30 April 2008). "Robert Nozick and the Coast of Utopia" Archived 21 August 2014 at the Wayback Machine. The New York Sun. Retrieved 26 June 2019.
- ^ "The Political Compass". The Political Compass. 11 October 2013. Archived from the original on 14 March 2023. Retrieved 1 November 2013.
- ^ a b c "Anarchism". In Gaus, Gerald F.; D'Agostino, Fred, eds. (2012). The Routledge Companion to Social and Political Philosophy. p. 227.
- ^ a b c Peter Vallentyne. "Libertarianism". Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Metaphysics Research Lab, CSLI, Stanford University. Archived from the original on 8 March 2021. Retrieved 20 November 2011.
- ^ a b c d e f Kymlicka, Will (2005). "libertarianism, left-". In Honderich, Ted. The Oxford Companion to Philosophy. New York City: Oxford University Press. p. 516. ISBN 978-0199264797. "'Left-libertarianism' is a new term for an old conception of justice, dating back to Grotius. It combines the libertarian assumption that each person possesses a natural right of self-ownership over his person with the egalitarian premiss that natural resources should be shared equally. Right-wing libertarians argue that the right of self-ownership entails the right to appropriate unequal parts of the external world, such as unequal amounts of land. According to left-libertarians, however, the world's natural resources were initially unowned, or belonged equally to all, and it is illegitimate for anyone to claim exclusive private ownership of these resources to the detriment of others. Such private appropriation is legitimate only if everyone can appropriate an equal amount, or if those who appropriate more are taxed to compensate those who are thereby excluded from what was once common property. Historic proponents of this view include Thomas Paine, Herbert Spencer, and Henry George. Recent exponents include Philippe Van Parijs and Hillel Steiner."
- ^ a b c d e f g Goodway, David (2006). Anarchist Seeds Beneath the Snow: Left-Libertarian Thought and British Writers from William Morris to Colin Ward. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press. p. 4 Archived 8 March 2021 at the Wayback Machine. ISBN 978-1846310256. "'Libertarian' and 'libertarianism' are frequently employed by anarchists as synonyms for 'anarchist' and 'anarchism', largely as an attempt to distance themselves from the negative connotations of 'anarchy' and its derivatives. The situation has been vastly complicated in recent decades with the rise of anarcho-capitalism, 'minimal statism' and an extreme right-wing laissez-faire philosophy advocated by such theorists as Murray Rothbard and Robert Nozick and their adoption of the words 'libertarian' and 'libertarianism'. It has therefore now become necessary to distinguish between their right libertarianism and the left libertarianism of the anarchist tradition".
- ^ a b Marshall, Peter (2008). Demanding the Impossible: A History of Anarchism. London: Harper Perennial. p. 641 Archived 7 March 2021 at the Wayback Machine. "Left libertarianism can therefore range from the decentralist who wishes to limit and devolve State power, to the syndicalist who wants to abolish it altogether. It can even encompass the Fabians and the social democrats who wish to socialize the economy but who still see a limited role for the State".
- ^ a b c Spitz, Jean-Fabien (March 2006). "Left-wing libertarianism: equality based on self-ownership". Raisons Politiques. 23 (3): 23–46. doi:10.3917/rai.023.0023. Archived from the original on 23 March 2019. Retrieved 11 March 2018.
- ^ a b c d e f g Newman, Saul (2010). The Politics of Postanarchism, Edinburgh University Press. p. 43 Archived 30 September 2020 at the Wayback Machine. ISBN 978-0748634958. "It is important to distinguish between anarchism and certain strands of right-wing libertarianism which at times go by the same name (for example, Murray Rothbard's anarcho-capitalism). There is a complex debate within this tradition between those like Robert Nozick, who advocate a 'minimal state', and those like Rothbard who want to do away with the state altogether and allow all transactions to be governed by the market alone. From an anarchist perspective, however, both positions—the minimal state (minarchist) and the no-state ('anarchist') positions—neglect the problem of economic domination; in other words, they neglect the hierarchies, oppressions, and forms of exploitation that would inevitably arise in a laissez-faire 'free' market. [...] Anarchism, therefore, has no truck with this right-wing libertarianism, not only because it neglects economic inequality and domination, but also because in practice (and theory) it is highly inconsistent and contradictory. The individual freedom invoked by right-wing libertarians is only a narrow economic freedom within the constraints of a capitalist market, which, as anarchists show, is no freedom at all".
- ^ [32][33][34][35][36]
- ^ a b c "Anarchism". In Gaus, Gerald F.; D'Agostino, Fred, eds. (2012). The Routledge Companion to Social and Political Philosophy. p. 227. "The term 'left-libertarianism' has at least three meanings. In its oldest sense, it is a synonym either for anarchism in general or social anarchism in particular. Later it became a term for the left or Konkinite wing of the free-market libertarian movement, and has since come to cover a range of pro-market but anti-capitalist positions, mostly individualist anarchist, including agorism and mutualism, often with an implication of sympathies (such as for radical feminism or the labor movement) not usually shared by anarcho-capitalists. In a third sense it has recently come to be applied to a position combining individual self-ownership with an egalitarian approach to natural resources; most proponents of this position are not anarchists."
- ^ a b c Vallentyne, Peter (March 2009). "Libertarianism". In Zalta, Edward N. (ed.). Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Spring 2009 ed.). Stanford, California: Stanford University. Archived from the original on 6 July 2019. Retrieved 5 March 2010.
Libertarianism is committed to full self-ownership. A distinction can be made, however, between right-libertarianism and left-libertarianism, depending on the stance taken on how natural resources can be owned.
- ^ [32][35][38][39]
- ^ Goodwin, Barbara (2016). Using Political Ideas. Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley and Sons, Inc. p. 151. ISBN 978-1118708385.
However, enough has been said to show that most anarchists have nothing in common with those libertarians of the far-right, the anarcho-capitalists [...]
- ^ Paul, Ellen F.; Miller, Fred D.; Paul, Jeffrey, eds. (2007). Liberalism: Old and New. Vol. 24. Cambridge University Press. p. 199. ISBN 978-0521703055.
- ^ Estlund, David, ed. (2012). The Oxford Handbook of Political Philosophy. Oxford University Press. p. 162. ISBN 978-0195376692.
- ^ Hammer, Espen (2013). "Libertarianism, Political". In Kaldis, Byron (ed.). Encyclopedia of Philosophy and the Social Sciences. Vol. 1. SAGE Publications. pp. 558–560. ISBN 978-1506332611.
- ^ a b c d Marshall, Peter (2009). Demanding the Impossible: A History of Anarchism. p. 641 Archived 30 September 2020 at the Wayback Machine. "For a long time, libertarian was interchangeable in France with anarchism but in recent years, its meaning has become more ambivalent. Some anarchists like Daniel Guérin will call themselves 'libertarian socialists', partly to avoid the negative overtones still associated with anarchism, and partly to stress the place of anarchism within the socialist tradition. Even Marxists of the New Left like E. P. Thompson call themselves 'libertarian' to distinguish themselves from those authoritarian socialists and communists who believe in revolutionary dictatorship and vanguard parties."
- ^ Cohn, Jesse (20 April 2009). "Anarchism". In Ness, Immanuel (ed.). The International Encyclopedia of Revolution and Protest. Oxford: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. p. 6. doi:10.1002/9781405198073.wbierp0039. ISBN 978-1405198073.
'[L]ibertarianism' [...] a term that, until the mid-twentieth century, was synonymous with "anarchism" per se.
- ^ a b c d Marshall, Peter (2008). Demanding the Impossible: A History of Anarchism. London: Harper Perennial. p. 565. "The problem with the term 'libertarian' is that it is now also used by the Right. [...] In its moderate form, right libertarianism embraces laissez-faire liberals like Robert Nozick who call for a minimal State, and in its extreme form, anarcho-capitalists like Murray Rothbard and David Friedman who entirely repudiate the role of the State and look to the market as a means of ensuring social order".
- ^ Guérin, Daniel (1970). Anarchism: From Theory to Practice. New York City: Monthly Review Press. p. 12. "[A]narchism is really a synonym for socialism. The anarchist is primarily a socialist whose aim is to abolish the exploitation of man by man. Anarchism is only one of the streams of socialist thought, that stream whose main components are concern for liberty and haste to abolish the State." ISBN 978-0853451754.
- ^ a b Gamble, Andrew (August 2013). Freeden, Michael; Stears, Marc (eds.). "Economic Libertarianism". The Oxford Handbook of Political Ideologies. Oxford University Press: 405. doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199585977.013.0008. ISBN 978-0-19-958597-7.
- ^ a b Gamble, Andrew (August 2013). Freeden, Michael; Stears, Marc (eds.). "Economic Libertarianism". The Oxford Handbook of Political Ideologies. Oxford University Press: 406. doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199585977.013.0008. ISBN 978-0-19-958597-7.
- ^ Gamble, Andrew (August 2013). Freeden, Michael; Stears, Marc (eds.). "Economic Libertarianism". The Oxford Handbook of Political Ideologies. Oxford University Press: 405–406. doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199585977.013.0008. ISBN 978-0-19-958597-7.
- ^ Francis, Mark (December 1983). "Human Rights and Libertarians". Australian Journal of Politics & History. 29 (3): 462. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8497.1983.tb00212.x. ISSN 0004-9522.
- ^ Francis, Mark (December 1983). "Human Rights and Libertarians". Australian Journal of Politics & History. 29 (3): 462–463. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8497.1983.tb00212.x. ISSN 0004-9522.
- ^ Francis, Mark (December 1983). "Human Rights and Libertarians". Australian Journal of Politics & History. 29 (3): 463. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8497.1983.tb00212.x. ISSN 0004-9522.
- ^ a b Read, Leonard E. (January 1956). "Neither Left Nor Right" Archived 18 July 2014 at the Wayback Machine. The Freeman. 48 (2): 71–73.
- ^ a b Browne, Harry (21 December 1998). "The Libertarian Stand on Abortion" Archived 6 October 2010 at the Wayback Machine. HarryBrowne.org. Retrieved 14 January 2020.
- ^ a b Raimondo, Justin (2000). An Enemy of the State. Chapter 4: "Beyond left and right". Prometheus Books. p. 159.
- ^ a b Machan, Tibor R. (2004). "Neither Left Nor Right: Selected Columns" Archived 1 January 2011 at the Wayback Machine. 522. Hoover Institution Press. ISBN 978-0817939823.
- ^ a b Robin, Corey (2011). The Reactionary Mind: Conservatism from Edmund Burke to Sarah Palin. Oxford University Press. pp. 15–16. ISBN 978-0199793747.
- ^ Harmel, Robert; Gibson, Rachel K. (June 1995). "Right-Libertarian Parties and the "New Values": A Re-examination". Scandinavian Political Studies. 18 (July 1993): 97–118. doi:10.1111/j.1467-9477.1995.tb00157.x. ISSN 0080-6757.
