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Slavery in Africa
Slavery in Africa
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Burning of a village in Africa and capture of its inhabitants (February 1859)[1]

Slavery has historically been widespread in Africa. Systems of servitude and slavery were once commonplace in parts of Africa, as they were in much of the rest of the ancient and medieval world.[2] When the trans-Saharan slave trade, Red Sea slave trade, Indian Ocean slave trade and Atlantic slave trade (which started in the 16th century) began, many of the pre-existing local African slave systems began supplying captives for slave markets outside Africa.[3][4][5] Slavery in contemporary Africa still exists in some regions despite being illegal.

In the relevant literature, African slavery is categorized into indigenous slavery and export slavery, depending on whether or not slaves were traded beyond the continent.[6] Slavery in historical Africa was practiced in many different forms: Debt slavery, enslavement of war captives, military slavery, slavery for prostitution and enslavement of criminals were all practiced in various parts of Africa.[7] Slavery for domestic and court purposes was widespread throughout Africa. Plantation slavery also occurred, primarily on the eastern coast of Africa and in parts of West Africa. The importance of domestic plantation slavery increased during the 19th century. Due to the abolition of the Atlantic slave trade, many African states that were dependent on the international slave trade reoriented their economies towards legitimate commerce worked by slave labour.[8][5]

Forms

[edit]

Different forms of slavery and servitude existed throughout African history and were shaped by indigenous practices of slavery as well as the Roman institution of slavery (and the later Christian views on slavery), the Islamic institutions of slavery via the Muslim slave trade, and eventually the Atlantic slave trade.[3] Slavery was part of the economic structure of African societies for many centuries, although the extent varied.[3] Ibn Battuta, who visited the ancient kingdom of Mali in the mid-14th century recounts that the local inhabitants competed with each other in the number of slaves and servants they had and was himself given a slave boy as a "hospitality gift."[9] In sub-Saharan Africa, the slave relationships were often complex, with rights and freedoms denied individuals held in slavery and restrictions on sale and treatment by their masters.[10] Many communities had hierarchies between different types of slaves: for example, differentiating between those who had been born into slavery and those who had been captured through war.[11]

"The slaves in Africa, I suppose, are nearly in the proportion of three to one to the freemen. They claim no reward for their services except food and clothing, and are treated with kindness or severity, according to the good or bad disposition of their masters. Custom, however, has established certain rules with regard to the treatment of slaves, which it is thought dishonourable to violate. Thus the domestic slaves, or such as are born in a man's own house, are treated with more lenity than those which are purchased with money. ... But these restrictions on the power of the master extend not to the care of prisoners taken in war, nor to that of slaves purchased with money. All these unfortunate beings are considered as strangers and foreigners, who have no right to the protection of the law, and may be treated with severity, or sold to a stranger, according to the pleasure of their owners."

Travels in the Interior of Africa, Mungo Park, Travels in the Interior of Africa v. II, Chapter XXII – War and Slavery.

The forms of slavery in Africa were closely related to kinship structures. In many African communities, where land could not be owned, enslavement of individuals was used as a means to increase the influence a person had and expand connections.[12] This made slaves a permanent part of a master's lineage and the children of slaves could become closely connected with the larger family ties.[3] Children of slaves born into families could be integrated into the master's kinship group and rise to prominent positions within society, even to the level of chief in some instances.[11] However, stigma often remained and there could be strict separations between slave members of a kinship group and those related to the master.[12]

Chattel slavery

[edit]

Chattel slavery is a specific servitude relationship where the slave is treated as the property of the owner. As such, the owner is free to sell, trade, or treat the slave as he would other pieces of property, and the children of the slave often are retained as the property of the master.[13] There is evidence of long histories of chattel slavery in the Nile River valley, much of the Sahel and North Africa. Evidence is incomplete about the extent and practices of chattel slavery throughout much of the rest of the continent prior to written records by Arab or European traders.[13][14]

Domestic service

[edit]

Many slave relationships in Africa revolved around domestic slavery. Slaves would work primarily in the house of the master but retain some freedoms. Domestic slaves could be considered part of the master's household and would not be sold to others without extreme cause. The slaves could own the profits from their labour (whether in land or in products) and could marry and pass the land on to their children in many cases.[11][15]

Pawnship

[edit]

Pawnship, or debt bondage slavery, involves the use of people as collateral to secure the repayment of debt. Slave labour is performed by the debtor or a relative of the debtor (usually a child). Pawnship was a common form of collateral in West Africa. It involved the pledge of a person or a member of that person's family, to serve another person providing credit. Pawnship was related to, yet distinct from, slavery in most conceptualizations, because the arrangement could include limited specific terms of service to be provided, and because kinship ties would protect the person from being sold into slavery. Pawnship was a common practice throughout West Africa prior to European contact, including among the Akan people, the Ewe people, the Ga people, the Yoruba people, and the Edo people (in modified forms, it also existed among the Efik people, the Igbo people, the Ijaw people, and the Fon people).[16][17]

Military slavery

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Slaves for sacrifice at the Annual Customs of Dahomey – from The history of Dahomy, an inland Kingdom of Africa, 1793

Military slavery involved the acquisition and training of conscripted military units which would retain the identity of military slaves even after their service.[18] Slave soldier groups would be run by a Patron, who could be the head of a government or an independent warlord, and who would send his troops out for money and his own political interests.[18]

This was most significant in the Nile valley (primarily in Sudan and Uganda), with slave military units organized by various Islamic authorities,[18] and with the war chiefs of Western Africa.[19] The military units in Sudan were formed in the 1800s through large-scale military raiding in the area which is currently the countries of Sudan and South Sudan.[18]

Slaves for sacrifice

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Human sacrifice was common in West African states and during the 19th century. Although archaeological evidence is not clear on the issue prior to European contact, in those societies that practised human sacrifice, slaves became the most prominent victims.[3]

The Annual Customs of Dahomey were the most notorious example of human sacrifice of slaves, where 500 prisoners would be sacrificed. Sacrifices were carried out all along the West African coast and further inland. Sacrifices were common in the Benin Empire, in what is now southern Nigeria, and in several small independent states in the same region. In the Ashanti Region, human sacrifice was often combined with capital punishment.[20][21][22]

Local slave trade

[edit]
Young slave women in Luanda, c. 1897

Many nations such as the Bono State, Ashanti of present-day Ghana and the Yoruba of present-day Nigeria were involved in slave-trading.[23] Groups such as the Imbangala of Angola and the Nyamwezi of Tanzania would serve as intermediaries or roving bands, waging war on African states to capture people for export as slaves. Historians John Thornton and Linda Heywood of Boston University have estimated that of the Africans captured and then sold as slaves to the New World in the Atlantic slave trade, around 90% were enslaved by fellow Africans who sold them to European traders.[24][5] Henry Louis Gates, the Harvard Chair of African and African American Studies, has stated that "without complex business partnerships between African elites and European traders and commercial agents, the slave trade to the New World would have been impossible, at least on the scale it occurred."[24]

The entire Bubi ethnic group descends from escaped intertribal slaves owned by various ancient West-central African ethnic groups.

Practices by region

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Malagasy slaves (Andevo) carrying Queen Ranavalona I of Madagascar

Like most other regions of the world, slavery and forced labour existed in many kingdoms and societies of Africa for hundreds of years.[25][10] Ugo Kwokeji has called early European reports of slavery throughout Africa in the 1600s unreliable, saying they conflated various forms of servitude with chattel slavery.[26]

The best evidence of slave practices in Africa comes from the major kingdoms, particularly along the coast, and there is little evidence of widespread slavery practices in stateless societies.[3][10][11] Slave trading was mostly secondary to other trade relationships; however, there is evidence of a trans-Saharan slave trade route from Roman times which persisted in the area after the fall of the Roman Empire.[13] However, kinship structures and rights provided to slaves (except those captured in war) appears to have limited the scope of slave trading before the start of the trans-Saharan slave trade, Indian Ocean slave trade and the Atlantic slave trade.[10]

North Africa

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Kushite prisoners of war watched over by Egyptians, waiting to be deported into Egypt. Relief from the tomb of Horemheb in Saqqara.[27][28]

Slavery in northern Africa dates back to ancient Egypt. The New Kingdom (1558–1080 BC) brought large numbers of slaves as prisoners of war up the Nile valley and used them for domestic and supervised labour.[29] Ptolemaic Egypt (305 BC–30 BC) used both land and sea routes to bring in slaves.[30]

Release of Christian slaves by payment of ransom by Catholic monks in Algiers in 1661

Chattel slavery was legal and widespread throughout North Africa, be it under Ancient Carthage (ca. 814 BC – 146 BC),[31] or later when the region was controlled by the Roman Empire (145 BC – ca. 430 AD) and the Eastern Romans (533 to 695 AD). A slave trade bringing Saharans through the desert to North Africa, which existed in Roman times, continued and documentary evidence in the Nile Valley shows it to have been regulated there by treaty.[13] As the Roman republic expanded, it enslaved defeated enemies and Roman conquests in Africa were no exception. For example, Orosius records that Rome enslaved 27,000 people from North Africa in 256 BC.[32] Piracy became an important source of slaves for the Roman Empire and in the 5th century AD pirates would raid coastal North African villages and enslave those captured.[33]

Chattel slavery persisted after the fall of the Roman Empire in the largely Christian communities of the region.[34] After the Islamic trade expansion across the Sahara,[35] the practices continued and eventually, the assimilative form of slavery spread to major societies on the southern end of the Sahara (such as Mali, Songhai, and Ghana).[5][3] The medieval slave trade in Europe was mainly to the East and South: the Christian Byzantine Empire and the Muslim World were the destinations, and Central and Eastern Europe an important source of slaves.[36] The slave trade in medieval Europe was carried out in parts of Europe by both Christians and Jews. In the early medieval period, Jews had a near-monopoly on trade between Islamic and Christian countries, but by the thirteenth century this no longer applied to the slave trade.[37]

Christian slavery in Barbary

The Mamluks were slave soldiers who converted to Islam and served the Muslim caliphs and the Ayyubid Sultans during the Middle Ages. The first Mamluks served the Abbasid caliphs in 9th century Baghdad. Over time, they became a powerful military caste, and on more than one occasion they seized power for themselves, for example, ruling Egypt from 1250 to 1517. From 1250 on Egypt was ruled by the Bahri dynasty of Kipchak Turk origin.

According to Robert Davis, between 1 million and 1.25 million Europeans were captured by Barbary pirates and sold as slaves to North Africa and the Ottoman Empire between the 16th and 19th centuries.[38][39] However, to extrapolate his numbers, Davis assumes the number of European slaves captured by Barbary pirates were constant for a 250-year period, stating:

"There are no records of how many men, women and children were enslaved, but it is possible to calculate roughly the number of fresh captives that would have been needed to keep populations steady and replace those slaves who died, escaped, were ransomed, or converted to Islam. On this basis, it is thought that around 8,500 new slaves were needed annually to replenish numbers – about 850,000 captives over the century from 1580 to 1680. By extension, for the 250 years between 1530 and 1780, the figure could easily have been as high as 1,250,000."[40]

Davis' numbers have been disputed by other historians, such as David Earle, who cautions that the true picture of European slaves is clouded by the fact the corsairs also seized non-Christian whites from eastern Europe and black people from West Africa.[40] Middle East expert John Wright cautions that modern estimates are based on back-calculations from human observation, which may lead to distortions.[41]

Christian prisoners are sold as slaves in a square in Algiers, Ottoman Algeria, 1684

Such observations, across the late 1500s and early 1600s observers, estimate that around 35,000 European Christian slaves held throughout this period on the Barbary Coast, across Tripoli, Tunis, but mostly in Algiers. The majority were sailors taken with their ships, but others were fishermen and coastal villagers, and overall most of the captives were people from lands close to Africa, particularly Spain and Italy.[42]

The coastal villages and towns of Italy, Portugal, Spain, and Mediterranean islands were frequently attacked by the pirates, and long stretches of the Italian and Spanish coasts were almost completely abandoned by their inhabitants; after 1600 Barbary pirates occasionally entered the Atlantic and struck as far north as Iceland. The most famous corsairs were the Ottoman Barbarossa ("Redbeard"), and his older brother Oruç, Turgut Reis (known as Dragut in the West), Kurtoğlu (known as Curtogoli in the West), Kemal Reis, Salih Reis, and Koca Murat Reis.[39][43]

In 1544, Hayreddin Barbarossa captured Ischia, taking 4,000 prisoners in the process, and deported to slavery some 9,000 inhabitants of Lipari, almost the entire population.[44] In 1551, Dragut enslaved the entire population of the Maltese island Gozo, between 5,000 and 6,000, sending them to Libya. When pirates sacked Vieste in southern Italy in 1554 they took an estimated 7,000 slaves. In 1555, Turgut Reis sailed to Corsica and ransacked Bastia, taking 6,000 prisoners. In 1558 Barbary corsairs captured the town of Ciutadella, destroyed it, slaughtered the inhabitants, and carried off 3,000 survivors to Istanbul as slaves. In 1563 Turgut Reis landed at the shores of the province of Granada, Spain, and captured the coastal settlements in the area like Almuñécar, along with 4,000 prisoners. Barbary pirates frequently attacked the Balearic islands, resulting in many coastal watchtowers and fortified churches being erected. The threat was so severe that Formentera became uninhabited.[45]

Black Zanjs captured in a slave raid being marched to a slave market in the Arab world

Early modern sources are full of descriptions of the sufferings of Christian galley slaves of the Barbary corsairs:

Those who have not seen a galley at sea, especially in chasing or being chased, cannot well conceive the shock such a spectacle must give to a heart capable of the least tincture of commiseration. To behold ranks and files of half-naked, half-starved, half-tanned meagre wretches, chained to a plank, from whence they remove not for months together (commonly half a year), urged on, even beyond human strength, with cruel and repeated blows on their bare flesh....[46]

As late as 1798, the islet near Sardinia was attacked by the Tunisians and over 900 inhabitants were taken away as slaves.