- ^ Robinson, Emily; et al. (2017). "Telling stories about post-war Britain: popular individualism and the 'crisis' of the 1970s" Archived 3 August 2020 at the Wayback Machine. Twentieth Century British History. 28 (2): 268–304.
- ^ Kitschelt, Herbert; McGann, Anthony J. (1997) [1995]. The Radical Right in Western Europe: A Comparative Analysis. University of Michigan Press. p. 27 Archived 5 August 2020 at the Wayback Machine. ISBN 978-0472084418.
- ^ Mudde, Cas (11 October 2016). The Populist Radical Right: A Reader Archived 4 August 2020 at the Wayback Machine (1st ed.). Routledge. ISBN 978-1138673861.
- ^ Baradat, Leon P. (2015). Political Ideologies. Routledge. p. 31. ISBN 978-1317345558.
- ^ Rothbard, Murray (Spring 1965). "Left and Right: The Prospects for Liberty". Left and Right: A Journal of Libertarian Thought. 1 (1): 4–22.
- ^ George Woodcock. Anarchism: A History of Llibertarian Ideas and Movements. Petersborough, Ontario: Broadview Press. pp. 11–31, especially p. 18. ISBN 1551116294.
- ^ Roderick T. Long [in Spanish] (1998). "Towards a Libertarian Theory of Class" (PDF). Social Philosophy and Policy. 15 (2): 303–349, at p. 304. doi:10.1017/S0265052500002028. S2CID 145150666. Archived (PDF) from the original on 8 October 2021. Retrieved 19 September 2010.
- ^ Duncan Watts (2002). Understanding American Government and Politics: A Guide for A2 Politics Students. Manchester, England. Manchester University Press. p. 246.
- ^ Zwolinski, Matt. "Libertarianism | Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy". Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Retrieved 1 November 2022.
- ^ a b c Carlson, Jennifer D. (2012). "Libertarianism". In Miller, Wilbur R. The Social History of Crime and Punishment in America: An Encyclopedia. SAGE Publications. p. 1006 Archived 21 December 2019 at the Wayback Machine. "[S]ocialist libertarians view any concentration of power into the hands of a few (whether politically or economically) as antithetical to freedom and thus advocate for the simultaneous abolition of both government and capitalism".
- ^ Barry, Norman (1982). "The Tradition of Spontaneous Order". Literature of Liberty. 5 (2).
- ^ "Wikipedia's Model Follows Hayek". The Wall Street Journal. 15 April 2009. Archived from the original on 21 September 2024. Retrieved 13 August 2023.
- ^ Boaz, David (1998). Libertarianism: A Primer. Free Press. pp. 22–26.
- ^ Conway, David (2008). "Freedom of Speech". In Hamowy, Ronald (ed.). Liberalism, Classical. The Encyclopedia of Libertarianism. Thousand Oaks, California: SAGE; Cato Institute. pp. 295–298. doi:10.4135/9781412965811.n112. ISBN 978-1412965804. LCCN 2008009151. OCLC 750831024. Archived from the original on 30 September 2020. Retrieved 31 October 2015.
Depending on the context, libertarianism can be seen as either the contemporary name for classical liberalism, adopted to avoid confusion in those countries where liberalism is widely understood to denote advocacy of expansive government powers, or as a more radical version of classical liberalism.
- ^ "About the Libertarian Party" Archived 8 May 2018 at the Wayback Machine. Libertarian Party. "Libertarians strongly oppose any government interference into their personal, family, and business decisions. Essentially, we believe all Americans should be free to live their lives and pursue their interests as they see fit as long as they do no harm to another". Retrieved 2 May 2020.
- ^ a b Nozick, Robert (1974). Anarchy, State, and Utopia. Basic Books.
- ^ Amlinger, Carolin [in German]; Nachtwey, Oliver [in German] (29 January 2025). "In Elon Musk, Libertarianism and Authoritarianism Combine". Jacobin. Archived from the original on 30 January 2025. Retrieved 12 February 2025.
- ^ Nachtwey, Oliver [in German]; Amlinger, Carolin [in German] (7 December 2023). "The new authoritarian personality". New Statesman. Archived from the original on 8 December 2024. Retrieved 13 February 2025.
- ^ a b c Kropotkin, Peter (1927). Anarchism: A Collection of Revolutionary Writings. Courier Dover Publications. p. 150.
It attacks not only capital, but also the main sources of the power of capitalism: law, authority, and the State.
- ^ a b c Otero, Carlos Peregrin [in Galician] (2003). "Introduction to Chomsky's Social Theory". In Otero, Carlos Peregrin (ed.). Radical Priorities. Chomsky, Noam Chomsky (3rd ed.). Oakland, California: AK Press. p. 26. ISBN 1902593693.
- ^ a b c Chomsky, Noam (2003). Carlos Peregrin Otero (ed.). Radical Priorities (3rd ed.). Oakland, California: AK Press. pp. 227–228. ISBN 1902593693.
- ^ Marshall, Peter (2009) [1991]. Demanding the Impossible: A History of Anarchism (POLS ed.). Oakland, California: PM Press. p. 641. "Left libertarianism can therefore range from the decentralist who wishes to limit and devolve State power, to the syndicalist who wants to abolish it altogether. It can even encompass the Fabians and the social democrats who wish to socialize the economy but who still see a limited role for the State." ISBN 978-1604860641.
- ^ Richman, Sheldon (3 February 2011). "Libertarian Left". The American Conservative. Archived from the original on 1 January 2023. Retrieved 1 January 2023.
- ^ Thaler, Richard; Sunstein, Cass (2003). "Libertarian Paternalism". The American Economic Review. 93: 175–179.
- ^ Thaler, Richard H. (2008). Nudge: Improving Decisions About Health, Wealth, and Happiness. Sunstein, Cass R. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0300122237. OCLC 181517463.
- ^ a b Kahneman, Daniel (25 October 2011). Thinking, Fast and Slow (1st ed.). New York City, NY. ISBN 978-0374275631. OCLC 706020998.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) - ^ Sterba, James (2013). The Pursuit of Justice. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield. p. 66. ISBN 978-1442221796.
- ^ Carter, Ian (2 August 2016). "Positive and Negative Liberty". Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Archived from the original on 16 November 2019. Retrieved 21 September 2020.
- ^ Sterba, James (1980). Justice: Alternative Political Perspectives. Boston: Wadsworth Publishing Company. p. 175. ISBN 978-0534007621.
- ^ Sterba, James (2013). The Pursuit of Justice. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield. p. 52. ISBN 978-1442221796.
- ^ Walker, Jesse (23 July 2013). "Three Lessons for Libertarian Populists". Reason. Archived from the original on 28 September 2022. Retrieved 25 September 2022.
- ^ a b c d Boaz, David; Kirby, David (18 October 2006). "The Libertarian Vote" Archived 31 October 2019 at the Wayback Machine. Cato Institute. Retrieved 10 February 2020.
- ^ a b Arbor, Ann. The ANES Guide to Public Opinion and Electoral Behavior, 1948–2004. American National Election Studies.
- ^ "Q8. What is the Nolan Chart?" Archived 18 August 2019 at the Wayback Machine. Nolan Chart. Retrieved 10 February 2020.
- ^ "About the Quiz" Archived 31 March 2020 at the Wayback Machine. Advocates for Self-Government. Retrieved 8 February 2020.
- ^ Carpenter, Ted Galen; Innocent, Malen (2008). "Foreign Policy". In Hamowy, Ronald (ed.). The Encyclopedia of Libertarianism. Thousand Oaks, California: SAGE Publications; Cato Institute. pp. 177–180. doi:10.4135/9781412965811.n109. ISBN 978-1-4129-6580-4. LCCN 2008009151. OCLC 750831024.
- ^ Olsen, Edward A. (2002). US National Defense for the Twenty-First Century: The Grand Exit Strategy. Taylor & Francis. p. 182. ISBN 0714681407. ISBN 9780714681405.
- ^ a b Tucker, Jeffrey (15 September 2016). "Where Does the Term "Libertarian" Come From Anyway?" Archived 23 February 2020 at the Wayback Machine. Foundation for Economic Education. Retrieved 28 November 2019.
- ^ a b "Gallup Database: 2006 Survey Results" Archived 23 December 2019 at the Wayback Machine. Gallup. Retrieved 23 December 2019.
- ^ a b Kiley, Jocelyn (25 August 2014). "In Search of Libertarians" Archived 7 April 2021 at the Wayback Machine. Pew Research Center. "14% say the term libertarian describes them well; 77% of those know the definition (11% of total), while 23% do not (3% of total)."
- ^ a b Becker, Amanda (30 April 2015). "Americans don't like big government – but like many programs: poll" Archived 29 July 2019 at the Wayback Machine. Retrieved 31 October 2019.
- ^ a b Boaz, David (10 February 2016). "Gallup Finds More Libertarians in the Electorate" Archived 31 October 2019 at the Wayback Machine. Retrieved 31 October 2019.
- ^ Boaz, David (21 November 1998). "Preface for the Japanese Edition of Libertarianism: A Primer" Archived 10 December 2019 at the Wayback Machine. Cato Institute. Retrieved 10 December 2019.
- ^ Boaz, David (30 January 2009). "Libertarianism". Encyclopædia Britannica. Archived from the original on 4 May 2015. Retrieved 21 February 2017.
An appreciation for spontaneous order can be found in the writings of the ancient Chinese philosopher Lao-tzu (6th century bce), who urged rulers to "do nothing" because "without law or compulsion, men would dwell in harmony."
- ^ Mullett, M.A. (2014). Martin Luther. Routledge Historical Biographies. Taylor & Francis. p. 9. ISBN 978-1-317-64861-1. Retrieved 12 March 2023.
- ^ More, T. (1969). Complete Works. Yale University Press. Retrieved 12 March 2023.
- ^ Boaz, David (7 March 2007). "A Note on Labels: Why 'Libertarian'?". Libertarianism.org. Cato Institute. Retrieved 4 July 2013. Archived 16 July 2012 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ Garbooshian, Adrina Michelle (2006). The Concept of Human Dignity in the French and American Enlightenments: Religion, Virtue, Liberty. ProQuest. p. 472. ISBN 978-0542851605. "Influenced by Locke and Smith, certain segments of society affirmed classical liberalism, with a libertarian bent."
- ^ Cantor, Paul A. (2012). The Invisible Hand in Popular Culture: Liberty Vs. Authority in American Film and TV. University Press of Kentucky. p. xiii Archived 9 January 2020 at the Wayback Machine. ISBN 978-0813140827. "[T]he roots of libertarianism lie in [...] the classical liberal tradition".
- ^ Long, Roderick T. [in Spanish] (1998). "Toward a Libertarian Theory of Class". Social Philosophy and Policy. 15 (2): 310. doi:10.1017/s0265052500002028. S2CID 145150666.
- ^ Boaz, David (2010). The Libertarian Reader: Classic and Contemporary Writings from Lao Tzu to Milton Friedman. Simon & Schuster. p. 123 Archived 13 February 2020 at the Wayback Machine. ISBN 978-1439118337.
- ^ a b Rothbard, Murray (1973) [2006]. "The Libertarian Heritage: The American Revolution and Classical Liberalism" Archived 18 June 2015 at the Wayback Machine. In For a New Liberty: The Libertarian Manifesto. LewRockwell.com. Retrieved 10 December 2019.
- ^ Hoffman, David C. (Fall 2006). "Paine and Prejudice: Rhetorical Leadership through Perceptual Framing in Common Sense". Rhetoric and Public Affairs. 9 (3): 373–410.
- ^ Maier, Pauline (1997). American Scripture: Making the Declaration of Independence. New York City: Knopf. pp. 90–91.
- ^ Hitchens, Christopher (2006). Thomas Paine's Rights of Man. Grove Press. p. 37. ISBN 0802143830.
- ^ Lamb, Robert (2010). "Liberty, Equality, and the Boundaries of Ownership: Thomas Paine's Theory of Property Rights". Review of Politics. 72 (3): 483–511. doi:10.1017/s0034670510000331. hdl:10871/9896. S2CID 55413082.
- ^ Ousby, Ian (1993). The Cambridge Guide to Literature in English. Cambridge University Press. p. 305. ISBN 978-0521440868. Archived from the original on 23 March 2022.
- ^ Long, Roderick T.. (2012). "The Rise of Social Anarchism". In Gaus, Gerald F.; D'Agostino, Fred, eds. The Routledge Companion to Social and Political Philosophy. p. 223 Archived 30 September 2020 at the Wayback Machine. "In the meantime, anarchist theories of a more communist or collectivist character had been developing as well. One important pioneer is French anarcho-communist Joseph Déjacque (1821–1864), who [...] appears to have been the first thinker to adopt the term 'libertarian' for this position; hence 'libertarianism' initially denoted a communist rather than a free-market ideology."
- ^ Long, Roderick T. (2012). "Anarchism". In Gaus, Gerald F.; D'Agostino, Fred, eds. The Routledge Companion to Social and Political Philosophy. p. 227 Archived 30 September 2020 at the Wayback Machine. "In its oldest sense, it is a synonym either for anarchism in general or social anarchism in particular."
- ^ [79][80][81][70]
- ^ Joseph Déjacque, "De l'être-humain mâle et femelle–Lettre à P.J. Proudhon" Archived 17 September 2019 at the Wayback Machine (1857).
- ^ Robert Graham, Anarchism: A Documentary History of Libertarian Ideas – Volume One: From Anarchy to Anarchism (300 CE to 1939), Black Rose Books, 2005
- ^ Nettlau, Max (1996). A Short History of Anarchism. Freedom Press. p. 145. ISBN 0-900384-89-1.
- ^ Nettlau, Max (1996). A Short History of Anarchism. Freedom Press. p. 162. ISBN 0-900384-89-1.
- ^ Avrich, Paul (2006). The Russian Anarchists. Stirling: AK Press. pp. 195, 204. ISBN 1904859488. Archived from the original on 23 March 2022. Retrieved 26 October 2020.
- ^ Nomad, Max (1966). "The Anarchist Tradition". In Drachkovitch, Milorad M. (ed.). The Revolutionary Internationals, 1864–1943. Stanford University Press. p. 88. ISBN 0804702934.
- ^ Holbrow, Marnie, "Daring but Divided" Archived 29 July 2013 at the Wayback Machine (Socialist Review, November 2002).
- ^ Berry, David. "Fascism or Revolution." Le Libertaire. August 1936.
- ^ Antony Beevor, The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 1936–1939, Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2006, p. 46, ISBN 978-0297848325.
- ^ Gruppo Comunista Anarchico di Firenze (October 1979). "Anarchist Communism & Libertarian Communism" Archived 18 October 2017 at the Wayback Machine. L'informatore di parte. 4.
- ^ Hahnel 2005, p. 138.
- ^ Hahnel 2005, p. 145.
- ^ Hahnel 2005, pp. 143–144.
- ^ Hahnel 2005, pp. 146–147.
- ^ Jesus Ruiz. Posibilismo libertario. Felix Morga, Alcalde de Najera (1891–1936). El Najerilla-Najera. 2003.
- ^ Renof, Israël Renof (May 1968). Possibilisme libertaire Archived 29 October 2016 at the Wayback Machine (PDF). Noir et Rouge. 41: 16–23.
- ^ "Manifesto of Libertarian Communism – Georges Fontenis". libcom.org. Archived from the original on 23 October 2019. Retrieved 13 June 2012.
- ^ London Federation of Anarchists involvement in Carrara conference, 1968 Archived 19 January 2012 at the Wayback Machine International Institute of Social History. Retrieved 19 January 2010.
- ^ Short history of the IAF-IFA A-infos news project, Accessed 19 January 2010.
- ^ "The Left-Libertarians – the last of an ancient breed – The Villager Newspaper". The Villager. 25 January 2012. Archived from the original on 2 September 2013. Retrieved 2 July 2013.
- ^ Anarchist Voices: An Oral History of Anarchism in America by Paul Avrich. AK Press. 2005. pp. 471–472.
- ^ Avrich, Paul. Anarchist Voices: An Oral History of Anarchism in America, AK Press, p. 419.
- ^ Anarchist Voices: An Oral History Of Anarchism In America by Paul Avrich. AK Press. 2005.
- ^ A 1970s associate, subject of David Marr's A spirit gone to another place Archived 18 October 2017 at the Wayback Machine The Sydney Morning Herald obituary, 9 September 2006.
- ^ Baker, A. J. (2 February 1998). "Sydney Libertarianism and the Push". Takver's Initiatives. Archived 16 October 2019 at the Wayback Machine. Archived from the original 3 March 2016 at the Wayback Machine. Neale Morison memorial site. Retrieved 2 May 2020.
- ^ Takver. "Sydney Libertarians and Anarchism Index". Archived from the original on 29 June 2019. Retrieved 4 October 2013.
- ^ "Sydney Libertarianism" Archived 5 October 2013 at the Wayback Machine at the Marxists Internet Archive.
- ^ "Libertarian Marxism? – The Anarchist Library". 6 February 2017. Archived from the original on 19 April 2022. Retrieved 16 April 2020.
- ^ Ernesto Screpanti, Libertarian communism: Marx Engels and the Political Economy of Freedom, Palgrave Macmillan, London, 2007.
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- ^ Geloso, Vincent; Leeson, Peter T. (2020). "Are Anarcho-Capitalists Insane? Medieval Icelandic Conflict Institutions in Comparative Perspective". Revue d'économie politique. 130 (6): 957–974. doi:10.3917/redp.306.0115. ISSN 0373-2630. S2CID 235008718.
Anarcho-capitalism is a variety of libertarianism according to which all government institutions can and should be replaced by private ones.
- ^ Hussain, Syed B. (2004). Encyclopedia of Capitalism, Volume 2. New York: Facts on File Inc. p. 492. ISBN 0816052247. Archived from the original on 30 September 2020. Retrieved 31 October 2015.
In the modern world, political ideologies are largely defined by their attitude towards capitalism. Marxists want to overthrow it, liberals to curtail it extensively, conservatives to curtail it moderately. Those who maintain that capitalism is an excellent economic system, unfairly maligned, with little or no need for corrective government policy, are generally known as libertarians.
- ^ Duncan, Craig; Machan, Tibor R. (2 June 2024). Libertarianism: For and Against. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 978-0-7425-4259-4.
- ^ Russell, Dean (1955). "Who is a libertarian?". Foundation for Economic Education. Archived from the original on 28 November 2019. Retrieved 28 November 2019.
Many of us call ourselves 'liberals.' And it is true that the word 'liberal' once described persons who respected the individual and feared the use of mass compulsions. But the leftists have now corrupted that once-proud term to identify themselves and their program of more government ownership of property and more controls over persons. As a result, those of us who believe in freedom must explain that when we call ourselves liberals, we mean liberals in the uncorrupted classical sense. At best, this is awkward and subject to misunderstanding. Here is a suggestion: Let those of us who love liberty trade-mark and reserve for our own use the good and honorable word 'libertarian'.
- ^ Burns, Jennifer (2009). Goddess of the Market: Ayn Rand and the American Right. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 309. ISBN 978-0195324877. Archived from the original on 23 March 2022. Retrieved 26 October 2020.
- ^ Boaz, David (1997). The Libertarian Reader: Classic and Contemporary Readings from Lao-Tzu to Milton Friedman. New York: Free Press. p. 31.
- ^ a b "What was Ayn Rand's view of the libertarian movement?". Ayn Rand Institute. Archived from the original on 15 January 2014. Retrieved 5 March 2014.
More specifically, I disapprove of, disagree with and have no connection with, the latest aberration of some conservatives, the so-called "hippies of the right," who attempt to snare the younger or more careless ones of my readers by claiming simultaneously to be followers of my philosophy and advocates of anarchism. [...] libertarians are a monstrous, disgusting bunch of people: they plagiarize my ideas when that fits their purpose, and denounce me in a more vicious manner than any communist publication when that fits their purpose.
- ^ Phillips-Fein, Kim (2009). Invisible Hands: The Making of the Conservative Movement from the New Deal to Reagan. New York: W. W. Norton. p. 27. ISBN 978-0393059304.
- ^ Galles, Gary (2013). Apostle of Peace: The Radical Mind of Leonard Read. Laissez Faire Books. ISBN 978-1621290513.
- ^ Halle, Roland; Ladue, Peter (1980). Karl Hess: Toward Liberty. Direct Cinema, Ltd. [M16 2824 K].
- ^ Raimondo, Justin (2001). An Enemy of the State: The Life of Murray N. Rothbard. Amherst: Prometheus. pp. 277–278.
- ^ Doherty, Brian (2007). Radicals for Capitalism: A Freewheeling History of the Modern American Libertarian Movement. New York: Public Affairs. pp. 562–565.
- ^ Rothbard, Murray (5 June 1986). "Letter to David Bergland". Rothbard emphasized that this was relevant as a matter of strategy, writing that the failure to pitch the libertarian message to Middle America might result in the loss of "the tight-assed majority".
- ^ Raimondo, Justin (2001). An Enemy of the State: The Life of Murray N. Rothbard. Amherst: Prometheus. pp. 263–264.
- ^ Konkin, Samuel Edward III. "The New Libertarian Manifesto". Archived 5 June 2014 at the Wayback Machine. Retrieved 10 February 2020.
- ^ Carson, Kevin A. (2008). Organization Theory: A Libertarian Perspective. Charleston, SC: BookSurge.
- ^ Long, Roderick T. (2008). "An Interview With Roderick Long" Archived 27 March 2020 at the Wayback Machine.