Sahrawi-Moorish society in Northwest Africa was traditionally (and still is, to some extent) stratified into several tribal castes, with the Hassane warrior tribes ruling and extracting tribute – horma – from the subservient Berber-descended znaga tribes. Below them ranked servile groups known as Haratin, a black population.[47]

Enslaved Sub-Saharan Africans were also transported across North Africa into Arabia to do agricultural work because of their resistance to malaria that plagued the Arabia and North Africa at the time of early enslavement. Sub-Saharan Africans were able to endure the malaria-infested lands they were transported to, which is why North Africans were not transported despite their close proximity to Arabia and its surrounding lands.[48]

Horn of Africa

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A "servant-slave" woman in Mogadishu (1882–1883)

In the Horn of Africa, the Christian kings of the Ethiopian Empire captured slaves primarily from the pagan Nilotic Shanqella and Oromo peoples from their western borderlands, or from newly conquered or reconquered lowland territories.[49][50] The Somali and Afar Muslim sultanates, such as the medieval Adal Sultanate, through their ports also traded Zanj (Bantu) slaves captured from the hinterland.[51]

Slaves in Ethiopia, 19th century

Slavery, as practised in Ethiopia, was essentially domestic and was geared more towards women; this was the trend for most of Africa as well. Women were transported across the Sahara, the Middle East, the Mediterranean and the Indian Ocean trade more than men.[52] Enslaved people served in the houses of their masters or mistresses, and were not employed to any significant extent for productive purpose. The enslaved were regarded as second-class members of their owners' family.[53]

The slave trade was only legally abolished in 1923 when Ethiopia ascended to the League of Nations.[54] Slavery persistent even longer, with the Anti-Slavery Society estimating that there were 2 million slaves in the early 1930s, out of an estimated population of 8 to 16 million.[55] Slavery remained legal in Ethiopia until the Italian invasion in October 1935, when the institution was abolished by order of the Italian occupying forces.[56] The abolishment of slavery and involuntary servitude was reconfirmed when Ethiopia regained its independence in 1942, in response to pressure by Western Allies of World War II.[57][58]

In Somali territories, slaves were purchased in the slave market exclusively to do work on plantations.[59] In terms of legal considerations, the customs regarding the treatment of Bantu slaves were established by the decree of Sultans and local administrative delegates. These plantation slaves often acquired their freedom through eventual emancipation, escape, and ransom.[59]

Central Africa

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A slave market in Khartoum, c. 1876
Elderly female slave, c. 1911/1915, owned by Njapundunke, mother of the Bamum king Ibrahim Njoya

Slaves were transported since antiquity along trade routes crossing the Sahara.[60]

Oral tradition recounts slavery existing in the Kingdom of Kongo from the time of its formation with Lukeni lua Nimi enslaving the Mwene Kabunga whom he conquered to establish the kingdom.[61] Early Portuguese writings show that the Kingdom did have slavery before contact, but that they were primarily war captives from the Kingdom of Ndongo.[61][62]

Slavery was common along the Upper Congo River, and in the second half of the 18th century the region became a major source of slaves for the Atlantic slave trade, when high slave prices on the coast made long-distance slave trading profitable. When the Atlantic trade came to an end, the price of slaves dropped dramatically, and the regional slave trade grew, dominated by Bobangi traders. The Bobangi also purchased many slaves with profits from selling ivory, whom they used to populate their villages. Slaves who had been sold by their kin group, typically as a result of undesirable behaviour such as adultery, were unlikely to attempt to flee. The sale of children was also common in times of famine. Captured slaves were however likely to attempt to escape and had to be moved hundreds of kilometres from their homes as a safeguard against this.[63]

The slave trade had a profound impact on this region of Central Africa, completely reshaping various aspects of society. For instance, the slave trade helped to create a robust regional trade network for the foodstuffs and crafted goods of small producers along the river. As only a few slaves in a canoe were sufficient to cover the cost of a trip and still make a profit, traders could fill any unused space on their canoes with other goods and transport them long distances without a significant markup on price. While the large profits from the Congo River slave trade only went to a small number of traders, this aspect of the trade provided some benefit to local producers and consumers.[64]

In parts of the Congo Basin, it was not rare for slaves to be killed and eaten, especially (but not only) at festive occasions.[65][66][67][68][69][70] Eyewitness accounts describe the purchase, butchering, and consumption of slaves as a "daily-life activity, free from strong emotions", seen by those who practised it as not essentially different from the eating of goats and other animals.[71][72]

West Africa

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Homann Heirs map of the slave trade in West Africa, from Senegal and Cape Blanc to Guinea, the Cacongo and Barbela rivers, and Ghana Lake on the Niger River as far as Regio Auri (1743)

Various forms of slavery were practised in diverse ways in different communities of West Africa prior to European trade.[25] According to Ghanaian historian Akosua Perbi, indigenous slavery in locations like Ghana had been established by the 1st century AD, with origins sometime in the ancient period.[73] Even though slavery did exist, it was not nearly as prevalent within most West African societies that were not Islamic before the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade.[74][75] The prerequisites for slave societies to exist weren't present in West Africa prior to the Atlantic slave trade considering the small market sizes and the lack of a division of labour.[74] Most West African societies were formed in kinship units which would make slavery a rather marginal part of the production process within them.[3] Slaves within Kinship-based societies would have had almost the same roles that free members had.[3]

However, Nigerian historian Professor Philip Igbafe says that, until the late 19th Century, slavery in the Kingdom of Benin, as well as in other West African kingdoms had its own place in the structure of the state, having its roots in the "economic, military, social and political necessities of the Benin kingdom". Slaves were owned by the Oba (king) and by ordinary citizens. In pre-colonial Benin, they were acquired in a number of ways: through wars of conquest and expansion, through gifts to the Oba, who also inherited the slaves of those who died intestate and by tribute paid by dependent territories to the Oba and prominent chiefs. Lastly, hardened criminals or those guilty of serious crimes were either executed or sold into slavery. The possession of a large number of slaves was an index of a man's status. Slaves served in the militia and were also the main labour force for the chiefs, as well as serving the local need for human sacrifices. The eventual abolition of slavery created a host of problems which had economic, political and social ramifications.[76]

Boukary Koutou's Mossi cavalry returning with captives from a raid

Martin Klein has said that before the Atlantic trade, slaves in Western Sudan "made up a small part of the population, lived within the household, worked alongside free members of the household, and participated in a network of face-to-face links."[74] With the development of the trans-Saharan slave trade and the economies of gold in the western Sahel, a number of the major states became organized around the slave trade, including the Ghana Empire, the Mali Empire, the Bono State and Songhai Empire.[77][5] However, other communities in West Africa largely resisted the slave trade. The Jola refused to participate in the slave trade up into the end of the seventeenth century, and did not use slave labour within their own communities until the nineteenth century. The Kru and Baga also fought against the slave trade.[78] The Mossi Kingdoms tried to take over key sites in the trans-Saharan trade and, when these efforts failed, became defenders against slave raiding by the powerful states of the western Sahel. The Mossi eventually entered the slave trade in the 1800s, mainly in the Atlantic slave trade.[77]

Human sacrifice of slaves in the kingdom of Dahomey

Senegal was a catalyst for the slave trade, serving as a port of departure for many transatlantic voyages. The culture of the Gold Coast was based largely on the power that individuals held, rather than the land cultivated by a family. Western Africa developed slavery by analysing the advantages to the aristocracy of slavery and what would best suit the region. This sort of governing used the "political tool" of discerning the different labours and methods of assimilative slavery. Domestic and agricultural labour became more evidently primary in Western Africa due to slaves being regarded as "political tools" of access and status. Slaves often had more wives than their owners, and this boosted the status of their owners. Slaves were not all used for the same purpose. European colonizing countries participated in the trade to suit the economic needs of their individual countries. The parallel of "Moorish" traders in the desert compared to Portuguese traders who were not as established pointed out the differences in uses of slaves at this point, and where they were headed in the trade.

Historian Walter Rodney identified no slavery or significant domestic servitude in early European accounts on the Upper Guinea region[11] and I. A. Akinjogbin contends that European accounts reveal that the slave trade was not a major activity along the coast controlled by the Yoruba people and Aja people before Europeans arrived.[79] In a paper read to the Ethnological Society of London in 1866, the viceroy of Lokoja, Mr T. Valentine Robins, who in 1864 accompanied an expedition up the River Niger aboard HMS Investigator, described slavery in the region:

Upon slavery Mr Robins remarked that it was not what people in England thought it to be. It means, as continually found in this part of Africa, belonging to a family group-there is no compulsory labour, the owner and the slave work together, eat like food, wear like clothing and sleep in the same huts. Some slaves have more wives than their masters. It gives protection to the slaves and everything necessary for their subsistence – food and clothing. A free man is worse off than a slave; he cannot claim his food from anyone.[80]

With the beginning of the Atlantic slave trade, demand for slaves in West Africa increased and a number of states became centered on the slave trade and domestic slavery increased dramatically.[81] Hugh Clapperton in 1824 believed that half the population of Kano were enslaved people.[82] Near the Gold Coast, many of those enslaved came from deep inside the interior of the continent as defeated people from numerous wars and were sold off as part of a practice called "eating the country" that aimed to disperse fallen enemies and prevent regrouping.[4] According to Ghanaian historian Akosua Perbi, from the 15th to 19th centuries in Ghana, major sources of slaves were warfare, slave markets, pawning, raids, kidnapping and tributes, while minor sources were from gifts, convictions, communal or private deals.[73]

A slave trader of Gorée, c. 1797

In the Senegambia region between 1300 and 1900, close to one-third of the population was enslaved. In early Islamic states of the western Sahel, including Ghana (750–1076), Mali (1235–1645), Segou (1712–1861), and Songhai (1275–1591), about a third of the population were enslaved. In Sierra Leone in the 19th century about half of the population consisted of enslaved people. Among the Vai people during the 19th century, three quarters of the people were slaves. In the 19th century at least half the population was enslaved among the Duala of the Cameroon and other peoples of the lower Niger, the Kongo, and the Kasanje kingdom and Chokwe of Angola. Among the Ashanti and Yoruba, a third of the population consisted of enslaved people. The population of the Kanem (1600–1800) was about one-third enslaved. It was perhaps 40% in Bornu (1580–1890). Between 1750 and 1900 from one- to two-thirds of the entire population of the Fulani jihad states consisted of enslaved people. The population of the largest Fulani state, the Sokoto Caliphate, was at least half-enslaved in the 19th century. Among the Adrar 15 per cent of people were enslaved, and 75 per cent of the Gurma were enslaved.[83] Slavery was extremely common among the Tuareg peoples and many still hold slaves today.[84][85]

When British rule was first imposed on the Sokoto Caliphate and the surrounding areas in northern Nigeria at the turn of the 20th century, approximately 2 million to 2.5 million people there were enslaved.[86] Slavery in northern Nigeria was finally outlawed in 1936.[87]

African Great Lakes

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Zanzibari slave trader Tippu Tip owned 10,000 slaves

With sea trade from the eastern African Great Lakes region to Persia, China, and India during the first millennium AD, slaves are mentioned as a commodity of secondary importance to gold and ivory. When mentioned, the slave trade appears to have been small-scale and mostly involves slave raiding of women and children along the islands of Kilwa Kisiwani, Madagascar, and Pemba. In places such as Uganda, the experience for women in slavery was different from that of customary slavery practices at the time. The roles assumed were based on gender and position within the society. First one must make the distinction in Ugandan slavery of peasants and slaves. Researchers Shane Doyle and Henri Médard assert the distinction with the following:

"Peasants were rewarded for valour in battle by the present of slaves by the lord or chief for whom they had fought. They could be given slaves by relatives who had been promoted to the rank of chiefs, and they could inherit slaves from their fathers. There were the abanyage (those pillaged or stolen in war) as well as the abagule (those bought). All these came under the category of abenvumu or true slaves, that is to say people not free in any sense. In a superior position were the young Ganda given by their maternal uncles into slavery (or pawnship), usually in lieu of debts... Besides such slaves both chiefs and king were served by sons of well to do men who wanted to please them and attract favour for themselves or their children. These were the abasige and formed a big addition to a noble household.... All these different classes of dependents in a household were classed as Medard & Doyle abaddu (male servants) or abazana (female servants) whether they were slave or free-born.(175)"

In the Great Lakes region of Africa (around present-day Uganda), linguistic evidence shows the existence of slavery through war capture, trade, and pawning going back hundreds of years; however, these forms, particularly pawning, appear to have increased significantly in the 18th and 19th centuries.[88] These slaves were considered to be more trustworthy than those from the Gold Coast. They were regarded with more prestige because of the training they responded to.

The language for slaves in the Great Lakes region varied. This region of water made it easy for capture of slaves and transport. Captive, refugee, slave, peasant were all used in order to describe those in the trade. The distinction was made by where and for what purpose they would be utilized for. Methods like pillage, plunder, and capture were all semantics common in this region to depict the trade.