- ^ Chartier, Gary (2009). Economic Justice and Natural Law. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
- ^ Johnson, Charles W. (2008). "Liberty, Equality, Solidarity: Toward a Dialectical Anarchism" Archived 21 February 2020 at the Wayback Machine. Anarchism/Minarchism: Is a Government Part of a Free Country? In Long, Roderick T.; Machan, Tibor. Aldershot: Ashgate pp. 155–188.
- ^ Chartier, Gary; Johnson, Charles W. (2011). Markets Not Capitalism: Individualist Anarchism Against Bosses, Inequality, Corporate Power, and Structural Poverty. Brooklyn: Minor Compositions/Autonomedia. pp. 1–16.
- ^ Richman, Sheldon (3 February 2011). "Libertarian Left: Free-market anti-capitalism, the unknown ideal". The American Conservative. Archived 10 June 2019 at the Wayback Machine. Retrieved 5 March 2012.
- ^ Sciabarra, Chris Matthew (2000). Total Freedom: Toward a Dialectical Libertarianism. University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press.
- ^ Spangler, Brad (15 September 2006). "Market Anarchism as Stigmergic Socialism". Archived 10 May 2011 at archive.today
- ^ Jones, Mark P. (24 February 2020). Voting and Political Representation in America: Issues and Trends [2 volumes]. Bloomsbury Publishing USA. ISBN 978-1-4408-6085-0. Archived from the original on 5 July 2024. Retrieved 5 July 2024.
- ^ National Book Foundation. "National Book Awards: 1975 – Philosophy and Religion". Archived 9 September 2011 at the Wayback Machine
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{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) - ^ Teles, Steven; Kenney, Daniel A. (2008). "Spreading the Word: The diffusion of American Conservatism in Europe and Beyond". In Steinmo, Sven (2007). Growing Apart?: America and Europe in the Twenty-First Century Archived 13 January 2016 at the Wayback Machine. Cambridge University Press. pp. 136–169.
- ^ Gregory, Anthony (24 April 2007)."Real World Politics and Radical Libertarianism". LewRockwell.com. Archived 18 June 2015 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ Klausner, Manuel (July 1975). "Inside Ronald Reagan" Archived 3 August 2020 at the Wayback Machine. Reason. Retrieved May 2, 2020.
- ^ Roberts, Jerry (17 September 1988). "Libertarian Candidate Rolls Out His Values". San Francisco Chronicle.
- ^ a b Nichols, Bruce (15 March 1987). "Ron Paul Wants to Get Americans Thinking: Republican-Turned-Libertarian Seeks Presidency". Dallas Morning News.
- ^ Kennedy, J. Michael (10 May 1988). "Politics 88: Hopeless Presidential Race: Libertarian Plods On – Alone and Unheard". Los Angeles Times. Archived from the original on 2 November 2019. Retrieved 31 January 2012.
- ^ Kutzmann, David M. (24 May 1988). "Small Party Battles Big Government Libertarian Candidate Opposes Intrusion into Private Lives". San Jose Mercury News. p. 12A.
- ^ Kilborn, Peter T. (September 17, 1985). "U.S. Turns Into Debtor Nation" Archived 13 February 2020 at the Wayback Machine. The New York Times. Retrieved May 2, 2020.
- ^ Johnston, Oswald (September 17, 1985). "Big Trade Deficit Turns U.S. Into Debtor Nation : First Time Since 1914" Archived 4 August 2020 at the Wayback Machine. Los Angeles Times. Retrieved May 2, 2020.
- ^ Weltch, Matt (September 9, 2011). "Rothbard on Reagan in Reason" Archived 1 October 2020 at the Wayback Machine. Reason. Reason Foundation. Retrieved September 20, 2020.
- ^ Teles, Steven; Kenney, Daniel A. "Spreading the Word: The Diffusion of American Conservatism in Europe and Beyond". In Kopsten, Jeffrey; Steinmo, Sven, eds. (2007). Growing Apart?: America and Europe in the Twenty-First Century. Cambridge University Press. pp. 136–169.
- ^ Singleton, Alex (30 May 2008). "How Libertarians undermine liberty". Daily Telegraph. Archived from the original on 25 June 2009. Retrieved 10 January 2016.
- ^ "Feiglin: Palestinians in Gaza had more rights under Israel". Israel Hayom. 24 March 2019. Archived from the original on 4 April 2023. Retrieved 26 August 2019.
- ^ Harkov, Lahav (17 March 2019). "The Feiglin phenomenon". The Jerusalem Post. Archived from the original on 30 April 2021. Retrieved 17 March 2019.
The leader of the rising Zehut Party is attracting more than just young potheads to his libertarian platform.
- ^ "Zehut". Israel Democracy Institute. Archived from the original on 15 November 2020. Retrieved 21 February 2019.
[...] and personal liberty. Its platform includes libertarian economic positions [...].
- ^ Eglash, Ruth (4 April 2019). "A pro-pot party could tip the scales in Israel's upcoming election". The Washington Post. Archived from the original on 17 November 2020. Retrieved 7 April 2019.
Now you have two special-interest groups. What pulls them together is the strong libertarian, anti-state agenda that works well for both.
- ^ Staden, Martin (2 December 2015). "Remembering the Founder of SA Libertarianism, Dr. Marc Swanepoel" Archived 12 August 2020 at the Wayback Machine. Rational Standard. Retrieved 20 September 2020.
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- ^ Thomas, Paul (1985). Karl Marx and the Anarchists. London: Routledge/Kegan Paul. p. 4. ISBN 0710206852.
- ^ John Patten (28 October 1968). ""These groups had their roots in the anarchist resurgence of the nineteen sixties. Young militants finding their way to anarchism, often from the anti-bomb and anti-Vietnam war movements, linked up with an earlier generation of activists, largely outside the ossified structures of 'official' anarchism. Anarchist tactics embraced demonstrations, direct action such as industrial militancy and squatting, protest bombings like those of the First of May Group and Angry Brigade—and a spree of publishing activity." "Islands of Anarchy: Simian, Cienfuegos, Refract and their support network" by John Patten". Katesharpleylibrary.net. Archived from the original on 4 June 2011. Retrieved 11 October 2013.
- ^ "Farrell provides a detailed history of the Catholic Workers and their founders Dorothy Day and Peter Maurin. He explains that their pacifism, anarchism, and commitment to the downtrodden were one of the important models and inspirations for the 60s. As Farrell puts it, "Catholic Workers identified the issues of the sixties before the Sixties began, and they offered models of protest long before the protest decade.""The Spirit of the Sixties: The Making of Postwar Radicalism" by James J. Farrell Archived 6 April 2013 at the Wayback Machine.
- ^ "While not always formally recognized, much of the protest of the sixties was anarchist. Within the nascent women's movement, anarchist principles became so widespread that a political science professor denounced what she saw as "The Tyranny of Structurelessness." Several groups have called themselves "Amazon Anarchists." After the Stonewall Rebellion, the New York Gay Liberation Front based their organization in part on a reading of Murray Bookchin's anarchist writings." "Anarchism" by Charley Shively in Encyclopedia of Homosexuality Archived 19 April 2012 at the Wayback Machine. p. 52.
- ^ "Within the movements of the sixties there was much more receptivity to anarchism-in-fact than had existed in the movements of the thirties ... But the movements of the sixties were driven by concerns that were more compatible with an expressive style of politics, with hostility to authority in general and state power in particular ... By the late sixties, political protest was intertwined with cultural radicalism based on a critique of all authority and all hierarchies of power. Anarchism circulated within the movement along with other radical ideologies. The influence of anarchism was strongest among radical feminists, in the commune movement, and probably in the Weather Underground and elsewhere in the violent fringe of the anti-war movement." "Anarchism and the Anti-Globalization Movement" by Barbara Epstein Archived 17 March 2011 at the Wayback Machine.
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Is the Tea Party libertarian? Overall, the Tea Party movement is not libertarian, though it has many libertarian elements, and many libertarians are Tea Partiers. [...] They share the libertarian view that DC tends to be corrupt, and that Washington often promotes special interests at the expense of the common good. However, Tea Party members are predominantly populist, nationalist, social conservatives rather than libertarians. Polls indicate that most Tea Partiers believe government should have an active role in promoting traditional "family values" or conservative Judeo-Christian values. Many of them oppose free trade and open immigration. They tend to favor less government intervention in the domestic economy but more government intervention in international trade.
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- ^ Texas Politics Today, 2013–2014 Edition – p. 121, William Maxwell, Ernest Crain, Adolfo Santos – 2013.
- ^ "Official 2016 Presidential General Election Results" (PDF). Federal Election Commission. December 2017. Archived (PDF) from the original on 27 April 2019. Retrieved 30 December 2019.
- ^ Doherty, Brian (29 May 2022). "Mises Caucus Takes Control of Libertarian Party". Reason. Archived from the original on 31 May 2022. Retrieved 7 June 2022.
- ^ Mas, Frederic (1 June 2022). "United States: the libertarian party veers to the right". Contrepoints (in French). Archived from the original on 15 June 2022. Retrieved 7 June 2022.
- ^ della Porta, Donatella; Diani, Mario, eds. (2015). The Oxford Handbook of Social Movements. Oxford University Press. p. 527. ISBN 978-0191667824.
[...] these militia organizations often revived long-since discarded state militia insignia and organization names while simultaneously aligning them with contemporary far-right libertarian politics (Crothers 2004).
- ^ "Friedman and Freedom". Queen's Journal. Archived from the original on 11 August 2006. Retrieved 20 February 2008., Interview with Peter Jaworski. The Journal, Queen's University, March 15, 2002 – Issue 37, Volume 129
- ^ a b "Javier Milei at Cato Conference: "I'm a Liberal Libertarian … I Don't Believe Politicians Are Gods"". Cato Institute. 27 September 2024. Archived from the original on 31 December 2024. Retrieved 31 December 2024.
- ^ "The World's First Libertarian President". Reason. 20 November 2023. Archived from the original on 19 November 2024. Retrieved 29 November 2024.
- ^ "Argentine libertarian Milei pledges new political era after election win". Reuters. 20 November 2023. Archived from the original on 19 November 2023. Retrieved 21 November 2023.
- ^ Multiple citations:
- Friedman, Jeffrey (1993). "What's Wrong with Libertarianism". Critical Review. 11 (3). p. 427.
- Sterba, James P. (October 1994). "From Liberty to Welfare". Ethics. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Blackwell. 105 (1): 237–241.
- Partridge, Ernest (2004). "With Liberty and Justice for Some" Archived 21 August 2019 at the Wayback Machine. In Zimmerman, Michael; Callicott, Baird; Warren, Karen; Klaver, Irene; Clark, John. Environmental Philosophy: From Animal Rights to Radical Ecology (4th ed.). Pearson. ISBN 978-0131126954.