Slave traders and their captives bound in chains and collared with 'taming sticks'. From Livingstone's Narrative

Historians Campbell and Alpers argue that there were a host of different categories of labour in Southeast Africa and that the distinction between slave and free individuals was not particularly relevant in most societies.[89] However, with increasing international trade in the 18th and 19th century, Southeast Africa began to be involved significantly in the Atlantic slave trade; for example, with the king of Kilwa island signing a treaty with a French merchant in 1776 for the delivery of 1,000 slaves per year.[90]

At about the same time, merchants from Oman,[5] India, and Southeast Africa began establishing plantations along the coasts and on the islands,[91] To provide workers on these plantations, slave raiding and slave holding became increasingly important in the region and slave traders (most notably Tippu Tip)[5] became prominent in the political environment of the region.[90] The Southeast African trade reached its height in the early decades of the 1800s with up to 30,000 slaves sold per year. However, slavery never became a significant part of the domestic economies except in Sultanate of Zanzibar where plantations and agricultural slavery were maintained.[81] Author and historian Timothy Insoll wrote: "Figures record the exporting of 718,000 slaves from the Swahili coast during the 19th century, and the retention of 769,000 on the coast."[92] At various times, between 65 and 90 per cent of Zanzibar was enslaved. Along the Kenya coast, 90 per cent of the population was enslaved, while half of Madagascar's population was enslaved.[93]

South Africa

[edit]

Certain African leaders, particularly from the Zulu and other Nguni groups, participated in the slave trade by capturing individuals from rival groups during conflicts. These captives were then sold into slavery.[94]

Transformations

[edit]

Slave relationships in Africa have been transformed through four large-scale processes: the trans-Saharan slave trade, the Indian Ocean slave trade, the Atlantic slave trade, and the slave emancipation policies and movements in the 19th and 20th centuries. Each of these processes significantly changed the forms, level, and economics of slavery in Africa.[3]

Slave practices in Africa were used during different periods to justify specific forms of European engagement with the peoples of Africa. Eighteenth century writers in Europe claimed that slavery in Africa was quite brutal in order to justify the Atlantic slave trade. Later writers used similar arguments to justify intervention and eventual colonization by European powers to end slavery in Africa.[95]

Africans knew what awaited slaves in the New World. Many elite Africans visited Europe on slave ships following the prevailing winds through the New World. One example of this occurred when Antonio Manuel, Kongo's ambassador to the Vatican, went to Europe in 1604, stopping first in Bahia, Brazil, where he arranged to free a countryman who had been wrongfully enslaved. African monarchs also sent their children along these same slave routes to be educated in Europe, and thousands of former slaves eventually returned to settle Liberia and Sierra Leone.

Trans-Saharan, Red Sea and Indian Ocean slave trade

[edit]

Early history

[edit]

Early records of the trans-Saharan slave trade come from ancient Greek historian Herodotus in the 5th century BC.[96][97] The Garamentes were recorded by Herodotus as engaging in the trans-Saharan slave trade and enslaving cave-dwelling "Ethiopians" (Ethiopian being a Greek term for Black as opposed to being from the region of Ethiopia), or Troglodytae. The Berber Garamentes relied heavily on the labour of slaves from sub-Saharan Africa,[98] and used slaves in their own communities to construct and maintain underground irrigation systems known to Berbers as foggara.[99]

In the early Roman Empire, the city of Lepcis established a slave market to buy and sell slaves from the African interior.[96] The empire imposed a customs tax on the trade of slaves.[96] In the 5th century AD, Roman Carthage was trading in black slaves brought across the Sahara.[97] Black slaves seem to have been valued in the Mediterranean as household slaves for their exotic appearance. Some historians argue that the scale of slave trade in this period may have been higher than in medieval times due to the high demand for slaves in the Roman Empire.[97]

Slave trading in the Indian Ocean goes back to 2500 BC.[100] Ancient Assyrians and Babylonians, Egyptians, Greeks, Indians and Persians all traded slaves on small scale across the Indian Ocean (and sometimes the Red Sea).[101] Slave trading in the Red Sea around the time of Alexander the Great is described by Agatharchides.[101] Strabo's Geographica (completed after 23 AD) mentions Greeks from Egypt trading slaves at the port of Adulis and other ports on the Somali coast.[102] Pliny the Elder's Natural History (published in 77 AD) also described Indian Ocean slave trading.[101] In the 1st century AD, Periplus of the Erythraean Sea advised of slave trading opportunities in the region, particularly in the trading of "beautiful girls for concubinage."[101] According to this manual, slaves were exported from Omana (likely near modern-day Oman) and Kanê to the west coast of India.[101] The ancient Indian Ocean slave trade was enabled by building boats capable of carrying large numbers of human beings across the Persian Gulf with wood imported from India. This shipbuilding goes back to Assyrian, Babylonian and Achaemenid times.[103]

After the involvement of the Byzantine Empire and Sassanian Empire in slave trading in the 1st century, it became a major enterprise.[101] Cosmas Indicopleustes wrote in his Christian Topography (550 AD) that slaves captured in Ethiopia would be imported into Byzantine Egypt via the Red Sea.[102] He also mentioned the import of non African eunuchs by the Byzantines from Mesopotamia and India.[102] After the 1st century, the export of black Africans became a "constant factor".[103] Under the Sassanians, the Indian Ocean trade transported not just slaves, but also scholars and merchants.[101]

Arab slave traders and markets

[edit]
The slave market in Zanzibar, c. 1860

The enslavement of Africans for eastern markets started before the 7th century but remained at low levels until 1750.[104] The volume of the trade peaked around 1850 but may largely have ended around 1900.[104] Muslim participation in the slave trade started in the eighth and ninth centuries AD, beginning with small-scale movements of people, largely from the eastern Great Lakes region and the Sahel. Islamic law allowed slavery, but prohibited slavery involving other pre-existing Muslims; as a result, the main targets for enslavement were the people who lived in the frontier areas of Islam in Africa.[13]

The trade of slaves across the Sahara and the Indian Ocean also has a long history beginning with the control of sea routes by Arab traders in the ninth century. It is estimated that, at that time, a few thousand enslaved people were taken each year from the Red Sea and Indian Ocean coast. They were sold throughout the Middle East. This trade accelerated as superior ships led to more trade and greater demand for labour on plantation. Eventually, tens of thousands per year were being taken.[105] On the Swahili Coast, the Afro-Arab slavers captured Bantu peoples from the interior and brought them to the littoral.[106][107][5] There, the slaves gradually assimilated in the rural areas, particularly on the Unguja and Pemba islands.[106]

This changed the slave relationships by creating new forms of employment by slaves (as eunuchs to guard harems, and in military units) and creating conditions for freedom (namely conversion—although it would only free a slave's children).[3][18] Although the level of trade remained relatively small, the total number of slaves over the multiple centuries of the trade's existence.[3] Because of its small and gradual nature, the impact on slavery practices in communities that did not convert to Islam was relatively small.[3] However, in the 1800s, the slave trade from Africa to the Islamic countries picked up significantly. When the European slave trade ended around the 1850s, the slave trade to the east picked up significantly only to end with the European colonization of Africa around 1900.[81] Between 1500 and 1900, up to 17 million Africans slaves were transported by Muslim traders to the coast of the Indian Ocean, the Middle East, and North Africa.[108]

In 1814, Swiss explorer Johann Burckhardt wrote of his travels in Egypt and Nubia, where he saw the practice of slave trading: "I frequently witnessed scenes of the most shameless indecency, which the traders, who were the principal actors, only laughed at. I may venture to state, that very few female slaves who have passed their tenth year, reach Egypt or Arabia in a state of virginity."[109]

Swahili-Arab slave traders and their captives along the Ruvuma River in Mozambique, 19th century

David Livingstone talking about the slave trade in East Africa in his journals:

To overdraw its evil is a simple impossibility.[110]: 442 

Livingstone wrote about a group of slaves forced by Arab slave traders to march in the African Great Lakes region when he was travelling there in 1866:

19th June 1866 – We passed a woman tied by the neck to a tree and dead, the people of the country explained that she had been unable to keep up with the other slaves in a gang, and her master had determined that she should not become anyone's property if she recovered.[110]: 56 
26th June 1866 – ... We passed a slave woman shot or stabbed through the body and lying on the path: a group of men stood about a hundred yards off on one side, and another of the women on the other side, looking on; they said an Arab who passed early that morning had done it in anger at losing the price he had given for her, because she was unable to walk any longer.
27th June 1866 – To-day we came upon a man dead from starvation, as he was very thin. One of our men wandered and found many slaves with slave-sticks on, abandoned by their masters from want of food; they were too weak to be able to speak or say where they had come from; some were quite young.[110]: 62 

The lethality of the trans-Saharan routes is comparable to those of the trans-Atlantic. Deaths of slaves in Egypt and North Africa were very high, even if they were fed and treated well. Medieval manuals for slave buyers – written in Arabic, Persian and Turkish – explained that Africans from Sudanic and Ethiopian areas are prone to illness and death in their new environments.[111]

Zanzibar was once East Africa's main slave-trading port, and under Omani Arabs in the 19th century as many as 50,000 slaves were passing through the city each year via the Zanzibar slave trade.[112]

European traders and colonial markets

[edit]

European slave trade in the Indian Ocean began when Portugal established Estado da Índia in the early 16th century. Until the 1830s c. 200 slaves were exported from Mozambique annually and similar figures have been estimated for slaves brought from Asia to the Philippines during the Iberian Union (1580–1640).[113]

The establishment of the Dutch East India Company in the early 17th century led to a quick increase in volume of the slave trade in the region; there were perhaps up to 500,000 slaves in various Dutch colonies in the 17th and 18th centuries in the Indian Ocean. For example, some 4000 African slaves were used to build the Colombo fortress in Dutch Ceylon. Bali and neighbouring islands supplied regional networks with c. 100,000–150,000 slaves 1620–1830. Indian and Chinese slave traders supplied Dutch Indonesia with perhaps 250,000 slaves during the 17th and 18th centuries.[113]

The East India Company (EIC) was established during the period and in 1622 one of its ships carried slaves from the Coromandel Coast to the Dutch East Indies. The EIC mostly traded in African slaves but also in some Asian slaves purchased from Indian, Indonesian and Chinese slave traders. The French established colonies on the islands of Réunion and Mauritius in 1721; by 1735 some 7,200 slaves populated the Mascarene Islands, a number which reached 133,000 in 1807. The British captured the islands in 1810, however, and because the British had prohibited the slave trade in 1807 a system of clandestine slave trade developed to bring slaves to French planters on the islands; in all 336,000–388,000 slaves were exported to the Mascarane Islands from 1670 to 1848.[113]

In all, Europeans traders exported 567,900–733,200 slaves within the Indian Ocean between 1500 and 1850 and almost as many from the Indian Ocean to the Americas during the same period. Slave trade in the Indian Ocean was, nevertheless, very limited compared to the c. 12,000,000 slaves exported across the Atlantic.[113]

Atlantic slave trade

[edit]
African slaves working in 17th-century Virginia, by an unknown artist, 1670

The Atlantic slave trade or transatlantic slave trade took place across the Atlantic Ocean from the 15th through to the 19th centuries. According to Patrick Manning, the Atlantic slave trade was significant in transforming Africans from a minority of the global population of slaves in 1600 into the overwhelming majority by 1800. By 1850 the number of African slaves within Africa exceeded those in the Americas.[114]

The slave trade was transformed from a marginal aspect of the economies into the largest sector in a relatively short span. In addition, agricultural plantations increased significantly and became a key aspect in many societies.[3] Economic urban centers that served as the root of main trade routes shifted towards the West coast.[115] At the same time, many African communities relocated far away from slave trade routes, often protecting themselves from the Atlantic slave trade but hindering economic and technological development at the same time.[116]

European colonial empires, African kingdoms and trade routes in the 18th century

In many African societies traditional lineage slavery became more like chattel slavery due to an increased work demand.[117] This resulted in a general decrease in quality of life, working conditions, and status of slaves in West African societies. Assimilative slavery was increasingly replaced with chattel slavery. Assimilitave slavery in Africa often allowed eventual freedom and also significant cultural, social, and/or economic influence. Slaves were often treated as part of their owner's family, rather than simply property.[117]

The distribution of sex among enslaved peoples under traditional lineage slavery saw women as more desirable slaves due to demands for domestic labour and for reproductive reasons.[117] Male slaves were used for more physical agricultural labour,[118] but as more enslaved men were taken to the West Coast and across the Atlantic to the New World, female slaves were increasingly used for physical and agricultural labour and polygyny also increased. Chattel slavery in America was highly demanding because of the physical nature of plantation work and this was the most common destination for male slaves in the New World.[117]

Jean-Baptiste Debret's conception of enslaved persons in Brazil (1839)

It has been argued that a decrease in able-bodied people as a result of the Atlantic slave trade limited many societies ability to cultivate land and develop. Many scholars argue that the transatlantic slave trade left Africa underdeveloped, demographically unbalanced, and vulnerable to future European colonization.[116]

The first Europeans to arrive on the coast of Guinea were the Portuguese; the first European to actually buy enslaved Africans in the region of Guinea was Antão Gonçalves, a Portuguese explorer in 1441 AD. Originally interested in trading mainly for gold and spices, they set up colonies on the uninhabited islands of São Tomé. In the 16th century the Portuguese settlers found that these volcanic islands were ideal for growing sugar. Sugar growing is a labour-intensive undertaking and Portuguese settlers were difficult to attract due to the heat, lack of infrastructure, and hard life. To cultivate the sugar the Portuguese turned to large numbers of enslaved Africans. Elmina Castle on the Gold Coast, originally built by African labour for the Portuguese in 1482 to control the gold trade, became an important depot for slaves that were to be transported to the New World.[119]

Slave trade along the Senegal River, kingdom of Cayor

The Spanish were the first Europeans to use enslaved Africans in America on islands such as Cuba and Hispaniola,[120] where the alarming death rate in the native population had spurred the first royal laws protecting the native population (Laws of Burgos, 1512–13). The first enslaved Africans arrived in Hispaniola in 1501 soon after the Papal Bull of 1493 gave almost all of the New World to Spain.[121]

In Igboland, for example, the Aro oracle (the Igbo religious authority) began condemning more people to slavery due to small infractions that previously probably wouldn't have been punishable by slavery, thus increasing the number of enslaved men available for purchase.[117]

Asante and other West African kingdoms, 18th century

The Atlantic slave trade peaked in the late 18th century, when the largest number of people were bought or captured from West Africa and taken to the Americas.[122] The increase of demand for slaves due to the expansion of European colonial powers to the New World made the slave trade much more lucrative to the West African powers, leading to the establishment of a number of actual West African empires thriving on slave trade. These included the Bono State, Oyo empire (Yoruba), Kong Empire, Imamate of Futa Jallon, Imamate of Futa Toro, Kingdom of Koya, Kingdom of Khasso, Kingdom of Kaabu, Fante Confederacy, Ashanti Confederacy, and the kingdom of Dahomey.