- Wolff, Jonathan (22 October 2006). "Libertarianism, Utility, and Economic Competition" (PDF). Virginia Law Review. Archived from the original (PDF) on 12 January 2013. Retrieved 10 February 2020.
- Bruenig, Matt (28 October 2013). "Libertarians Are Huge Fans of Economic Coercion". Demos. Archived from the original on 18 February 2019. Retrieved 19 August 2016.
- Bruenig, Matt (17 November 2013). "Libertarians are Huge Fans of Initiating Force". Demos. Archived from the original on 15 December 2018. Retrieved 19 August 2016.
- ^ Fried, Barbara (2009). The Progressive Assault on Laissez Faire: Robert Hale and the First Law and Economics Movement. Harvard University Press. p. 50. ISBN 978-0674037304.
- ^ Liu, Eric; Hanauer, Nick (7 May 2016). "Complexity Economics Shows Us Why Laissez-Faire Economics Always Fails" Archived 26 April 2018 at the Wayback Machine. Evonomics. Retrieved 10 February 2020.
- ^ Matthew, Schneider-Mayerson (14 October 2015). Peak Oil: Apocalyptic Environmentalism and Libertarian Political Culture. Chicago. ISBN 978-0226285573. OCLC 922640625.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) - ^ MacLean, Nancy (2017). Democracy in Chains, The Deep History of the Radical Right's Stealth Plan for America. Penguin Books. ISBN 978-1101980965.
Bibliography
[edit]- Attas, Daniel (2010). "Libertarianism". In Bevir, Mark. Encyclopedia of Political Theory. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications. pp. 810–818. ISBN 978-1412958653.
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- Doherty, Brian (2007). Radicals for Capitalism: A Freewheeling History of the Modern American Libertarian Movement. PublicAffairs.
- Friedman, Milton. Capitalism and Freedom ASIN B08KYHC6QV
- Graham, Robert (2005). Anarchism: a Documentary History of Libertarian Ideas: from Anarchy to Anarchism. Montréal: Black Rose Books. ISBN 1551642506.
- Guérin, Daniel (1970). Anarchism: From Theory to Practice. New York: Monthly Review Press. ISBN 978-0853451754.
- Hahnel, Robin (2005). "Libertarian Socialism: What Went Wrong?". Economic Justice and Democracy: From Competition to Cooperation. New York: Routledge. ISBN 0-415-93344-7 – via Google Books.
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- Hospers, John (1971). Libertarianism. Santa Barbara, CA: Reason Press.
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- Marshall, Peter (2009). Demanding the Impossible: A History of Anarchism. Oakland, CA: PM Press. ISBN 978-1604860641.
- McLaughlin, Paul (2007). Anarchism and Authority: A Philosophical Introduction to Classical Anarchism. AshGate.
- Miller, David; Coleman, Janet; Connolly, William; Ryan, Alan (1991). The Blackwell Encyclopaedia of Political Thought. Wiley-Blackwell. ISBN 978-0631179443.
- Pinta, Saku; Kinna, Ruth; Prichard, Alex; Berry, David (2017). "Preface". In Prichard, Alex; Kinna, Ruth; Pinta, Saku; Berry, David (eds.). Libertarian Socialism: Politics in Black and Red (2nd ed.). Oakland, California: PM Press. ISBN 978-1-62963-390-9. LCCN 2016959590.
- Richardson, James L. (2001). Contending Liberalisms in World Politics: Ideology and Power. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers. ISBN 155587939X.
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- Woodcock, George (2004). Anarchism. University of Toronto Press. ISBN 978-1551116297.
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External links
[edit]- "Libertarianism". Encyclopædia Britannica.
- Fieser, James; Dowden, Bradley (eds.). "Libertarianism". Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy. ISSN 2161-0002. OCLC 37741658.
- "Libertarianism" entry by Bas van der Vossen in the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, January 28, 2019
Libertarianism
View on GrokipediaCore Principles and Definitions
Etymology and Core Definitions
The term "libertarian" derives from the English word "liberty," ultimately tracing to the Latin libertas (freedom), with its earliest recorded use in 1789 denoting a philosophical advocate of human free will against determinism.[5] Politically, the neologism "libertaire" appeared in 1857–1858 when French exile Joseph Déjacque launched Le Libertaire, a New York-based anarchist periodical promoting collective emancipation from wage labor, private property, and hierarchical authority in favor of mutual aid and individual autonomy.[6] Déjacque's usage framed libertarianism as inherently anti-capitalist and egalitarian, aligning with contemporaneous individualist anarchist critiques of both state and market coercion, though this left-leaning connotation persisted mainly in European contexts through the early 20th century. In the United States during the 1940s and 1950s, amid disillusionment with "liberalism's" shift toward welfare statism, free-market advocates reclaimed and redefined "libertarian" to emphasize individualism, private property, and minimal government.[7] Dean Russell explicitly proposed the term in a May 1955 essay, arguing it better captured defenders of laissez-faire economics and personal freedoms than the diluted "liberal," which had come to imply state interventionism.[7] This revival, influenced by figures like Leonard Read of the Foundation for Economic Education, solidified libertarianism's association with opposition to conscription, taxation as theft, and regulatory overreach, distinguishing it from both conservatism's cultural traditionalism and progressivism's collectivism.[8]Non-Aggression Principle
The Non-Aggression Principle (NAP) constitutes a core ethical axiom in libertarian thought, prohibiting the initiation of physical force, threats thereof, or fraud against an individual's person or legitimately acquired property, while permitting defensive or retaliatory force to repel such aggression.[3] This principle, which many libertarians derive from the self-ownership principle (detailed below), demands empirical assessment of specific facts, such as whether an action constitutes a tangible invasion (e.g., a pointed gun equating to immediate physical threat due to its capacity to deprive liberty instantaneously) rather than abstract speculation.[9] Murray Rothbard provided the most influential modern formulation in The Ethics of Liberty (1982), defining the NAP as follows: "No one may threaten or commit violence ('aggress') against another man's person or property. Force and fraud shall thus be outlawed in the free society."[10] Earlier, Ayn Rand articulated a comparable stance in The Virtue of Selfishness (1964), asserting that "no man may initiate the use of physical force against others" as a precondition for rational social interaction.[3] Precursors appear in natural law traditions, with conceptual rudiments evident in ancient Egyptian texts circa 2000 BC, Hindu scriptures around 1500 BC, and later refinements by Cicero and Thomas Aquinas, though these often intertwined with religious or communal justifications unlike the secular, individualist emphasis in libertarianism.[11] In practice, the NAP delineates permissible societal rules: consensual transactions remain unrestricted, but acts like coercive taxation—enforced by state threats of violence—or eminent domain qualify as initiatory aggression, as they extract resources without owner consent, akin to theft.[12] It extends to fraud, where deception undermines voluntary agreement, and pollution cases, where demonstrable trespass onto another's property (e.g., via particulate matter) triggers liability, resolved through courts applying evidentiary standards rather than blanket prohibitions.[9] Proponents maintain its realism stems from alignment with observable human action: voluntary cooperation maximizes productivity and peace, while initiatory force introduces inefficiency and conflict, as evidenced by historical escalations from state monopolies on violence.[9] Critics, including philosopher Matt Zwolinski, argue the NAP's narrow focus on direct physical initiation overlooks indirect harms like environmental degradation or economic desperation, potentially validating absentee ownership or child labor as non-aggressive despite causal contributions to suffering.[13] Such objections, often from academic sources exhibiting systemic biases toward collectivist interventions, conflate outcome disparities—arising from differential choices and abilities—with aggression, begging the question on property entitlements without deriving them from first principles of non-interference.[13] Defenders counter that the principle's fact-dependence allows contextual adjudication (e.g., quarantine for genuine contagions versus overreach), and expanding "aggression" to include non-violent inequalities dissolves into arbitrary redistribution, undermining causal accountability for individual actions.[9] Empirical patterns, such as reduced violence in decentralized, rights-respecting societies versus statist coercion, bolster the NAP's viability over vague harm-based alternatives.[9]Self-Ownership, Homesteading, and Property Rights
In libertarian theory, the principle of self-ownership asserts that each individual possesses full and exclusive control over their own body and life, serving as the axiomatic foundation for personal autonomy and rights.[14] Murray Rothbard, in The Ethics of Liberty (1982), argues that self-ownership precludes any fractional ownership by others, as alternatives like communal or partial claims over one's body lead to logical contradictions and ethical inconsistencies, such as implying servitude or conflict in decision-making.[15] This principle rejects slavery or involuntary servitude, positing that any violation constitutes aggression against the self-owner.[16] Property rights in external resources derive from self-ownership through the process of homesteading, whereby an individual mixes their self-owned labor with previously unowned natural materials to gain legitimate title.[17] John Locke, whose ideas profoundly influenced libertarian thought, outlined this in Two Treatises of Government (1689), stating that labor applied to commons—such as tilling uncultivated land or gathering acorns—transforms them into private property, provided the act leaves "enough and as good" for others, known as the Lockean proviso.[18] Libertarians like Rothbard adopt and extend this homesteading mechanism, emphasizing first occupancy or productive use as the criterion for appropriation without requiring the proviso, arguing that it imposes undue restrictions on individual initiative in a world of scarce resources.[19] Once homesteaded, property rights become absolute and transferable via voluntary exchange, gift, or inheritance, mirroring the transferability of self-ownership.[17] This derivation ensures that property claims respect the non-aggression principle by originating in non-invasive actions, preventing conflicts over resources through clear titles established by initial labor investment.[20] Critics, including some philosophers, contend that extending self-ownership to external property involves a contested leap, as labor mixing does not straightforwardly confer ownership without additional justification, but proponents maintain it follows logically from the exclusivity of self-control applied to productive efforts.[21] In practice, homesteading underpins libertarian opposition to state land claims, viewing government-held territories as unhomesteaded or improperly appropriated unless traceable to individual first use.[22]Philosophical Foundations
Natural Rights and Deontological Arguments
Natural rights theory, central to many libertarian arguments, asserts that individuals possess inherent rights to life, liberty, and property derived from reason and the state of nature, independent of governmental grant. These rights form the basis for deontological justifications of libertarianism, emphasizing moral duties and prohibitions against aggression rather than consequential outcomes. John Locke, in his Second Treatise of Government published in 1689, articulated that in the state of nature, all men are free and equal, with natural rights to preserve their life, liberty, and estate, where estate encompasses property acquired through labor.[23] Locke argued that individuals consent to government solely to better secure these rights, and any government failing this purpose forfeits legitimacy, influencing libertarian views on limited state power.[23] Deontological libertarianism builds on this by treating rights violations as intrinsically wrong, irrespective of net benefits. Murray Rothbard, in The Ethics of Liberty (1982), derives libertarian ethics from the axiom of self-ownership, positing that every individual owns their body and is entitled to the fruits of their labor, leading to homesteading as the origin of property rights and the non-aggression principle (NAP) as the fundamental moral rule prohibiting initiation of force.[24] Rothbard contends that argumentation itself presupposes self-ownership, as denying it undermines the act of rational discourse, providing a non-empirical foundation for absolute property rights.[24] Robert Nozick extended deontological approaches through his entitlement theory of justice in Anarchy, State, and Utopia (1974), which holds that holdings are just if acquired via legitimate means (initial acquisition akin to Lockean labor-mixing) and transferred voluntarily, without need for patterned redistribution.[25] Nozick's framework rejects utilitarian or egalitarian metrics, insisting that side-constraints on actions—rooted in individual rights—cannot be overridden for collective goals, as violating rights treats persons as means rather than ends.[25] Critics note that while Nozick defends a minimal state for rights protection, his theory aligns with libertarian skepticism of expansive coercion, though it permits some taxation for security functions.[25] These arguments prioritize inviolable rights as the ethical core, distinguishing deontological libertarianism from utilitarian variants by focusing on justice in acquisition and non-interference.Consequentialist and Empirical Justifications
Consequentialist justifications for libertarianism posit that policies emphasizing individual liberty, free markets, and limited government intervention produce superior outcomes in human welfare, including economic prosperity, poverty alleviation, and improved health metrics, compared to statist alternatives. Proponents argue that voluntary exchange and property rights foster innovation and efficient resource allocation, leading to aggregate gains that outweigh potential inequalities. This approach, distinct from deontological claims of inherent rights, evaluates institutions based on their measurable effects, such as GDP growth and life expectancy.[26][27] Empirical analyses of economic freedom indices consistently link higher freedom scores to greater prosperity, including higher incomes and lower poverty rates.[28]Influence of Austrian Economics and Praxeology
The Austrian School of economics emphasizes methodological individualism, subjective value theory, and the impossibility of central planning, providing a foundational economic rationale for libertarian advocacy of free markets and limited government.[29] This school's critique of interventionism, rooted in the recognition that economic knowledge is dispersed and tacit, aligns with libertarian principles by demonstrating how state interference distorts voluntary exchange and leads to inefficiency. Libertarians draw on these insights to argue that only decentralized market processes can allocate resources effectively, contrasting with mainstream econometric models that rely on aggregates and historical data, which Austrians view as incapable of capturing entrepreneurial discovery.[30] Central to this influence is praxeology, the deductive science of human action, positing that all economic phenomena derive from purposeful individual behavior axiomatically understood—humans act to remove unease—without empirical testing, as such actions are a priori categories akin to logic.[31] Praxeology underpins libertarian economics by deriving catallactics (the theory of market exchange) from self-ownership and voluntary cooperation, yielding theorems like the impossibility of socialist calculation: without private property in factors of production, rational pricing and resource allocation collapse due to the absence of market signals.[32][30] This framework exposes government interventions—like price controls or fiat money—as violations of economic law, causing malinvestment and cycles, as formalized in the Austrian business cycle theory.Historical Development
Precursors in Classical Liberalism and Enlightenment Thought
Libertarianism's philosophical precursors emerged during the Enlightenment, with John Locke (1632–1704) providing foundational arguments for natural rights in his Two Treatises of Government (1689), positing that individuals inherently possess rights to life, liberty, and property derived from natural law, independent of state authority.[33] Locke contended that government arises from voluntary consent to safeguard these rights, and its legitimacy depends on protecting citizens from aggression while allowing rebellion against tyrannical rule, ideas that prefigure the libertarian emphasis on limited state power and individual sovereignty.[34][35] Locke's labor theory of property, whereby individuals acquire ownership by mixing their labor with unowned resources subject to provisos ensuring sufficiency for others, influenced libertarian justifications for private property and homesteading.[34] For details on its application in libertarian homesteading, see the Self-Ownership, Homesteading, and Property Rights section. These principles underscored self-ownership as the basis for rights, rejecting divine right of kings and absolutism in favor of rational, consent-based governance.[35] Classical liberalism, building on Enlightenment foundations, advanced economic dimensions of liberty through Adam Smith (1723–1790), whose The Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations (1776) critiqued mercantilist regulations and promoted free trade, division of labor, and the "invisible hand" mechanism by which self-interested pursuits in competitive markets generate prosperity without coercive intervention.[36] Smith advocated for government's restricted roles in defense, justice, and public works, aligning with minarchist strains of libertarianism, though he endorsed some interventions like education and poor relief, reflecting a pragmatic limit to absolute laissez-faire.[36] Other Enlightenment figures contributed indirectly: Montesquieu (1689–1755) in The Spirit of the Laws (1748) championed separation of powers to prevent concentrated authority, influencing constitutional checks that libertarians view as bulwarks against state overreach.[37] Voltaire (1694–1778) defended religious tolerance and criticized arbitrary power, fostering skepticism toward established hierarchies central to libertarian individualism.[37] Collectively, these thinkers shifted paradigms from feudal and absolutist norms toward individual agency, rational inquiry, and market-ordered cooperation, seeding libertarianism's core tenets of voluntary association and opposition to coercion.[38]19th-Century Individualist Anarchism and Mutualism
Pierre-Joseph Proudhon developed mutualism in the 1840s as an economic system emphasizing reciprocal exchange, mutual credit, and possession based on occupancy and use rather than absolute property rights.[39] In his 1840 work What is Property?, Proudhon declared "property is theft," critiquing absentee ownership and rents as exploitative, while advocating worker-managed cooperatives and mutual banks to facilitate interest-free loans through labor notes.[40] He rejected both state authority and communist collectivism, proposing federations of voluntary associations where individuals retain sovereignty, influencing later anti-statist thought by prioritizing mutual aid over hierarchical coercion.[41] In the United States, Josiah Warren pioneered practical applications of individualist principles from the 1820s, establishing "equity stores" in Cincinnati around 1827 that used labor-time certificates to exchange goods at cost, aiming to eliminate profit through the "sovereignty of the individual in labor."[42] Warren's experiments extended to intentional communities like Utopia (1840s) and Modern Times on Long Island (1851–1864), where residents practiced cost-the-basis pricing and rejected legal enforcement of contracts, demonstrating anarchism through voluntary cooperation without state intervention.[43] Lysander Spooner advanced individualist anarchism legally and economically in the mid-19th century, arguing in works like The Unconstitutionality of Slavery (1853) that natural rights to self-ownership preclude governmental privileges, including slavery and monopolies.[44] He launched the American Letter Mail Company in 1844 to challenge the U.S. Postal Service monopoly, operating until 1845 suppression, underscoring his view that free competition, not state grants, ensures efficient services and individual liberty.[45] Benjamin Tucker synthesized these ideas in the late 19th century, publishing the newspaper Liberty from 1881 to 1908, which promoted "consistent Manchesterism"—laissez-faire without state-backed privileges like tariffs or patents that enable capitalist exploitation.[46] Influenced by Proudhon, Warren, and Spooner, Tucker advocated mutual banking to undermine usury and absentee landlordism, viewing such reforms as pathways to a stateless society of sovereign individuals engaging in free exchange.[47] These thinkers contributed to libertarianism by emphasizing voluntaryism, homesteading-derived property, and opposition to coercive institutions, though their mutualist framework critiqued unbridled capitalism as a product of state intervention rather than pure markets.[48]20th-Century Revival and Key Thinkers
The revival of libertarian ideas accelerated in the post-World War II era, driven by opposition to the welfare state, central planning, and totalitarian tendencies observed in fascist and communist regimes. Economists and philosophers emphasized the spontaneous order of markets and the dangers of government intervention, building on earlier classical liberal foundations amid the intellectual dominance of Keynesianism and social democracy. Organizations emerged to propagate these views: Leonard Read established the Foundation for Economic Education in 1946 as the first free-market think tank, focusing on voluntary cooperation and individual initiative through essays and seminars.[49] In 1947, Friedrich Hayek convened the Mont Pelerin Society, gathering 36 scholars including economists and philosophers to debate and defend classical liberalism against collectivism, with Hayek serving as a principal organizer and stressing scholarly argumentation over activism.[50][51] Later, the Cato Institute was founded in 1977 by Edward Crane and Charles Koch in San Francisco, conducting public policy research to advance deregulation, free trade, and individual liberties.[52] The Ludwig von Mises Institute, established in 1982 by Llewellyn Rockwell with Murray Rothbard, promotes Austrian economics and anarcho-capitalism through education, publications, and seminars.[53] Key figures advanced these ideas through seminal works. Ayn Rand's philosophical novels The Fountainhead (1943) and Atlas Shrugged (1957) dramatized rational self-interest and opposition to statism, inspiring individualism despite her rejection of the libertarian label.[54] Friedrich Hayek warned of socialism's threat to liberty in The Road to Serfdom (1944) and advocated limited government in The Constitution of Liberty (1960).[55] Ludwig von Mises's Human Action (1949) systematized Austrian approaches to economics and critiqued interventionism, influencing subsequent thinkers (see Influence of Austrian Economics and Praxeology).[56] Murray Rothbard synthesized economics and ethics in Man, Economy, and State (1962) and For a New Liberty (1973), advocating anarcho-capitalism.[57] Robert Nozick's Anarchy, State, and Utopia (1974) argued for a minimal night-watchman state emerging from protective agencies via an entitlement theory of justice.[58] Mid-century figures like Isabel Paterson and Rose Wilder Lane paralleled this revival in non-fiction defenses of laissez-faire, emphasizing personal responsibility.[59] These thinkers collectively shifted discourse toward critiques of statism, evidenced by market recoveries post-deregulation and the intellectual groundwork for later policy applications.Major Variants
Right-Libertarianism and Minarchism
Right-libertarianism constitutes the predominant strain of libertarianism in the United States, prioritizing individual liberty through unequivocal support for private property rights, capitalist markets, and the non-aggression principle, while rejecting state-enforced wealth redistribution or egalitarian claims on unowned resources.[60] This view holds that individuals possess self-ownership, enabling them to acquire absolute title to external goods via homesteading without compensatory obligations to non-appropriators, a position that contrasts sharply with left-libertarianism's proviso requiring such payments to preserve equal opportunity shares of natural assets.[60][61] Proponents argue this framework maximizes personal autonomy and economic efficiency by allowing voluntary exchanges in free markets, unhindered by coercive interventions beyond the protection of rights.[62] Minarchism, a core institutional preference among right-libertarians, advocates for a "night-watchman" state confined to monopolizing retaliatory force through police, military, and courts to safeguard persons and property against aggression, fraud, and contract violations, while prohibiting any welfare, regulatory, or infrastructural roles.[63] This minimal apparatus derives legitimacy from the necessity of resolving disputes impartially in a stateless order, where private defense agencies might devolve into warlordism or cartelized power, as defended in Nozick’s minimal state framework.[60] Ayn Rand's Objectivism similarly endorses this structure, positing that objective law requires a government to ban physical force from social relations and retaliate only when rights are violated, as detailed in her works like The Virtue of Selfishness (1964), where she critiques both anarchism for risking rights-undermining competition and statism for expanding beyond defensive functions.[38] Historically, right-libertarianism coalesced in the mid-20th century amid reactions to New Deal expansions and Keynesian policies, drawing from classical liberal roots in John Locke's labor theory of property while synthesizing Austrian economics' critiques of interventionism.[62] Figures such as Murray Rothbard initially bridged minarchist and anarchist strains but later emphasized [market anarchism](/page/Market_anarchism], yet Nozick’s minimal state provides a defense against full abolitionism.[64] Empirical inclinations within right-libertarianism highlight that empirical studies of deregulation in sectors like airlines and trucking are often cited by right-libertarians, attributing these to reduced barriers fostering competition over cartelization fears.[62] Critics from anarchist circles contend minarchism inevitably expands via democratic pressures or fiscal dependencies, citing historical precedents like the U.S. Constitution's devolution into expansive federalism despite Federalist assurances of limited powers.[64] Right-libertarian responses invoke constitutional checks, separation of powers, and vigilant civic culture to constrain scope, as evidenced in frameworks emphasizing side constraints on rights that preclude utilitarian overrides.[60] This variant's influence persists in policy advocacy through organizations like the Cato Institute, founded in 1977 to promote limited government via research on monetary policy and civil liberties.[62]Anarcho-Capitalism