Slave factories, or compounds, maintained by traders from four European nations in the Gulf of Guinea in what is now Nigeria, 1746

These kingdoms relied on a militaristic culture of constant warfare to generate the great numbers of human captives required for trade with the Europeans.[3][123] It is documented in the Slave Trade Debates of England in the early 19th century: "All the old writers concur in stating not only that wars are entered into for the sole purpose of making slaves, but that they are fomented by Europeans, with a view to that object."[124] The gradual abolition of slavery in European colonial empires during the 19th century again led to the decline and collapse of these African empires. When European powers began to stop the Atlantic slave trade, this caused a further change in that large holders of slaves in Africa began to exploit enslaved people on plantations and other agricultural products.[125]

Abolition

[edit]

18th and 19th centuries

[edit]

The final major transformation of slave relationships came with the inconsistent emancipation efforts starting in the mid-19th century. As European authorities began to take over large parts of inland Africa starting in the 1870s, the colonial policies were often confusing on the issue. For example, even when slavery was deemed illegal, colonial authorities would return escaped slaves to their masters.[3] Slavery persisted in some countries under colonial rule, and in some instances it was not until independence that slavery practices were significantly transformed.[126] Anti-colonial struggles in Africa often brought slaves and former slaves together with masters and former masters to fight for independence; however, this cooperation was short-lived and following independence political parties would often form based upon the stratifications of slaves and masters.[81]

In some parts of Africa, slavery and slavery-like practices continue to this day, particularly the illegal trafficking of women and children.[127] The problem has proven to be difficult for governments and civil society to eliminate.[128]

Efforts by Europeans against slavery and the slave trade began in the late 18th century and had a large impact on slavery in Africa. Portugal was the first country in the continent to abolish slavery in metropolitan Portugal and Portuguese India by a bill issued on 12 February 1761, but this did not affect their colonies in Brazil and Africa. France abolished slavery in 1794. However, slavery was again allowed by Napoleon in 1802 and not abolished for good until 1848. In 1803, Denmark-Norway became the first country from Europe to implement a ban on the slave trade. Slavery itself was not banned until 1848.[129] Britain followed in 1807 with the passage of the Abolition of the Slave Trade Act by Parliament. This law allowed stiff fines, increasing with the number of slaves transported, for captains of slave ships. Britain followed this with the Slavery Abolition Act 1833 which freed all slaves in the British Empire. British pressure on other countries resulted in them agreeing to end the slave trade from Africa. For example, the 1820 U.S. Law on Slave Trade made slave trading piracy, punishable by death.[130] In addition, the Ottoman Empire abolished slave trade from Africa in 1847 under British pressure.[131]

By 1850, the year that the last major Atlantic slave trade participant (Brazil) passed the Eusébio de Queirós Law banning the slave trade,[132] the slave trades had been significantly slowed and in general only illegal trade went on. Brazil continued the practice of slavery and was a major source for illegal trade until about 1870 and the abolition of slavery became permanent in 1888 when Princess Isabel of Brazil and Minister Rodrigo Silva (son-in-law of senator Eusebio de Queiroz) banned the practice.[81] The British took an active approach to stopping the illegal Atlantic slave trade during this period. The West Africa Squadron was credited with capturing 1,600 slave ships between 1808 and 1860, and freeing 150,000 Africans who were aboard these ships.[133] Action was also taken against African leaders who refused to agree to British treaties to outlaw the trade, for example against "the usurping King of Lagos", deposed in 1851. Anti-slavery treaties were signed with over 50 African rulers.[134]

Capture of slave ship Emanuela by HMS Brisk

According to Patrick Manning, internal slavery was most important to Africa in the second half of the 19th century, stating "if there is any time when one can speak of African societies being organized around a slave mode production, [1850–1900] was it". The abolition of the Atlantic slave trade resulted in the economies of African states dependent on the trade being reorganized towards domestic plantation slavery and legitimate commerce worked by slave labour. Slavery before this period was generally domestic.[81][8]

The continuing anti-slavery movement in Europe became an excuse and a casus belli for the European conquest and colonization of much of the African continent.[95] It was the central theme of the Brussels Anti-Slavery Conference 1889-90. In the late 19th century, the Scramble for Africa saw the continent rapidly divided between imperialistic European powers, and an early but secondary focus of all colonial regimes was the suppression of slavery and the slave trade. Seymour Drescher argues that European interests in abolition were primarily motivated by economic and imperial goals.[135] Despite slavery often being a justification behind conquest, colonial regimes often ignored slavery or allowed slavery practices to continue. This was because the colonial state depended on the cooperation of indigenous political and economic structures which were heavily involved in slavery. As a result, early colonial policies usually sought to end slave trading while regulating existing slave practices and weakening the power of slave masters.[75] Furthermore, the early colonial states had weak effective control over their territories, which precluded efforts to widespread abolition. Abolition attempts became more concrete later during the colonial period.[75]

20th century up to World War II

[edit]

There were many causes for the decline and abolition of slavery in Africa during the colonial period including colonial abolition policies, various economic changes, and slave resistance. The economic changes during the colonial period, including the rise of wage labour and cash crops, hastened the decline of slavery by offering new economic opportunities to slaves. The abolition of slave raiding and the end of wars between African states drastically reduced the supply of slaves. Slaves would take advantage of early colonial laws that nominally abolished slavery and would migrate away from their masters although these laws often were intended to regulate slavery more than actually abolish it. This migration led to more concrete abolition efforts by colonial governments.[75][136][3] Following conquest and abolition by the French, over a million slaves in French West Africa fled from their masters to earlier homes between 1906 and 1911.[137] In Madagascar over 500,000 slaves were freed following French abolition in 1896.[138] In response to this pressure, Ethiopia officially abolished slavery in 1932, the Sokoto Caliphate abolished slavery in 1900, and the rest of the Sahel in 1911.

After the end of the Trans-Atlantic slave trade, other slave trade routes transporting enslaved people from Africa continued into the 20th century. The Indian Ocean slave trade, including the Zanzibar slave trade, was combatted by the British in a number of anti-slavery treaties pressued by the British upon the Sultanate of Zanzibar between 1822 and 1909, each one limiting the slave trade between the Swaihili coast of east Africa and the Arabian Peninsula. In an 1867 agreement with the British, Zanzibar was pressured to ban the export of slaves to Arabia, and to limit the slave trade within the borders of the Sultanate to only between Latitude 9 degrees South of Kilwa, and Latitude 4 degrees South of Lamu.[139] After 1867, the British campaign against the slave trade in the Indian Ocean was undermined by Omani slave dhows using French colours trafficking slaves to Arabia and the Persian Gulf from East Africa as far South as Mozambique, which the French tolerated until 1905, when the Hague International Tribunal mandated France to curtail French flags to Omani dhows; nevertheless, small scale smuggling of slaves from East Africa to Arabia continued until the 1960s.[140]

During the 20th century the issue of slavery was addressed by the League of Nations, which founded commissions to investigate and eradicate the institution of slavery and slave trade worldwide. The Temporary Slavery Commission (TSC) conducted a global investigation in 1924–1926 and filed a report, and a convention, 1926 Slavery Convention, was drawn up to hasten the total abolition of slavery and the slave trade.[141] In 1932, the League formed the Committee of Experts on Slavery (CES) to review the result and enforcement of the 1926 Slavery Convention, which resulted in a new international investigation under the first permanent slavery committee, the Advisory Committee of Experts on Slavery (ACE).[142] Both of these investigations noted that African slaves were transported from Africa to the Muslim Arab world, where chattel slavery were still legal.

The Trans-Saharan slave trade was combatted by the colonial authorities, who nominally controlled the territories of the Sahara desert from the late 19th-century onward. Both the French, Spanish, Italian and British colonial authorities officially stated that they combatted the ancient slave trade transporting enslaved Africans across the Sahara to Arab North Africa and the Middle East. In reality however, the colonial authorities of the West had little actual control over the Sahara territories and were not able to actually combat the slave trade in practice, though it did gradually limit the trade.

The colonial authorities stated that the slave trade were still active in the 1930s, though it was actively combatted. The Italians reported to the Advisory Committee of Experts on Slavery in the 1930s that the Trans-Saharan slave trade had been erased in parallel with Italian conquest, during which 900 slaves had been freed in the Kufra slave market,[143] and in the 1936 report to the Advisory Committee of Experts on Slavery, the French, British and Italian stated that they all surveyed the water sources along the caravan routes in the Sahara to combat the Trans-Saharan slave trade from Nigeria to North Africa.[144] The 1937 report to the Advisory Committee of Experts on Slavery, both France and Spain assured that they actively fought the slave raids from the Trans-Saharan slave traders, and in 1938, the French claimed that they had secured control over the border areas alongside Morocco and Algeria and effectively prevented the trans-Saharan slave trade in that area.[144]

After World War II

[edit]

The ancient Red Sea slave trade, which transported enslaved Africans to the Arabian Peninsula across the Red Sea, continued until the 1960s. The annual pilgrimage to Mecca, the Hajj, was a big vehicle for enslavement. Muslim African Hajj pilgrims across the Sahara were duped or given low-cost travel expenses by tribal leaders; when they arrived at the East Coast, they were trafficked over the Red Sea in the dhows of the Red Sea slave trade or on small passenger planes, and discovered upon arrival in Saudi Arabia that they were to be sold on the slave market rather than to perform the Hajj.[145] The English traveller Charles M. Doughty, who visited Central Arabia in the 1880s, noted that African slaves were brought up to Arabia every year during the hajj, and that "there are bondsmen and bondwomen and free negro families in every tribe and town".[146]

Slavery in Islamic societies has been described as a benevolent institution, and King Abd al Aziz Ibn Saud remarked to the British legation officer Munshi Ihsanullah that West Africans[147]

lived like beasts, that they were much better off as slaves, and that if he had his way he would take all (West African) pilgrims as his slaves, raising them thus out of their depraved state and turning them into happy, prosperous and civilised beings.

The Red Sea slave trade was combatted by the British who tried to control the pilgrim travellers through Africa. They patrolled the Red Sea and controlled the traffic, but these controls were not effective, since the slave traders would inform the European Colonial authorities that the slaves were their wives, children, servants or fellow Hajj pilgrims. The victims themselves were convinced of the same, unaware that they were being shipped as slaves.[148]

Article 4 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted in 1948 by the UN General Assembly, explicitly banned slavery. After World War II, chattel slavery was formally abolished by law in almost the entire world, with the exception of the Arabian Peninsula and some parts of Africa. Chattel slavery was still legal in Saudi Arabia, in Yemen, in the Trucial States and in Oman, and slaves were supplied to the Arabian Peninsula via the Red Sea slave trade. When the League of Nations was succeeded by the United Nations (UN) after World War II, Charles Wilton Wood Greenidge of the Anti-Slavery International worked for the UN to continue the investigation of global slavery conducted by the ACE of the League, and in February 1950 the Ad Hoc Committee on Slavery of the United Nations was inaugurated,[149] which ultimately resulted in the introduction of the Supplementary Convention on the Abolition of Slavery.[150] Slavery in Saudi Arabia, Yemen, and the United Arab Emirates did not end until the 1960s and 1970s. In the 21st century, activists contend that many immigrants who travel to those countries for work are held in virtual slavery under the kafala system.