Anarcho-capitalism advocates the complete abolition of the state, proposing a stateless society where all goods and services, including security, law enforcement, and dispute resolution, are supplied through voluntary market exchanges and private property rights.[65] This framework rests on the non-aggression principle, which prohibits initiation of force, and derives property rights from self-ownership and homesteading unused resources.[66] Proponents argue that competitive private agencies would outperform state monopolies in providing protection and adjudication, as market incentives align with consumer preferences over coercive taxation.[67] Rothbardian anarcho-capitalism systematizes the approach through deontological ethics against aggression, extending Austrian economics to critique state distortions of markets.[66] David Friedman offers a consequentialist defense in The Machinery of Freedom (1973), contending that polycentric law—multiple competing legal systems—would evolve efficient rules through trial-and-error, citing historical examples like medieval Iceland's chieftain system where disputes were arbitrated privately without a central authority.[68] Hans-Hermann Hoppe advances argumentation ethics, positing that discourse presupposes self-ownership and property norms, as denying them undermines the act of argumentation itself, thus justifying a covenant-based stateless order.[69] Hoppe critiques democracy as time-preference inflating rule, favoring private governance communities that exclude non-contributors via restrictive covenants.[70] Unlike left-anarchisms, anarcho-capitalism rejects collectivism, upholding absolute private property as the foundation for voluntary cooperation and innovation.[65] Critics, often from minarchist or statist perspectives, contend that anarcho-capitalism risks warlordism or cartelization of defense agencies, potentially leading to de facto states without democratic accountability.[67] Defenders counter that state monopolies historically foster aggression, whereas market competition enforces peace through customer flight from abusive providers and underwrite defense via insurance firms with stakes in stability.[67] Empirical analogies, such as private arbitration in international trade or historical privateers, suggest viability, though full-scale implementations remain theoretical.[65] Academic sources critiquing it frequently exhibit bias toward state intervention, overlooking evidence from deregulated sectors where private provision outperforms public alternatives.[68]Left-Libertarianism and Its Distinctions
Left-libertarianism maintains the libertarian commitment to full self-ownership of individuals while advocating egalitarian principles for the ownership of natural resources and external assets.[60] Proponents argue that individuals have absolute rights over their bodies and labor but that unowned natural resources, such as land and raw materials, must be held collectively or divided equally to prevent any single person from appropriating disproportionate shares that leave others worse off.[71] This approach interprets John Locke's proviso—requiring that appropriations leave "enough and as good" for others—as demanding equal shares in the value of external assets rather than mere subsistence opportunities.[60] Key thinkers in contemporary left-libertarianism include Hillel Steiner, whose 1994 book An Essay on Rights defends a system where natural resources are jointly owned by all, with entitlements distributed equally after compensating those who mix labor with them.[72] Peter Vallentyne, in collaboration with Steiner, outlined in 2000 that left-libertarian theories permit self-ownership but constrain private property in unowned resources to ensure egalitarian access, often through mechanisms like resource dividends or land value taxation.[71] Michael Otsuka extends this by arguing in Libertarianism without Inequality (2003) that full self-ownership is compatible with prohibitions on unequal appropriation of external assets, rejecting the right-libertarian acceptance of historical entitlement transfers that perpetuate inequality.[73] In distinction from right-libertarianism and anarcho-capitalism, which permit unlimited homesteading of unowned resources as long as the Lockean proviso is minimally satisfied, left-libertarianism insists on ongoing egalitarian constraints, viewing unrestricted private land ownership as a form of unearned privilege akin to feudal rent-seeking.[60] Right-libertarians, such as Robert Nozick, accept that initial appropriations can create enduring private titles if they improve overall availability, whereas left-libertarians like Steiner contend this fails to secure equal natural rights, potentially justifying redistribution of resource rents.[74] Unlike minarchism's tolerance for minimal state enforcement of all property rights, many left-libertarians favor market anarchist structures where resource commons are managed voluntarily or via geoist policies, such as Henry George's 1879 proposal for a single tax on land values to capture unearned increments.[75] Left-libertarianism also diverges from traditional left-anarchism and socialism by upholding private property in produced goods and voluntary exchange, rejecting coercive collectivism in favor of freed markets untainted by state-granted privileges like intellectual property monopolies or corporate charters.[76] Subvariants include left-wing market anarchism, associated with Kevin Carson's critiques of "vulgar libertarianism" for ignoring state-enabled capitalist hierarchies, and geolibertarianism, which aligns with Georgism by treating land rents as common property to fund public goods without income taxation.[77] These positions, though marginal within broader libertarian circles, gained academic traction in the late 1990s through anthologies edited by Vallentyne and Steiner, emphasizing compatibility with libertarian non-aggression while addressing empirical concerns over wealth disparities from resource scarcity.Contemporary Movements and Applications
Libertarianism in the United States
Libertarianism in the United States emerged as a distinct political and intellectual movement in the mid-20th century, drawing from classical liberal traditions and Austrian economics to advocate for limited government, individual rights, and free markets. Influenced by figures like Ludwig von Mises and F.A. Hayek, who critiqued central planning and socialism, early organizations such as the Foundation for Economic Education promoted these ideas through education and publications, as described in the historical development.[78] The movement gained traction amid reactions to New Deal expansions and post-World War II welfare state growth, with writers like H.L. Mencken and Albert Jay Nock articulating anti-statist views in the pre-1950s era.[38] The Libertarian Party (LP) was founded on December 11, 1971, in Colorado Springs, Colorado, as the first national party explicitly dedicated to libertarian principles, emphasizing non-aggression, voluntary cooperation, and opposition to coercive taxation and regulation.[79] In presidential elections, the LP has fielded candidates since 1972, achieving its best result in 2016 when Gary Johnson received 3.27% of the popular vote (4.4 million votes). Ron Paul, running as the LP nominee in 1988, garnered 431,750 votes (0.5%), later influencing Republican politics through his 2008 and 2012 campaigns, which mobilized grassroots support against the Federal Reserve and foreign interventions. In 2024, Chase Oliver was nominated on May 26 at the national convention and secured ballot access in all 50 states, though the party received under 1% of the national vote, totaling around 600,000 votes amid perceptions of vote-splitting in key races.[80] Key think tanks, as detailed earlier in the historical development, have amplified libertarian ideas in U.S. policy debates, influencing legislation such as the repeal of the draft, aspects of tax reform, criminal justice reform, and cryptocurrency deregulation.[78] These institutions, including the Cato Institute, Ludwig von Mises Institute, and Reason Foundation, have shaped discourse on public policy, free trade, and individual liberties alongside the Libertarian Party's efforts.[60] Libertarianism has exerted influence beyond the LP through fusion with conservative movements, notably via Ron Paul's advocacy for sound money and non-interventionism, which helped spawn the Tea Party movement starting in 2007–2009, emphasizing fiscal restraint and opposition to bailouts.[81] The Tea Party incorporated libertarian elements in protesting government spending, contributing to the 2010 Republican midterm gains, though tensions arose over social issues and foreign policy. Contemporary applications include support for school choice, ending the drug war, and Second Amendment rights, with libertarian-leaning politicians like Rand Paul advancing filibusters against surveillance and military overreach in Congress.[82] Despite limited electoral success, libertarian ideas have shifted public opinion toward market-oriented reforms, as evidenced by declining support for socialism among younger demographics and growing acceptance of private alternatives in education and healthcare.[83]Global Examples, Including Argentina's Reforms
In Brazil, libertarian ideas have gained traction through organizations like the Instituto Mises Brasil, which promotes Austrian economics, individual liberty, and free-market policies via publications, events, and educational programs. This institute translates works of libertarian thinkers and engages in policy advocacy, influencing niche political movements and public discourse on privatization, deregulation, and limited government amid Brazil's economic challenges.[84] In December 2023, Javier Milei, an economist advocating libertarian principles including minimal government intervention and free-market deregulation, was elected president of Argentina amid hyperinflation exceeding 211% annually and chronic fiscal deficits.[85] Upon taking office on December 10, 2023, Milei issued the Decree of Necessity and Urgency, enacting over 300 deregulatory measures to eliminate price controls, subsidies, and bureaucratic barriers across sectors like labor, trade, and housing.[86] Complementary legislation in 2024 further liberalized labor markets by reducing severance requirements and promoting flexible contracting, while fiscal austerity slashed public spending by approximately 30%, achieving Argentina's first primary fiscal surplus in 123 years by January 2024.[87] [88] These reforms yielded measurable macroeconomic stabilization: annual inflation declined from 211.4% in 2023 to 117.8% in 2024, with monthly rates dropping from peaks above 25% to 2.4% by December 2024, ending hyperinflation.[87] GDP contracted by 1.7% in 2024 due to austerity-induced recession and initial peso devaluation of over 50%, but rebounded with 6.3% year-over-year growth in Q2 2025, alongside a 32% surge in investment.[89] [86] Poverty rates rose to over 50% in early 2024 from subsidy cuts, though empirical data indicate gradual recovery as disinflation restored purchasing power and attracted foreign capital; however, midterm elections on October 26, 2025, tested public support amid lingering stagnation.[85] [90] Critics from interventionist perspectives attribute short-term hardships to insufficient redistribution, yet libertarian analyses credit supply-side liberalization for averting default and fostering long-term growth potential.[88]Intersections with Technology, Cryptocurrency, and Recent Policy Wins