Colonial nations were mostly successful in their aim to abolish slavery, though slavery is still very active in Africa even though it has gradually moved to a wage economy. Independent nations attempting to westernize or impress Europe sometimes cultivated an image of slavery suppression, even as they, in the case of Egypt, hired European soldiers like Samuel White Baker's expedition up the Nile. Slavery has never been eradicated in Africa, and it commonly appears in African states, such as Chad, Ethiopia, Mali, Niger, and Sudan, in places where law and order have collapsed.[151]

Although outlawed in all countries today, slavery is practised in secret in many parts of the world.[152] There are an estimated 30 million victims of slavery worldwide.[153] In Mauritania alone, up to 600,000 men, women and children, or 20% of the population, are enslaved, many of them used as bonded labour.[154][155] Slavery in Mauritania was finally criminalized in August 2007.[156] During the Second Sudanese Civil War people were taken into slavery; estimates of abductions range from 14,000 to 200,000.[157] In Niger, where the practice of slavery was outlawed in 2003, a study found that almost 8% of the population are still slaves.[158][159]

Effects

[edit]

Demographics

[edit]
A Zanj slave gang in Zanzibar (1889)

Slavery and the slave trades had a significant impact on the size of the population and the gender distribution throughout much of Africa. The precise impact of these demographic shifts has been an issue of significant debate.[160] The Atlantic slave trade took 70,000 people per year, primarily from the west coast of Africa, at its peak in the mid-1700s.[81] The trans-Saharan slave trade involved the capture of peoples from the continental interior, who were then shipped overseas through ports on the Red Sea and elsewhere.[161] It peaked at 10,000 people bartered per year in the 1600s.[81] According to Patrick Manning, there was a consistent population decrease in large parts of Sub-Saharan Africa as a result of these slave trades.

This population decline throughout West Africa from 1650 to 1850 was exacerbated by the preference of slave traders for male slaves. This preference only existed in the transatlantic slave trade. More female slaves than male were traded across the continent of Africa.[52][81] In eastern Africa, the slave trade was multi-directional and changed over time. To meet the demand for menial labour, Zanj slaves captured from the southern interior were sold through ports on the northern seaboard in cumulatively large numbers over the centuries to customers in the Nile Valley, Horn of Africa, Arabian Peninsula, Persian Gulf, India, Far East and the Indian Ocean islands.[161]

Extent

[edit]
Major routes of transporting slaves out of Africa, by volume of slaves moved, between 1500 and 1900.

The extent of slavery within Africa and the trade in slaves to other regions is not known precisely. Although the Atlantic slave trade has been best studied, estimates range from 8 million people to 20 million.[162] The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database estimates that the Atlantic slave trade took around 12.8 million people between 1450 and 1900.[3][163] The slave trade across the Sahara and Red Sea from the Sahara, the Horn of Africa, and East Africa, has been estimated at 6.2 million people between 600 and 1600.[3] Although the rate decreased from East Africa in the 1700s, it increased in the 1800s and is estimated at 1.65 million for that century.[3]

Estimates by Patrick Manning are that about 12 million slaves entered the Atlantic trade between the 16th and 19th century, but about 1.5 million died on board ship.[164] About 10.5 million slaves arrived in the Americas.[164] Besides the slaves who died on the Middle Passage, more Africans likely died during the wars and slave raids within Africa and forced marches to ports. Manning estimates that 4 million died inside Africa after capture, and many more died young.[164] Manning's estimate covers the 12 million who were originally destined for the Atlantic, as well as the 6 million destined for Asian slave markets and the 8 million destined for African markets.[164]

According to David Stannard, 50% of deaths in Africa occurred as a result of wars between native kingdoms, which produced the majority of slaves.[165] This includes those who died in battles and those who died as a result of forced marches to slave ports on the coast.[166] The practice of enslaving enemy combatants and their villages was widespread throughout Western and West Central Africa, although wars were rarely started to procure slaves. The slave trade was largely a by-product of tribal and state warfare as a way of removing potential dissidents after victory or financing future wars.[167]

Debate about demographic effect

[edit]
Photograph of a slave boy in Zanzibar: "An Arab master's punishment for a slight offence" (c. 1890)

The demographic effects of the slave trade are some of the most controversial and debated issues. Walter Rodney argued that the export of so many people had been a demographic disaster and had left Africa permanently disadvantaged when compared to other parts of the world, and that this largely explains that continent's continued poverty.[168] He presents numbers that show that Africa's population stagnated during this period, while that of Europe and Asia grew dramatically. According to Rodney all other areas of the economy were disrupted by the slave trade as the top merchants abandoned traditional industries to pursue slaving and the lower levels of the population were disrupted by the slaving itself.

Others have challenged this view. J. D. Fage compared the number effect on the continent as a whole. David Eltis has compared the numbers to the rate of emigration from Europe during this period. In the 19th century alone over 50 million people left Europe for the Americas, a far higher rate than were ever taken from Africa.[169]

Others in turn challenged that view. Joseph E. Inikori argues the history of the region shows that the effects were still quite deleterious. He argues that the African economic model of the period was very different from the European, and could not sustain such population losses. Population reductions in certain areas also led to widespread problems. Inikori also notes that after the suppression of the slave trade Africa's population almost immediately began to rapidly increase, even prior to the introduction of modern medicines.[170]

Effect on the economy of Africa

[edit]
Cowrie shells were used as money in the slave trade.
Two slightly differing Okpoho Manillas as used to purchase slaves for approximately 8–50 manilla per slave[171]

There is a longstanding debate among analysts and scholars about the destructive impacts of the slave trades.[25] It is often claimed that the slave trade undermined local economies and political stability as villages' vital labour forces were shipped overseas as slave raids and civil wars became commonplace. With the rise of a large commercial slave trade, driven by European needs, enslaving your enemy became less a consequence of war, and more and more a reason to go to war.[172] The slave trade was claimed to have impeded the formation of larger ethnic groups, causing ethnic factionalism and weakening the formation for stable political structures in many places. It also is claimed to have reduced the mental health and social development of African people.[173]

In contrast to these arguments, J. D. Fage asserts that slavery did not have a wholly disastrous effect on the societies of Africa.[174] Slaves were an expensive commodity, and traders received a great deal in exchange for each enslaved person. At the peak of the slave trade hundreds of thousands of muskets, vast quantities of cloth, gunpowder, and metals were being shipped to Guinea. Most of this money was spent on European-made firearms (of very poor quality) and industrial-grade alcohol. African trade with Europe at the peak of the Atlantic slave trade—which also included significant exports of gold and ivory—was some 3.5 million pounds Sterling per year. By contrast, the total trade of the Kingdom of Great Britain, an economic superpower of the time, was about 14 million pounds per year over this same period of the late 18th century. As Patrick Manning has pointed out, the vast majority of items traded for slaves were common rather than luxury goods. Textiles, iron ore, currency, and salt were some of the most important commodities imported as a result of the slave trade, and these goods were spread within the entire society raising the general standard of living.[25]

Although debated, it is argued that the Atlantic slave trade devastated the African economy. In 19th century Yoruba Land, economic activity was described to be at its lowest ever while life and property were being taken daily, and normal living was in jeopardy because of the fear of being kidnapped.[175] (Onwumah, Imhonopi, Adetunde, 2019)

Slave trade in Africa has also caused disruption of political systems. To elaborate on the disruption of political systems caused by slavery in Africa, the capture and sale of millions of Africans to the Americas and elsewhere resulted in the loss of many skilled and talented individuals who played important roles in African societies.[176]

Without these people, African societies were destabilized, and their political systems became weaker. This led to instability and civil conflicts, with some societies collapsing altogether. Additionally, the slave trade encouraged warfare and raiding, as people were captured and sold by rival ethnic groups.[177]

The impact of the slave trade on African political systems was far-reaching and enduring. Today, many African countries continue to face political instability and weak governance, with some scholars pointing to the legacy of slavery as a contributing factor.[178] A study of the relationship between the number of slaves exported and current wealth found that the areas most affected by the slave trade are among the poorest today, indicating the slave trade's long-lasting detrimental effects especially on the affected regions.[179]

Effects on Europe's economy

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Karl Marx in his economic history of capitalism, Das Kapital, claimed that "the turning of Africa into a warren for the commercial hunting of black-skins [that is, the slave trade], signalled the rosy dawn of the era of capitalist production." He argued that the slave trade was part of what he termed the "primitive accumulation" of European capital, the non-capitalist accumulation of wealth that preceded and created the financial conditions for Western Europe's industrialization and the advent of the capitalist mode of production.[180]

Eric Williams has written about the contribution of Africans on the basis of profits from the slave trade and slavery, arguing that the employment of those profits were used to help finance Britain's industrialization. He argues that the enslavement of Africans was an essential element to the Industrial Revolution, and that European wealth was, in part, a result of slavery, but that by the time of its abolition it had lost its profitability and it was in the economic interest of various European governments to ban it.[181] Joseph Inikori has written that slavery in the British West Indies was more profitable than the critics of Williams believe.

Other researchers and historians have strongly contested what has come to be referred to as the "Williams thesis" in academia: David Richardson has concluded that the profits from the British slave trade and slavery amounted to less than 1% of domestic investment in Britain,[182] and economic historian Stanley Engerman notes that even without subtracting the associated costs of the slave trade (e.g., shipping costs, slave mortality, mortality of Europeans in Africa, defence costs) or reinvestment of profits back into the slave trade, the total profits from the slave trade and of West Indian plantations amounted to less than 5% of the British economy during any year of the Industrial Revolution.[183] Historian Richard Pares, in an article written before Williams' book, dismisses the influence of wealth generated from the West Indian plantations upon the financing of the Industrial Revolution, stating that whatever substantial flow of investment from West Indian profits into industry there was occurred after emancipation, not before.[184]

Findlay and O'Rourke noted that the figures presented by O'Brien (1982) to back his claim that "the periphery was peripheral" suggest the opposite, with profits from the periphery 1784–1786 being £5.66 million when there was £10.30 million total gross investment in the British economy and similar proportions for 1824–1826. They note that dismissing the profits of the enslavement of human beings from significance because it was a "small share of national income", could be used to argue that there was no industrial revolution, since modern industry provided only a small share of national income and that it is a mistake to assume that small size is the same as small significance. Findlay and O'Rourke also note that the share of American export commodities produced by enslaved human beings rose from 54% between 1501 and 1550 to 82.5% between 1761 and 1780.[185]

Seymour Drescher and Robert Anstey argue the slave trade remained profitable until abolition, because of innovations in agriculture, and that moralistic reform, not economic incentive, was primarily responsible for abolition.[186]

A similar debate has taken place about other European nations. The French slave trade, it is argued, was more profitable than alternative domestic investments, and probably encouraged capital accumulation before the Industrial Revolution and Napoleonic Wars.[187]

Legacy of racism

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Maulana Karenga states the effects of the Atlantic slave trade in African captives: "[T]he morally monstrous destruction of human possibility involved redefining African humanity to the world, poisoning past, present and future relations with others who only know us through this stereotyping and thus damaging the truly human relations among people of today". He says that it constituted the destruction of culture, language, religion and human possibility.[188]

See also

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References

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Bibliography

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Further reading

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from Grokipedia

Slavery in Africa involved longstanding indigenous systems of coerced labor and servitude within African societies, predating European contact by centuries, alongside the capture and of millions of individuals by African polities to meet external demands from and later European traders. These practices encompassed diverse forms, including chattel ownership, domestic service, pawnship for debt repayment, military enslavement, and ritual sacrifice, often integrated into the social and economic structures of kingdoms such as those in West and . African rulers and elites actively participated in and trading, supplying captives from warfare or judicial punishments to coastal entrepôts for trans-Saharan, , and transatlantic markets, thereby accumulating wealth and power that reinforced their authority. While the transatlantic trade, peaking from the 16th to 19th centuries, exported approximately 12.5 million Africans primarily to the , the earlier and longer-lasting Arab-oriented trades across the and East African routes involved comparable or greater volumes over 1,200 years, with estimates ranging from 10 to 18 million, though precise figures remain debated due to sparse records. This dual internal and external dynamic profoundly shaped African demographics, , and ethnic relations, with legacies persisting in contemporary social hierarchies and conflicts, often obscured by narratives emphasizing solely external agency.

Indigenous Foundations

Pre-Colonial Forms and Institutions

Slavery existed in various forms across pre-colonial African societies long before sustained European contact in the , serving as a mechanism for labor extraction, social integration, and political power consolidation. In West African empires such as and Songhai, slaves were integral to economic and administrative structures, with the under employing thousands in royal entourages, as evidenced by his 1324 pilgrimage to accompanied by 12,000 slaves. These institutions often blended coercion with limited social incorporation, distinguishing them from later chattel systems, though slaves remained property subject to sale, inheritance, or sacrifice. Internal slave trades linked regions, with slaves transported as porters or laborers between savanna states and zones. Domestic slavery predominated in many kinship-based societies, where captives—often from rival groups—were absorbed into households for agricultural work, herding, or domestic service, sometimes gaining partial family status over time. In Akan societies of the Gold Coast, slaves performed and farming, with treatment varying by origin: prisoners of war faced harsher conditions than debt-bound individuals or those born to slaves, who might integrate into matrilineal lineages. Pawnship, a form of collateral, allowed temporary servitude redeemable by payment, prevalent in for securing loans amid trade fluctuations, though non-redemption could lead to permanent enslavement. These practices were not uniformly hereditary; children of slaves occasionally inherited freer status, reflecting pragmatic adaptations to labor needs rather than rigid racial hierarchies. Military slavery emerged in expansive states, where war captives bolstered armies or served as . The Asante Empire demanded annual quotas, such as 1,000 slaves from vassal states like Gonja, using them for warfare, administration, or ritual sacrifice to affirm royal authority. In Central and East African kingdoms like , slaves filled roles in royal courts, portering, and productive labor, acquired through raids or judicial penalties. Acquisition methods included intertribal warfare, judicial enslavement of convicts, by kin or bandits, and extraction, fostering cycles of conflict that predated external demands but were amplified by them. While some slaves achieved through service or , the institution underpinned in slave-reliant polities, contradicting narratives minimizing its prevalence in indigenous systems.

Internal Mechanisms of Enslavement

In pre-colonial African societies, enslavement arose through warfare, judicial sanctions, obligations, and raiding, mechanisms embedded in social, political, and economic structures across diverse polities from decentralized villages to centralized kingdoms. These processes generated slaves for domestic labor, , agricultural production, and internal trade, predating intensified external demands but scaling with them. Capture in interstate warfare constituted the dominant pathway, with victors enslaving defeated combatants and civilians from sacked settlements to bolster their own populations or extract tribute. In , for instance, cavalry raids by from the 15th to 19th centuries targeted vulnerable non-Mossi communities, yielding captives marched back as human property. Such conflicts, often driven by resource competition or expansionist ambitions, supplied slaves who could be assimilated into kin groups over generations or retained in perpetual servitude. Judicial enslavement occurred via customary courts imposing bondage as penalty for crimes like , , , or sorcery accusations, sometimes extending to family members in collective liability systems. Rulers or elders adjudicated these, converting traditional fines or exiles into enslavement, particularly in centralized states where judicial authority reinforced elite power. Economic mechanisms included pawnship, where individuals—often relatives of debtors—were pledged to creditors until repayment, with default risking permanent status transfer. demands from overlords could also compel subordinate groups to deliver persons alongside goods, while opportunistic kidnappings by bandits or lone actors provided supplementary captives, though riskier and less institutionalized. These pathways, varying by region and , underscored slavery's role as a tool for and wealth accumulation indigenous to African systems.

Regional Variations

North Africa and the Maghreb

Slavery in and the predated Islamic conquests but expanded significantly following the Arab invasions of the , integrating the region into broader Islamic networks of enslavement that emphasized captives from non-Muslim populations. Under Islamic legal frameworks, slavery was regulated rather than prohibited, with slaves sourced primarily through warfare, raids, and purchase from via trans-Saharan routes. North African polities, including Berber dynasties and later Ottoman regencies, actively participated as intermediaries, employing slaves in domestic service, agriculture, military roles, and . The , operational for over a , funneled millions of sub-Saharan Africans northward to the and beyond, with North African merchants and states like , , and serving as key hubs for distribution to Mediterranean and Middle Eastern markets. Estimates suggest that between 1600 and 1900, approximately 5.5 million slaves traversed these routes, comprising a substantial portion of the broader Islamic slave estimated at 11.5 to 14 million individuals over centuries. Slaves, often captured in raids south of the , endured high mortality during desert crossings, with survivors integrated into North African societies where black Africans became associated with servile status. From the 16th to early 19th centuries, Barbary corsairs operating from ports in , , Tripoli, and Salé conducted extensive raids on European shipping and coastal settlements, enslaving over 1 million Christians, primarily from , , , and . Notable incursions included the 1625 sack of Cornish villages in , where dozens were abducted, and sustained attacks that depopulated Mediterranean coasts until naval interventions by the and European powers in the of 1801–1805 and 1815–1816 curtailed the practice. These captives faced forced labor in galleys, construction, or households, with ransoms negotiated through religious orders like the . Internally, persisted in the under Ottoman influence from the , with slaves used in elite military units and harems, while agricultural estates in and relied on bonded labor. Abolition occurred unevenly: banned in 1846 under Ahmad Bey, influenced by European pressure, while closed its open slave market in 1922 amid French protectorate rule, though clandestine practices lingered into the . French colonization of from 1830 introduced nominal bans, but enforcement was lax, reflecting the entrenched economic roles of in the region.

West Africa

Slavery in West Africa predated European contact, functioning as a key social and economic institution in non-Islamic societies from at least the 15th century, though evidence for its antiquity remains less definitive than in Mediterranean regions. Captives were primarily acquired through warfare, raids, judicial punishments for offenses, debt pawning, kidnapping, and occasionally self-sale during famines; relatives could also sell individuals into bondage under economic duress. Slaves typically served in domestic roles, agriculture, and military capacities, with varying degrees of integration—often retaining rights to cultivate personal plots and facing regulated harsh treatment, distinct from the perpetual chattel status prevalent in later transatlantic contexts. Prominent kingdoms institutionalized these practices. The (c. 1600–1836), a Yoruba polity, operated as a slave-based state where the (king) deployed slaves on extensive royal farmlands and traded excess captives from conquests, supporting cavalry-driven expansion and internal markets. In the Asante Empire (late 17th–19th centuries), slaves from wars against groups like the Mossi and Dagarti numbered around 25,000 in the Lake Bosomtwi area by 1820, laboring in agriculture, guiding armies, or serving politically; while domestic slaves could hold land , inheritance of slave status through mothers persisted, and rituals involved limited human sacrifices, such as 12 during the under regulations by King Kofi Karikari (r. 1867–1874). The Kingdom of Dahomey (c. 1600–1900) exemplified aggressive enslavement via annual raids on neighbors like the Mahi and Yoruba, channeling captives to royal plantations, military units (including surgeons from Mahi slaves), and vodun cults; treatment allowed absorption as freedmen for domestics, with children of free fathers and slave mothers attaining free status as Dahomeans, fostering greater societal incorporation than in Asante. Markets such as and Kintampo facilitated internal circulation of slaves from northern sources before external trades intensified demands. In contrast, the (c. 11th–19th centuries) in modern resisted trans-Saharan and early European , minimizing export participation until the 1800s while employing internal captives from conquests. These systems emphasized kinship-like obligations over absolute ownership, with possible through service or ransom, though elite control perpetuated hierarchies; no evidence supports deliberate slave breeding, and practices evolved amid internal trades predating Atlantic routes.

Central and East Africa

In pre-colonial Central and East Africa, slavery functioned primarily through the enslavement of war captives, debtors via pawnship, and individuals convicted of crimes, integrating them into societies as domestic laborers, agricultural workers, or military retainers. Among Bantu-speaking groups in Central Africa, such as those in the Congo basin, slaves often constituted a significant portion of households, performing tasks in farming and trade while sometimes achieving social mobility through assimilation or manumission. In East African societies, including the interlacustrine kingdoms like Buganda and Bunyoro, rulers maintained slave retinues for palace service and warfare, with enslavement mechanisms tied to raids on neighboring groups or judicial punishments. These internal systems emphasized kinship incorporation over chattel ownership, though exploitation remained severe. The , peaking from the 18th to 19th centuries, profoundly shaped slavery in , drawing captives from interior regions like present-day , , and for export to , Persia, and . , under Omani control after Seyyid Said relocated his capital there in 1840, became the epicenter, with its clove plantations absorbing tens of thousands of slaves annually to meet demand for labor-intensive . Slave markets in handled up to 50,000 individuals per year by the mid-19th century, sourced via coastal dhows and inland caravans that traversed routes like those from to the coast. In , Arab-Swahili traders penetrated deeper inland, establishing fortified posts and conducting raids that depopulated villages and fueled cycles of warfare among African polities. (Hamed bin Muhammad al-Murjabi, c. 1837–1905), an Afro-Omani merchant from , exemplified this expansion, leading armed expeditions from the 1860s onward into the Maniema region of the eastern Congo, where he captured thousands of slaves and , amassing personal wealth and territorial influence equivalent to a proto-state. His operations relied on alliances with local Nyamwezi porters and African chiefs, who supplied captives in exchange for guns and goods, illustrating how external demand intensified indigenous enslavement practices. Ethiopian highlands featured distinct slavery forms among Amhara and other Semitic-speaking elites, where slaves—often procured through Abyssinian raids on Oromo, Sidama, or Somali groups—served in households, as concubines, or castrated as eunuchs for , with estimates of hundreds of thousands enslaved internally by the . In contrast to coastal export-oriented slavery, Central African internal bondage persisted in kingdoms like the Luba and Lunda, where slaves supported royal economies through mining and crafting, though less documented due to limited European contact until the late . The scale of the trade exacted heavy demographic tolls, with mortality rates on marches to the coast exceeding 50% from , , and abuse, as porters and traders prioritized profit over human cargo. African elites, including Yao and Ngoni groups, actively participated by raiding for slaves to trade for firearms, perpetuating instability that hindered . Scholarly estimates for East African exports via the range from 1 to 2 million over four centuries, though higher figures like 17 million lack corroboration from primary records and may inflate for advocacy purposes.

Southern Africa

In pre-colonial , encompassing regions inhabited by Nguni, Sotho-Tswana, and peoples, manifested primarily as servitude arising from warfare and raids rather than large-scale chattel systems seen elsewhere on the continent. Captives, often acquired during conflicts over cattle, land, and dominance, were integrated as dependents for labor in herding, agriculture, and domestic tasks, with limited evidence of hereditary or absolute ownership. This form of bondage was fluid, allowing some through adoption, marriage, or military service, though treatment varied by captor group and could involve harsh exploitation or execution. Archaeological and oral historical records indicate these practices intensified during the upheavals of the early , when Nguni expansions displaced populations and generated thousands of unfree laborers, yet lacked the institutional markets or export orientations of trans-Saharan or trades. Among Nguni societies, such as the Zulu and Xhosa, war captives formed a significant , particularly following the under leaders like Shaka Zulu (r. 1816–1828), who conquered neighboring groups and incorporated survivors into regimental structures or as serfs. Zulu impis (warrior bands) raided for people alongside cattle, with male captives sometimes armed as auxiliaries but females and children assigned to homestead labor; resistance or defeat often led to mass killings rather than enslavement, as seen in campaigns against the and Mthethwa, which displaced over 1 million people by the 1830s. Xhosa groups similarly subjugated hunter-gatherers, treating them as inferior laborers in pastoral economies, with raids yielding captives for herding and servitude that echoed but predated colonial inboekstelsel systems. These practices stemmed from ecological pressures and kinship-based polities, where captives bolstered chiefly power without developing autonomous slave classes. Sotho-Tswana kingdoms, including the Basotho under (r. 1822–1870), employed slavery through captive integration, notably via elite marriages where war prizes—primarily women—were distributed by rulers, who advanced bridewealth and retained claims over progeny and labor. On the , captives from internecine wars (c. 1800–1871) numbered in the hundreds per conflict, serving as pastoral workers or concubines, with mitigated by potential assimilation into kin groups, though chiefs enforced dependency to expand networks. Khoisan interactions amplified this, as Bantu expansions from the onward incorporated or enslaved indigenous foragers, reducing them to bonded status in mixed economies. Unlike West African pawnship or East African plantations, Southern forms emphasized warfare's causal role in producing dependents, with empirical limits from decentralized polities and arid environments constraining scale.

External Slave Trades

Trans-Saharan and Overland Routes

The trans-Saharan slave trade involved the transportation of enslaved Africans from sub-Saharan regions across the Sahara Desert to North Africa and the Mediterranean world, primarily via camel caravans organized by Arab and Berber merchants. This trade, which commenced in earnest following the Arab conquests of North Africa in the 7th century CE, integrated into broader Islamic commercial networks exchanging slaves for salt, textiles, horses, and manufactured goods. Enslavement primarily occurred through intertribal warfare, raids, and judicial punishments in West and Central African societies, with captives marched northward in coffles enduring high mortality rates from thirst, exposure, and exhaustion—often exceeding 20% per crossing. Major routes included the western path from the Niger River bend through oases like Sijilmasa and Taghaza to Moroccan and Algerian markets; the central route via Agadez and the Air Mountains to Ghadames and Tripoli; and the eastern route from Lake Chad through the Fezzan to Benghazi. Key entrepôts such as Timbuktu, Gao, and Murzuk served as collection points where African intermediaries from states like the Songhai Empire and Kanem-Bornu supplied captives, often in exchange for Saharan salt critical for food preservation in tropical climates. Caravans, numbering up to 2,000 camels, traversed 1,500–2,000 miles over 40–60 days, with slaves—predominantly women and children for domestic and reproductive roles, and select men for military service or castration—comprising 10–20% of loads alongside gold and ivory. Scholarly estimates place the total at approximately 6 million slaves exported via the from 800 to 1900 CE, with peaks during the medieval period (11th–15th centuries) under and Songhai expansions and again in the amid Ottoman demand, when 1.2 million crossed despite European abolition pressures. These figures, derived from caravan records, tax ledgers, and demographic modeling by historians like Ralph Austen, underscore the trade's longevity compared to shorter-duration oceanic routes, though undercounting likely due to unreported deaths and internal consumption. African elites, including rulers of the Hausa states and Bornu, actively participated by conducting raids southward into non-Muslim territories, monetizing captives to acquire firearms and luxury imports that reinforced their power structures. Overland routes beyond the core trans-Saharan paths extended eastward from the to Egyptian markets via the corridor, facilitating slave flows from and regions, though these merged into networks. This external orientation contrasted with internal African slavery, as trans-Saharan demand incentivized large-scale warfare; for instance, 19th-century expeditions by Senegalese and Libyan traders captured tens of thousands annually from the . Decline accelerated post-1830 with French and British patrols, yet smuggling persisted until in 1911 disrupted hubs.