Libertarian thought has profoundly influenced technological development through the cypherpunk movement, which originated in the early 1990s as a coalition of cryptographers, programmers, and activists committed to using strong cryptography to protect individual privacy and circumvent state power. Rooted in principles of decentralization and voluntary association, cypherpunks viewed digital tools like public-key encryption and anonymous remailers as essential for enabling secure, intermediary-free transactions and communications, thereby reducing reliance on potentially coercive institutions.[91] This ethos extended to advocacy for "code as speech," prioritizing software's role in enforcing privacy over regulatory oversight, with figures like Eric Hughes authoring the 1993 "A Cypherpunk's Manifesto" to argue that privacy in communications equates to freedom from surveillance.[92] Cryptocurrency emerged as a direct application of these ideas, with Bitcoin's 2008 whitepaper by Satoshi Nakamoto synthesizing cypherpunk cryptography, Austrian economics, and critiques of fiat money's inflationary tendencies under central banks. Bitcoin's protocol enables peer-to-peer value transfer without trusted third parties, embodying libertarian ideals of sound, apolitical money resistant to debasement and seizure, as evidenced by its fixed supply cap of 21 million coins designed to mimic gold's scarcity.[93] Early digital cash experiments, such as David Chaum's DigiCash in the 1980s and subsequent libertarian-inspired projects like Bit Gold by Nick Szabo, prefigured Bitcoin by addressing government monopolies on currency, with surveys indicating that approximately 44% of Bitcoin holders self-identify as libertarians, far exceeding the general population's 10% rate.[94] Blockchain technology further aligns with libertarianism by facilitating decentralized ledgers for contracts and governance, reducing enforcement costs through algorithmic trust rather than state apparatus, though debates persist among libertarians on intellectual property in open-source code.[95] In broader technology intersections, libertarians champion unregulated innovation to maximize human flourishing, as seen in support for space commercialization via private entities like SpaceX, which bypasses traditional government-led programs, and opposition to expansive data privacy laws that could stifle startups.[96] Recent policy advancements reflect libertarian gains, particularly in cryptocurrency regulation. In January 2024, the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission approved spot Bitcoin exchange-traded funds, enabling institutional investment and signaling reduced hostility toward decentralized finance after years of enforcement actions against platforms like Coinbase.[97] Following the 2024 U.S. presidential election, the incoming administration's pledge to establish a Department of Government Efficiency—tasked with slashing federal bureaucracy—and commitments to audit the Federal Reserve align with libertarian demands for fiscal restraint and monetary reform, absorbing support from voters disillusioned with expansive government.[98] At the state level, Texas enacted legislation in 2024 designating Bitcoin as strategic reserve assets for public funds, promoting energy-efficient mining and positioning the state as a crypto hub amid national regulatory ambiguity.[99] These developments, while partial, demonstrate causal links between libertarian advocacy and empirical outcomes like increased crypto market capitalization exceeding $2 trillion by mid-2025, underscoring technology's role in advancing voluntary exchange over centralized control. Libertarianism maintains contemporary relevance in 2026 through its core principles of individual liberty, limited government, and free markets influencing debates on fiscal policy, civil liberties, cryptocurrency regulation, AI governance, and opposition to government overreach. While the Libertarian Party remains electorally marginal, libertarian ideas continue to impact mainstream political discourse, tech industries, and policy think tanks amid ongoing economic and technological changes.Empirical Outcomes and Evidence
Evidence from Deregulation and Free Markets
The Airline Deregulation Act of 1978 removed federal controls on fares, routes, and market entry in the U.S. commercial aviation sector, fostering competition among carriers.[100] This led to average real fares declining by approximately 50% between 1978 and 2018, with annual consumer benefits estimated at $6 billion from lower prices and expanded service options.[100] Passenger traffic volume more than quadrupled from 204 million in 1978 to over 900 million by 2019, driven by new low-cost entrants like Southwest Airlines and increased route availability, including to smaller markets.[101] While some service consolidation occurred in rural areas and employment shifted, load factors rose from 55% to over 80%, indicating efficient resource use without proportional safety declines.[102] In the United Kingdom, Margaret Thatcher's deregulation from 1979 onward, including the "Big Bang" financial reforms of 1986, dismantled exchange controls and opened markets to competition.[103] This expanded the financial services sector to 8% of GDP by 2007, with stock market capitalization surging from £70 billion in 1979 to over £1 trillion by 1990, alongside privatization of state monopolies like British Telecom, which halved telephone installation wait times and introduced competitive pricing.[104] GDP per capita growth outpaced most G7 peers in the 1980s, with inflation controlled from double digits to under 5%, though regional disparities persisted due to industrial decline.[105] Similar outcomes emerged in other deregulated U.S. sectors under the Reagan administration (1981–1989), which accelerated efforts initiated under Carter by easing restrictions in trucking, railroads, and energy.[106] Trucking deregulation via the Motor Carrier Act of 1980 reduced interstate shipping rates by 25–35% within a decade, spurring logistics efficiency and contributing to broader supply-chain innovations that lowered consumer goods prices.[107] Overall, Reagan-era policies correlated with GDP growth averaging 3.5% annually, unemployment falling from 7.5% to 5.4%, and non-inflationary expansion, as reduced regulatory burdens encouraged investment and job creation in finance and manufacturing.[108] Critics attribute some inequality increases to these shifts, but empirical data show productivity gains and inflation dropping from 13.5% in 1980 to 4.1% by 1988, supporting claims of market-driven stabilization.[109] Cross-national data reinforces these patterns: the Heritage Foundation's Index of Economic Freedom, measuring regulatory burdens, property rights, and trade openness, shows "mostly free" economies (scores above 70) averaging GDP per capita over $50,000, compared to under $7,000 in "repressed" ones (below 50), with higher freedom correlating to 20–30% lower poverty rates.[110] From 1995 to 2023, nations improving their scores by 10 points saw average annual GDP growth rise by 1.2 percentage points, lifting hundreds of millions from poverty through expanded trade and investment, as evidenced in East Asia's export-led booms.[111] These associations hold after controlling for initial conditions, underscoring causal links from reduced intervention to prosperity, though institutional quality modulates outcomes.[112]Case Studies of Partial Libertarian Implementations
Chile's economic reforms, initiated in the mid-1970s under the military regime of Augusto Pinochet and influenced by economists trained at the University of Chicago (known as the "Chicago Boys"), represented a partial shift toward libertarian principles through privatization of state enterprises, liberalization of trade, deregulation of labor and financial markets, and the establishment of a private pension system. These measures, building on earlier stabilizations, were associated with income growth attributable to the 1975 reforms, contributing to what has been termed the "Chilean miracle," with average annual GDP growth exceeding 7% from 1984 to 1998 following initial contractions. Empirical analyses indicate that the reforms enhanced overall economic well-being, as evidenced by consistent data on per capita income and productivity gains, though labor market flexibility led to increased wage inequality and unemployment in the short term.[113][114][115] New Zealand's "Rogernomics" reforms, enacted by the Fourth Labour Government starting in July 1984, dismantled a heavily regulated, protectionist economy through rapid deregulation of financial markets, floating the currency, privatizing state-owned enterprises, and reducing subsidies and tariffs. These changes transformed New Zealand from one of the world's most closed economies to a more open one, fostering investor prosperity and export growth, with GDP per capita rising from stagnation in the 1970s to sustained expansion averaging around 3% annually in the subsequent decades. While poverty rates initially rose due to transitional unemployment peaking at 11% in 1991, long-term outcomes included improved productivity and living standards, though critics attribute persistent inequality to the reforms' emphasis on market mechanisms over redistribution.[116][117][118] Hong Kong's post-World War II economic model, characterized by low flat taxes (maximum 15-17% on income), minimal government intervention, free port trade, and absence of tariffs or subsidies, exemplified partial libertarian implementation under British colonial administration until 1997. This "positive non-interventionism" propelled GDP per capita from approximately $4,500 in 1950 to $64,000 by 2018, with annual compounding growth around 4%, ranking Hong Kong consistently first in economic freedom indices and enabling poverty reduction from near-universal levels to under 20% by the 1990s. The system's reliance on private enterprise and property rights sustained high living standards comparable to the United States, though post-1997 integration with China introduced regulatory pressures without fully eroding prior gains.[119][120][121] Estonia's post-independence reforms from 1991 onward incorporated libertarian elements such as a 20% flat income tax (with 0% on reinvested corporate profits), widespread privatization, trade openness, and pioneering e-government to minimize bureaucracy, processing over 2.5 billion digital transactions annually in a population of 1.3 million. These policies drove rapid economic recovery from Soviet collapse, with GDP growth averaging 5-7% in the 2000s, foreign direct investment surging, and corruption indices improving dramatically due to transparent digital systems saving roughly 2% of GDP yearly. The flat tax specifically boosted economic activity and attracted investment, positioning Estonia as a high-income economy by 2011, though vulnerabilities to global cycles exposed limits of small-state reliance on exports.[122][123][124]Comparative Data on Liberty Indices and Economic Performance
Empirical analyses of liberty indices reveal robust positive correlations between higher degrees of economic and personal freedom and superior economic outcomes, including elevated GDP per capita, accelerated growth rates, and diminished poverty levels. Institutions such as the Heritage Foundation, Fraser Institute, and Cato Institute compile these indices using quantifiable metrics like property rights enforcement, regulatory burdens, trade openness, and judicial independence, drawing from sources including World Bank data and national statistics. Countries scoring in the highest quintiles on these measures—typically above 80 out of 100 for economic freedom—exhibit per capita incomes over five times those in the lowest quintiles, with the top 20% averaging roughly twice the income of the second quintile.[110][125] The Heritage Foundation's 2024 Index of Economic Freedom, assessing 184 countries on 12 policy factors through mid-2023, ranks Singapore (84.1), Switzerland (83.7), and Ireland (83.1) among the leaders, jurisdictions characterized by low taxation, minimal government intervention, and strong rule of law. These nations align with libertarian emphases on voluntary exchange and limited state coercion, yielding average GDP per capita exceeding $70,000 (PPP-adjusted) as of 2023, compared to under $7,000 in "repressed" economies scoring below 50, such as Venezuela or Cuba. Similarly, the Fraser Institute's 2023 Economic Freedom of the World report, evaluating 165 jurisdictions on five areas including sound money and freedom to trade internationally, places Hong Kong, Singapore, and Switzerland at the top; data therein demonstrate that a one-point rise in the composite score correlates with approximately 8% higher long-term GDP per capita.[125][126]| Country | Economic Freedom Score (Heritage 2024) | GDP per Capita (PPP, 2023, USD) | Poverty Rate (% below $6.85/day, latest) |
|---|---|---|---|
| Singapore | 84.1 | 133,895 | <1% |
| Switzerland | 83.7 | 105,669 | <1% |
| Ireland | 83.1 | 126,905 | 0.5% |
| Venezuela | 25.8 | 18,370 | >50% |
| Cuba | 24.3 | 9,500 (est.) | ~40% |