Indian Ocean and Red Sea Trade

The Indian Ocean and Red Sea slave trades exported enslaved individuals primarily from and the to destinations in the , Persia, , and beyond, operating from the CE through the 19th century. These routes, facilitated by , , and later Omani traders, drew captives from interior regions via caravan marches to coastal ports like , Kilwa, and for Indian Ocean shipments, and , , and for crossings. The trade's scale intensified after the with the expansion of Muslim networks, supplying labor for domestic service, agriculture, military roles, and in Islamic societies. Scholarly estimates for exports via these routes vary due to sparse records, but economist Nathan Nunn's compilation places and departures at roughly 1.6 million between 1400 and 1900, part of broader non-Atlantic trades totaling about 6 million. Earlier periods from 800 CE saw smaller volumes, with peaks in the under Omani influence; for instance, exported up to 50,000 slaves annually in the mid-1800s before British interventions. Mortality rates were extreme, often exceeding 50% during overland treks and voyages due to disease, exhaustion, and abuse, with male captives frequently castrated for markets. In the trade, slaves from and Sudanese regions were shipped to ports like and Mocha, serving Yemenite and Hijazi elites; records from in the document thousands arriving yearly. The network, centered on after Omani Seyyid Said relocated there in 1832, integrated clove plantations demanding mass labor and extended raids deep into the interior by figures like , who supplied caravans to coastal markets. Destinations included , where slaves worked date groves and pearl fisheries, and Persian Gulf states; genetic studies confirm sub-Saharan African ancestry in modern populations tracing to these influxes from the 8th century onward. African coastal societies and inland kingdoms participated by capturing and selling war prisoners, fueling a cycle of raids that depopulated regions; intermediaries profited as brokers, blending local and Arab commercial practices. Unlike the transatlantic trade's racial codification, these markets emphasized gender—women for harems, men for labor or soldiery—with children often integrated into households. The trades persisted until international pressure, including Britain's 1822 Moresby Treaty with limiting sales, curtailed flows, though clandestine shipments continued into the early .

Transatlantic Slave Trade

The transatlantic slave trade consisted of the capture, sale, and forced of millions of Africans by European merchants to labor primarily on plantations in the , spanning from the early to the mid-19th century. vessels initiated the first recorded transatlantic slave voyages around 1526, with systematic expanding after the establishment of sugar plantations in and the . Major European participants included , which dominated early shipments; Britain, responsible for over 3 million captives in the ; ; ; the ; and later the . Reliable estimates indicate that approximately 12.5 million Africans were embarked on European ships from West and Central African ports between 1501 and 1866, with roughly 10.7 million surviving the to disembark in the due to mortality rates of 10-20% from , overcrowding, and violence aboard. The trade's volume peaked in the , when Britain alone transported over 2 million individuals, fueled by demand for labor in , , and production. Primary embarkation regions encompassed , the Gold Coast, the , the , and West Central Africa (modern ), where coastal trading posts facilitated exchanges. African polities supplied the vast majority of captives through organized warfare, judicial processes, and raids, exchanging them for European goods such as firearms, textiles, and alcohol that reinforced local power structures. Kingdoms like Oyo, which expanded southward to control access to coastal trade in the 17th and 18th centuries, and Dahomey, whose rulers conducted annual military campaigns explicitly to procure slaves for export after 1720, profited significantly from this commerce. The Asante Empire similarly integrated slave raiding into its expansion, using captives to bolster armies and economies tied to European demand. European traders rarely ventured inland, relying instead on African intermediaries who marched captives to fortified coastal enclaves. Key European-held forts served as holding facilities and auction sites, including on the Gold Coast, constructed by in 1482 and later contested by Dutch and British forces, where tens of thousands awaited shipment. , originally built by the Swedes in 1653 and acquired by the British in 1664, processed captives from interior raids and became a central hub for British operations until the trade's legal end in 1807. Île de Gorée off , under French control from 1677, held slaves in dungeons before transshipment, exemplifying the network of over 50 such outposts along the West African coast. These sites underscored the collaborative nature of the trade, with African rulers negotiating terms and Europeans providing the maritime infrastructure. The trade's cessation varied by nation: banned imports in 1803, Britain in 1807, and the U.S. in 1808, though illegal voyages persisted until Brazil's final prohibition in 1850 and enforcement around 1867. Naval patrols by Britain suppressed much of the illicit traffic post-1810, reducing volumes but not eliminating African coastal involvement until broader colonial pressures in the late .

African Agency and Participation

Role of African Elites and Kingdoms

African elites and kingdoms actively supplied the majority of captives for external slave trades through systematic warfare and raids, exchanging them for firearms, textiles, and other imports that bolstered their military and economic power, thereby creating self-reinforcing cycles of enslavement. This agency transformed internal conflicts into mechanisms for export-oriented capture, with rulers directing armies to target neighboring groups for prisoners rather than solely territorial gain. In , where the transatlantic trade dominated from the 16th to 19th centuries, kingdoms like Dahomey, Oyo, and Asante exemplified this pattern, contributing to regional export peaks of around 50,000 slaves per year by the late . The Kingdom of Dahomey, emerging around 1625 and militarized under King Agaja (r. 1718–1740), conquered in 1724 and Savi (Whydah) in 1727 to monopolize coastal access, exporting roughly 2 million slaves to European traders from 1640 to 1865 through annual raids and judicial enslavements. Dahomean elites organized specialized forces, including female warriors, for "customs" expeditions that yielded thousands of captives yearly, sold at ports like for guns that fueled further expansion. Similarly, the , a Yoruba power from the 17th to early 19th centuries, raided Nupe, Igala, and other groups from the 1780s onward, channeling surplus farm laborers and war prisoners to Atlantic markets; its disintegration between 1817 and 1836 alone generated an estimated 121,000 additional slaves from internal wars. The Asante Empire, founded in 1670 and consolidated after defeating Denkyira in 1701, captured slaves from peripheral wars and tribute systems, trading them via Gold Coast forts for firearms that supported its aggressive expansion across Akan regions. Asante rulers integrated slaves into and but prioritized exports, contributing to 5,000–6,000 annual shipments from the region in the 1690s, with trade shifting southward in the . In the , Sahelian elites such as those in Kanem-Bornu (9th–19th centuries) directed southward raids to procure slaves for North African caravans, imposing taxes on routes that funneled captives northward alongside gold and salt. Kingdoms like Songhai and similarly profited by enslaving non-Muslim populations during expansions, sustaining exports estimated at 15,000 per year in the before competition from Atlantic routes diminished volumes. For the , interior rulers in regions like the and modern allied with coastal merchants, raiding for captives sold eastward, though specific kingdom-level data remains sparser than for West African cases. Overall, these elites' strategic participation not only met foreign demand but reshaped African polities around slave procurement, often at the expense of demographic stability in raided areas.

Economic Incentives and Warfare

Economic incentives from external slave trades profoundly shaped warfare patterns across African kingdoms, transforming into a primary commodity exchanged for imported goods that enhanced state power. In , rulers of states like Dahomey, Oyo, and Ashanti pursued aggressive military expansions to supply slaves to European and traders, receiving in return firearms, , textiles, and cowries that bolstered their economies and militaries. This fostered a self-reinforcing "gun-slave cycle," where weapons procured via slave sales enabled larger-scale raids, yielding more to exchange for additional arms, thereby escalating internecine conflict and depopulating regions. The Kingdom of Dahomey exemplified this dynamic, organizing its militarized society around annual "customs" campaigns explicitly aimed at capturing slaves for export from the . Under King , Dahomey conquered Ardra in 1724 and Savi (Hueda) in 1727, securing coastal access and subjugating populations to feed the trade, with slave exports forming the core of its revenue stream amid noted population declines by the 1780s. Similarly, the intensified slave raiding in the 1780s, targeting Yoruba, Nupe, and Igala groups to meet transatlantic demand; its disintegration around 1830 triggered civil wars that further surged captive supplies. The Ashanti Empire, following victories over Denkyera from 1701 to 1707, redirected warfare toward peripheral non-Akan territories, minimizing internal enslavement while channeling captives to Gold Coast ports, where slave sales funded territorial consolidation. Empirical evidence from British slave substantiates the gun-slave mechanism: a one percent rise in gunpowder imports triggered a five-year cycle amplifying slave exports by an average of 50 percent, with effects compounding over time and incentivizing a "raid or be raided" among polities. Transatlantic exports from escalated from roughly 4,000 slaves annually in 1650 to 50,000 by 1800, largely sourced through such warfare, while trans-Saharan routes sustained about 8,000 yearly, underscoring how external demand commodified human capture and perpetuated endemic violence. In Central and , analogous incentives drove Arab-Swahili networks, as seen in Nyamwezi porters and raids supplying the , though documentation emphasizes West African volumes due to archival biases toward European commerce.

Abolition Processes

Pre-19th Century Resistance and Shifts

In the of the Volta Basin (modern ), rulers maintained cavalry forces to repel slave raids from the northern empires of , , and Songhai between the 11th and 16th centuries, preserving autonomy and limiting enslavement to defensive war captives rather than participating in export trades. These kingdoms explicitly avoided slave trading, focusing instead on agriculture and tribute systems that integrated captives domestically without commercialization. The Kingdom of Benin similarly curtailed early European slave exports; by 1550, under Oba control, no organized slave trade occurred, with trade redirected to non-human commodities like pepper and to retain and prevent depopulation. In the late 18th century, the Imamate of Futa Toro in the Valley, led by Abdul Qadir Kan from the , prohibited slave caravans from traversing the territory and enforced Islamic prohibitions against enslaving fellow , challenging both local raiders and trans-Saharan networks amid the jihadist . Grassroots resistance complemented state efforts, as West African communities in the interior often mounted armed defenses against raiders, with entire villages of men perishing in battles to protect kin from capture during the 17th and 18th centuries. Captives frequently rebelled during transit, exemplified by a 1785 uprising near where 600–800 individuals torched agricultural fields and negotiated their release from captors. Desperate acts like —through hanging, starvation, or jumping overboard from canoes—served as ultimate refusals of enslavement, documented in accounts from and the Gold Coast. The Atlantic slave trade precipitated profound shifts in African slavery practices from the onward, transforming localized, kinship-integrated bondage into large-scale, export-oriented chattel systems prioritizing males for overseas labor. Export volumes escalated from approximately 600 persons annually in 1450–1500 to 50,000 by 1780 in the trans-Atlantic route alone, fueling intensified warfare, social disruption, and the rise of militarized states like Dahomey and Asante that raided for trade goods. Domestically, female enslavement surged as male losses skewed demographics, while some rulers imposed regulations—such as selective enslavement prohibitions in (1657–1679)—to mitigate , though economic incentives often overrode these constraints.

Colonial Era Interventions

During the late 19th and early 20th centuries, colonial powers implemented measures to suppress the slave trade and abolish within their African territories, often as part of broader imperial expansion following domestic abolitions in . These interventions were driven by humanitarian rhetoric, international pressures, and strategic interests, including the use of anti-slavery campaigns to justify territorial claims during the . Britain led efforts with naval patrols and diplomatic treaties, while , , , and others enacted decrees that nominally banned but faced inconsistent enforcement, sometimes supplanted by coerced labor systems. British interventions were among the most aggressive, building on the 1807 Slave Trade Act and extending to Africa through the Royal Navy's , which from 1808 seized over 1,500 slave ships and liberated approximately 150,000 Africans by 1860, though focused initially on Atlantic routes. In , Britain pressured the Sultan of —key to the —via a prohibiting slave exports, enforced by patrols that intercepted dhows carrying up to 20,000 slaves annually in the ; by 1897, a decree mandated gradual emancipation, freeing slaves upon the owner's death or after 1897. Missionaries like influenced policy, with expeditions documenting caravans of 10,000-50,000 slaves, prompting military actions such as the 1888-1889 of ports. These efforts reduced exported slaves from from an estimated 20,000 per year in the 1870s to under 5,000 by 1900, though internal domestic slavery persisted. French colonial policy applied the 1848 abolition decree to African holdings, emancipating slaves in Senegal's and Saint-Louis in 1848, where about 7,000 were freed, and extending to after 1848, though enforcement lagged due to local resistance and administrative delays. In West and , patrols under the 1817 treaty with Britain targeted trade routes, but slavery continued in hinterlands; by 1905, France decreed freedom for slaves who reached French territory, yet labor in colonies like Dahomey substituted for outright bondage, affecting tens of thousands annually. Portuguese measures in and were tardy and ineffective; the 1836 ban on the slave trade was ignored until international pressure, with a 1875 law declaring children of slaves free and mandating registration, followed by 1878 abolition, yet over 55,000 slaves were documented in alone between 1856 and 1876, and forced labor contracts bound workers into de facto servitude for plantations and railroads until the . (modern ) prohibited slave trading upon 1885 colonization, with a 1891 decree banning imports and a 1905 ordinance allowing slaves to gain by complaint or purchase for a nominal fee, leading to thousands of manumissions by 1914; however, military campaigns against "Arab" slavers doubled as conquests, and hut taxes compelled labor akin to . Enforcement across colonies was hampered by African resistance, economic dependencies on labor, and colonial priorities favoring resource extraction over full , resulting in the external slave trade's decline— from 300,000 annually continent-wide in 1800 to near cessation by 1914—while domestic and plantation lingered until post- mandates. These interventions, though reducing chattel exports, often transitioned slaves into taxable subjects or indentured systems, reflecting pragmatic over unqualified .

Post-Colonial and International Efforts

Following from European colonial powers in the mid-20th century, many African nations enacted formal legal prohibitions against , often incorporating international standards into national constitutions and penal codes. For instance, , which gained in 1960, officially abolished in 1981, becoming the last country worldwide to do so, though it did not criminalize the practice until 2007 with Law 2007-048, which imposed penalties of up to 10 years imprisonment for slaveholding. Similar legislative efforts occurred in Sahelian countries like and , where post-colonial governments banned hereditary systems inherited from pre-colonial ethnic hierarchies, yet enforcement remained minimal due to entrenched social norms among groups such as the in . By the , most sub-Saharan African states had ratified key instruments, including the 1956 Supplementary Convention on the Abolition of Slavery, leading to sporadic national campaigns, such as 's emancipation drives that freed thousands but failed to dismantle owner-slave relationships comprehensively. International organizations intensified anti-slavery initiatives targeting from the 1960s onward, with the and (ILO) focusing on both traditional chattel slavery and emerging forms like forced labor and . The ILO's 1930 , supplemented by Convention No. 105 (1957) prohibiting forced labor as punishment, saw widespread ratification by African states post-independence, prompting technical assistance programs; for example, the ILO's Alliance 8.7 initiative, launched in 2017, supported African governments in aligning labor laws with global standards to combat modern slavery affecting an estimated 7 million people on the continent by 2021. The UN's Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons (2000 Palermo Protocol), ratified by over 40 African nations, facilitated cross-border cooperation, including joint operations in to dismantle trafficking networks from to . Non-governmental organizations and bilateral aid complemented these efforts, with groups like advocating for prosecutions in countries such as , where only a handful of cases—such as the 2016 conviction of a slave owner—have resulted from international pressure, though systemic judicial bias toward elite owners undermines progress. Regional bodies, including the , adopted the 2010 Ouagadougou Action Plan to combat trafficking, emphasizing victim and , while the ILO's CAPSA in Eastern and since 2011 has trained labor inspectors and supported laws against child labor in and , sectors prone to exploitative practices. Despite these measures, empirical data from the 2023 indicate that modern slavery prevalence in Africa remains high at 7.6 victims per 1,000 people, highlighting gaps in implementation attributable to weak state capacity and cultural tolerance rather than lack of formal commitments.

Impacts and Consequences

Demographic Shifts and Debates

The Atlantic, trans-Saharan, , and slave trades collectively exported an estimated 18 to 20 million Africans between the 15th and 19th centuries, with the trans-Atlantic trade alone accounting for approximately 12 million embarked slaves, of whom about 10.7 million survived the . These exports, concentrated in West, West Central, and , induced significant demographic disruptions, including localized population declines of up to 25% in heavily exposed regions relative to less affected areas, driven by direct removals, mortality from capture and transit, and exacerbated warfare. By 1800, Africa's overall population is estimated to have been roughly half of its counterfactual size absent the trades, reflecting compounded effects of , , and in source zones like the and . Gender imbalances emerged prominently, as traders preferentially captured and exported males—often at ratios exceeding 2:1 male-to-female in trans-Atlantic shipments—leading to temporary surpluses of women in affected societies and alterations in marriage patterns, including elevated rates. This skew disrupted kinship structures and labor divisions, with regions like and the Gold Coast experiencing distortions that persisted for decades post-export peaks, though natural demographic recovery eventually restored balances by the late . Age demographics also shifted, with the removal of prime-age s (typically 15-35 years) depleting productive cohorts and increasing vulnerability to raids, which further displaced populations through internal migrations and village abandonments. Debates persist on the net population impact, with economic historians like arguing that Western Africa's slave exports from 1650-1850 caused absolute declines in core exporting zones due to cumulative mortality exceeding natural growth, while critics contend that high African fertility rates and immigration from unaffected areas mitigated losses, framing the s as redistributive rather than purely extractive. Revisionist analyses question Malthusian interpretations that attribute declines solely to endogenous pressures amplified by , emphasizing instead exogenous factors like imported diseases and ecological disruptions from intensified raiding. Long-term genetic legacies remain contested, with evidence of reduced diversity in some ethnic groups from selective captures, though population recovery accelerated in the , rendering direct causal links to modern African demographics tenuous amid confounding variables like and post-independence growth. These discussions underscore methodological challenges in counterfactual modeling, where slave intensity correlates with lower contemporary trust and ethnic fractionalization but resists isolating pure demographic causation from intertwined social effects.

Economic Ramifications in Africa

The export of approximately 16.7 million slaves from Africa between 1400 and 1900 across the Atlantic, trans-Saharan, Red Sea, and Indian Ocean trades resulted in significant demographic and economic disruptions. This massive outflow, predominantly of young adult males, led to labor shortages in agriculture and other productive sectors, skewing sex ratios and reducing population growth in affected regions. Quantitative estimates indicate that the Atlantic slave trade alone reduced Africa's population by about 25% relative to unexposed areas, exacerbating underpopulation and hindering economic expansion. Short-term economic incentives for African elites and kingdoms, such as those in and Asante, fostered warfare and raiding to capture slaves for export, generating revenues from trade but diverting resources from . These activities intensified internal conflicts and shifted economic priorities toward predation rather than or , with coastal entrepôts profiting while inland areas suffered depopulation and insecurity. Empirical shows no offsetting positive effects from trade inflows, as the value extracted through slave exports failed to translate into long-term or institutional improvements. Long-term consequences include persistent , with econometric studies establishing a robust negative between the intensity of slave exports from ethnic homelands and contemporary GDP . Specifically, a one standard deviation increase in slave exports is associated with a decline in log GDP of 0.6 to 1.0 percentage points today, accounting for up to 72% of Africa's income gap with the rest of the world. Mechanisms include eroded social trust—stemming from the ubiquity of enslavement risks—which inhibited , market integration, and investment in . Increased ethnic fractionalization and mistrust further perpetuated low productivity and conflict proneness, compounding .

Comparative Global Effects

The transatlantic slave trade exported approximately 12.5 million Africans from 1501 to 1866, with about 10.7 million surviving the to labor in the ' plantation economies, producing cash crops such as , , , and that dominated global commodity markets by the . This system generated substantial revenues for European powers, with Britain alone earning profits equivalent to 5-10% of its national income from slave-related trade and plantations in peak decades like the , channeling capital into mercantile and early industrial sectors. However, econometric analyses indicate these inflows represented a modest share of total investment—under 2% of British GDP annually—and were not the principal catalyst for industrialization, which relied more on domestic , resources, and enclosures; claims of slavery as foundational to , as in ' 1944 , have been critiqued for overstating causal links amid broader growth factors. In the Americas, the influx transformed demographics and economies: received ~4.8 million enslaved Africans by 1850, forming the backbone of its and later industries, which accounted for over 20% of global exports by 1820; the islands saw populations where slaves comprised 80-90% in places like and , enabling export booms that integrated the region into Atlantic circuits but entrenched inequality and from . The U.S. South, with ~388,000 direct imports but millions via intra-American , built a empire supplying 75% of Britain's raw by 1860, fueling yet yielding uneven global spillovers compared to Europe's diversified gains. These effects contrast with the Arab-Muslim slave , which over 1,300 years (7th-19th centuries) trafficked 10-18 million Africans across the and , often for castrated military roles (eunuchs) or domestic service, resulting in higher mortality and negligible reproductive legacy in recipient societies due to imbalances and emasculation practices affecting up to 90% of male captives. Unlike the transatlantic 's role in birthing export-oriented settler economies, the Arab sustained pre-industrial Islamic households and armies without spawning comparable capital-intensive transformations. Demographically, both trades depleted Africa—transatlantic losses equating to 5-10% of West Africa's population over two centuries, exacerbating warfare and stunting growth rates to near zero in raided zones—yet the Arab trade's longer duration spread impacts across East and interior regions, with estimates of 4 million from East Africa alone fostering coastal entrepôts like Zanzibar but yielding less traceable diaspora influences globally. Compared to antiquity's Roman slavery, where bondsmen numbered 2-3 million (10-20% of the empire's 50-60 million population) in diverse roles from mines to latifundia, African export trades were uniquely volumetric and oceanic, prioritizing racialized chattel over the Romans' opportunistic war-captive system, which integrated freedmen into citizenship without forging transcontinental economies. Ottoman slavery, drawing ~2-3 million Africans amid broader Caucasian and Balkan sources, emphasized manumission and elite integration (e.g., Mamluks), producing administrative elites rather than the perpetual hereditary bondage and plantation scale of transatlantic systems, thus limiting long-term economic distortions in origin or destination societies. Overall, African-sourced slavery uniquely propelled the Americas' rise as commodity powerhouses while hindering Africa's structural development, effects amplified by their intersection with emerging capitalism absent in prior empires.

Persistent and Modern Forms

Contemporary Slavery Practices

Contemporary slavery in Africa encompasses forced labor, , , and descent-based enslavement, often intertwined with conflict, poverty, and weak governance. According to the 2023 , Africa exhibits one of the highest regional prevalences of modern slavery, with forced labor affecting 2.9 individuals per 1,000 people and impacting 2.4 per 1,000. The International Labour Organization's 2022 estimates indicate that accounts for a significant share of the global 28 million in forced labor, driven by private sector exploitation rather than state-imposed practices. Descent-based slavery persists in countries like , where an estimated 32 per 1,000 people live in modern as of 2021, primarily through hereditary systems tying individuals of African descent to Arab-Berber masters via structures. Slaves, known as , perform domestic work, herding, and without , with status inherited matrilineally; despite criminalization in 2007 and 2015, remains minimal, and activists face detention. Similar practices occur in and among Tuareg and Arab groups, where captives from raids are integrated into households as perpetual laborers. Human trafficking for forced labor and sexual exploitation thrives amid instability, particularly in , where migrants from are detained, auctioned in open markets, and compelled into , domestic service, or . Post-2011 chaos has enabled militias and smugglers to profit from this, with victims held for ransom or sold between facilities; the U.S. State Department's 2024 classifies Libya as a special case due to widespread abuses by non-state actors. In , such as , trafficking networks force children into labor on farms or in markets, with 1.6 million in modern slavery overall in 2021. Child soldiering constitutes a form of forced labor in ongoing conflicts across the , , and Democratic Republic of Congo, where armed groups recruit thousands of minors annually for combat, portering, and sexual servitude. Groups like in and militias in coerce children through abduction, drugging, and ideological indoctrination, exploiting them in ; reports persistent recruitment despite international protocols. Debt bondage and commercial sexual exploitation further entrench practices in mining regions of the DRC and artisanal gold sites in , where workers endure indefinite servitude to repay illusory debts. These forms reflect causal links to resource curses, ethnic conflicts, and porous borders, sustaining slavery despite legal prohibitions.

Scale and Regional Hotspots

According to the 2023 , an estimated 7 million people lived in conditions of modern slavery in as of 2021, representing a regional of 5.2 individuals per 1,000 population. This figure encompasses forced labor, affecting 3.8 million people primarily in sectors such as , , , and domestic work, and forced marriage, impacting 3.1 million, disproportionately women and girls. The exceeds the global average of 6.3 per 1,000, driven by factors including conflict, displacement, weak governance, and descent-based systems inherited from pre-colonial practices. Eritrea exhibits the highest prevalence in at 90.3 per 1,000 people, equating to approximately 320,000 individuals, largely due to state-imposed forced labor through indefinite conscription, which includes adults and sometimes children in military and civilian roles under abusive conditions. In , prevalence stands at 32.0 per 1,000, affecting around 149,000 people in 2023 estimates, where hereditary or descent-based persists among communities, involving domestic servitude, herding, and agricultural bondage enforced by Arab-Berber elites despite legal abolition in 1981 and criminalization in 2007. follows with 10.3 per 1,000, linked to civil conflict fueling child soldier recruitment, forced labor in militias, and sexual exploitation amid displacement of over 2 million people. Other hotspots include , where migrant smuggling routes through the enable widespread forced labor and sexual exploitation in detention centers and informal economies, with UN reports documenting thousands held in slave-like conditions since the regime collapse. In the (, , ), jihadist insurgencies and intercommunal violence have escalated child recruitment and forced labor, with over 10,000 children associated with armed groups as of 2023. , particularly , reports 1.6 million in modern slavery, driven by networks exploiting for forced begging, domestic work, and , often involving children from rural areas. These areas highlight how instability amplifies vulnerabilities, with limited prosecutions— convicted only 16 slaveholders from 2015 to 2023—underscoring enforcement gaps.

Challenges to Eradication

Modern slavery in Africa persists due to a combination of entrenched vulnerabilities and systemic barriers, with an estimated 7 million people affected in 2021, equating to a of 5.2 per 1,000 . Political instability, armed conflicts, and displacement exacerbate risks, as seen in where 24 million internally displaced persons heighten exposure to forced labor and trafficking. remains a core driver, fueling child labor—more prevalent in the region than globally—and forced marriages, which account for 3.1 million victims. Descent-based slavery, inherited through maternal lineage, poses a unique eradication challenge in the , particularly , , and , where victims are born into bondage and denied basic rights like and identity documents. In , despite laws criminalizing in 2007 and strengthening penalties in 2015, an estimated 149,000 people—or 3% of the population—remain enslaved, reflecting a prevalence of 32 per 1,000, one of the highest globally. Cultural denial among elites, who view it as a historical vestige rather than ongoing practice, combined with government reluctance to acknowledge the issue, impedes progress; anti-slavery activists face imprisonment while perpetrators receive lenient sentences, such as one-year terms for severe abuses. Weak governance and corruption further undermine efforts, with African governments scoring an average of 36% on modern slavery response metrics—the lowest regionally—due to inadequate legal enforcement, survivor support, and supply chain regulations. In conflict zones like the of Congo, where 407,000 people live in modern slavery, armed groups exploit forced labor in mining and recruitment of child soldiers, while porous borders and bribery enable traffickers to evade detection. Traditional practices, such as confiage in or Wahaya marriages in , persist alongside economic dependencies on unregulated sectors like agriculture and , where oversight is minimal. International and regional bodies, including the , have been criticized for prioritizing historical trans-Atlantic slavery narratives over contemporary forms, limiting coordinated action against current hotspots. Despite some advancements, such as Nigeria's relatively strong mechanisms, broader challenges like coups, judicial interference, and insufficient political will hinder comprehensive eradication, necessitating targeted interventions in high-risk areas.

References

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